thursday the thirteenth of august, 1657. at the council at vvhite-hall. his highness the lord protector and his privy council, taking notice of the hand of god, which at this time is gone out against this nation, in the present visitation by sickness that is much spread over the land, ... england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83936 of text r212053 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[62]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83936 wing e2926d thomason 669.f.20[62] estc r212053 99870706 99870706 163478 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83936) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163478) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[62]) thursday the thirteenth of august, 1657. at the council at vvhite-hall. his highness the lord protector and his privy council, taking notice of the hand of god, which at this time is gone out against this nation, in the present visitation by sickness that is much spread over the land, ... england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness the lord protector, london : 1657. title from caption and first lines of text. signed: hen: scobell, clerk of the council. friday, 21 august, appointed a day of humiliation for london, &c. in view of the present sickness. -cf. steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng plague -england -early works to 1800. fasts and feasts -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a83936 r212053 (thomason 669.f.20[62]). civilwar no thursday the thirteenth of august, 1657. at the council at vvhite-hall. his highness the lord protector and his privy council, taking notice england and wales. lord protector 1657 221 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms thursday the thirteenth of august , 1657. at the council at white-hall . his highness the lord protector and his privy council , taking notice of the hand of god , which at this time is gone out against this nation , in the present visitation by sickness that is much spread over the land , which calls upon the people of this nation to humble themselves in a solemn maner before the lord , and to seek his face in reference thereunto ; his highness and the council have thought fit to set apart to morrow seven-night being friday , the one and twentieth day of this moneth , for a day of solemn fasting and humiliation for the ends aforesaid , to be observed within the cities of london and westminster , and the late lines of communication , and weekly bills of mortality , and all other places in this nation to which notice hereof shall come ; not doubting but the people of god in other parts of the nation also will be forward in their particular congregations to a duty so necessary at this time . hen : scobell , clerk of the council . london : printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness the lord protector . 1657. certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83886 of text r212304 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[67]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83886 wing e2791c thomason 669.f.9[67] estc r212304 99870942 99870942 161165 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83886) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161165) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[67]) certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by richard cotes, printer to the honourable city of london, [london] : 1646. dated at end: die iovis 9. septemb. 1641. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng plague -england -prevention -early works to 1800. plague -law and legislation -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83886 r212304 (thomason 669.f.9[67]). civilwar no certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague england and wales. parliament. 1646 574 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certain orders thought meet to be put in executie against the infection of the plague that the bill , lord have mercy upon us , beset upon the door of every house visited with the plague . 2. that all the stuffe in the house where any have been visited of the plague bee well ayred before they be discharged , or the house opened . 3. the house visited with the plague to be shut up , whether any person therein doe die or not ; and the persons so shut up to bear their own charge , if they be of ability . 4. no person to be removed out of any infected house , but by leave of the magistrate . 5. if any person shall flee out of any house , at the time when the said house shall bee infected with the plague , such persons so fleeing to bee pursued by hue and cry , and the house where they shall bee found to bee shut up , and they restrained in some such place as the magistrate of the place where they shall be found shall think fit . 6. that the pavements in the streets be made sufficient , and so continued ; the kenels kept sweet and cleane ; the soile of the said streets to be carried away , and all annoyances to be removed : and such inhabitants as shall refuse to pay the reasonable rates assessed on them for payment of the scavingers which shall cleanse and carry away the soil , bee distrained by their goods for payment thereof according to law . 7. that if any persons shall turn out of their houses any servant or lodger being sick , power to bee given to the magistrate or officer to put them into their said house again , or otherwise the said persons to provide sufficient maintenance for them ; and upon refusing so to doe , ( being able persons ) to distrain the goods of such persons ( for the charge ) that shall so turn them out of doores . 8. if by order of the magistrate any persons visited be removed out of their house or lodging , to the pest-house or other place , when they bee recovered and in perfect health , the said magistrate to have power and full authority to returne and settle the said persons in their houses or lodging from whence they were so taken out , without contradiction of their landlords or any other . 9. that all such magistrates or other persons that shal be trusted with this service may be enabled to doe all other things necessary , and pursuing the execution of these orders as occasion shall require . 10. that all collectors in the severall parishes shall be hereby required to perform their duty in the collecting of the sums assessed upon the said parishes , according to law ; and such as shall faile in the performance of their duties therein , shall be liable to such penalties as shall be inflicted by parliament . die jovis 9. septemb. 1641. ordered this day by the lords in parliament that the abovesaid order shall be printed and published . printed by richard cotes , printer to the honourable city of london , 1646. by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the keeping of the fair at bristol, commonly called st. paul's fair england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32616 wing c3546 estc r39955 18571112 ocm 18571112 108047 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32616) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108047) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1647:23) by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the keeping of the fair at bristol, commonly called st. paul's fair england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by leonard lichfeild ... for john bill, and christopher barker ..., oxford: 1665. "given at our court at oxford, the one and twentieth day of december, 1665. in the seventeenth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation , prohibiting the keeping of the fair at bristol , commonly called st. paul's fair. charles rex , the kings most excellent majesty , out of his princely and christian care of his loving subjects , upon the petition of the major , citizens , and inhabitants of the city of bristol , praying , that the fair usually held in or near that city , on the five and twentieth day of ianuary , commonly called st. pauls fair , may be put off for this year , in regard it would be the occasion of great concourse or people from london , and several other parts of this kingdom , that have been infected with the plague ; which ( although the contagion be now in a very great measure ceased through gods mercy ) may be the occasion of danger , to that and other parts of the land , which have hitherto ( praised be god ) stood clear and free ; hath , with the advice of hi privy councel thought good ( accordingly ) by this open declaration of his pleasure , and necessary commandment , not onely to admonish and require all his loving subjects , to forbear to resort , for this time , unto the said fair kept at bristol , commonly called st. paul's fair ; but also to enjoyn the lord or lords of the said fair , and others interested therein , that he and they forbear to hold the same , or any thing appertaining thereunto , at the said time accustomed , or any other time for this present year , upon pain of such punishment , as for a contempt so much concerning the general safety of his people , they shall be adjudged to deserve , which they must expect to be inflicted with all severity : and to that purpose doth hereby charge and enjoyn , under like penalty , all citizens and inhabitants of the city of london , that none of them shall repair to the said fair , called st. paul's fair , this present year : his majesties intention being , and so hereby declaring himself , that no lord of the said fair , or other , interested in the profit thereof , shall by this necessary and temporary restraint , receive any prejudice in the right of his or their said fair , or liberties thereunto belonging , any thing before mentioned notwithstanding . given at our court at oxford , the one and twentieth day of december , 1665. in the seventeenth year of his majesties reign . god save the king : oxford : printed by leonard lichfeild , printer to the university for john bill , and christopher barker , printers to his majesty , anno dom. 1665. by the lords and others his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague. england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70032 of text r41852 in the english short title catalog (wing e928). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70032 wing e928 estc r41852 19638357 ocm 19638357 109251 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70032) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109251) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1685:57 or 1700:2) by the lords and others his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague. england and wales. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1644. this item appears at reel 1685:57 as wing e1269 (number cancelled), and at reel 1700:2 as wing e928. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng plague -history -england -17th century. public welfare -law and legislation -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a70032 r41852 (wing e928). civilwar no by the lords and others his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and orderi england and wales 1644 954 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lords and others his majesties commissioners . an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague . whereas by an act of parliament in the first yeare of the raigne of our late soveraigne lord king iames , severall good and necessary provisions were made and ordayned , touching those that be or shall be infected with the plague : by which act power is given to iustices of peace of counties , majors , bayliffes , head officers , or iustices of peace in cities , boroughs , townes corporate , and places priviledged , and to the vice-chancellour of either of the universities , and to the bishop and deane of every cathedrall church respectively , within their severall and respective precincts and iurisdictions , to taxe and assesse all inhabitants , and all houses of habitation , lands , tenements , and hereditaments , at such reasonable taxes and payments as they shall think fit for the reasonable reliefe of persons infected , & to levye the same of the goods of such as shall refuse or neglect to pay , and in default thereof , to commit them to the goale without bayle or mainprize untill payment ; and also to appoynt searchers , watchmen , examiners , keepers , and buriers , for the persons and places infected , and to minister oathes unto them for the performing of their offices , and to give them other directions as shall seem good unto them in their discretions for the present necessity . and it is thereby farther provided and enacted , that if any person , or persons infected , or being or dwelling in any houses infected , shall be commanded or appoynted to keep his or their house , for avoiding of farther infection , and shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously disobey such direction and appoyntment , offering or attempting to break or goe abroad , and to resist such keepers or watchmen as shall be appoynted to see them kept in : that then it shall be lawfull for such watch-men with violence to inforce them to keep their houses : and if any hurt come thereby , that the keepers , watch-men , and their assistants shall not be impeached therefore . and farther that if any infected persons being commanded to keep house , shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously goe abroad , and converse with company , having any infectious sore about him uncured , such person shall be taken and adjudged as a felon , and suffer death as in case of felony : but if they shall have no sore found about them , neverthelesse for such offence they shall be punished as vagabonds in all respects , and also be bound to his or their good behaviour for one whole yeare , as by the said act may more fully appeare . the lords and others intrusted and authorized by his majesty , by his commission under his great seale of england , for , and concerning , the safety , preservation , and well ordering of this university and city of oxford , and the county of oxford , and other counties and places adjoyning , in his majesties absence , taking into their consideration , that the due observance and execution of the said law , may ( by gods blessing ) be a good means to prevent the farther spreading of this present infection , and that the neglect of the observance of the same law , hath been , and may be , in probability , an occasion of the increase thereof , doe therefore hereby in his majesties name , by vertue of his majesties said commission , straightly charge and require , the vice-chancellor of this university , and the major , justices of peace , bayliffes , and other officers of this city of oxford , and the justices of peace of the county of oxford , and all others whom it may concerne , that with all possible care and diligence , they cause the said law to be duely and effectually put in execution , as well for the help and reliefe , as for the governing and keeping in of infected persons , as they will answer their neglect and remisnesse therein at their perills . and they doe likewise in his majesties name , straitly charge and command all persons whatsoever , as well souldiers as others , upon whom it hath pleased , or shall please god to lay this his visitation , that they submit and yeeld obedience to the said law . letting them know that a strict and severe proceeding shall be had , for punishing of all such as shall wilfully or contemptuously offend against the same to the endangering of others : and that a very strict accompt will be required of all who are or shall be any way concerned in this just and necessary command , tending so much to the health and preservation of this university and city , and all that are resident therein or resort thereunto . dated at oxford this first day of august in the year of our lord god 1644. and in the twentieth year of the raigne of our soveraign lord king charles . yorke . ed. littleton c. s. cottington . hertford . dorset . hen. dover . chichester . chr. hatton . ed. nicholas . ed. hide . io. bankes . arth. ashton . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printer to the university . 1644. by the king a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1631 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22544 stc 8980 estc s122788 33150511 ocm 33150511 28641 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22544) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28641) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:138) by the king a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxxi [1631] arms without "c r" at top. caption title. imprint from colophon. postponing resort to the king until 15 dec. because of plague. "giuen at our court at hampton, the thirteenth day of october, in the seuenth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scrofula -early works to 1800. royal touch. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense ❀ diev · et · mon · droit royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease called , the kings euill . the kings most excellent maiestie , in his most gracious and pious disposition , being as ready & willing as any king or queene of this realm euer was in any thing to relieue the distresses and necessities of his good subiects , and the good successe vpon those who haue need of his sacred touch for the cure of the kings euill , being as happy , by the blessing of almighty god , as any of his royall predecessours haue beene , yet in his princely wisedome foreseeing that in this great worke of charitie to singular persons , those fit times are necessarily to bee obserued , which may not preiudice the generall health of his people , his maiestie did by his proclamation in march last , declare his royall will and pleasure to bee , that whereas the vsuall times of presenting such persons to his maiestie for this purpose , were easter and whitsuntide , that from thencefoorth the times should bee easter and michaelmas , as times more conuenient , both for the temperature of the season , and in respect of any contagion which might happen in the neere accesse to his maiesties sacred person . and his maiestie did thereby accordingly will and command , that from the time of publishing the said proclamation , none should presume to repaire to his maiesties royall court , to bee healed of that disease , before the feast of s. michael the archangel then next comming , and now last past . his most excellent maiestie ( now considering that the danger of the infection of the plague is very much dispersed in diuers counties of this kingdome ) doeth hereby will and command , and doeth also declare his royall will and pleasure to bee , that from the time of publishing this proclamation , none presume to repaire to his maiesties royall court , to be healed of that disease called the kings-euill , before the fifteenth day of december next ensuing , and in case the sayd infection should continue or increase , which god of his mercie diuert , his maiestie will in the meane time signifie and declare his royall will and pleasure by proclamation for some further time , for that purpose . and his maiestie doeth further will and command , as in his former proclamation aforesaid hee commanded , that all such as shall come and repayre to the court for this purpose , shall bring with them certificates vnder the hands of the parson , vicar , or minister , and church-wardens of those seuerall parishes where they dwell , and from whence they come , testifying according to the trueth , that they haue not at any time before beene touched by the king , to the intent to be healed of that disease . and his maiestie doeth straightly charge all justices of peace , constables and other officers , that they doe not suffer any to passe , but such as haue such certificates , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure . and to the end that all his louing subiects may the better take knowledge of this his maiesties pleasure and command ; his will is , that this proclamation bee published and affixed in some open place in euery market towne of this realme . all which his maiestie doth command strictly to bee obserued by all and euery person , and persons whom it shall , or may concerne , vpon such paines , and penalties as may be inflicted vpon them , for the neglect thereof . giuen at our court at hampton , the thirteenth day of october , in the seuenth yeere of our reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . m. d c. xxxi . an order of the lords, for the better direction of the overseers appoynted in the severall parishes of the city of oxford, against the spreading of the infection of the plague. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38323 of text r40506 in the english short title catalog (wing e2833). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38323 wing e2833 estc r40506 19341741 ocm 19341741 108728 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38323) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108728) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1668:30) an order of the lords, for the better direction of the overseers appoynted in the severall parishes of the city of oxford, against the spreading of the infection of the plague. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1644. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng plague -england -oxford. medical laws and legislation -england -oxford. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a38323 r40506 (wing e2833). civilwar no an order of the lords, for the better direction of the overseers appoynted in the severall parishes of the city of oxford, against the sprea england and wales. parliament. house of lords 1644 1044 4 0 0 0 0 0 38 d the rate of 38 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order of the lords , for the better direction of the overseers appoynted in the severall parishes of the city of oxford , against the spreading of the infection of the plague . the infection of the plague being much dispersed in severall parishes and places within this city , to the end that all possible care may be taken to provide for the sick , and to keep , the sick from the whole , which by gods blessing may be a great means to stay the infection , it is ordered as an addition to the former order lately made by this borde , that the persons hereafter mentioned in the severall parishes to be the overseers for this important service , take speciall care in the severall parishes and precincts commended to their charge . 1 that when they shall understand that any person is fallen sick in any house , that there be no resort thither by strangers , till it be discer●ed whether the sicknesse be infectious or not . 2 that these overseers use their best care , as soon as they understand who are fallen sick , to informe themselves what the nature of the disease is , and the symptoms thereof , and then give farther directions . 3 that as soon as any house is infected , or probably suspected to be infected , that it be shut up , and the persons in the house commanded ●o keep in the house , till farther order given for opening the house again . 4 that a watchman be set at the fore-dore of the house , both to keep in the persons within the house , and also to fetch them such necessaries as they want , to be delivered to them so discreetly and warily as may not endanger themselves , or those to whom they shall resort . 5 that when the house shall be known to be infected with the plague , forthwith a red-crosse be set on the outward doore of the house with an inscription in capitall letters , with these words , lord have mercy upon us , and this crosse , and the inscription be taken off again when the house is appoynted to be opened , and not before . 6 that the watch-men appoynted take an oath for their faithfull performance of that service . 7 that every such watch-man , when he sitteth or goeth in the streets , carry a white stick in his hand , that so others may be admonished ●ot to presse too neare into his company . 8 that if there be a back-doore or gate to the house shut up , that that back-doore be fast shut , that no passage be that way , and also a pad●ocke hanged upon the fore-doore , whereof the watchman to keep the key . 9 that these overseers appoynt searchers and tenders for the sick persons , and bearers and buriers when any shall dye ; and give oathes to them also , to observe their severall employments faithfully . 10 if any appoynted to any of those places or services , being fit for the same , shall refuse to undertake the employment , or neglect it when it is once undertaken , or deale unfaithfully therein , they must know , that they shall be proceeded against with all strictnesse and severity , according to the quality of their faults . 11 that all burialls of persons dying of the plague be in the night time , after tenne of the clock at the soonest , and without concourse of people , and that the corpse be laid at least foure foot deep under the ground , and be bestowed in such burying places , as to that purpose shall be appoynted . 12 that the church-yards within the citty be spared from these burialls , they being for the most part small , and now very inconvenient to receive the bodyes of these infected persons . 13 that all dogs and cats in the towne be forthwith sent away out of the towne , or such as are found in the streets , or courts of the colledges , to be knockt on the head , and their carcasses carryed away and buried without the works at a convenient distance . 14 that if any colledges or halls be infected or suspected , that the governours of those houses give speedy notice thereof to the ouerseers of that parish or precinct within which such colledge or hall lyeth , and then those overseers by the advice and approbation of those governours of the colledges and halls for the time being , send such officers as shall be so thought fit to performe those offices to the sick or infected persons which shall be fit and necessary . and in such cases so much to be shut up as the overseers , by the advice of the governour of that house , shall think fit . the overseers names of the severall parishes , viz. for st peters in the east , & st bartholomews . alderman sowtham . m. whistler . iohn hopkins . for st maries&st iohnsparish . m. humphrey whistler . m. iohn browne . m. francis bowman . st giles alderman charles . m. selwood . m. surby . iohn white . magdalen parish m. robert cooke . m. nicholas daniell . m. george ladiman . holliwell parish m. baily . m. dickenson . m. watson . all-saints alderman sowtham . m. thomas dennis . m. hen. silvester . st michaells m. baily daniell . m. kerry . m. iames deane . st petersin the baily m. william harris . m. george boxe . m. iohnson . iohn warwick . st ebbes m. chillingworth . alford raunce . m. robert nicholas . st thomas parish m. iohn wright . m. william good . richard miller . st aldates m. carpenter . m. iohn holloway . m. langley . st martins alderman wright . m. francis harris . m. chesterman . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printer to the university . 1644. charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1636 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22610 stc 9074 estc s3768 33150938 ocm 33150938 28827 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22610) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28827) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:32) charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1636. "witnes our selfe at copt-hall, the seuenth day of october, in the twelfth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , & ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and singular archbishops , bishops , archdeacons , deanes , and their officials , parsons , uicars , curates , and to all spirituall persons ; and also to all justices of peace , maiors , sheriffes , bailiffes , constables , church-wardens , and headboroughes ; and to all officers of cities , boroughes , and townes corporate ; and to all other our officers , ministers , and subiects whatsoeuer they be , aswell within liberties , as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand , that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects , in the cities of london and westminster , and borough of southwarke , and parts adioyning , the inhabitants of some parishes and places are brought into such distresse , as that the parishes are not able of themselues to support and relieue the poore of the said parishes , and to prouide for the infected , and for the necessary watching and warding of the houses which are shut ; and albeit , the justices of peace haue done their best endeauours , by taxing the parishes and townes adiacent , to supply these wants and necessities ; yet so many difficulties haue occurred , that although for the time past they haue prouided in some competent measure , yet by the continuance of the infection , they finde the burden to grow euery day more and more heauy : whereof our selfe being informed on the twenty fifth of september last , haue with the aduice of our councell , thought fit , that for the present , a collection should be made of the charitable beneuolences of well disposed people , within the cities of london and westminster , and in the counties of middlesex and surrey , and borough of southwarke , and to the beneuolence of all cities , townes corporate , villages , and priuiledged places within the said counties , not extending the same further for the present ; because it is hoped , that by gods goodnesse , the infection will abate ( the winter season , and cold weather now approaching ) before it shall be needfull to pray the ayde of more remote counties ; not doubting , but that all good christians , duely considering the misery , and pitifull calamity , which so many poore distressed and deiected christians doe vndergoe by such an ineuitable and grieuous visitation , will in their owne pious commiseration of their great extremity , be herewith moued , out of the bowels of compassion , and forward , as feeling members one of anothers miseries , freely and willingly to extend their liberall contributions towards the reliefe and comfort of a number of wretched creatures in this their great necessity . know ye therefore , that we well weighing the wofull and lamentable estates of our said poore and distressed subiects , and commiserating the same , of our especiall grace , and princely compassion doe order and grant , that a collection be made of the charitable deuotions , and liberalities of all our louing subiects , within the seuerall counties , cities , and townes corporate aboue named , for , and towards the reliefe and succour of the said poore inhabitants of london , and other infected places adioyning : which collection , we will , grant , appoint , and require , shall be ordered in manner and forme following : that is to say , we will , grant , appoint , and require all and singular parsons , vicars , curats of the seuerall churches and chappels within the said counties , precincts , cities , villages , and townes corporate aboue mentioned , with all possible speed to publish , and recommend this collection to the charity of all well disposed persons within their churches and precincts , with an especiall exhortation to the people , for the better stirring vp of their liberall and extraordinary contributions in so good and charitable a deed . and we will and command , that you the churchwardens of every parish within the counties , cities , and places aforesaid respectiuely , to take a care of the furtherance of the said collection : and if any housholder , or parishioner be absent when these our letters patents shall be there published , you the said churchwardens , to goe to the habitations of such persons , and to aske their charity for the purpose aforesaid : and what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the minister and your selues , endorsed on the backside of these our letters patens , or the copy or briefe hereof , in words at length , and not in figures , with your names subscribed thereunto : and the summe and summes of money so gathered and endorsed , to be paid ouer as is hereafter mentioned . and lastly , our will and pleasure is , that the moneys collected in surrey , be paid ouer to the hands of sir thomas grymes knight , and edward bromefield esquire , justices of peace in the said county of surrey , for the present reliefe of southwarke , newington and other places adiacent as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in middlesex , to be paid to the hands of thomas gardiner esquier , recorder of london , and to iohn herne esquier , two of the justices of peace for the county of middlesex , or to either of them , for the present reliefe of westminster , and other places in middlesex adiacent , or neere to the cities of london and westminster , as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in london , to be paid to the lord maior there for the time being , and by him to be deliuered euer , as there shall be any remainder at the end of his yeere , to his successor : which moneyes so collected in london , to be , vpon conference betweene the said lord maior and recorder of the city of london , disposed as shall be most needfull , not onely for the reliefe of such places , as by reason of the infection , doe , or shall stand in need , in london , westminster , and middlesex , but also as occasion and necessity shall require , shall out of the same adde thereunto to the ayde and reliefe of southwarke , newington , and other places in surrey , in manner and forme before recited , according to the true meaning of our gracious intention by these our letters patents , any statute , law , ordinance , or prouision heretofore made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . in witnes whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents , for the space of foure whole moneths , next after the date hereof to endure . witnes our selfe at copt-hall , the seuenth day of october , in the twelfth yeere of our reigne . dawe . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1636. by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22368 stc 8779 estc s3446 33149941 ocm 33149941 28505 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22368) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28505) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:41) by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at london : m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. arms without "c r" at top. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the seuenteenth day of may, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -prevention. courts and courtiers -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to his court , or the townes or parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the citie of london , and confines of the same ; and being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of his priuie councell , by this proclamation to publish and declare his royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , that although his maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when his louing subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the persons of himselfe , or of his deare consort the queene , who is ( by gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into england ; yet , in his princely care of his people , hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the infection into other parts of the realme , where his maiestie shall keepe his royall court and residence . and therefore his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , that aswell in the iourney , which himselfe shortly intendeth to douer in kent , for the reception of his deare consort , the queene , at her arriuall , as also in his , and her maiesties returne from thence , and in all other iourneys and progresses , which they or either of them shall make this summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in winter , no person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the court for his maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the court with petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any citie , towne , uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his maiesties iust and royall commandement . and whereas many of his maiesties louing subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called the kings euill , his maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , that vntill michaelmas next , and after his coronation shall be solemnized ▪ he wil not admit any person or persons to come to the court for healing ; and doth straitly charge and forbid , that no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his maiestie in that behalfe : and for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his maiestie , or his court for healing of that disease , without bringing a certificate from the minister , and churchwardens of the parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his maiestie , or the late king : and to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the almoner , his maiestie hath taken order , that in all the townes and parishes , through which hee shall passe , his maiesties sayd almoner shall deliuer his maiesties almes to the ouerseers of the poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other officers , to take due care of accordingly . and for other wandering poore , uagabonds , rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the knight marshall of his houshold and his deputies , as all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other his maiesties officers and louing subiects , to cause such as bee impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of correction , or otherwise ordered according to the lawes : to which end also , his maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd sheriffes , iustices , and other officers , to cause diligent watch by night ▪ and ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery citie , towne , uillage , and parish , through which his maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his maiesties passage or court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his maiesties seruants , or followers of the court , and craue lodging without hauing billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the knight marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his maiesties seruice . and because his maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , his maiesty straitly forbiddeth , that any of his seruants do either in this iourney of his maiesties intended to douer , or elsewhere in his summers progresse , or vntil his maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in winter , resort to the court , except such onely of his maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the lord chamberlaine of his maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the treasurer and comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the knight marshall , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure , and incurring the censure of a high contempt . and to the end his maiesties royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth his knight marshall , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , bayliffes , and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the seuenteenth day of may , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . london's plague-sore discovered. or, some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, a never-failing antidote against the plague. e. n. 1665 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52520 wing n14 estc r9701 13542952 ocm 13542952 100101 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52520) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100101) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 796:19) london's plague-sore discovered. or, some serious notes and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london wherein is something by way of lamentation, information, expostulation, exhortation and caution : whereunto is annexed, a never-failing antidote against the plague. e. n. 8 p. printed for the author, london : 1665. signed at end: e.n. in verse. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's plague-sore discovered : or , some serious notes , and suitable considerations upon the present visitation at london : wherein is something by way of lamentation , information , expostulation , exhortation , and caution . whereunto is annexed , a never-failing antidote against the plague . london , printed for the author , anno 1665. reader , these are to give thee notice , that one crouch a printer hapning accidentally of the copy of the antidote at the latter end of this paper , before i had given order for any to print it , he took upon him to print it of his own accord , contrary to my consent or knowledge , and placed it in books and papers according to his pleasure , for his own private advantage , by which means i have suffered some prejudice , and have been censured by some as if i were guilty of that , which indeed is detestable to me . this i thought good to insert , that the truth might be manifested , and further false suggestions in that case might be prevented . e. n. londons plague-sore , discovered . as i of late , about the streets do go , i often hear complainings to and fro : in ev'ry corner , more or less i hear , and many people much surpriz'd with fear ; and still by observation i do find , that cares and fears do grow in peoples mind ; and discontents , do almost ev'ry where , seem to abound within this city here : but what 's the cause ? or , wherefore is it so , that such distractions more , and more should grow , amongst a people , which of late did glory , of gallant times , beyond the reach of story ; for wealth and strength they had so great a share , they scorn'd that any should with them compare . what is the reason such a lofty city , should now be willing to accept of pity ? why several things are urg'd . i pray name one . alas ! that 's easie , trading's almost gone quite out o' th city , whither shall we run ? the cry o' th poor is , we shall be undone ! for why already trading's grown so dead , our present gains will hardly yeeld us bread : our cares are doubled , and our hopes are vain ; say what you will , here 's reason to complain : and this doth greatly add unto our sorrow , we fear each day , it will be worse to morrow . and yet the great ones do oppress the poor : such times as these we never saw before . nay , more than this , the worst is yet to come , we have not yet told all , nor hardly some ; there 's something else , that loads our hearts to think , what dreadful cup is fill'd for us to drink ! alas , the plague , the pestilential plague , which lately made such havock near the hague , hath crost the seas , and found our city out , and put our greatest champions to the rout . our bravest gallants which did swagger most , and with their daring tongues would proudly boast of courage , valour , strength and noble-blood , as if they scorn'd to have their wills withstood , yet when the lord did with a challenge greet them , and sent them word , he did intend to meet them , to see if they against him would prepare , how this strange message did their worships scare ! o how did this perplex and sore affright their lofty minds , and made them take their flight , and run away from god's appointed place , as if they fear'd even to see his face . for when his angry angel did approach , to flee , they strait provide both horse and coach. then learn this lesson from it you that can , 't is vain to trust in any mortal man , for if in danger thou his help shalt crave , alas ! poor worm ! himself he cannot save . but now , alas , the common people say , 't is we must bear the burden of the day ! the mighty god hath singled out our city for wrath and vengeance , casting off all pitty ; in every corner of our famous town he sends his arrows of destruction down ; yea , round about , almost in every place , he leaves the tokens of his angry face . and now our ears are daily fill'd with cryes , and gastly sights , do grieve our woful eyes . yea , father , mother , sister , also brother do daily see the ruine of each other ; and little babes which at the breast do lye , amongst the rest do often gasp and dye , whilst grieved mothers over them do mourn , till angry death do them as good a turn . how many are depriv'd of wonted sleep ? how many eyes have lately learn'd to weep ? how many wringings of the hands for grief , because their sorrows are beyond relief ? for many years it hath not been the like , which to our hearts doth much amazement strike . alas , poor london , for thy sad estate my bowels yearn , how art thou fall'n of late ? but canst thou only of thy sorrows speak , and not discern the door through which they break ? dost thou not know the cause of thy distress to be thy sins and woful wickedness ? have not thy sins been great and manifold , thy provocations more than can be told ! thy lewdness and prophaness , past compare ! thy impudence there 's no man can declare ! thy horrid blasphemies , and cursed swearing , thy ranting , roaring , and thy domineering ! thy great uncleanness and abominations , thy drunkenness , and such like provocations , hath often urg'd the just and righteous god , to fall upon thee with his iron rod ; and then consider , how thou didst requite the god of grace for all his gospel-light that he long time unto thy soul did give , that so thou mightst repent , return and live . hast thou not much despis'd his profered grace ? hast thou not spitted in the glorious face of blessed jesus , when in love he came to wash thee from thy filthiness and shame ? hast thou not love and mercy greatly slighted , his holy spirit also much despighted ? hast thou not patience , also , much abus'd , and god's dear servants wofully misus'd ? in fine , the gospel thou hast cast behind thee , and suffered satan to bewitch and blind thee ; and those that were thy best and truest friends , how hast thou sought to bring them to their ends . examine well , and thou maist find it so ; sin is the cause of this thy present wo , and therefore now , while it is call'd , to day repent , and turn to god without delay : break off thy sins ; let righteousness take place , it may be yet thou mayst partake of grace ; but if thou still retain thy stubborn heart , thou maist expect to feel a greater smart , and this already thou mayst plainly see the bloody sword doth also threaten thee , and famine seems to stare thee in the face , impenitence may bring it on apace . then look in time , before it be too late , lest greater judgment fall upon thy pate . now therefore hark , ye gallants of the time , you that have counted godliness a crime , what do you think , or where do y' mean to stay , that you from london make such hast away ? here this from me ; if that you take along your sins with you , you do your selves but wrong to flee away , for you had better be punish'd at first , than to go longer free : for , don't you know , the longer you provoke the righteous god , the greater is his stroke ; therefore observe , the best and surest way for to escape the danger of the day , is to repent , and set the oppressed free , and then perhaps , god may entreated be . but if i' th country you in sin delight , and god's forbearance and long-suffering slight , he in the country will go search about , and never leave until he find you out , and when the angel takes his journey thither , and findeth you , and all your sins together , the fearful dreggs of this destroying cup shall be your portion , you must drink them up . hence be exhorted , then , to kiss the son , make peace with him before your glass be run , and then in life or death you will be his , and your reward shall be eternal bliss . a sovereign medicine against the plague both preservative and curative . drink a good draught of josiah's a humility next thy heart ; then take a dose of nineveh's b repentance , well soaked or steeped in the vessel of a broken c and a contrite heart , well season'd with d truth & sincerity at the bottom : then let all these boyl well together in a good quantity of david's e tears : and when thou hast done thus , then spread a broad plaister of gods grace , and bind it fast to thy soul with the swaddleband of love and serious f consideration ; then cast away all thy old infectious garments of g sin and iniquity , and put on h the lord jesus christ , as a sure garment of defence and safety : then take up as good a quantity of joshua's i resolution as thou canst well bear , and so walk up and down in those wholesome and pleasant fields , called k newness of life , and follow thy calling in the l fear of god. all which , being truly and carefully observed , will undoubtedly and infallibly preserve thee from the sting and danger of all plagues whatsoever . signatum caeli . e. n. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52520-e2340 a 2 chron. 34. 27. b jona . 3. 8 c psal . 51. 17. d ver . 6. e psa . 6. 6. f eccles . 7. 14. g col. 3. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. h rom. 13. 14. i josh . 24. 15. k rom. 6. 4 l prov. 23. 17. & 14. 26 orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. city of london (england). court of common council. 1625 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06243 stc 16729.3 estc s3286 33143267 ocm 33143267 28345 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06243) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28345) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:10) orders heertofore conceiued and agreed to bee published by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell, and now thought fit to be reuiued, and againe published. city of london (england). court of common council. 3+ leaves. by isaac jaggard, [london : 1625] caption title. imprint from stc (2nd ed.). imperfect: first three leaves only. best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders heeretofore conceiued and agreed to bee published , by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maisteies most honourable priuie councell , and now thought fit to be reuiued , and againe published . whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happie reigne ouer this realme of england , an act was made for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authoritie is giuen to iustices of peace , mayors , bayliffes , and other head-officers , to appoint within their seuerall limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buryers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them oathes for performance of their offices . and the same statute also authorizeth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of sicknesse ( if it shall please almighty god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the citie and suburbs of the same : that these officers following bee appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . first , it is thought requisite , and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credite , chosen and appointed by the alderman his deputie , and common councell of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to bee committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . that these examiners be sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the county , to enquire and learne from time to time , what houses in euery parish bee visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues , and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntil it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house , and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntill ten of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . that there be a speciall care , to appoint women searchers in euery parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can bee got in this kinde : and these to be sworne to make due search and true report , to the vtmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , do dye of the infection , or of what other diseases as neere as they can . and for their better assistance herein , forasmuch as there hath bene heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed three able and discreet surgeons , besides those three that do already belong to the pest-house : amongst whom , the city and liberties to bee quartered , as the places lye most apt and conuenient : and euery of these sixe to haue one quarter for his limit : and the said chirurgeons in euery of their limits , to ioyne with the serchers , for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . and further , that the said chirurgeons shall visite and search such sicke persons as shall eyther send for them , or be named and directed vnto them by the examiners of euery parish , and informe themselues of the disease of the said parties . and forasmuch as the saide chirurgeons are to be sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection : it is ordred , that euery of the saide chirurgeons , shall haue twelue pence a body searched by them , to be paide out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . orders concerning infected houses , and persons sicke of the plague . the master of euery house , as soone as any one in his house complayneth , eyther of botch , of purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sicke , without apparant cause of some other disease , shall giue knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two houres after the said signe shall appeare . as soone as any man shall be found by this examiner , chirurgeon or searcher , to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he bee so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickned , shall bee shut vp for a moneth , after the vse of due preseruatiues taken by the rest . for sequestration of the goods and stuffe of the infected , their bedding , and apparell and hangings of chambers , must bee well ayred with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house before they be taken againe to vse , this to be done by the appointment of the examiner . if any person shall haue visited any man , knowne to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any knowne infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein hee inhabiteth shall be shut vp for certaine dayes , by the examiners direction . item , that none be remoued out of the house where he falleth sicke of the infection , into any other house in the city , burrough , or county ( except it be to the pesthouse or a tent , or vnto some such house , which the owners of the said visited house holdeth in his owne hands , and occupieth by his owne seruants ) and so as security be giuen to the parish , whether such remoue is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons , shall be obserued & charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remoue shall happen to be made , and this remoue to be done by night . and it shall be lawfull to any person that hath two houses , to remoue either his sound or his infected people , to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his sound , he may not after send thither his sicke ; nor againe vnto the sicke the sound : and that the same which he sendeth be for one weeke at the least shut vp , and secluded from company for feare of some infection , at the first not appearing . that the buriall of the dead by this visitation bee at most conuenient houres , alwayes eyther before sun-rising , or after sunne-setting , with the priuity of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise ; and that no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vppon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the cryers and carriers abroad of bedding or old apparrell , to be sold or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no brokers of bedding , or old apparrell be permitted to make any outward show , or hang forth on their stals , shop-boards , or windowes , towards any street , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparrell to be sold , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broaker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparrell , or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty dayes at the least . if any person visited doe fortune , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or bee conueyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come , or bene conueyed , vpon notice thereof giuen , shal at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the alderman of the ward , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to bee shut vp for twenty dayes . that euery house visited bee marked with a redde crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed words : that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs , to be let close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers , and buriers are not to passe the streets , without holding a red rod or wand of three foote in length in their hands open or euident to be seene , and are not to go into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue bene lately vsed in any such businesse or attendance . and to this end it is ordred , that a weekely taxe be made in euery parish visited , if in the citie or borrough then vnder the hand of the alderman of the ward , where the place is visited : if neither of the counties , then vnder the handes of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who ( if there be cause ) may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . ¶ orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the streets . first it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , that euery house-holder do cause the street to be daily pared before his doore , and so to keepe it cleane swept all the weeke long . that the sweeping and filth of houses to bee daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . that the laystalles be remoued as farre as may bee out of the city , and common passages , and that no night-man or other be suffered to emptie a vault into any garden , neere about the city . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06243-e10 examiners be appointed in euerie parish . the examiners office. watchmen . chirurgions notice to be giuen of the sicknes . sequestration of the sicke . ayring of the stuffe . shuting vp of the house none to be remoued out of infected houses , but buriall of the dead . no infected stuffe to bee vttered . euery visited house to be marked . euery visited house to be watched . the streetes to bee kept cleane . that the rakers take it from out the houses . laystals to be made far off from the city . a most godly sermon preached at st. albons in woodstreet on sunday last being the 10 of october, 1641 : shewing the necessity of selfe-denyall and humiliation by prayer and fasting before the lord in regard of the present plague we now lye under : which god in his good time remove from amongst us / by ... henry burton. burton, henry, 1578-1648. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a30644 of text r18459 in the english short title catalog (wing b6168). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a30644 wing b6168 estc r18459 12872087 ocm 12872087 94800 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30644) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94800) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e172, no 36) a most godly sermon preached at st. albons in woodstreet on sunday last being the 10 of october, 1641 : shewing the necessity of selfe-denyall and humiliation by prayer and fasting before the lord in regard of the present plague we now lye under : which god in his good time remove from amongst us / by ... henry burton. burton, henry, 1578-1648. [8] p. printed by b. alsop, london : 1641. port. on t.p. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng self-denial -sermons. fasts and feasts -england -sermons. plague -england -sermons. a30644 r18459 (wing b6168). civilwar no a most godly sermon: preached at st. albons in woodstreet on sunday last, being the 10. of october, 1641. shewing the necessity of selfe-den burton, henry 1641 2714 8 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a most godly sermon : preached at st. albons in woodstreet on sunday last , being the 10. of october , 1641. shewing the necessity of selfe-denyall and humiliation , by prayer and fasting before the lord ; in regard of the present plague we now lye under . which god , in his good time , remove from amongst us . by that faithfull minister , and witnesse of iesus christ , m. henry burton . london , printed by b. alsop , mdcxli . a godly sermon , luke 9.23 . let him deny himselfe . doct. i. the first lesson is the a. b. c. that christ teacheth us in his schoole , is this , for a man to deny himselfe , and so is it also the highest taske that is set to any . these words were spoken to them all , a great many professed christ , and thronged upon him . therfore christ taught them a lesson , that most of them never thought of . if any one will follow me , let him deny himselfe . the condition is , let him deny himselfe , the terms are selfe-denyall . selfe-deniall consisteth , 1. in denying our selves in all good things . 2. in all evill things . 1. in all good things , selfe-denyall ought to be in all good things . 1. internall . 2. externall . internall as the understanding , will , and affection . so in morall habits , as temperance , fortitude , wisedome , &c. 3. in labour of knowledge , even of such as are gotten by study . 2. selfe-denyall ought to be in externall good things . 1. in matters of duty . 2. in objects . 1. jn matters of duty , that is toward god , where is discovered a main duty between true exercise of piety , and counterfeit , those are true , which are set down in scripture , and none else ; for god will be served of himselfe , he commandeth not as man prescript . 2 here appears the vainnesse of that duty which is prescribed of men . those of men may be knowne like trees by their fruits . that of humane invention , set upon the conscience , those who maintain it , cannot but confesse the superstition which they maintaine . the next thing , is the duty we owe to our neighbor , as of charity , of equity , of mercy : when we have done all that is commanded , we must confesse we are unprofitable servants . here is selfe-denyall ▪ yet there may be duties of piety , where there is a want hereof , as 1. cor. 13.3 . there may bee seeming charity , yet fals . there may be a giving up of the body to be burned , yet want of charity ; because not proceeding from faith . even in these workes a christian must deny himselfe . vse 1. to condemn all popish charity , and many which they call good works , instead of denying themselvs in those works , they deny christ ; for in those works , they say they deserve the kingdome of heaven . for there is salvation in none other but in christ iesus onely . vse 2. to condemn another sort of carnall profane men that build their salvation on common duties , works of morality ; who say that they doe all men right ( though perhaps they are compelled so to doe ) this overthrowes the doctrine of christ , this is not to deny themselves , but to deny christ . vse 3. to put a difference between true charity and false , some men are naturally given to be upright , to doe justice , to deale upright . this is not to deny ones selfe , to build in these ; for this is not of grace : for workes of grace humble a man . this may be a tryall of our grace ; if they be of grace , thou wilt deny thy selfe in them . in the next place , we are to consider of certaine objects , of a threefold relation . 1. a naturall . 2. a civill . 3. a sensitive relation . doct. 2. and first a naturall relation , as to father , mother , wife , children , kindred , &c. we must deny our selves in all relation , where th●y stand in opposition unto christ , for proofe hereof . luke 14.26 . if father , mother , wife , children , &c. call us to stand in opposition to christ , in that respe●t we must hate them . mat. 10.35 . no marvell then if the world cry out of christ , and call him a seditious person . for a man to hate his parents , as he is a father ; but to deny obodience to his father , so farre as he is hinder'd from comming to christ . a noteable example is in deutr. 13.6 . the sonne must not conceale the father , if he seeke to bring him to idolatry . we must not acknowledge father and mother in bidding us to do that which christ forbiddeth . mat. 23.9 . so there is a noteable psalm . deutr. 33.9 . this denyall brought a blessing upon them , and it is a type of the gospell . for every true beleever is a priest , and must not in that respect looke upon outward relation , in competition with christ : but deny our selves in those things , which otherwise we are bound to love by the law of nature . trample upon thy father , cast off thy wife and children , saith a father , if they seeke to draw thee from christ . vse . to condemne the papist who hang all their faith and religion on their ancestors ; because they liv'd and dy'd in this religion : this is to set up the parents against christ . vse 2. to reprove too many papists in this land , that doe propagate their children ▪ and childrens children in that religion . many amongst us , that send their children to monasteries in rome , to make them bondslaves in darknesse for ever . god be thanked we have good lawes , & i hope we shall have them increased by the happy parliament ; but happy were it , if there were good magistrates to put those lawes in practice . vse 3. for parents that professe religion . when the spirit of christ toucheth the heart , then they see the true way whose heart is so touched . yet how many parents cannot endure that their children doe outstrip their parents in purity , even for this they abhorre their own children , and sometime dispossesse them ; and cannot endure them : this is lamentable : kings in their own thrones , are not above christ , much lesse parents in their families . if god come into their families , into the hearts of their children ; shall parents lift their hands up against christ to abhorre and hate their own children , because of this ? the body is received from the parents , but the soule from god ; parents may instruct their children , but not to keepe them from christ . vse 4. for children that have received a greater measure of light from christ , then the parents they must be modest and humble , & beare their reproches patiently for christ : but if the parents will keep them from christ , we must hate & deny our parents : but in the mean time to be patient to convince them , and ( if possible ) to perswade them 5. to perswade these children , that they follow this light , and not let their parents , nor any friend in the world draw them from christ . the 2. relation is civill , doct. a christian must deny himself in all civill relation , if princes or states make lawes against the law of christ , against his religion , & his pure ordinances , threatning punishment to those that will not observe them . herein a true christian must deny himselfe , both in matter of terrour , and in matter of favour . 1. in matter of terrour , whatsoever is threatned against a man , mat. 10.28 . a christian may say , i am lower then all the terrours of the world can hurt me . we should deny our selves with paul , and be reday , not onely to be bound , but to dye for christ . theodorus ( an heathen man ) was told , that he should rot above ground , i care not ( saith he ) it is all one to me , to rot above , or under ground . thus a christian should resolve against all feares , and terrour whatsoever , for christ . so for matter of favour , as polyc carpus had great promotion promised in the time of persecution , answered , i have served christ , saith he , fourty and he hath alwayes bin a good master to me , and i will not deny him now , this is selfe-denyall . how many have bin overcome with these things for want of selfe-deniall . those that are compelled to popery and popish wayes , are not christs followers , but the followers of antichrist . obj. some may say , what need we to have such a doctrine , as this of selfe-denyall , in respect of civill relation to be taught as now ? ans. god be thanked , it is true , the storme is over of this oppressing : yet this doctrine may be very usefull for this very season , we are in the expectation of a true reformation , and in the very reformation , selfe-denyall is to be used . 2. if some by reformation be reformed , and not others , will they be quiet ? no , the nearer we come to christ , the more we must looke for persecution , 2 tim. 3.12 . let us not looke for a true powerfull reformation of religion without persecution . 3. the next thing is the consideration of such things as are . doct. 3. the sensitive part of man , which hath 3 heads , pleasure , profit , honour , these 3 must be deny'd ; they were in great esteeme amongst the heathen , these 3 were all represented to eve , in the forbidden fruit , gen. 3.6 . and it tooke such an impression then , that every mothers child of us , have the print of it remaining upon us . i heard a story of a fish in garn●sie , when i was there , by some of the best there , that there is a fish in those sands , that being stuck by the fisher-man , her young , if she hath any in her belly , are all wounded in the very same place . this is a direct emblem of man-kind , 1 iohn 2.16 . and with these 3 weapons the divell assailed christ , tempting him , luke . 4. beginning , these are often in scripture together , phil. 3. do●● . 4. a christian must deny himselfe in pleasure and delight , even the delights of meate and drink , and lawfull recreation , which are in themselves lawfull meat & drink in a continuall moderation , keeping himselfe from excesse , and sometime in a totall abstinence for a time . 1. to avoid excesse at all times , luke 21.14 . many reasons there are , why we should deny our selves in the immoderate use of the creature . 1. it is an enemy to the soule , a enemy to all christian duties , 1. pet. 2.11 . 2. they doe hinder us in the christian race . 1. cor. 9.2 ▪ when a soule is over-charged , he is more fit to lye downe then to run . 3. it brings many evils upon a state , luke 20. swilling in drink brought a deluge . so in lots time ▪ sodome and gomorrah did eat and drink , and swill , till fire came downe from heaven , and burnt them all to ashes , psal. 76. 4. it brings a man in the way to hell . luke 16. dives there , he was so full that he forgot poore lazarus , and now he must pinch for it in hell-flames , burning in torments for ever . a christian may have great occasion of mirth : but then we must have most care of all . as the wise man saith , when thou commest to a full table , if thou hast an appetite , put a knife to thy throat . this duty is requisite for all true christians . 1. sometime we should wholly abstain from the creature : as for the removeall of some calamity we ly under , or to prevent a calamity comming upon us , or to procure a blessing to be fitter for some good duties examples wee have many . 2 sam. 12. and ionah 3. ezra 8. so 1 cor. 7. fasting keepes the spirit of prayer awake . vse . here is an heavy charge that lyeth upon many professors , it is to be wished , that the whole kingdome were not to be blamed in this , like the children of israel . isay. 22.3 . cramming themselves with a desperate saying , let us eat and drink , for tomorrow we must dye . is this a time of eating and drinking . &c. when the plague is so hot amongst us ? is this a time to be so desperate ? it is true , perhaps tomorrow we shall dye , but is this a time to drink and swill , and feast : no it is rather a time to deny our selves ; for wee may be shut up in our houses before tomorrow night , and perhaps dye tomorrow , and be swept away with the plague : is this a time to gorge our selves with eating and drinking ? what issue may we expect from hence : we had indeed a day of thanksgiving , but we had need , that the next day should have bin a day of humiliation ; for then was the plague amongst us . indeed , when the motion of humiliation was made , one in the city ( & that of great note too ) made answer , that winter was comming on , and then the plague would be stayed . object . we have had many dayes of humiliation , both publick , and private . answ. those that doe so , doe well , ezek. 9.4 . if they doe it in sincerity . many that doe it in their private families shall have a blessing on them . but let not this content us , that others doe it ; but let us all , each in our families , humble our selves by fasting and prayer , every parish , and every family . i hope this is not against the law , i am sure it is not against gods law , to have such meetings . the lord stirre up the hearts of all those whom it doth concerne to call for fasting and prayer , in these evill times . finis . londons lord have mercy vpon vs a true relation of five modern plagues or visitations in london, with the number of all the diseased that were buried: viz: the first in the yeare of queen elizabeth, anno 1592, the second in the yeare 1603, the third in that (never to be forgotten yeare) 1625. the fourth in anno 1630. the fift this now present visitation 1636, which the lord of his mercy deliver london and england from. h. c., fl. 1637. 1637 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17452 stc 4273 estc s116685 99851901 99851901 17195 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17452) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17195) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1300:06) londons lord have mercy vpon vs a true relation of five modern plagues or visitations in london, with the number of all the diseased that were buried: viz: the first in the yeare of queen elizabeth, anno 1592, the second in the yeare 1603, the third in that (never to be forgotten yeare) 1625. the fourth in anno 1630. the fift this now present visitation 1636, which the lord of his mercy deliver london and england from. h. c., fl. 1637. crouch, humphrey, fl. 1635-1671, attributed name. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for richard harper, at the hospitall gate in smithfield, london : [1637] signed at end: h.c.; sometimes attributed to humphrey crouch. partly in verse. with weekly statistics for 1592, 1603, 1625, 1630, 1636. the last printed total is for march 31, 1637. this copy has statistics for april 7, 1637 added in manuscript; the bodleian copy has statistics through may 11, 1637 added in manuscript. reproduction of the original in the british library. year of publication from stc. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons lord have mercy vpon vs . a true relation of five modern plagues or visitations in london , with the number of all the diseased that were buried : viz : the first in the yeare of queen elizabeth , anno 1592 , the second in the yeare 1603 , the third in that ( never to be forgotten yeare ) 1625. the fourth in anno 1630. the fift this now present visitation 1636 , which the lord of his mercy deliver london and england from . certain approved medicines for the plague , both to prevent that contagion , and to expell it after it be taken , as have been approved in anno. 1652. as also in this present visitation 1636. a cheape medicine to keepe from infection . take a pinte of new milke , and cut two cloves of garlicke very small , put it in the milke , and drinke it mornings fasting , and it preserveth from infection . reader , what ever thou art , rich or poore , rowse up thy selfe , for death stands at the dore ; if god sayes strike , he must & wil come in for death we know is the reward of sinne . his very breath is so infectious growne , he poysons every one he breathes upon ; he is the rich mans terrour , makes him flye , and beare away his bagges , as loath to dye . what shall the poore doe that behind do stay ? death makes them rich by taking them away . but what shall poore men do , then that doe live , t is surely fit the rich should comfort give , and weekely meanes unto them still afford ▪ oh such rich men shall be rich in the lord ! death startles all , but more the guilt of sinne , which sinfull man long time hath lived in , doth make them fearefull of that punishment . due unto sinne , for time that 's evill spent . oh why was this not thought on long agoe ! when god expected our repentance so ? when sixe yeares since , a little plague god sent , he shoke his rod to move us to repent : not long before that time , a dearth of corne was sent to us to see if we would turne : and the last summer none deny it can , the beasts did suffer for the sinne of man : grasse was so short and small , that it was told , hey for foure pound a load was daily sold. these judgements god hath sent even to cite us unto repentance , and from sinne to fright us . oh stubborne england ! childish and unwise , so heavy laden with iniquities : returne , returne , unto thy loving father , returne i say , and so much the rather , because his sonne thy saviour pleads thy cause , though thou hast broken all his holy lawes : say to thy selfe , my sinnes are cause of all gods judgements that upon this land doth fall , and sin 's the cause that each one doth complain they have too much , sometimes too little raine : say to thy selfe , this plague may be removed , if i repent , as plainly may be proved by niniveh , that citie great and large , for god hath given to his angels charge , to strike and to forbeare as he sees fit ; if it be so , then learne thou so much wit , to use thy best endeavour to prevent a plague , which thou mayst doe if thou repent . let all infe●●●d houses be thy text , and make ●●is use , that thine may be the next . the red crosse still is us'd , as it hath bin , to shew they christians are that are within . and lord have mercy on us on the dore , puts thee in minde to pray for them therefore . the watchman that attends the house of sorrow , he may attend upon thy house to morrow . oh where 's the vows we to our god have made ! when death & sicknesse came with axe & spade , and hurld our brethren up in heaps a pace , even forty thousand in a little space : and now againe he doth with us begin , t' increase the plague , as we increase in sinne : each spectacle of death and funerall , puts thee and i in minde we must dye all . a prayer fit to be used in this time of sicknesse and mortality . o lord god , strong and mighty , great and fearefull , which dwellest in the heavens , and workest great wonders ; we thy miserable children here on earth , doe most humbly beseech thee to be mercifull unto us , to pardon our offences , and forgive us all our sinnes : o lord enter not into judgement with thy servants , for if thou doe , there shall no flesh be saved in thy sight : we confesse and acknowledge o lord , that it is our sinnes which have moved thee to wrath , and to shew such fearefull tokens of thy displeasure towards us in these our dayes ; first by locking up the heavens that no raine should fall to succour the earth , neverthelesse upon our repentance and humility , it hath pleased thee of thy fatherly goodnesse to send downe some sweet comfortable showers of thy mercy upon the earth . o lord increase our thankfulnesse , and give us grace to amend our lives , that thou maist turne from us all those judgements which we most righteously have deserved ; thou hast sent thy messengers of mercy , thy ministers of thy holy word to allure us by faire meanes to repentance , thou hast sent monsters from the sea , and cast them up upon our english shore , fearefull and strange to behold , to cry out against us ; nay , thou hast suffered the tempter , that old enemy of mans salvation , to worke upon the weakenesse of some of our poore brethren , to assume unto themselves the names of prophets , to prophecie evill against this nation ; but thou hast disclosed the subtilty of the serpent unto us , that as he was a lyer from the beginning , so thou hast proved his prophets to be false prophets , by sending downe these sweet and comfortable showers of raine upon the earth , giving us to understand , that prophecying is ceast , and that no man is worthy to know the secrets of thy will. neverthelesse though we are not prophets , nor prophets children , yet wee cannot but expect utter desolation and destruction without speedy repentance : give us , o give us repentant hearts , that we may be truely humbled at the sight of our sinnes , and walke in newnesse of life all the dayes of our life : wee bese●ch thee good father to turne in mercy to us , and remove from us this sicknesse lately begun among us : lord command the destroying angell to hold his hand , that our brethren which are fled from us for the preservation of their lives , may returne againe with ioy , that we with them may praise and glorifie thy name , now and for evermore , amen . written by ● . c. an exact and true relation of the number of those that were buried in london and the liberties of all dieases , from the 17 of march 1602. to the 22. of december , 1603.   totall . pl. march 17 108 3 march 14 60 2 march 31 78 6 aprill 7 66 4 aprill 14 79 4 aprill 21 9● 8 aprill 28 109 10 may 5 90 11 may 12 112 18 may 19 122 22 may 26 122 32 june 2 114 3● june 9 131 43 june 16 144 59 june 23 182 71 june 30 267 158 july 7 445 263 july 14 612 424 the out-parishes this weeke were joyned with the citie . july 21 1186 917 july 28 1728 1392 august 4 2256 1925 august 11 2077 1743 august 18 3054 2719 august 25 2853 2535 septemb. 1 3385 3034 septemb. 8 3078 2728 septem . 15 3129 2815 septem . 22 2456 2192 septem . 29 1961 1731 octob. 6 1831 1649 octob. 13 1312 1142 octob. 20 766 648 octob. 27 625 504 novem. 3 737 592 nov. 10 585 441 nov. 17 384 255 nov. 24 198 102 decem. 1 223 105 decem. 8 163 55 decem. 15 200 66 decem. 22 168 74 the totall of the burials this whole yeare , 38250. of the plague 30583. 1625. buried in london and the liberties , of all diseases , anno 1625. the number here following .   totall . pl. march 17 262 4 march 24 226 8 march 31 243 11 aprill 7 239 10 aprill 14 256 24 aprill 21 230 25 aprill 28 305 26 may 5 292 30 may 12 332 45 may 19 379 71 may 26 401 78 june 2 3●5 69 june 9 434 91 june 16 510 165 june 23 640 239 june 30 942 390 july 7 1222 593 july 14 1781 1004 july 21 2850 1819 july 28 3583 2471 august 4 4517 3659 august 11 4855 4115 august 18 5205 4463 august 25 4841 4218 septemb. 1 3897 3344 septemb. 8 3157 2550 septem . 15 2148 1672 septem . 22 1994 1551 septem . 29 1236 852 octob. 6 833 538 octob. 13 815 511 octob. 20 651 331 octob. 27 375 134 novem. 3 357 89 nov. 10 319 92 nov. 17 274 4● nov. 24 231 27 decem. 1 290 25 decem. 8 181 15 decem. 15 168 6 decem. 22 157 1 the totall of the bu●ials this whole yeare , 54082. of the plague . 35428. 1592.   totall . pl. march 17 351 31 march 24 219 29 march 31 307 27 aprill 7 203 33 aprill 14 290 37 aprill 21 310 41 aprill 28 350 29 may 5 339 38 may 12 300 42 may 19 4●0 58 may 26 410 62 june 2 441 81 june 9 399 99 june 16 401 108 june 23 850 118 june 30 1440 927 july 7 151● 893 july 14 1491 258 july 21 1507 852 july 28 1503 983 august 4 1550 797 august 11 1532 651 august 18 1508 449 august 25 1490 507 septemb. 1 1210 563 septemb. 8 621 451 septem . 15 629 349 septem . 22 450 130 septem . 29 408 327 octob. 6 422 323 octob. 13 330 308 octob. 20 320 302 octob. 27 310 301 novem. 3 309 209 nov. 10 30● 107 nov. 17 321 93 nov. 24 349 94 decemb. 1 331 86 decem. 8 329 71 decem. 15 386 39 decem. 22     baptized . 5827 the totall 25886. of the plague . 11503. 1630   totall ▪ pl. iune 24 205 19 iuly 1 209 2● iuly 8 217 43 iuly 15 250 50 iuly 22 229 40 iuly 29 279 77 august 5 250 56 august 12 246 65 august 19 269 54 august 26 270 67 septem . 2 230 66 septem . 9 259 63 septem . 16 264 68 septem . 23 274 57 septem . 30 269 56 octob. 7 236 66 octob. 14 261 73 octob. 21 248 60 octob. 28 214 34 novem. 4 242 29 nov. 11 215 29 nov. 18 200 18 nov. 25 226 7 decem 2 221 20 decem. 9 198 19 decem. 16 2●● 5 the totall of all the burials this yeare , is of all diseases 10554. of the plague 1317 1636 buried of all diseases in newcastle , as followeth . may 21 59 may 28 55 iune 4 91 iune 11 122 iune 18 99 iune 25 162 iuly 2 133 iuly 9 172 iuly 16 184 iuly 23 212 iuly 30 270 august 6 366 aug. 13 334 aug. 20 402 aug. 27 430 septem . 3 460 septem . 10 314 septem . 17 220 septem . 24 ●36 octob. 1 80 octob. 8 63 the totall is 4764. 1636 buried in garthhead in newcastle as followeth . may 30 10 iune 6 24 iune 13 19 iune 20 34 iune 27 40 iuly 4 75 iuly 11 66 iuly 18 60 iuly 25 60 august 1 29 august 8 17 august 15 18 august 22 13 august 29 14 septem . 5 11 septem . 12 7 septem . 19 4 septem . 26 6 octob. 3 2 octob. 10 2 octob. 17 4 the totall is 515. 1636 buried in london and the liberties , of all diseases , the number as followeth .   totall . pl. aprill 7 199 ● aprill 14 205 4 this weeke was added 〈◊〉 the city parishes ▪ s. marg. westminster . lambeth . s. mary newington . redri●●e parish . s. mary islington . stepney parish . hackney parish . aprill 21 285 14 april 28 259 17 may 5 251 10 may 12 308 55 may 19 299 35 may 26 330 62 iune 2 339 67 iune 9 345 87 iune 16 381 103 iune 23 304 79 iune 30 352 104 iuly 7 215 81 iuly 14 372 104 iuly 21 395 120 iuly 28 423 151 august 4 461 206 august 11 538 283 august 18 638 321 august 25 787 429 septemb. 1 1011 63● septemb. 8 1069 650 septem . 15 1306 865 septem . 22 1229 775 septem . 29 1403 928 octob. 6 1405 92● octob. 13 1302 79● octob. 20 1002 55● octob. 27 900 458 novem. 3 1300 83● novem. 10 1104 715 nov. 17 ●50 573 nov. 24 8●7 476 decem. 1 614 312 decem. 8 459 167 decem. 15 385 85 decem. 22 316 76 decem. 29 383 125 the totall of the burials this yeere 27415. of the plague 1●1●2 . 1637. buried in london and the liberties , of all diseases , the number as followeth .   totall . pl. ianuary 5 381 116 ianuary 12 314 73 ianuary 19 268 59 ianuary 26 289 72 februa . 2 351 103 februa . 9 315 104 februa . 16 285 78 februa . 23 254 44 march 2 262 69 march 9 332 100 march 16 303 80 march 23 260 65 march 31 343 115 april 9     april 14     april 21     april 28     may 5     may 12     may 19     may 26     iune 2     iune 9     iune 16     iune 23     iune 30     iuly 7     iuly 14     iuly 21     iuly 28     august 4     london , printed for richard harper , at the hospitall gate in smithfield . proclamation, discharging trade and commerce with the city of london, and other places of the kingdom of england, suspected of the plague. at edinburgh, the twenty one of december, one thousand six hundred sixty five. scotland. privy council. 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05593 wing s1778 estc r183459 52612321 ocm 52612321 179625 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05593) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179625) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:19) proclamation, discharging trade and commerce with the city of london, and other places of the kingdom of england, suspected of the plague. at edinburgh, the twenty one of december, one thousand six hundred sixty five. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1665. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. signed: pet. wedderburne, cl. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -scotland -early works to 1800. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms proclamation , discharging trade and commerce with the city of london , and other places of the kingdom of england , suspected of the plague . at edinburgh , the twenty one of december , one thousand six hundred sixty five . the lords of his majesties privy council , taking to their serious consideration , that albeit by the infinit mercy of god , this kingdom hath been hitherto preserved from the plague of pestilence , which hath long continued at london , and broken out in many other towns and places of the kingdom of england ; yet the danger and fear of infection is as great as it hath been heretofore , by the resore of many people and merchants to the city of london , and other places suspected , for beginning commerce and trade , and adventuring to bring into this kingdom all commodities as formerly , albeit the plague is not yet altogether ceased , and that all goods and merchandise to be imported from thence , may be yet justly suspected : and that merchants and other traffickers may conceive , that the act and proclamation of the twelfth of july last , whereby all trade and commerce betwixt this kingdom and the city of london , and other suspected places , was discharged till the first of november last , is now no more in force after the elapsing of the said first of november ; albeit by the said former act and proclamation , the said restraint and prohibition is not only laid on till the said first of november , but ay and while it should be expresly taken off by another act and proclamation . therefore , that none pretend ignorance , they of new ratifie and approve the foresaid act , in the whole heads and clauses thereof , and ordains all parties concerned to give full and exact obedience thereto , and declares the same to stand and be of full force , untill the first day of march next to come , in the year of god , one thousand six hundred and sixty six , and longer , ay and while the same be discharged : with certification , if any person whatsomever shall contraveen the same , they shall be lyable to the whole pains and penalties therein contained , to be inflicted without mercy . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published by macers or messengers at armes , at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , peer and shoar of lieth , mercat-crosses of dunce and jedburgh , and other places needfull , that none pretend ignorance . pet. wedderburne , cl. s ti concilii . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1665. a nevv treatise of the pestilence, containing the causes, signes, preseruatiues and cure thereof the like not before this time pubished [sic]. and therefore necessarie for all manner of persons, in this time of contagion. s. h. studious in phisicke. hobbes, stephen. 1603 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02444 stc 12577 estc s117905 99853114 99853114 18482 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02444) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18482) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1239:14) a nevv treatise of the pestilence, containing the causes, signes, preseruatiues and cure thereof the like not before this time pubished [sic]. and therefore necessarie for all manner of persons, in this time of contagion. s. h. studious in phisicke. hobbes, stephen. [16] p. printed by iohn windet, for mathew law, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the fox in paules church-yarde, london : 1603. s. h. = stephen hobbes (halkett & laing). signatures: a-b⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a nevv treatise of the pestilence , containing the causes , signes , preseruatiues and cure thereof . the like not before this time pubished . and therefore necessarie for all manner of persons , in this time of contagion . s. h. studious in phisicke . london , printed by iohn windet , for mathew law , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the fox in paules church-yarde . 1603. a treatise of the pestilence . hauing an intent to write certaine precautions and preseruatiues against the pestilence , i thinke not necessarie to be ouer tedious or so precise as those that write exquisitly and perfectly of the same disease : onely i am determined to set downe such things as shall be necessary for to be knowne by those which in this case shall haue neede . and first , i will make a true description of the pestilence , what it is . secondly , the causes , thou the signes , and lastly precautions and remedies against the same . the pestilence is nothing else then a rotten or pestilent feuer , which being ingendred by a rotten and corruptayre by a hidden and secret propertie which it hath , doth kill and destroy mortal creatures . the causes are said to be foure fold , as the first & chiefest cause is supernaturall , as being immediately sent from god for the punishment of sinne and disobedience of mankind , as doth appeare in deut. 2● . 15 . if thou wilt not obey the voice of the lord thy god to keepe and to doe all his commandements and his ordinances which i command thee this day : then all these curses shall come vpon thee , and ouertake thee . cursed shalt thou be in the towne , and cursed in the field , &c. the lord shal make the pestilence cleaue vnto thee vntill he haue consumed thee from the land which thou goest to possesse , &c. moreouer we reade that the sinne of dauid was the cause that the lord sent his angell which did kill the pestilence in a small time threescore and ten thousand soules . now this may be proofe sufficient that sinne is the originall and chiefe cause of this most cruell disease of the pestilence . the second cause is attributed to an euill constellation which astronomers affirme to proceede by the placing of the sunne , moone , and stars , being in the firmament or circles of the heauens by their coniunctions , oppositions , and other aspects the one to the other . the third cause is attributed to the corruption of the ayre , which being corrupted is apt for infection of mans body , for all liuing creatures drawe their breath from the ayre that is round about thē , which if it be stinking , wenomous , and corrupt , the bodie of man liuing therein is in danger to be corrupted : whereby often times the pestilence is ingendred . the fourth cause is the aptnesse of the body of man , through corrupt and rotten humours fitte to receiue the effects of a venomous ayre , putrifying and corrupting the body whereby the pestilence is ingendred . and this aptnsse to infection proceedeth by the abuse of the six things which are called by the phisitions not naturall , which are 1. ayre . 2. meate and drinke . 3. sleepe , and watch . 4. exercise , and rest . 5. emptinesse , and repletion . 6. the perturbations and affections of the minde . now as the true vse of these things that are called not naturall doth maintaine and cherish health , so the abuse thereof is the occasion of disease & sickenesse . for which cause i counsell all manner of persons in this time of contagion to flie surfeting , gurmandizing , and other vnseasonable banketings , whereby the health of the body is at all times impayred , for who knoweth not that great and often feeding breedeth cruditie , and rawe watrish humours in the body ( which cruditie is a fitte sediment or subiect for the venomous and corrupt ayre to worke on . for which cause the learned phisitions as well auncient as moderne giue counsell that in the time of pestilence and contagion , those bodies that are humid and moyst , must bee by all manner of meanes made drie , and those that are dry to be kept and preserued in their drinesse : for by obseruation it is very well knowne that the phiegmaticke and sanguine body is sooner subiect to infection then the choloricke or melancholike , and experience doth dayly teach vs when for the most part women , children , and men of yoong yeares are those that die in this disease of the pestilence as those bodies that are hot and moyst and thereby fittest to receiue putrif●c●ion . but for as much as i promised in the beginning not to be ouer-tedious as those that make a long discourse , i purpose to proceede briefly vnto the signes whereby a man may know and perceiue when the contagion hath taken hold of him , and thereby run speedily vnto such meanes & helps , as by the rules of phisicke shall be to him discribed . the signes to know when the body is infected , are for the most part an apostum or tumor about the eare , necke , vnder the arme holes , or flancke , with a feuer , and sometimes there ariseth in some other parts of the body , a darke greene or euill coloured sore . these signes for the most port doth appeare but not alwaies . but for the more certainty , we must consider these symtomes or signes that follow , there hapneth after infection a great pricking , and shooting in the body and especially in the necke armeholes and flanckes , also extreame heate within the body , and in the hands , knees , and feete very co●d so that there is ioyned with the same a shiuering as in a feuer : also their is heauines of the head , drynesse of the mouth , with extreame thirst ; also a drowsinesse and great desire to sleepe : some againe are so watchfull that they cannot sleepe , so that they ra●e as thought they were in a phrens●e : there happeneth also great paine in the head faintnesse sluggishnesse , weakenesse of the l●mmee , pensiuenesse , no desire of meat with oftē vomiting , the matter being bitter & of diuers colours , the vrine troubled , thicke and stinking & for the most part without residence . these are the principall signes of infection & yet not certaine , for sometimes a man may be infected and yet none of these signes apparant . and in like maner a man may haue these signes , and yet free from infection . some phisitions are of opinion that there is scarsely any disease where the pestilence raigneth , but that it is either of the nature of the pestilence or apt to be turned into the same . and thus much shall suffice as concerning signes of the infection with the pestilence : we will now proceed to the preseruatiues and cure . of the cure of the pestilence . as i haue already declared that there is a fourefolde cause of this cruell disease of the pestilence : so also there is a fourefold meanes to cure the same . the first consisteth in euacuation and mundification of the body . the second , in a due obseruation of diet . the third , in comforting and strengthning of the principall members ; which are the hart , the liuer , and the braine , with asseueration of the potentiall and operati●e powers . the fourth , in giuing and administring of antidots , alexipharmacon , and other preseruatiues against venomous and contagious ayres , with the office of the chirurgian , for phlebotomy , bloud letring , maturation , extraction , and healing of carbuncles . for preseruatiue against the pestilence they must be such as haue faculty of resisting putrifaction , and euen presently from the beginning those bodies ( as i haue before said ) which are humid & moyst , must be by all possible meanes that may be made dry , and those that are dry must be kept & preserued . but in those bodies that doe abound with corrupt , rotten , & hurtfull humours : it shall be needefull for them before infection , to vse purgation and bloud letting by aduice of the skilfull and learned phisition . and whereas the phisition in other feuers are accustomed to vse a longer processe : that is to say , by preparing the body , by digesting of humours offending , and last of all by euacuation and purging out of the same : in this cruell disease which will not ad pacis conditiones descendere ▪ that is , indure no daliance or delay , we must flie foorthwith vnto the cure and remedies for the same . and for because it seldome hapneth that persons which are infected with the pestilence , are visited with the phisitiō , or chirurgiō wherby many wāt cure & remedie which liue & recouer , i am therefore determined by gods assistance to set downe such meanes and remedies as shall be profitable to all those that shall haue neede to vse the same . and first of all for preseruatiue before the body be infected may be vsed this following . take oxysaccharum . syrupe of sorrell . oxymel symplex , of either of them halfe an ounce . waters of endiue , scabios , carduus benedictus , of either one ounce . let all these be mixt togither and taken in the morning fasting , and so continue it euery other day day during the time of the pestilence . pils for the resisting of the pestilence . take aloes elect one ounce . myrrhe . safferne of either ii . dragons . agarick prepared . rhubarbe , elect of either so much . camphere , 1. dragme , and 2. scruples . red and yellow saunders . red roses . red corrall of either 1. dragme . dictamni . gentian roote . z●doarie . tormentil of either 4. scruples . let all those be made into a masse with the syr●●●●l●ed aeotosi●atis ci●●i , as much as shall be sufficient , and when any will vse thereof , let him take the weight of one scruple made into a ●il in the euening when he entreth into his bed , & so let him continue euery day during the time of the pestilence , if you giue thereof to children halfe a scruple shall suffice , these pils haue a wonderfull propertie in resisting venome , and in euacuating of rotten and corrupt humours with strengthning and confirming of the principall members . an other preseruatiue against the pestilence . take of andromachas treacle of either 1. dram . of the best mithradate , of either 1. dram . suger roset . saccharie boraginati , sacchari buglossati , of the citren rinde condite . of either of them one ounce and a halfe . electuari de gemmis 10. drams . diarhodon abbatis . diatrion santuli of either 1. ounce . m●xe altogether with the sirup of the rinde of citrens as much as shall suffice , and take of the same electuarie eueryday , or euery other day the quantitie of a chest nutte in the morning foure houres before dinner . and for as much as euery man cannot be at so great a charge as to attaine these former things prescribed , they may vse euery morning fasting one scruple of the pils called pilulae ruffi which doth excellently resist putrifaction , or they may vse euery morning vpon the point of a knife the●iac● diates●aron which also is a preseruatiue against the pestilence . they may also take one ounce of london treacle , with the powder of carduus benedictus , and the roote of angelica of either of them halfe a dramme , and mixe them together , and thereof take euery morning fasting vppon the point of a knife often times in the day . i omit to speake of the vnicornes horne , and bezars stone , because their value is so great , and the graine held at so deare a rate : onely i aduise euery man that will seeke the preseruation of his owne health , to keepe their houses sweete , and cleane , vsing in their common roomes not onely fiers in the chimneyes , but also in earthen pans , with perfumes and sweete vapours , which be not onely pleasant to the sences , but also haue propertie to cleanse and purifie the ayre , such as is rose vineger , red rose water , lignum aloes , olibanum , bengimin , storax calamint , juniper buris ; with the wood and such like besides , to be carefull not to be much out of their owne doores before the sumre haue beene vp for two houres space , or after it is set and gone downe . and thus much briefely by way of precaution and preseruatiue before infection . now it resteth to describe the cure of the pestilence after infection according to the practise and cures of phisicke . of the cure of the pestilence . vve haue already set downe in briefe manner precautions and preseruatiues against the pestilence . now if it happen any man to be infected , let him presently with all the speed that possible may be , take two drams of this powder following in halfe a draught of good white wine . take tormentil . of either 1. dram . dictamni . of either 1. dram . zedoari . of either 1. dram . the roote of gentian , of the roote carlinae , of the roote verbascus , dried in the shade and powdered of either 1. dragme . make all these into fine powder and as soone as it may be , let the patient that is infected take 2. dragmes in halfe a draught of good white wine , then let him goe into his bed & be couered warme with cloathes that he may sweate throughly . and to the entent he may sweate the sooner , you may put into the bed earthen bottles filled with hot water , and so let him sweate for the space of two or three houres keeping him from sleepe and drinke , all that while . in like manner this powder may be vsed . take the rootes of pimpinella . of tormentil , of cinamon , of either 1. ounce . lignum aloes , greeke mynts , of either 2. ounces . iuniper berries , narde seede , of either so much . make all into fine powder and mixe 2. drams thereof with andromachus treacle , and of choyse mithradat of either halfe an ounce , with halfe an ounce of sirup de ribes : and giue thereof at one time a dragme or better & so prouoke him to sweat as aforesaid , if you adde to euery dragme or dos . 6. graynes of bezars stone , you shal see a maruailous effect for it resisteth the pestilence and all maner of venome . an other electuarie to be taken after infection . take bolearmonick washed in red rosewater . two dragmes . terrae sigillatae . red coral , of either 1. dragme . of the citren rinde , zedoarie . safferne , of either halfe a dragme . suger rosat , of red roses , 6. ounces . syrupus acetositatis citri , 10. ounces . let all be made into fine powder , and make an electuarie of this electuarie , the patient shall take one dram , and of andromachas treacle so much , and mixe them together and receiue all presently at one dose , and drinke presently after a draught of scabios water or sorrell water with a little of vineger of roses , or take the foresaid treacle and electuarie and mixe it with the water and so drinke it , presently prouoking sweate as aforesaid . and thus much i thinke to be sufficient at this time , as concerning this cruell disease of the pestilence , i know much more may be written , but for as much as i promised to auoyde prolixitie , i will end onely with aduice vnto such chirurgious as shall be called , or shall aduenture themselues to the cure of this so daungerous a sicknesse . the chiefe matter belonging to the chirurgian is blood letting , extraction , and maturation of carbuncles and apostumes , as for blood-letting , let not the chirurgian draw so much foorth as may be an occasion of fainting , or sowning to the patient , but let him draw foorth blood by degrees , and iterate the same , as if the patient bleed in the morning 5. ounces , he may bleed at three of the clocke in the after noone , 3. ounces more , and so againe the next morning if neede shall require . and this is to be noted , that this blood letting is to be vsed at the beginning of infection and not otherwise ; prouided alwaies that there with some one or other of this antidots or electuaries before declared be vsed . and whereas i haue obserued that the patient infected with this disease hauing absessus tumor or carbuncle arising either in the groyne , armeholes or vnder the eares , or in some emunctuarie or clensing place of the body weyting the suppuration and ripening of the same either by nature , or medicine , they haue dyed , which if the chirurgian would either by extirpation , or incision , with present application of some ripening and attractiue plaster , nature would thereby be eased & the venomous and corrupt vapours by nature expelled , for nature being weake , and not able to expell the venome fast enough , if by insensible transpiration , the venome returneth backe to the hart , and so presently destroyeth nature . but if the chirurgian or the patient himselfe doe follow my aduise , he shall presently either with incision , knife , or other instrument remooue that turnor where nature may haue way made to expell that venomous and corrupt matter which is noysome vnto it . and thus by the grace of god and his blessing , whosoeuer shall follow the foresaid precepts , and rules , shall preserue both himselfe and his familie from the pestilence . and i beseech the almightie to hold his holy hand ouer this realme of england which by sinne hath deserued farre greater punishments . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02444-e80 definition . signes . cure. advice for the poor by way of cure & caution ... by t. cocke. cock, thomas. 1665 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36186 wing d1749 estc r15569 12338320 ocm 12338320 59830 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36186) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59830) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 140:19) advice for the poor by way of cure & caution ... by t. cocke. cock, thomas. dixon, roger, 17th cent. directory for the poore against the plague and infectious diseases. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1665] caption title. on p. [5]-[6] are orders for publication and distribution by the duke of albemarle, lord craven, and others. place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in british library. includes: a directory for the poore against the plague and infectious diseases / roger dixon. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng public health -england -early works to 1800. plague -england -london. plague -england -treatment. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advice for the poor by way of cure & caution . being very sensible that it is impossible for all the physitians now in london effectually to attend the cure of this sickness in person ; and that the necessities of people are such , that it requires all that can be done for them both in person and paper ; and also finding nothing of this nature hath as yet been printed , i have therefore for publick use and benefit so plainly laid down the manner of cure in this paper , that any nurse may do as much for the sick she attends for less then 12 d. as is necessary , or the disease will permit . i also assure my self that if care could or rather would but be taken , that every private family , especially the poorer sort , for whom it is chiefly intended might have but a paper delivered to them by publick authority , not only the patient but physician ( if he be candid and without reserve will find it a great help to him in his practice . the use i make of it my self in practice is when people come to me , i bid them read the paper , and do as they are there directed in the cure ; and by this meanes i do relieve and help them more then otherwise ( had i twenty hands ) it were possible for me to do . by t. cocke . the cure god permitting . for all persons so soon as they find themselves ill or infected , ( excepting the very aged and consumptive ) is imediately to (1) vomit , especially if repletion , or any surfeit was the cause , or they find any inclination to it : in this case don't dispute it but imediately (2) vomit , with a draught of warm water , and 2 or three spoonfuls of salt dissolved in it , using the finger or a feather , dipt in oyl to provoke it , if it come not away presently . within one quarter of an hour after , whether you vomit or no , go into a warm bed and sweat fifteen or twenty hours ( if it can possibly be endured ) with two or three pennyworth of london treacle , ( more or less , accordig to to the age and constitution of the party ) dissolved in five or six spoonfull of warme vinegar ; (3) and as often as they thirst during their sweat , let them drink freely hot posset-drink , or mace ale , a little rosemary and sage boiled in it , and drink no other drink for two or three days ; nor any cold drink for four or five days or more : an hour or two after the sweat is over , and the body well dried with warm cloaths , they must wash their mouths and hands with warm water and vinegar , and then ( if their stomach will permit ) they may refresh themselves with some convenient food ; as mutton broth , egg candle , water-gruell , or panada , with a sprig of rosemary , mints , or thyme , boiled in it . this being done they may go to sleep , and at the same time they go to rest , to put on the vesecatories (4) or blistering plaister of cantharides , ( which may be had at any apothecaries ) under the ears , arm-holes , and groines , and let them lie on six or eight hours , then take them off and clip the blisters if they be not broke , and keep them running till the disease be over , which may be done by buying at any apothecaries a peny-worth of melliolote plaister , commonly called the green plaister ; and applying it to each blister , and renewing it as often as conveniently you can : and if at any time there be in any part of the body any (5) swelling apply the said green plaister constantly to it , and continue the taking of (6) cordials , or the former posset-drink of sage untill they be well come forth or break ; and when they are broke keep them running as long as you can , by applying the said green plaister to them : and take great notice , that when you have running sores , there is great hopes of life ; but the least cold being taken , it is certain death , and hundreds have miscarried by going abroad too soon : in such cases therefore ( upon the forfeiture of life ) keep warm within doors for two or three weeks , or until the sores be perfectly well : also if the disease lie much in the head and the body be bound , you may safely at any time give this suppository , viz. a fig slit and fill'd with salt , and so put up into the body , putting up after it a small piece of candle if two or three inches long : or if there be any violent looseness , great burning heat , or drowth , boyle then in their posset drink , plantaine , sorrel , or knot grass ; where these cannot be had vinegar may be permitted , so much as to make the posset drink a little sharpish . these few and plain directions design'd and contrived for the poorest and meanest persons and capacities , being carefully observed may with gods blessing be the meane of preserving such as shall use them , neither ( waving in such exigencies as these , all rites and ceremonies ) can more be done , where the physician can or cannot be consulted . and i do solemnly require all that are concern'd in my practice , as they respect their lives to advise with this paper to all intents and purposes , as if i were personally present . a necessary caution . the great mistake that i find about preventives against the plague hath occasioned the publishing of this paper for publick use and benefit ; it being not only my own , but the judgment of those that ought most to be trusted , that those hot medicines of (7) sir w. rawleigh , dr. burgess , mr. dixon , and some others so much taken notice of , are , without exception , of very great worth for such as are infected , yet so far are they from being preventives of this present infection , that they are rather great promoters of it , by exalting blood , and disposing of it for feavers , especially in young , leane , sanguine , cholerique , constitutions and persons : but corpulent , rheumatique , aged and infirm people and no others , may safely be permitted the moderate use of them , and other hot medicines , as zeduary , angelica , rue , &c. those that appoint , or shall plead for the promiscuous use of them , either mistake themselves and good authors , or do not consult the causes of this present contagion , but judge of it as of former pestilencies , proceeding from putrefaction , by an intempëries of those first qualities , heat and moysture ; whereas ( things rightly examined ) an arsenickfome by a dyscrasy of heat and drynesse will be found concerned in it ; and as this consideration is ( in the behalfe of better judgments ) propounded ; so also ( till solid reasons be produced to the contrary ) 't is desired that the g●eat error of hot and dry medicines for preventives may be reformed . the great businesse to prevent the plague is to prevent (8) feavers and (9) surfets ; and therefore the colledge in compliance with his majesties great care of his people , have prohibited the use of all green , raw crude and unindigested fruits , especially cucumbers , mellons , and cherries , other fruits moderately used may be permitted : neither are they to be understood where they advise hot medicines , that there hot medicines are to be used as preventives but expulsives ; that is for sick , not for well persons . the provision i make for my selfe is to live temperately , to wash my hands and mouth frequently with vinegar and water , and to make the best provision that may be to supply by (10) artificiall fumes and sents , the defects of a sound , wholsome and well constituted aire . (11) in the mouth , and let down into the stomack ( by a stiptick property , it hath to close the orifice of the stomach and passages that lead to it ) they resist the attraction of malignancy into the inward parts , by strengthning the lungs , and wonderfully assisting the heart ( by fixing humours ) to resist sudden death : the use of which are of very great benefit for lawyers , clergy-men , and citizens , who have publique converse and concernments with people : i take no other my self , who am not ignorant of most that are extant . an advertisement . the fume and lozanges mentioned in this paper , are to be had at 12 pence the paper , each paper of the fume containing half a pound , each paper of the lozange containing two ounces , at every parish clerks house in and about london and when those clerks are unprovided of any of the said medicines , they or any other persons may be supplyed at these apories , viz. mr wilkinson at the pestel and morter in finch lane over against the french church . and mr reeds at the queens-armes in fan church-street , and nowhere else at present : also all , or any of the medicines mentioned in this paper are to be had at the same apothecaries at reasonable rates , with the paper and directions how to use them ( gratis . ) at the cock-pit , aug. 4th . 1665. having received very good testimonies of the abilities of dr thomas cocke , and his readinesse to do good to the people in this time of infection , by his directions and remedies in a paper by him published . i do therefore hereby recommend the said papers unto publick use , and do desire that the church-wardens of their respective parishes , do take such quantities of them to be distributed to each severall family as shall be thought fit and convenient . given under my hand and seal at the cock-pit this 4th day of august , 1665. albemarle . august the third 1665. having very well informed our selves of the benefit of that may be had by the use and carefull observance of the directions and remedies in this paper ; we do therefore recommend them and the said papers of dr t. cocke to publick use , and desire that every parish clerk whom it shall concerne , may have delivered to them a sufficient quantity thereof , and they to deliver them to every respective family in their said parishes , especially the poorer sort , that they may not be left destitute of all good and necessary helps . given under our hands and seals this third day of august in the 17th year of his majesties reign . present , the right honourable the lord craven . edmond warcupp . john underwood . thomas wharton . a directory for the poore , against the plague and infectious diseases . published for the common good . since it hath pleased god to bestow a small talent upon mee , christianity obliges mee not to hide it in a napkin , but to bestow it upon my fellow christians , who are not able to purchase the advice of those who will communicate nothing gratis . therefore , that every one may know how to prepare for themselves that means of preservation that god hath given us , and the dictates of nature prompts every one to seek after , i have here published such remedies , as , being timely used , will preserve all such as god hath appointed for life . and such as are not able to make it themselves , though the charge be very small , i hope christian charity will move their neighbours of more ability to provide it for them , and not suffer them to perish for want , and thereby endanger ▪ not only a greater calamity , but draw down a just judgment upon themselves . the cordiall antidote against the plague . take sage , rue , of each one handfull , masterwort root , butter-bur root , angelica roots , and zedoary of each half an ounce , virginia snake-root a quarter of an ounce , safron 20 grains , contra yerva a dram ( at the herb shops and drugstors you may have them all ) malago wine a quart , bruise the herbs , and pound the roots , and put them in a pipkin close covered , and set it to the fire , and let it stand hot , but not boil , for the space of an hour or better , then strain it out , and put in a quarter of an ounce of mithredate , and as much venice treacle , which dissolve in it . take hereof half a spoonfull every morning first , and every night last , for preservation ; but if one be taken sick , then let them drink a quarter of a pint , and cover them to sweat . this drink will powerfully fortifie the vitals , and by sweat throw out the malignity of the distemper . if you see that the party sweat not enough , you may give as much more ; and so you may take a larger quantity then before is prescribed for prevention , as you see cause , and the constitution requires . a drink for all malignant feavers . i recommend unto you a posset drink to drink after it , wherewith i have cured many hundreds , in the time of the late unhappy wars , of desperate feavers cousin ( german to the plague ) which was then an epidemicall disease , and used no other medicine . take carduus benedictus , scabious and butter-bur roots , and boil them in posset drink , and let them drink largely of it ; and be not too sparing of your ingredients , for they are easie enough to be had . it may be objected , that it will be so bitter you cannot drink it : to remedy that , boil it in the milk first , and the longer it boils , the lesse bitter it will be ; and when the bitternesse is gone , strain it , and set it on the fire again , and when it boils , put in your drink , and let it stand to raise the curd , which take off . this posset drink hath stayed violent vomitings and loosenesse : by drinking largely of it many have been cured in 24 houres , when nothing but death hath been expected . an outward application for the plague . i will likewise give you an outward medicine , as good as you shall find in any sort composed , which you may make your selves . take bay-salt if you can get it , and pound it small and burn it in a fireshovel till it leave crackling ; if you cannot get bay-salt take white-salt , and powder it very fine , then take castle-sope , slice it thin , and pound it in a morter ; adde to it as much oil of lillies , as will make it soft to an oyntment , then take two parts of sope , and one of figs , and one of salt , and another of mithridate , and mix them together . this will not deceive you in your expectation , for it will break any pestilentiall bubo , or swelling , and turn out a carbuncle , and strongly drawes out the malignity , and makes it fit to be cured by any ordinary medicine . i would admonish all , not to suffer any thirst in any of those that are sick , but forbid small and cold drink ; but let them drink beer of a reasonable strength , heated as hot as they can drink it , the hotter the better ; and such as can attain unto it , may moderately drink fragrant generous wine , and cordiall vvaters . there is one main cause of diseases , by which many people are spoiled , and all are in danger to be infected with some foul distemper or another . nay , there is none in safety , but his life , or at least health is in danger of it , from him that sitteth on the throne , to him that grindeth at the mill , and that is the butchers in blowing their meat , when nothing is more usuall then for stinking fellowes to blow up the meat with their filthy pockey , stinking , putrified breath , whereby they putrifie the flesh ; and thereby are unknown diseases communicated to the people , which is the cause of so many calamitous and strange distempers . it were therefore heartily to be wished , that the right honourable the lord major and the rest of the magistrates were well informed hereof , that by their pious care the lawes made against these pestilent offenders were duly put in execution , which would conduce much to the health and safety of the people , which god preserve . roger dixon . from my house in water-lane near the custome-house , 16 june 1665. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36186-e10 expulsives . (1) the best way of vomiting will be to put two or three ounces of oximel of squill , into a pint or quart of carduus posset , and drink it all off ; this will cost about six pence . (2) but if there be any sharp or pricking pains about the groynes , &c. or the disease lye much in the head ▪ or hath assaulted and weakened the heart , then only sweat ; and at the some time apply outwardly warm , to the fore-head , temples , and heart , bole armoniack , and oyl of water lillies of each one penny worth , with as much vinegar as will make it a soft paste 〈◊〉 ●f you add a little camphere and salt peter it will be the better . this medicine being of great use , ( when the violence of the disease lies much in the head ) is therefore to be had i● a readiness at those apothecaries hereafter mentioned , (3) or elect , de . ovo 2 drams , or a scruple , or sir walter rawleighs , or mr dixons sudoriffique , or rather dr burgess sulpher auratum against the plague , which doth both vomit , sweat , and purge . (4) you must spread the plaister upon leather , and cut it into six parts , those two for the ears no bigger then a half crown ; the other each of them about the bigness of a hand : those that are so extream poor that they muct rather begge then buy , rather then they shall want so necessary a help , are to have the plaister gratis ; others to pay six pence . (5) those that can make use of an apothecary , the best way will be to anoint the swelling with oil of roses , lillies , or unguent of althea ; and then put upon the tumor , the plaister of diacalum cum gummis , or mr. dixons plaister . (6) and use this for a cordial , a quart of claret burn'd ; and afterwards put into it almost a quarter of a pint of vinegar , and this makes a very pleasant and profitable cordial julip . the richer sort may instead of vinegar , use spirit of vitriol , syrup of citrons or lemmons , ●o much as will make the wine sharp and pleasing to taste ; neither need a better be provided , ●f they use zeduary instead of ginger when they burn the wine . preventives . (7) one pound of the conserve of wood-sorrel , of london treacle , and bole armoniack ; sirup of vinegar , or sirup of citrons , of each one ounce , is undoubtedly a far more safe and soveraign preventive , taken morning and night , the quantity of a large nutmeg . the poorer sort may put the bole and london treacle in a pint of vinegar , and take a spoonfull morning and night , first shaking it . (8) by avoiding all things , that may inflame , over heat , and exasperate blood as salt diet , and strong-drinks . (9) by temperance , and not cooling the blood too fast after it is heated , by a too sudden and eag●r use of cold and crude things , as small beer and fruits . (10) within doors you cannot , nor is there a better fume to be used , both for the preventing infection , and securing persons infected , then sulphur and nitre , that is brimstone and salt-peter , with a little assa fetida , stone-pitch , mirrh , labdanum or olibanum , and upon very good grounds i judge it to be no wayes inferior to that commonly called st giles's powder , which is common salt-peter disguiz'd , and sold for 16 shillings the pound ; how much it is now improved is left to an impartiall judgment to determine , which with the addition ( things rightly managed ) may be afforded at two shillings the pound . burne this fume in infected houses four or five times a day , about a spoonfull at a time , in houses that are not infected , twice a day will be enough , and good to be used in coffee-houses , and churches , and places of common resort . also i cannot but commend , as the best of preventives , the use of a little diascordium rub'd in the inside of the nostrils when people walk the streets or visit the sick. (11) take of 〈…〉 prepared orientall bol● florentine orrice , of eac● halfe a pound , sugar tw● pound , tormentil roots on● ounce , mirrh in powder ha● an ounce , with gum dragon dissolved in vinegar make a past for lozanges those that would hav● more ample satisfaction o● the great worth of this mea● medicine , let them read gallen , lib. nono , de med. facult . who in the great and dreadfull plague at rome left this observation to posterity , that very few miscarried that mad● use of it . those that shall except against the authority of so worthy a person as gallen , were but people in such controversies competent judges , they would not suffer themselves under the notion and noise of chymistry to be so easily deceived ; but because they neither are , nor can be , they ought to confide ( as a thing most reasonable ) in those persons , an● that practice that hath undergone by the best of men the test and triall of so many ages , midd. ss . by the king, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court and the cities of london and westminster, and places adioyning england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22389 stc 8804.7 estc s2605 24358174 ocm 24358174 27572 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22389) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27572) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:44) by the king, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court and the cities of london and westminster, and places adioyning england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by i.l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill ..., printed at oxford : 1625. "giuen at our court at salisbury the seuenteenth day of october, in the first yeare of our raigne of great brittaine, france, and ireland." reproduction of original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court , and the cities of london and vvestminster , and places adioyning . his maiesty hauing taken a resolution that himselfe and his royall consort the queene and their courts shall very shortly remoue first to his castle of vvindsor , and after to his honour of hampton-court , and there to settle : and foreseeing that the vicinity of those places to the cities of london and westminster , and the suburbs thereof , and the borough of southwarke & towne of lambeth , which long haue been , and yet are so grievously infected with the plague , is apt to draw an intercourse betweene those cities and places & the court , which may bring extreame perill to the sacred persons of their royall maiesties , vnlesse it be very carefully avoyded . for the preventing therfore of so great & so apparant a danger , wherin all his maiesties good and louing subiects haue so large an interest . his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons of what degree or quality soeuer doe presume to goe or repaire directly or indirectly from the said citie of london or westminster , or either of them , or the suburbs of them , or the borrough of southwarke or towne of lambeth vnto the court , or to goe from the court vnto the said cities of london or westminster , or the suburbs of them , or the said borrough of southwarke , or towne of lambeth , or either , or any of them , and returne backe to the court againe vpon paine of his maiesties heavy displeasure , and of such further punishment as can by law or by his maiesties prerogatiue royall be inflicted vpon them for so high a contempt . and if any servant to his maiesty , or to the queene his royall consort in any office or place whatsoeuer , shall offend herein , and either in their owne person haue recourse to and fro , or wittingly suffer any other to haue recourse or accesse vnto them from those cities or suburbs thereof , or places aforesaid , his maiesty doth hereby signifie and publish his determinate purpose and resolution , that euery such offender shall not onely ipso facto forfeit and loose the office or place he holdeth , without any hope or expectation of favour now or at any time hereafter , but shall also incurre the heaviest and severest punishment which can be inflicted vpon them . and his maiesty doth straitly charge and command all his louing subiects to be carefull in the due execution of his royall will and pleasure herein , not onely in their owne persons , but in all others as much as in them lieth , and this to be strictly observed and continued vntill his maiesty shall see cause to inlarge this restraint againe , giuen at our court at salisbury the seuenteenth day of october , in the first yeare of our raigne of great brittaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. printed at oxford by i. l. and w. t. for bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . 1625. londons vacation, and the countries tearme. or, a lamentable relation of severall remarkable passages which it hath pleased the lord to shew on severall persons both in london, and the country in this present visitation, 1636. with the number of those thay dyed at london and newcastle, this present yeare. with new additions. by h.c. londons vacation, and the countries tearme. crouch, humphrey, fl. 1635-1671. 1637 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17453 stc 4274 estc s117070 99852285 99852285 17601 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17453) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17601) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1129:23) londons vacation, and the countries tearme. or, a lamentable relation of severall remarkable passages which it hath pleased the lord to shew on severall persons both in london, and the country in this present visitation, 1636. with the number of those thay dyed at london and newcastle, this present yeare. with new additions. by h.c. londons vacation, and the countries tearme. crouch, humphrey, fl. 1635-1671. [24] p. printed for richard harper, and are to be sold at his shop in smithfield, at the hospitall gate, london : 1637. attributed to humphrey crouch. in verse. signatures: a b⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons vacation , and the countries tearme . or , a lamentable relation of severall remarkable passages which it hath pleased the lord to shew on severall persons , both in london , and the country in this present visitation , 1636. with the number of those that dyed at london and newcastle , this present yeare . with new additions . by h. c. lord iesus receive my soule . london , printed for richard harper , and are to be sold at his shop in smithfield , at the hospitall gate . 1637. to the reader . courteous reader , i here present to th● view a brief collection of seuerall passages , brought forth in this yeare of sorrow : yet as god is alwayes more wonderfull in his mercies , then in his judgements terribl● to a repenting and sorrowfull nation ; so in his chastisements and correction he alwayes shews some remarkable passages to those surviving , that they may speak and tell of his wondrous works to their childrens children that great and terrible year● 1625. when thousands upon thousands were piled up in our mother earth , was for te●●● and number the very next and immediate unto this now present , and that 1625. was the greatest that our chronicles can afford , and yet then england was not halfe so much pestered with the violence of the pestilence in severall places as now it is : as witnesse now that famous and fruitfull place that hath beene to many of our merchants : newcastle i meane ; how many there have dyed this yeare , which in comparison to london is but an handfull of people , and there by ●ust account from the 21 of may , 1636. to the 8. of octob. of all , and in garthead of the plague . and moreover to many severall townes in the countrey distant from london and about london , so that ●he wrath of the lord is kindled ; then like nini●ch , let us blesse god for the preservation of our good and pious king , who hath called a fast ; now ●●t our hearts be but truly repentant , deserving this ●odly direction , and then we shall see this famous city london not like a place neare ierusalem , called golgotha , but like niniveh , which the lord was pleased to spare by repentance and true humiliation this time affords small trading or none at all , and those that have the trading at this season are sextons , coffin makers , grave-makers , and bea●e●s ; all these have so much doings , that almost all ●th●r trades have none at all : the whole kingdome 〈◊〉 under this heavy burden ; lord sheath the lest 〈◊〉 angels sword , and do th●● go on in mer●● as thou hast begun to cause the destroying angel 〈…〉 his hard , that we may live to glorifie thy 〈◊〉 name . lord 〈◊〉 thy divine comfort and assi●ance remaine with us day and night in this most 〈…〉 and dangerous time . amen . the number of those that dyed at new-castle in this present yeare . 1636 buried of all diseases in newcastle , as followeth . may 21 59 may 28 55 iune 4 91 iune 11 122 iune 18 99 iune 25 162 iuly 2 133 iuly 9 172 iuly 16 1●4 iuly 23 212 iuly 30 27● august 6 366 aug. 13 334 aug. 10 402 aug. 27 430 septem . 3 460 septem . 10 314 septem . 17 120 septem . 24 136 octob. 1 80 octob. 8 83 the totall is 4764. 1636 buried in ga●thhead in newcastle as followeth . may 30 10 iune 6 24 iune 13 19 iune 20 3●● iune 27 40 iuly 4 75 iuly 11 66 iuly 18 60 iuly 25 60 august 1 29 august 8 17 august 15 18 august 22 ●3 august 29 14 septem . 5 11 septem . 12 7 septem . 19 4 septem . 26 6 octob. 3 2 octob. 10 2 octob. 17 4 the totall is 515. the totall of all the burials in london of all diseases this present visitation , 1636. is 27415. of the plague 12102. the relation of the man buried in s. sepulchres new church-yard , on munday , being the 29. of august , 1636. mortals behold here prostrate to your sight , the cities terrour , and the countries fright . the lord hath drawn his sword , many are slain , and who can tell when 't will be sheath'd again ? for sinne the plague is now among us sent , many have sinn'd , and yet but few repent . the city to the countrey now are runne , although the countrey them so much do shun , and to speak truth some citizens poore elves , by flying thither , have undone themselves . yet some have said , 'i th countrey they are free , blind fools are they which think god cannot see ●n every place his power it self doth shew , strange things he doth , his wisedome willeth so : his sword is drawn among us , yet we spend our time in sinne , not thinking of our end : so that the lord to us may rightly say , the people eat , and drink , and rise to play . mortals here note , and once your sinnes despise , see here a mans grave digd , fore his own eyes , in s. sepulchers new church-yard 't is said , i' th interim that his grave t' his mind was made , he took his book and pray'd , oh blest be god that chastis'd him with his paternall rod , which did not take his sence from him away , but gave him time and sence to reade and pray : and when of 's prayers he an end had made , death ends his life , so he in 's grave was laid . oh then remember this you that have health . death playes the theese , takes many a one by stealth , before of him they think , this i may say he hardly will allow them time to pray . then we that live had need to pray apace , that sees death and the grave before our face . let 's humbly pray , and ninive cloath-like , then god in mercy will forbeare to strike . of the man that revived again in s. georges church-yard . a countrey man , as 't was to me reported , about some businesse to this town resorted , finding himself not well , strait way he went into s. georges fields in discontent , he drunk a penny-worth of milk 't is said , and down upon the ground himself he laid ; the milk-woman of whom the milk he bought , told him to lie upon the ground 't was naught , and wisht him then to rise , but he replide , that he would there but little time reside vpon the ground , onely to rest his head , and sleep a little on that earthy bed ; she seeing him so resolutely bent , took up her milk pail , and away she went. and for a certain truth to me t was told , that after she in town her milk had sold , she came the same way home , and found him dead as she poor woman then imagined , but t was not so , for in a trance lay he , yet others were deceiv'd as well as she ; for all that saw him did conclude and say , the man is dead , let us make haste away , and to the sexton of the parish go , telling him how it is , then let him do as he sees fit , then unto him they told , and did the matter unto him unfold . and to the masters of the parish then , the sexton went with other honest men , and told them how the matter then did stand , the masters of the parish gave command to bring the man that was supposed dead , into the church-yard , which they quickly did , and then the searchers they were fetcht with speed , so all concluded he was dead indeed ; and when the corps the searchers had survaid , they saw no cause why they should be afraid ; for of the plague they found the man was free as cleare a corps as ever they did see : so then to bury him they all conclude , but mark i pray what afterward ensude . it being neare night , the sexton did agree to bury him when he could better see . the first worke in the morning that he did , should be to bury him : meane while he hid the man under a coffin , as some say , not that he fear'd that he would runne away , but that no ravenous thing should him offend , so that in this he was the dead mans friend . ●e that lay na'●●● long upon the world , ●urely he could not chuse but be a col● . next morning he did rise as from the dead , and finding that himself was covered vnder a coffin , he did wonder much , he threw the coffin off him with a touch : ●o up he gets , then up and down did walk , and at the length he heard some people ●alk ; over a brick-wall th●n this man did clime , and cald for help , to call for help 't was time . ●nto the ax yard then this man was carried , and cherishe well till dead indeed and buried . before much people came him for to view , almagining that some of them him knew . five dayes after he liv'd , retaining breath , and then he chang'd his mortall life for death . now in the same church-yard his bones remain vntill the trumpet raise them up again . a true relation of certain 〈◊〉 that robd a hosiers shop in the new towne , neare s. martins lane , putting the mans goods into a coffin . god spares the wicked somtimes for this end , that they might see his judgmēts & amend . but they contrariwise grow worse and worse , and so pull down upon their heads a curse : neither gods judgements nor his mercies can effectually work in a wicked man , witnesse the villanies that now are done , some to rob orchards hastily will runne ; others to break up houses will not spare , from drunkennesse & whoredome not for beare . among the rest of helhounds some there were that without touch of conscience , grace or fear , most impudently with a coffin went to rob a hosiers shop was their intent ; and late at night the man being forth 't is said , to rob his shop these knaves were not afraid , but boldly took the stockings from the shelves , and put them in the coffin , wicked elves . the coffin being full , they nayl'd it down , and on their shoulders did go through the town and with a link before away they passe , and all that saw it thought no lesse but 't was a coarse , and he that ow'd the goods likewise , did see it bore away before his eyes . he met them and did shun them , but at last past when he came home , and they from him were he found himself robd , and almost undone . and pitied was by every mothers sonne , but he no news of them could ever heare , what is become of them , or where they are ? deaths house a coffin of mortality , they made a cloke to hide their villany . they cannot mock death long , for in the end the hang-man with a rope will them befriend . of 3. yongsters that presumed to rob an orchard , and fain'd themselves sick when the master of it came to them . now what say you to three mad knaves that went to rob an orchard all with one consent ; muffled , they say , with clouts about their heads , like sick men newly crept from out their beds , with each of them a bag under his arme , as if they went on purpose to do harme ; and so into an orchard these three comes , and fild their bags with apples , peares , & plums . the good man of the house hearing a noyse , and thinking them to be unhappy boyes , did take a cudgell , and to them he goes , minding for to bestow on them some blows : but seeing that all their 3. heads were clouted , of them he was afraid , and him they flouted . can you not be content bold knaves , quoth he , to rob mine orchard , but indanger me with your infectious breath ? depart i say , with bag and baggage , longer do not stay . for if you do , the town i le raise anon : so fild their bags , i 'm glad quoth he yo'r gone . instruction . he that of gods just judgement makes a sport , like these three men , one day shall suffer for 't . he that shall fain himself sick in this kinde , to feare another , he perhaps may finde a booty as these men did , and withall a curse will follow to bring such to thrall . good god in midst of all our misery , shall we consent to plot a villany , so great , so foule , so impudent and vilde ! houses infected , and mens mindes defilde with such impurity ! can we expect the plague should cease , when we our selves infect with sinne , that is the cause of all infection ? can we do this and look for thy protection ? lord of thy judgements let 's not make a sport , for if we do , thou 'lt surely plague us for 't . a strange and true report of a gentleman riding into the countrey , finding himself not well , and what chanced to him on the way . a gentleman as true report doth tell , into the countrey rode , a while to dwell : finding himself saint , he began to grieve , and stripping up at last his doublet sleeve , he found upon his arme some blew spots there , which like unto gods tokens did appeare . so spurs his horse , and speedily he rides to the next town , and there all night abides . but yet before he went to bed 't is said , in 's chamber he a good fire causde be made : so when the chamberlain had made a fire , a payle of water he did then desire . then cal'd he for the best sheet in the inne , the which he wet , and wrapt himself therein . the sheet being wet , and he starke naked in it , about his body he did strait way pinne it ; which being done , away to bed he went. the morning being come , and the night spent , he found himself well , and his body cleare from all those spots which before did appeare . strange physick this may seem to many a one , and yet he prov'd himself a good physitian . but y●● my doctor he shall never be , such physick sure would be the death of me . and to conclude , he paid most liberally for all he called for , especially for his wet winding sheet , and gave command to bury that some wet s●eet out of hand , a yard deep in the ground , or somewhat more , which was an honest care of him therefore . and so ●or all things he gave them content , then takes his leave , and so away he went. the sheet was buried too immediately , but covetousnesse would not let it long lye vnder the ground , then buried as it were , but took this sheet up without wit or feare . and all of them that were so fool-hardy , that sheet to take up , of the plague did dye : and all the rest that had no hand in it , escapt the plague , who had more grace and wit. thus covetousnesse , that ne're did good to any , was here you see the enemy of a many . lord keep our hearts from filthy avarice , let 's live content , and make us truly wise . of one that lost in his travell two ●ands wrapt in a napkin . one lost two bands wrapt in a napkin faire , a woman passed by as i do heare ; her sonne and daughter as i understand was with her , unto whom she gave command by any meanes not to take up those bands , lest with those things they should infect their hands : her son obey'd her voyce , but yet her daughter willing to have those things , came slowly after , and with her foot did spurn along these bands , as being afraid to touch them with her hands ; vntill she came unto a poole of water , and then she washt them cleane , and followed after . of one that lay unburied foure dayes after he was dead , being of the sicknesse . a certain man lay dead as it is said , few miles from london , that made the towne afraid . foure dayes above the ground this man did lye vnburied , t is reported certainly : to bury him no man durst be so bold , or lay his carkasse in an earthly mould , till with the sight of him they were opprest , and then one being wiser then the rest , did tell the masters of the parish this , to send to london it were not amisse for foure stout bearers , and we shall be rid of this annoyance : so it seemes they did , so he was buried , and the men well paid for burying him that made them all afraid . thus in the countrey , city , great and small , time , death , and sicknes makes the stoutest fall . the belmans call on thursday morning . this day the weekly bils come out to put the people out of doubt how many of the plague do dye , we summe them up most carefully . but oh if our transgressions all , both how we sinne , and how we fall , god should take notice what they are , where should we sinfull men appear● ! we look upon the punishment , but not upon the cause 't is sent . remove the cause , and you shall see the plague shall soon removed be . vpon a gentleman full of the tokens in woods-close , that lay there two days , and afterwards dyed . a gentleman finding himself not well , walk't into th' fields neer unto clerkenwell : finding himself diseas'd , he him betook into the fields , and company forsook , and in woods-close he lay , with wofull heart , grieving for sin ( which is the cause of smart . ) he there upon the straw did humbly pray , having the tokens on him as some say , most ardently unto the king of heaven , that he of all his sinnes might be forgiven . he marked was for death , god shew'd him he within this world had not long time to be . lord we are not worthy that same time to know , when death shall summon us from hence to go . good god inable us to dye well then , that we may live in heaven with perfect men . vpon a man and his wife going into the country , to visit their friends in this visitation , and their entertainment on the way . an honest citizen with 's loving wife , into the countrey went to save their life , as they late fear'd , in london should be lost , but note how they for't on the way were crost . they came at night unto their journies end , and for their money did expect a friend , to finde 'i th countrey , but it prov'd not so , for they i' th cage to lodge were forc't to go , or lye i' th street ; this choice was put to them they must be rul'd by law , or law contemn , they lay i' th cage , and glad to have fresh straw , and when as morning came that light they saw , the constable dischar'd their lodgings hire , with these same words , i 'le set your beds on fire . londons lord have mercy upon us . let all men consider both old men and yong , they c●nnot live ever , although they live long : then sit down in sorrow , sigh , sob and relent , stay n●t till to morrow , before ye repent . look on thy soul defilde with sinne , faire london look what thou hast done : gods high displeasure thou dost winne for thy offences every one . if ninevie like thou pray and fast , and to the lord dost cry and call , he le blesse thee , though thy doores be crost with lord have mercy upon us all . the plague , alas , awo is me like fiery serpents bites us sore : the brasen serpent must we see , i meane our christ whom we adore . our saviour deare , whose ●i●e was lost , to ●ree us from eternall thr●ll , will blesse us though our doores be crost with lord have mercy on us all . pride now doth overwhelme the land , and wickednesse doth much abound , which makes the lord stretch forth his hand , our strange inventions to confound . ●or now we see unto our cost , our great transgressions are not small , whe●efore , alas , our doores are crost with lord have mercie on us all . let drunkards now their cups forsake , that swallow down the dregs of sinne , let soule blasphemers stand and quake , for their misdeeds that they have done . for we are with afflictions tost , and sorrow doth to us befall , and now behold our doores are crost with lord have mercy on us all . you that luscivious lives have led , imbracing fornication still , that sleep upon a sinfull bed , your wicked fancies to fulfill . those vaniti● that you love most , bring horror , death , and deadly thrall , and now , alas , our doores are crost with lord have mercy on us all : let him that doth his brother hate , like cain that kild his mothers sonne , repent before it be too late , for his misdeeds that he ha●h done . for sorrow is landed on our c●●st , our honey is turn'd to bitter gall , and through 〈◊〉 sin 〈◊〉 d●res ●re crost with lord have mercy on us all . 〈◊〉 f●ll d●w● 〈…〉 london 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 aud con●●si● 〈◊〉 you shames , 〈◊〉 our pri●de , you● 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ye in sinne are almost 〈◊〉 , th● 〈◊〉 on our knees down fall , 〈…〉 our doores 〈…〉 with lord have mercy on us all . y●u 〈◊〉 lots and you st●umpe●s 〈◊〉 , v●in glorious in your strange attire , whose hearts in sin are much imbrewd , repent with speed i you desire , for sinne brings sadnesse to our coast , sinne c●used i●sabell to fall , and for our sinnes our doores are crost with lord have mercy on us all . we 〈…〉 every street , but 〈…〉 us we have 〈◊〉 slain , 〈…〉 shall with destruction meet , 〈◊〉 ●ednesse in us doth ●aign● . 〈◊〉 in sinne our selves do boast , o●● joying at anothers fall : 〈◊〉 herefore ●ow our doores are cr●st 〈◊〉 lord have mercy on us all . we clean● 〈◊〉 place from noy some smell , we strive ●o put 〈…〉 , we 〈◊〉 our 〈◊〉 where we do dwell . we ●●●p our 〈◊〉 s●weet and faire , the while our souls in sinne are lost , whi●●● the 〈◊〉 our doores are crost in stead of musk and sweet perfumes we smel 〈◊〉 wormwood and to rue , for to ●ecure us from our ●ombes , yet de●th will claime 〈…〉 we are diss●●'d like w●●te 〈…〉 when phoebus sunshine bea●●● 〈…〉 ●all and death we see our doores hath crost with lord have mercy on us all . runne through the 〈◊〉 with sighs & groanes , in golgotha sit and 〈…〉 , the great destroy 〈…〉 bones , pale death 〈…〉 like doth raigne . he can destroy a mighty 〈◊〉 ▪ yea crowned kings he 〈◊〉 to fall , and by his hand our doo●●● are crost with lord have mercy on us all . have mercy lord , to thee we cry , we for our sinnes are grieved sore , great god of all eternity , our former follies we deplore . though we through sinne offend thee most , our god thou art , and ever shall , oh blesse us though our doores be crost with lord have mercy on us all . finis . directions for the prevention and cure of the plague fitted for the poorer sort. wharton, thomas, 1614-1673. 1665 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65601) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37704) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2162:4) directions for the prevention and cure of the plague fitted for the poorer sort. wharton, thomas, 1614-1673. [2], 6 p. printed by j. grismond, london : 1665. by thomas wharton. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng medicine -early works to 1800. plague -england -early works to 1800. plague -prevention -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion directions for the prevention and cure of the plague . fitted for the poorer sort . wisdom 17. 12. for fear is nothing else but a betraying of those succours which reason offereth . london , printed by j. grismond , 1665. directions for the prevention and cure of the plague . fitted for the poorer sort . i. diet . let every mans diet be moderate , and of such nourishments as are least subject to putrefie and corrupt . a small breakfast , a dinner of solid and wholesom meats , and a light supper . those who cannot go to the price of flesh , may make use of flesh-broths , ( which may be had at every cooks ) also of bread and butter , old cheese , toste and drink , toste and butter , and the like , drinking sometimes in the day a draught or two of purl● , or strong beer or ale , especially in the morning . let them abstain from the boiled herbs of colliflowers , cabbage , coleworts , spinage , and beets ; also from all wallowish and lushy fruits , as sweet plums , sweet apples , pears , peaches , mallacotoons , cucumbers , pompions , mellons , ripe gooseberries , ripe grapes , apricocks unless eaten with the kernels ; also from raw herbs , as reddish , spinage , &c. but all fruits baked or thoroughly corrected by the fire , are better than raw . for sallads , those that desire them may use sampier boiled and pickled , and served with vinegar ; and so capers , ashen-keys , broom-buds , elder-flowers , clove-gilliflowers . &c. or for raw sallads , lettuce , purslane , wood-sorrel , common sorrel , tarragon , white endive , borage and bugloss-flowers , both wilde and garden , served with a little mustard ( for them that can bear it ) and vinegar and oyl , or at least with vinegar ; and all moderately used . it is thought very expedient that all brewers , both about the city and suburbs , do fume their empty casks yery well with brimstone before they fill them ; and withall adde unto each barrel about an handful of bay salt burnt in a crusible or earthen pot unglazed till it leave crackling , together with a handful of bran , and both put into the same barrel : for it may be a great means to stop and cease the plague , because it will reach even to the poorest sort , who are otherwise ( by means of their poverty ) like to be destitute of any other preservatives . ii. preservatives . take every morning and evening one good spoonful of one of these liquors following , drinking immediately after it a draught of mace-ale , or purle , or strong beer , if they find themselves in any imminent danger . 1. take the best white-wine vinegar one pint , of london-treakle four ounces , mix them well together in a glass , bottle and keep them close stopt . or , 2. take carduus benedictus seeds , and bur-dock seeds , ivie berries , and juniper berries , of each well bruised one ounce ; the roots of celandine , angelica , elecampane , and valerian , of each 6 drams , garlick half an ounce , baum , mint , and vervine , each half an handful ; let them all be cut and bruised , and then infused in 6 pints of the best white-wine vinegar in a bottle close stopped for 5 or 6 days , then strain out the vinegar , and keep it for use as before . or , 3. take of this following electuary a dram , or half a dram , according to the age and strength of the patient , but for a child much less , drinking after it a draught of purle , or as before . take conserve of wood-sorrel 2 ounces , of flower of brimstone finely powdered 2 drams , diascordium half an ounce , of the temperate cordial species 4 scruples , of syrup of wood-sorrel as much as will make it up into a moist electuary . let the rooms of every house , especially such as are infected , be well fumed at least twice every day , either with about half an ounce of brimstone grosly powdered , and lapt up in a paper , and laid on a piece of board or tile , and set on fire , and carried from room to room till it be burnt out . or with a link lighted , and carried in like manner from room to room till all be well smoked , and then put it out . it will be advantageous in the way of preservation to forbid the sale or carrying out any infected clothes , or indeed any thing from infected houses , till such time as it shall please god the plague totally cease . it is the general received opinion of physicians , that all those who meet in publick congregations should before-hand take some little refreshment , and if they are so accommodated , to make use of some antidote withall ; and not by being altogether empty to expose themselves to receive any contagion each from other , which may easily happen when many ( as is usually found ) having the infection in their clothes or otherwise , doe press into the same place . for long fasting draws in the pulse and vital strength , weakens the animal spirits , and consequently induces fear and melancholy , whereby contagion easily enters the enfeebled body , and so spreads and continues the plague . further it is convenient for the preventing the spreading of the infection , that about half an hour at least before the people meet there be burned in the churches in several places some powder of brimstone , or some pitch , or tar , or other perfume of like nature and efficacy against the plague , but there is none like brimstone . it will without doubt be advantageous , that plenty of sea-coles be timely provided , that they may be had at reasonable prises , that so the poor may be able to keep cole-fires in their houses , which will be a great preservative against the increase of the sickness . also that there be especial care had about burials of the dead of the plague . first , that none be buried in the churches . secondly , that they be buried very deep in the earth . thirdly , that no grave that hath been made since the first appearing of this plague be digged up , or another made very near it , lest the venemous reeks of the body break forth at the place opened , and infect the air. in case there be not room enough in the church-yard , some other ground-must be allotted and provided without the city and suburbs , where the dead may be buried distinctly , and not heaped one upon another , because when many are buried together , their putrid ferment will easily grow to that strength , that the earth will hardly be sufficient to suppress the steems of it . fourthly , that the constant bearers be admonished not promiscuously and needlesly to mingle themselves with others , nor entertain discourses with heedless boys and children , who may easily receive harm from them . iii. cure . those poor people that are actually infected and begin to be sick , must by all means ( as they tender the possibility of their recovery ) keep themselves within doors , and avoid rambling out into the open air , or looking out at windows , either of which strikes the venom inward to the heart and bowels ; wherefore their safest course is presently to betake themselves to their beds , where they must lie alone , and in bed take this medicine following , or the like . take london-treakle a quarter of an ounce , one ounce of white-wine vinegar , one ounce of the juice of wood-sorrel or juice of orenges , 20 grains of the salt of wormwood , and one ounce and an half of plague-water of matthias , described in the college last book , pag. 13. and if they vomit it , renew it again as soon as the stomach begins to be setled . about an hour after let them drink about half a pint of white-wine or other posset-drink , and lie in bed as quiet as they can , and sweat as long as they can well bear it , taking now and then a draught of the same or other posset-drink ; and about 6 hours after the first draught , take another of the same medicine ; and so continue every 6 or 8 hours till the poison of the disease be spent . in the mean time once in 12 hours at the least let them be refreshed with water-gruel , mace-ale , oatmeal-caudle , harts-horn gelly , chicken-broth with mace , marigold-flower , and harts-horn , with a handful of wood-sorrel boiled together , or any such like , which they can best get . children and women with child being infected may take gascoine powder made by the apothecary , 20 grains in a spoonful of white-wine posset-drink , drinking immediately after it a good draught of the same with two spoonfuls of the plague-water , or one for a child . it is expedient in the course of cure that blisters be raised in several parts of the body , provided that not above four ( if large ) be applied at once ; onely the disease continuing or increasing , others may be successively laid on some two or three days after the first ; lest otherwise if there should be too many laid on at once , they should procure such a difficulty and pain in making water , as will not easily then be born . the places most proper for blisters are the inside of the arms a little above or a little below the elbow , the insides of the thighs a little above the knees , the insides of the calves of the legs , also a little below the croin , and a little below , the arm-pits ; likewise behind the ears : and upon the shape of the neck , which may be near double as large as any of the others . the place ought to be elected by the present physician ; so that it may best evacuate the matter from the parts to which nature endeavours to thrust it . let the rooms whereany sick persons are lodged be diligently kept clean and sweet , free from allmastiness and sluttishness , & where conveniently there may let sea-cole fires be made ; and sometimes let the rooms be fumed with brimstone , as before directed . some change their linen before the disease be fully sweated out , which is conceived to be very dangerous ; therefore we advise they do not change till all symptoms cease . for the bubo or batch . those that cannot apply such poultisses as are appointed by the college for want of attendance , may make use of this plaster following . take empl. de amoniac . and diachyl . simpl . of each half an ounce , and of the plaster of muccilag . a quarter of an ounce , mix them at the fire , and spread it upon thin leather puncht full of holes , and apply it to the place ; it will ripen and break the sore , and draw out the matter . for the carbuncle . take wheat-flowre and soot of each an ounce , sweet sope , and turpentine half an ounce , make it up with the yolks of two eggs , the turpentine and eggs must be first mingled in a mortar with a hot pestel , then adde the rest , and apply it warm to the place . there are two cardial sudonifick powders , proper against the plague , the one for men , the other for women , at mr. coniers at the vnicorn in fleet-street , with directions for their use . finis . orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london, and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell london (england) 1608 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06234 stc 16723.5 estc s4371 24226795 ocm 24226795 27394 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06234) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27394) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:11) orders conceiued and agreed to be published, by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london, and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey, by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie councell london (england) city of london (england). lord mayor. [3+] p. by iohn vvindet, printer to the honourable citie of london, imprinted at london : [1608?] caption title. "whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happy raigne ouer this realme of england, an acte was made, for the charitable reliefe, and ordering of persons infected with the plague ..."--first three lines of text. place of publication and name of publisher taken from colophon; date of imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). imperfect: torn with slight loss of print; lacking at least one sheet. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -history -england -early works to 1800. public welfare -law and legislation -england -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders conceiued and agreed to be published , by the lord mayor and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuie covncell . whereas in the first yeare of his maiesties most happy raigne ouer this realme of england , an acte was made , for the charitable reliefe , and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authority is giuen to iustices of peace , mayors , bayliffes , and other head officers , to appoint within their seuerall limittes examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them oathes for performance of their offices . and the same statute also authorizeth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity , shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of sickenes ( if it shall please almightie god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the citie and suburbs of the same : that these officers following be appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed be duly obserued . first it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two or more persons of good sorte and credite , chosen and appointed by the alderman his deputy , and common counceil of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons , so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . that these examiners be sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the countie , to enquire and learne from time to time what houses in euery parish be visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can informe themselues and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntill it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they find any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shall be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to locke vp the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntill tenne of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . company the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vpon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conuayed out of any infected houses , and that the cryers and carriers abroad of bedding or olde apparell , to be solde or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained : and no brokers of bedding , or olde apparell bee permitted to make any outward show , or hang forth on their stalles , shop-boards or windowes , towards any streete , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparell to be solde , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparell or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath beene there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty daies at the least . if any person visited doe fortuue , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or be conuayed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such partie hath come , or beene conuaied , vpon notice thereof giuen , shall at their charge cause the saide party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to bee punished at the direction of the alderman of the warde , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to be shutte vp for twenty daies . that euery house visited be marked with a red crosse of a foote long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed wordes : that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs to be set close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to bee attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to passe the streetes without holding a redde rodde or wand of three foote in length , in their hands , open and euident to bee seene , and are not to goe into any other house then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue beene lately vsed in any such busines or attendance . and to this end it is ordered , that a weekely taxe be made in euery parish visited , if in the citie or borough then vnder the hand of the alderman of the warde , where the place is visited : if neither of the counties , then vnder the hands of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who , if there be cause , may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . ❧ orders for clensing and keeping sweete of the stteetes . first it is thought very necessary and so ordered , that euery house-holder doe cause the streete to be daily pared before his doore , and so to keepe it cleane swept all the weeke long . that the sweeping and filth of houses to be daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . that the laiestals be remoued as farre as may be out of the citie , and common passages , and that no night-man or other be suffered to emptie a vault into any garden , neere about the citie . that especiall care be taker , that no stinking fish or vnwholsome flesh , or mustie corne or other corrupt fruits , of what sort soeuer be suffered to bee solde about the citie or any part of the same . that the bruers and tipling houses be looked vnto , for musty and vnwholsome caske . that order be taken that no hogges , dogges or cattes , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffred to be kept within any parte of the citie , or any swine to be or stray in the streets or lanes , but that such swine be impounded by the beadle , or any other officer , and the owner punished according to the acte of common councell , and that the dogges be killed by the dog-killers , appointed for that purpose . ❧ orders concerning loose persons and idle assemblies . forasmuch as nothing is more complained on then the multitude of roagues and wandering beggers , that swarme in euery place about the citie , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not be auoyded , notwithstanding any order that hath beene giuen to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables and others , whome this matter may any way concerne , doe take speciall care , that no wandring begger be suffered in the streetes of this citie , in any fashion or manner whatsoeuer , vpon paine of the penaltie prouided by the law , to be duly and seuerely executed vpon them . that all plaies , bearebaitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler-play , or such like causes of assemblies of people , be vtterly prohibited , and the parties offending , seuerely punished , by any alderman or iustice of the peace . that disorderly tippling in tauernes , alehouses and sellers , be seuerely looked vnto , as the common sinne of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the plague : and where any shall be found to offend , the penalty of the statute to bee laide vpon them with all seueritie . and for the better execution of these orders , as also for such other directions as shal be needfull , it is agreed that the iustices of the citie and the counties adioyning doe meete together once in tenne dayes , eyther at the sessions house without newgate , or some other conuenient place , to conferre of things as shall be needfull in this behalfe . and euery person neglecting the duety required , or willingly offending against any article or clause , contained in these orders , he to be seuerely punished by imprisonment , or otherwise , as by law he ought . god saue the king. imprinted at london by iohn vvindet , printer to the honourable citie of london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06234-e10 examiners be appointed in euery parish . the examiners office . watchmen . no infected stuffe to bee vttered . euery visited house to be marked . euery visited house to bee watched . the streets to bee kept cleane . that the rakers take it from out the houses . laiestals to be made farre off from the citie . care to be had of vnwholsome fish or flesh , and of musty corne. beggers . plaies . tipling houses . the meeting of gallants at an ordinarie: or the walkes in powles 1604 approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07398 stc 17781 estc s120388 99855587 99855587 21087 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07398) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21087) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1247:14) the meeting of gallants at an ordinarie: or the walkes in powles middleton, thomas, d. 1627, attributed name. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632, attributed name. [30] p. printed by t. c[reede] and are to be solde by mathew lawe, dwelling in paules church-yard, london : 1604. variously attributed to thomas dekker and thomas middleton. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-d⁴. last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the meeting of gallants at an ordinarie : or the walkes in powles . veritas virescit vulnere t c printer's or publisher's device london printed by t. c. and are to be solde by mathew lawe , dwelling in paules church-yard . 1604. a dialogue betweene warre , famine , and the pestilence , blazing their seuerall euills . the genius of vvarre . famine and pestilence , cowards of hell , that strike in peace , when the whole worlds vnarmde : tripping vp soules of beggars , limblesse wretches , hole-stopping prisoners , miserable catchpoles , whom one vocation stabs , dare you furies confront the ghost of crimson passing warre ? thou bleake-cheekt wretch , one of my plenteous wounds would make thée a good colour . famine . i defye , thy blood and thée , t is that which i destroy , i le starue thée warre for this . vvarre . alasse weake famine ; why , a taylor is the saridest man thou killt that liues by bread , thou darst not touch a farmer , no nor his griping sonne in lawe that weds his daughter with a dowry of stuft barnes , thou runst away from these , such makes thée flye , and there thou lightst vpon the labourers mawe , breakst into poore mens stomackes , and there driuct the sting of hunger like a dastard . famine . bastard , peace warre , least i betray thy monstrous births thou knowest i can deriue thee . pestilence . and i both . vvarre . and i repugne you both , you hags of realmes , thou witch of famine , and drab of plagues : thou that makest men eate slouenly , and seede on excrements of beasts , and at one meale swallow a hundred pound in very doues-dung . famine . therein thou tellst my glory and rich power . vvarre . and thou . pestilence . beware warre how thou speakest of me , i haue friends here in england , though some dead some still can showe , where i was borne and bred ; therefore be wary in pronouncing mée : many haue tooke my part , whose carcases lye now tenne sadome deepe : many aliue can showe their skars in my contagious duarrell : warre , i surpasse the furie of thy stroake , say that an army fortie thousand strong , enter thy crimson lists , and of that number , perchance the fourth part falls , markt with red death ? why , i stay fortie thousand in one battaile , full of blew wounds , whose cold clay bodies looke like speckled marble . as for lame persons , and maimed souldiers there i outstrip thée too ; how many swarmes of bruised and crackt people did i leaue , their groines sore pier'st with pestilentiall shot : their arme-pits digd with blaines , and vlcerous sores , lurking like poysoned bullets in their flesh ? othersome shot in the eye with carbuncles , their lies as monstrous as the sarazens . warre . thou plaguy woman , cease thy infectious brags , thou pestilent strumpet , base and common murdress , e what men of marke or memory haue fell in they poore purple battaile , say thou 'st slayne foure hundred silkweauers , poore silk-wormes , vanisht as many tapsters , chamberlaines , and ostlers , darest thou contend with me thou freckled-harlet , and match thy durty glories , with the splendor of kingly tragedies acted by me ? when i haue dyed the greene stage of the field , red with the blood of monarchs , and rich states , how many dukes and earles , haue i drunke by at one couragious rows ? o summer diuell , thou wast but made as rats bane to kill bawds , to poyson drunkards , vomiting out their soules into the bulke of hell , to infect the corps of pewter-buttonde serieants , such as these uenome whole realmes : and as phisitians say , poysons with poyson , must be forest away . pestilence . warre , twit not me with double damned bawdes , or prostituted harlots , i leaue them for my french nephewe , he raignes ouer these : i le show you both how i excell you both . who euer read that usurers dyed in warre grasping a sword , or in an yron yeare , languisht with famine ? but by me surprizde euen in their counting houses , as they sate amongst their golden hills : when i haue changed their gold into dead tokens , with the touch of my pale-spotted , and infectious rodde , when with a suddaine start and gastly looke , they haue left counting coyne , to count their flesh , and summe vp their last vsury on their brests , all their whole wealth , lockt in their bony chests . vvarre . are usurers then the proudest acts thou playdst ? pack-penny fathers , couetous rooting moles , that haue their gold thrice higher then their soules : is this the top of all thy glorious laughters , to ayme them at my princely massacres ? poore dame of pestilence , and hag of famine , i pittie your weake furies . famine . oh i could eate you both , i am so torne with hunger , and with rage : what is not flinty famine , gasping dearth , worthy to be in ranke weth dusty warre ? and little pestilence , are not my acts more stony-pittilesse then thine , or thine ? what i st to dye stampt full of drunken wounds , which makes a man réele quickly to his graue , without the sting of torments , or the sence of chawing death by peecemeale ? vndons and done , in the forth part of a poore short minute ? t is but a bloody flumber , a read dreame , not worthy to be named a torturing death , nor thine thou most infectieus citty name , that for thy pride art plagued , bearst the shape of running pestilence , those which thou strikest were death within fewe dayes vpon their hearts , or else presage amendment : when i raigne , heauen puts on a bresse , to be as hard in blessing , as the earth fruitlesse in increasing . oh , i rack the vatnes and sinewes , lancks the lungs , fréeze all the passages , plough vp the mawe : my torment lingers like a sute in lawe , what are you both to me insolent euills ? ioyne both your furies , they waigh light to mine . and what art thou warre , that so wantest thy good ? but like a barber-surgion that lets blood . warre . out lenten harlot . pestilence . out on you both , and if all matter failes , i le showe my glorie in these following tales . finis . the meeting of gallants at an ordinarie . vvhere the fatte host telles tales at the vpper ende of the table . sig. shuttlecocke . what signior ginglespur , the first gallant i mette in powles , since the one and thirtie daie , or the decease of iuly , and i may fitly call it the decease , for there deceast aboue three hundred that daye , a shrewde prologue marry to the tragedie that followed : and yet i speake somewhat improperly to call it a prologue , because those that tied were all out of their partes ; what dare you venture sig. at the latter ende of a fraye now ? i meane not at a fraye with swordes and bucklers , but with sores & carbunckles : i protest you are a strong mettalde gentle-man , because you do not feare the dangerous featherbeds of london , nor to be tost in a perilous blancket , or to lie in the fellowes of those sheetes that two dead bodies were wrapt in some thrée monethes before . naye i can tell you , there is many an honest house in london wel stockt before with large linneu , where now remaines not aboue two shéetes & a halfe , 〈◊〉 so the good man of the house driuen to lye in the one sheete for shift , till the payre be washt and dried : for you knowe tenne wound out of one house , must for shame carry fiue payre of shéetes with them , being co●…find and put to boord-wages , the onely knights policy to saue charges in victualles . but soft signior , what may he be that stalkt by vs now in a ruinous sute of apparell , with his page out at elbowes : t is a strange sight in powles signior , mée thinkes , to see a broken page follow a seamerent maister . sig. ginglespurre . what doe you wonder at that sight now ? t is a limbe 〈◊〉 the fashion , and as commendable to goe ragged after a plague , as to haue an antient full of holes and tatters after a battaile : and i haue séene fiue hundred of the same rancke in apparell , for most of your choyce and curious gallants came vp in cloathes , because they thought it very dangerous to deale with sattin this plague-time , being diuell ynough without the plague : beside there hath bene a great dearth of taytors , the propertie of whose deathes were wonderfull , for they were tooke from hell to heauen : all these were motiues sufficient to perswade gentlemen as they loued their liues , to come vp in their old sutes , and be very respectiue and carefull how they make themselues new-ones , and to venture vppon a burchen-lane hose and doublet , were euen to shunne the villanous iawes of charibdis , and fall into the large swallow of scylla , the deuouring catch-pole of the sea : for their bomba●…t 〈◊〉 wicked ynough in the best and soundest seas●… , and there is as much perill betwéene the wings and the skirts of one of their doublets , as in all the liberties of london , take saint tooles parish , and all the most infected plac●…s of england . well , i haue almost mard their market , for gentlemen especially , those that loue to smell sweete , for they are the worst milliners in a kingdome , and their sutes beare the mu●…iest perfume of any thing breathing , vnlesse it were an usurers night-cappe againe : and indéed that sents worse then the strong breath of aiax , where his seuenfold shield is turnde to a stoole with a hole in it . but sée yonder , signior stramazoon and signior kickshawe , now of a suddaine allighted in powles with their durtie bootes , le ts encoun●…er them at the fift pillar , in them you shall finde my talke verified , and the fashion truly pictured . what signior , both well met vppon the old worne brasse , the moone hath had aboue sixe great bellies since wée walkt here last together , and layne in as often : mée thinkes signiors , this middle of powles lookes strange and bare , like a long-hayrde gentleman new powlde , washt and shaued , and i may fitly say shaued , for there was neuer a lusty shauer séene walking here this halfe yeare : especially if he loued his life , hée would reuolt from duke humfrey , and rather bée a wood-cleauer in the country , then a chest-breaker in london : but what gallants march vp a pace now , signiors ; how are the high waies fild to london ? sig. shuttlecocke . euery mans head here is full of the proclamation , and the honest blacke gentleman the tearme , hath ●…ept a great hall at westminster againe : all the tauernes in kings-streete will be emperors , innes and alehouses at least marquesses a piece : now cookes begin to make more coffins then carpenters , and burie more whole meate then sextons , fewe bells are heard a nights beside old iohn clappers , the bellmans : and gentlemen t was time for you to come , for i know many an honest tradesman that would haue come downe to you else , and set vp their shops in the country , had you not venturde vp the sooner ; and he that would haue brande it , and bene a vaine-glorious silken asse all the last sommer , might haue made a sute o●… sattin cheaper in the plague-time , then a sute of marry-muffe in the tearme-time ; there was not so much ueluet stirring , as would haue bene a couer to a little booke in octano , or seamde a lie●…enants buffe-doublet ; a french-hood would haue bene more wondred at in london , then the polonians with their long-tayld gaberdines , and which was most lamentable , there was neuer a gilt spur to b●… séene all the st●…and ouer , neuer a feather wagging in all f●…etstreete , vnlesse some country fore-horse came by , by méere chaunce , with a raine-beaten feather in his costrill ; the stréete looking for all the world like a sunday morning at sixe of the clocke , thrée houres before seruice , and the bells ringing all about london , a●… if the coronation day had bene halfe a yeare long . sig. stramazon . trust me gentlemen a very sore discourse . sig. shuttlecocke . i could tell you now the miserable state and pittifull cas●… of many tradesmen whose wares lay dead on their hands by the burying of their seruants , and how those were held especially very dangerous and perilous trades that has any woollen about them , for the infection being for the most part a londoner , loued to be lapt warme , and therefore was saids to skip into wollen cloathes , and lie smothring in a shag-hayrde rugge , or an old fashionde couerlid : to co●…me which , i haue hard of some this last sommer that would not venture into an u●…holsters shoppe amongst dangerous rugges , and feather-bed-tikes , no , although they had bene sure to haue bene made aldermen when they came out againe : such wa●… their infectious conceyte of a harmelesse necessary couerlid , and would stop their foolish noses , when they past through watlingstreet by a ranke of woollen drapers . and this makes me call to memory the strange and wonderfull dressing of a coach that scudded through london the ninth of august , for i put the day in my table-booke , because it was worthy the registing . this fearefull pittifull coach was all hung with ru●… from the top to the toe of the boote , to kéepe the leather and the nayles from infection ; the very nosthrills of the coach-horses were stopt with hearb-grace , that i pittied the poore beasts being almost windlesse , and hauing then more grace in their noses , then their maister had in all his bosome , and thus they ran through cornewell iust in the middle of the stréet , with such a violent trample as if the diuell had bene coachman . sig. kickshow . a very excellent folly , that the name of the plague should take the wall of a coach , and driue his worship downe into the chanell . but sée how we haue lost our selues , powles is changde into gallants , and those which i saw come vp in old taffala doublets yesterday , are slipt into nine yardes of sattin to day . sig. stramazon . and signiors , wée in especiall care haue sent our pages to enquire out a payre of honest cleane taylors , which are hard to be found , because there was such a number of botchers the last sommer : and i thinke it one of hercules labours , to finde two whole taylors about london , that hath not béene plagued for their stealing , or else for sowing of false séeds , which péepe out before their seasons . sig. ginglespur . but what , dare you venture to an ordinarie : harke , the quarter-iarkes are vp for a leauen ; i know an honest host about london , that hath barreld vp newes for gallants , like pickled oysters , marry your ordinarie will cost you two shillings , but the tales that lie in brine will be worth sixpence of the money : for you know t is great charges to keepe tales long , and therefore he must be somewhat considered for the laying out of his language : for blinde gue you know has six●…pence at the least for groping in the darke . sig. stramazon . yea ; but signior gingle-spur , you sée we are altogether vnfurnished for an ordinarie till the taylor cut vs out and new mould vs : & to rancke amongst . gallāts in old apparel , why their very apish pages would breake iests vpon our elbowes , and dominere ou●… our worne doublets most tyrannically . sig. gingle-spur . puh . signior stramazoon , you turne the bias the wrong way , you doubt where there is no doubt , i will conduct you to an ordinarie where you shall eate priuate amongst essex gentlemen of your fashioned rancke in apparell , who as yet waite for fresh cloathes , as you for new taylers , & account it more commendable to come vp in seamerent suites , and whole bodies , then to haue infectious torne bodies , and sound suites . sig. kickshaw . i●… it be so , signior , ( harke a quarter strikes ) wée are for you , we will follow you , for i loue to he●…re tales when a merrie . corpulent host bandies them out of his flop-mouth ; but how far must we march now like tottre●… souldiers after a fray , to their nuncions ? sig. shuttlecocke . why , if you throw your eyes but a little before you , you may see the signe and token that beckens his guest to him ; do you heare the clapper of his tongue now ? sig. stramazoon . s●…oote , the mad bulchin squeakes thriller thē the saun●… bell at westminster . sig. shuttlecocke . nay , now you shall heare him ring lustily at our entrāce , stop your eares if you loue thē , for one of his words wil run about your braines louder thē the drum at the beare-gardē . entring into the ordinarie . host. what gallant●… are you come , are you come ? welcome gentlemen ; i haue newes enough for you all , welcome againe , and againe : i am so fatte and purste , i cannot speake loude inough , but i am sure you heare mée , or you shall heare me : welcome , welcome gelt●…men , i haue tales , and ●…ailes for you : seate your selues gallantes , enter boyes & beardes with dishes and platters ; i will be with you againe in a trice ere you looke for me . sig. shuttlecocke . now signiors how like you mine host ? did i not tell you he was a madde round knaue , and a merrie on●… too : and if you chaunce to talke of fatte sir iohn old-castle , he wil tell you , he was his great grand-father , & not much vnlike him in paunch , if you marke him well by all descriptions : and sée where hée appeares againe . hee told you he would not be longe from you , let his humor haue scope enough i pray , and there is no doubt but his tales will make vs laugh are we be out of our porridge : howe now mine host ? host. o my gallant of gallants , my top and top gallant , how many horses hast thou kilde in the countrie with the hunting of harlottries ; goe too , was i with you , you madde wagges ? and i haue beene a merrie knaue this s●… and fortie yeares , my bullyes , my boyes . sig kickshaw . yea , but my honest-larded host , where be these tales now ? host. i haue them at my tongues end my gallant bullyes of fiue and twenty , my dainty liberall landlords i haue them for you : you shall neuer take me vnprouided for gentlemen , i keepe them like anchouises to rellish your drinke wel●… stop your mouths gallants , and i wil stuffe your cares i warrant you , and fi●…t i begin with a tipsie uint●…er in london . of a vintner in london , dying in a humour . this discourse that followes , g●…tlemen-gallants , is of a light-headed uintner , who scorning to be onely drunke in his owne seller , would get vp betimes in the morning , to bée downe of his nose thrice before euening : he was a man of all tauernes , and excellent musitian at the sackbut , and your onely dauncer of the canaries : this st●…ange wine-sucker had a humour this time of infection , to faine himselfe sick , and indéed he had swallowed downe many tauerne-tokens , and was infected much ●…th the plague of drunkennes : but howsoeuer , sick he would be , for the humour had possessed him , when to the comforting of his poore heart , he powrde dawne a leauen shillings in rose of solace , more then would haue ●…erde all the sick persons in the pest-house ; and yet for all that he felt himselfe ill at his stomacke aft●…wards , wherefore his request was , reporting himselfe very féeble , to haue two men hired with ●…xpence a piece , to transport him ouer the way to his friends house : but when he saw he was deluded , and had no body to carry him , ●…e flung his gowne about him very desperatly , tooke his ●…wne legges , and away he went with himselfe as coragiously , as the best stalker in europe : where being allighted , not long after , he rounded one in the eare in priuate , and bad that the great bell should be towlde for him , the great bel of all , and with all possible spéede that might be : that done , he gagged open the windowes , and when the bell was towling , cried , lowder yet ; i heare thée not maister bell : then strutting vp and downe the chamber , spake to the audience in this wise . i st possible a man should walke in such perfect memory and haue the bell towle for him ? sure i neuer heard of any that did the like before mée . thus by towling of the great bell , all the parish rang of him , diuerse opinions went of him , and not without cause or matter to worke vpon : in conclusion , within fewe dayes after , he was found to be the man indéed , whose part he did but play before ; his pulses were angry with him , and began to beate him ; all his pores fell out with him ; the bel towld for him in sadnes , rung out in gladnes , and there was the end of his drunken madnes ; such a ridiculour humour of dying was neuer heard of before : and i hope neuer shall be againe , now he is out of england . sig. stramazon . this was a strange fellow mine host , and worthy stowes chronicle . host. nay gallants i le fit you , and now i will serue in another as good as uineger and pepper to your roast-béefe . sig. kickshawe . le ts haue it ; le ts taste on it mine host , my noble fat actor . how a yong fellow was euen bespoke and iested to death by harlots . there was a company of intollerable light women assembled together , wh●… all the time of infection , liued vpon citizens seruants : yong nouices that made their maisters baggs die of the plague at home , whilst they tooke sanctuarie in the countrie . mistake me not , i meane not the best rancke of seruants : but vnderlings , and bogish so●…tes , such as haue not witte to distinguish companies , & auoyde the temptation of harlots , which make men more miserable then dericke . these light-heelde wagtailes who where ar●…de ( as they tearme it ) against all weathers of plague and pestilence ; carrying alwaies a french supersedies about them for the sicknesse , were determined being halfe tipsie , and as light now in their heads , as any where else : to execute a iest vpon a yong vnfruitfull fellow which should haue had the banes of matrimonie asked betweene him and a woman of their religion , which would haue proued bane indéede , and worse then rattes-bane , to haue beene coupled with a harlot : but note the euent of a bespeaking iest , these women gaue it out that he was dead , sent to the sexton of the church in all hast to haue the bell rung out for him , which was suddainly heard , and many comming to enquire of the sexton , his name was spread ouer all the parish , ( hée little dreaming of that dead report bring as then in perfect health & memorie , ) on the morrow as the custome is , the searchers came to the house where he laye to discharge their office , asking for the dead bodie , and in what room it lay , who hearing himself named , in such a cold shape almost strucke dead indéede with their words , replyed with a hastie countenance ( for he could play a ghost well , ) that hée was the man : at which the searchers started , and thought hée had béene new risen from vnder the table ; when vomiting out some two or thrée déepe-fecht oaths ; hee askt what villaine it was which made that iest of him : but whether the c●…nceit strucke cold to his heart or whether the strumpets were witches i know not , ( the next degrée to a harlot is a bawde , or a witch , ) but this yongster daunced the shaking of one s●…éete within fewe daies after , and then the search●…s lost not their labours , and therefore i conclude thus . that fate lights suddaine tha't 's bespoke before , a harlots tongue is worse then a plague-sore . well timde my litle round and thicke host , haue you any more of these in your fatte budget ? i haue them , my gallant bullies , and here comes one fitly for sawce to your capon . of one that fell drunke off from his horse , taken for a londoner , dead . in a certaine country-towne not farre of , there was a boone companion lighted amongst good fellowes , as they call good fellowes now a dayes , which are those that can drinke best , for your excellent drunkard , is your notable gallant , and he that can passe away cleare without paying the host in the chimney-corner , he is the king of cannes , and the emperour of ale-houses , this fellow tying his horse by the bridle vpon the red lattis of the window , could not bridle himselfe so well , but afterward proued more beast then his horse , being so ouerwhelmed with whole cans , hoopes , and such drunken deuices , that his english crowne weighed lighter by ten graines at his comming forth , then at his entering in : and it was easier now for his horse to get vp a top of powles , then he to get vp vpon his horse , the stirrup plaide mock-holy-day with him , and made a foole of his foote : at last with much adoe he fell flounce into the saddle , and away he scudded out at townes end , where he thought euery tree he saw had bene rising vp to stop him : so strangly are the sences of drunkards tost and transported , that at the very instant , they thinke the worlds drownd againe ; so this staggering monster imagined he was riding vppon a sea-mare : but before he was tenne gallops from the towne-side , his briane plaide him a iades trick , and kickt him ouer , downe he fell . when the horse sóberer then the maister stood still and wonderd at him for a beast ; but durst not say so much ; by and by passingers passing too and fro , beholding his lamentable downefall , cald out to one another to view that pittifull spectacle , people flockt about him more and more , but none durst venture within two poles length , nor some within the length of powles : euery one gaue vp his verdit , and all concluding in one that he was some coward londoner , who thought to fly from the sicknes , which as it séemed , made after him amayne , and strucke him beside his borfe : thus all agréed in one tale , some bemoning the the death of the man , othersome , wishing that all curmudgins , pennifathers , & fox ▪ ●…urd ●…rers were serued of the same sauce : who taking their flight out of london , left poore silke-weauers , tapsters , and water-bearers , to fight it out against sore enemies . in a word , all the towne was in an vprore , the constable standing aloofe off , stopping his nose like a gentleman-vsher , durst not come within two stones cast by no meanes : no , if he might presently haue bene made constable in the hundred : euery townseman at his wise non-plus , nothing but looking and wondering , yet some wiser then some , and those i thinke were the watch-men , told them flatly and plainly , that the body must be remoued in any case , and that eytempore : it would infect all the ayre round about else . these horesons séemed to haue some wit y●…t , and their politick counsell was tooke , and embra●…st amongst them , but all the cunning was how to remoue him without taking the winde of him : wherevpon two or thrée weather wise stinkards pluckt vp handfalls of grasse , and tost them into the ayre , and then whoopeing and hollowing , ●…old them the winde blewe swéetly for the purpose , for it stood full on his back-part , then all agréed to remoue him with certaine long instruments , sending home for hookes and strong ropes , as if they had bene pulling downe a house of fire : but this was rather a tilt-boate cast away , and all the people drowned within : to conclude , these long deuices were brought to remoue him without a writ ; when by meere chaunce past by one of the wisest of the towne next the constable , for so it appeared afterwards , by the hornes of his deuice , who being certifesd of the storie , and what they went about to doe , brake into these words openly . why my good fellowes , friends and honest neighbours , trew you what you venture vppon , will you néeds drawe the plague to you , by hooke or by crooke , you will say perhaps your poles are long ynough . why you neuer heard or read : that long deuices take soonest ●…tien , and that there is no vilder thing in the word , then the smell of a rope to bring a man to his end , that you all know . wherfore to auoid al farther inconueni●…nces , dangerous and infectious , hearken to my exployt : if you drag him along the fields , our hounds may take the sent of him , a very dangerous matter : if you burie him in the fields , a hundred to ●…ne but the ground will be rotten this winter ; wherfore your onely way must be to set him lie as he doth , without mouing , and euery good fellowe to bring his arme-full of straw , heape it vpon him , and round about him , and so in conclusion burne out the infection as he lies : euery man threw vp his old cap at this , straw was brought and throwne vpon him by arme ●…ulls , all this while the drownd fellow lay still without mouing , dreaming of full cannes , e●…psters , and béere-barrells ▪ when presently they put fire to the strawe , which kept such a brogging and a cracking , that vp ▪ started the drunkard , like a thing made of fire-workes , the flame playing with his nose , and his beard looking like flaming apolloes , as our poets please to tearme it , who burst into these reeling words when he spied the fire hizzing about his pate . what is the top of powles on fire againe ? or is the●…e a fire in the powle-head ? why then drawers , quench me with double béere . the folkes in the towne all in amaze , some running this way , some that way , knew him at last by his staggering tongue , for he was no far dl●…et , though they imagined he had dwelt at london , so stopping his horse which ran away from the fierie planet his maister , as though the diuell had bac●…t him , euerie one laught at the iest , closed it vp in an alehouse , where before cu●…ing the most part of them were all as drunke as himselfe . sit you merrie still , gentlemen gallants , your dish of tales is your best chéere , and to please you my noble bullies , i would doo that i did not this thirtie yeares , caper , caper , my gallant boyes , although i cracke my shins , and my guts sinke a handfull lower . i le doote , my lustie lad●… , i le doote . with that the host gaue a lazie caper , and broke his shins for ioye , the reckoning was appeazed , the roome discharged , and so i leaue them in powles where i founde them . host. and now i returne to more pleasant arguments , gentlemen gallants , to make you laugh ere you be quite out of your capen : this that i discourse of now is a prettie merrie accident that happened about shoreditch , although the intent was sad and tragicall , yet the euent was mirthfull and pleasant : the goodman ( or rather as i may fi●…liet tearme him , the bad-man of a house ) being sorely pesterd with the death of seruants , and to auoyde all suspition of the pestilence from his house aboue all others , did very craf●…ily and subtilly compound with the maisters of the pest-cart , to s●…ch away by night as they past by , all that should chance to die in his house , hauing thrée or soure seruants downe at once , and told them that he knew one of them would be readie for them by that time the cart came by , and to cleare his house of all suspition , the dead body should be●… laide vpon as●…all , some fiue or fire houses of : where , there they should entertaine him and take him in amongst his dead companions : to conclude , night drewe on-ward , and the seruant concluded his l●…e , ●…d according to their appointment was e●…stalde to be made knight of the pest-cart . but here comes in the excellent ●…elt , gentlemen ▪ gallants of fiue and twentie , about the darke and pitt●… season of the night : a sh●…acke drunkard , ( or one drunke at the signe of the ship , ) new cast from the shore of an alehouse , and his braines sore beaten with the cruell tempests of ale and béere , fell flounce v●…on a lowe stall hard by the house , there being little difference in the carcasse , for the other was dead , and he was dead-drunke , ( the worse death of the ●…waine ) there taking v●… his drunken lodging , and the pest-cart comming by , they made no more ad●… , but taking him sa●… the dead bodie , placed him amongst his companions , and away they ●…rred with him to the pest-house : but there is an 〈◊〉 prouerbs , and now confirmed true , a druncken ma●… neuer takes harme : to the appre●…ation of which , for all his lying with infections be dfellow●… , the next morning a little before he should be burie●… , he streaht and yaw●… as wholesomely , as the best tinker in all banburie , and returned to his olde vomit againe , and was drunck●… in shoreditch before 〈◊〉 . gingle-spur ▪ this was a prettie commedie of errors , my round host. host. o my bullies , there was many such a part plaide vppon the stage both of the cittie and the sub●…urbs . moreouer my gallants , some did noble exployts , whose names i shame to publish , in hiring porters and base ●…ssalles to carrie their seruants out in sackes so white-chappell , and such out places to poore mens houses : that worke to them , and therefore durst doe no otherwise but receiue them , though to their vttee ruines , and detestable noysomn●…e , fearing to displease them for their ●…uenge afterwardes , as in putting their worke from them to others for their vtter vndoing : how many such prankes thinke you haue béene playne in the same fashion onely to entertaine customers , to kéepe their shops open , and the foreheads of their doores from ( lord haue mercy vpon vs ) many i could set downe héere and publish them to the world , together with all their strange shiftes , and vncharitable deuices . whereof one especially , notable and politicke may euen leade you to the rest and driue you into imagination of many the like : for one to burie foure or fiue persons out of his house , and yet neither the sexton of the same parish , nor any else of his neighbours in the stréete where hee dwelles in to haue intelligence of it , ( but all thinges be they neuer so l●…king , breake sorth at the last ) this being the cunning and close practise ; politickly to indent with the sexton of some other church ( as dwelling in one parish ) to fée the sexton of another by a prelie péece of siluer , to burie all that die in the same house in his churchyard , which voide all suspition of the plague from his shop , which may be at the least some sixe or seuen parish churches off ; or at another to practise the like ; nothing but compounding with a rauenous sexton that liues vpon dead carcasses , for no trades were so much in vse as coffinmakers and sextons , they were the lawers the last uacation , and bad there bountifull fées of their graue-clients ; wherefore they prayed as the countrie-folkes at hartford did , ( if report be no lyar ) very impiously and barbarously , that the sickenesse might last till the last christmas ; and this was their vncharitable meanings , and the vnchristian effect of their wishes : that they might haue the tearme kept at hartford , and the sextons there tearme still here in london ; but winchester made a goose of hartford , and ended the strife : thus like monsters of nature they wisht in their barbarous hearts , that their desires might take such effects : and for the gréedy lucre of a fewe priuate and meane persons , to sucke vp the life of thousands . many other maruelious euents happened , both in the citty , & else where . as for example , in dead mans place at saint mary-ouerus ; a man seruant bring buried at seuen of the clocke in the morning , and the graue standing open for more dead commodities , at foure of the clocke in the same euening , he was got vp aliue againe by strange miracle : which to be true and certaine , hundreds of people can 〈◊〉 that saw him act like a country ghost in his white peackled shéete . and it was not a thing vnknowne on the other side , that the countries were striken , and that very grieuously , many dying there : many going thither likewise fell downe suddainly and dyed , men on horsebacke riding thither , strangely striken in the midst of ther iourneys , sorcst eyther to light ●…ff , or fall ●…ff , and dye : and for certain and substantiall report , many the last yeare were buried neare vnto hye-waies in the same order , in their cloaths as they were , booted and spurd●… euen as they lighted off , ●…owld into ditches . pits and hedges so lamentably , so rudely , and vnchristianlike , that it would haue made a pittifull , and remorcefull eye blood-shot , to see such a r●…thfull and disordered obiect : and a true heart bléed outright , ( but not such a one as mine , gallants , for my heart b●…eds nothing but alegant , ) how commonly we saw herr , the husband and the wife buried together , a wéeping spectacle containing much sorrow : how often were whole housholds emptied to fill vp graues ? and how sore the violence of that stroake was , that strooke tenne persons out of one house , being a thing dreadfull to apprehend and thinke vpon ; with many maruellous and strange accidents . but let not this make you sad , gallants : sit you merry stil : here my dainty bullyes , i le put you all in one goblet , and wash all these tales in a cup of sack. finis . the meanes of preventing, and preserving from, and curing of the most contagious disease, called the plague with the pestilential feaver, and the fearfull symptomes, and accidents, incident thereunto. also some prayers, and meditations upon death. m. r. 1665 approx. 44 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a58209 wing r45 estc r217714 99829363 99829363 33801 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58209) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33801) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1978:14) the meanes of preventing, and preserving from, and curing of the most contagious disease, called the plague with the pestilential feaver, and the fearfull symptomes, and accidents, incident thereunto. also some prayers, and meditations upon death. m. r. [4], 20 printed for h. million, at the half moon in the old bayley, london : 1665. "the epistle to the reader" is signed: m.r. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -early works to 1800. meditations -early works to 1800. prayer -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the meanes of preventing , and preserving from , and curing of that most contagious disease , called the plague : with the pestilential feaver , and the fearfull symptomes , and accidents , incident thereunto . also some prayers , and meditations upon death . by one who desires it may bee for the glory of god , and the good of all people . amos 3.6 . shall there bee evil in the city , and the lord hath not done it ? london , printed for h. million , at the half moon in the old bayley . 1665. the epistle to the reader , kind reader , i must begge one thing of thee , if god by his providence glance thine eyes upon this little peece , to read it throughout , for it is intended for the general good of all , and especially for the poor . i desire thee not to slight this opportunity put into thy hands , for thou knowest not how few dayes may pass over thy head , but thou thy self , or some of thy friends , may perish for want of such directions as this small treatise can afford thee ; which under god , may bee an instrument of much good unto thee , or thy friends . this i do promise thee , that when thou hast bought it , thou wouldest not be without it for three times what it cost thee . therefore neglect no opportunity wherein thou mayest bee doing good . some may say , this is a little pamplet , there bee greater volumns both of physick and chyrurgery , published by men of known abilities : to this i may answer , that the wisest men seldome judge of things by bigness , but trying all things , they embrace the best ; and again , the poor are locked from them several waies . first , they are in latin , so that the poor cannot read them : or suppose there 's are enough to be bought in english , sure i am , the prices of them are so high rated , that the poors purse will not bear it . here kinde reader , thou mayest have directions that tend for the good of thy soul , as well as thy body ; and if thou reapest any benefit by this little piece , return the praise and the glory of all unto god , then have i attained the expected end of this my labour ; farewell . m. r. the means of preventing , and preserving from , and curing of that most contagious disease , called the plague . the plague what it is . the plague is a disease venomous and contagious and hateful to mankinde , and deadly for the most part , accompanied with grievous sores , as carbunkles , botches , blains , and also spots , and discolourings of the skin , by antient writers , called pestities , and in english , gods tokens ; for the pestilential bubo and carbunkle , are more manifest signes of the plague , than the spots , for spots are seen in feavers , which are not pestilential . the plague may bee fitly called the rod of god , for the sins of the world : the word plague , signifies , a wound , a stroke , or a hurt , for whosoever hath this disease , hee is wounded , plagued , strucken , and that by god , it is a killing disease , fearful to man , unawares seizeth upon mans body , sleeping or waking , and being once entred , produceth deadly accidents , it is compared with the basilisk that killeth man by his sight , looking upon man ; the plague killeth those whom it breatheth upon , no man can account himself free from it . many learned writers testifie this disease proceeds from the influence of the heavens , so that , by their great distemperature the ayre is poyloned and infected , which wee are enforced to receive into the secret closets of our bodies . what safety have wee then ▪ or what can be a more fearfuller enemy to man , than pestilential feavers ? which seizeth upon man as a thief , at unawares , and lurks in every corner of the house , in his secret chambers , threatning to take away his life ; when hee least mistrusts , yea , when fast asleep ; such is this horrid disease , from which god in his mercy deliver us and our land. of the parts of mans body the plague invadeth . three parts subject to infection , the animal , vital , and natural faculties , which have their seats in the brain , the heart and the liver , on one or all these the infection seizeth upon , and once entred , tryumpheth over the whole body of man to his destruction , if god bee not more merciful in his preservation . the plague is a feaver , hee that hath it , is not without a feaver , neither is hee freed from the danger of this feaver , till one , or more than one of the crisis happen ; for until the botch , carbunkle , blain , or spots manifest themselves , no account can bee given , what will become of the patient ; wee may expect death , the distemper continuing . symptomes of recovery . the first is this : if a digestion in nature follow , and the feaver cease , the sick rest , a botch come to good perfection , a carbunkle to separation , and the blains drying , and withering , and chearfulness appearing , then wee may hope the worst is past . the causes of this disease . and that is the sins of all people ; sin makes god execute this judgement upon a nation ; shall there bee evil in a city , and the lord hath not done it . now god can put the host of heaven in order , to fight against us , and wee have no way to escape his judgements but by prayer and true repentance , and this is that , which brings a blessing upon the means you use for your recovery . the terrestrial causes of the plague , are these : vapours from stinking ponds , ditches , dung-hills , sinks , channels , vaults , unclean slaughter-houses of beasts , dead carkasses of men ; stinking fish , fowle , any thing that hath contained life and is putrified , and in great cities , as in london , unclean keeping of houses , and lains , alleys , and streets , from these recited , and the like venomous vapours ▪ by the warmth of the sun exhailed , infects the bodies of men , and produceth the plague , which once produced , is too apt to spread it self , and become popular , as experience sheweth . the accidental signs of the plague . they are various and uncertain , not in all persons alike , but to speak in general : the first appearance of the plague ▪ it appeareth cold , pain in the head , and in the stomach , and sometimes in the back , and them took for an ague and little feared . those whole pains begins in the back , all these kinde of beginnings , are more hopeful of healing ▪ then when it beginneth with pain and giddiness of the head and stomach . 2 others complain of pain with great heat inward , in the stomach , and intrails ; when the outward parts are chill and cold , ready to shake . again , some in the beginning complain of great thirst , others of shortness of breath , swelling and soreness of the throat . again , some are taken with desire of sleep , and unfrequent yawnings , and it is unsafe to let these sleep before they are well sweated , and therefore my desire is , that you would not delay , but apply this medicine : take of zedory in powther half a dram , common treacle half a spoonful , white-wine vinegar three spoonfuls ; take this upon any infection of the plague , as soon as you are sensible of it , and sweat upon it , as long as the spirits will bear it ; repeat this over twice , to make the cure absolute ; drink with it posset drink , or veal broth , as in other courses of physick . now as touching signs , and accidents of this disease : no man can speak of any terrible symptome , sign , of any disease whatsoever , that hath befallen any man , but the like hath been seen in some one person or other sick of the plague , and therefore it is called the sickness , as comprehending all other sickness in it self . accidental signes which presage death . as namely , when the patient is possessed with soundings , and faintings , and cold and clammy sweats , often changing the countenance vomiting of slimy , sharp , and ill-coloured flegme either greenish , yellowish , blackish , or blood-coloured saines , or voiding of excrements disordered , and discoloured , either fatty , blackish , unctious , or unnaturally stinking , convulsions , contractions of the nerves , grovelling and piddling with the fingers , as plucking the bed-cloaths . we shall speak something of the three great out ward signs of the plague . imprimis , first the bubo , these buboes , boyles , or pestilential botches , commonly happen in the emunctories , sinkes or cleansing parts of the body , at the artist terms them , and seldome elsewhere if they be pestilential : namely , they come in the glandulous parts , under , or behinde the ears , if the brain bee oppressed , which is the place by which the brain , if nature bee able , driveth out the venome , or poysonous infection which would kill the whole body . in the second place , it cometh under the arm holes , where are certain small glandules or kernels , and to that part the heart sendeth out the venomous vapours , or offending matter , which suddenly groweth there to an imposthume , botch or boyle . the third and last place where the bubo pestilential cometh ; is in the groin , where when the liver is oppressed , and nature strong , she sendeth forth the disease or botch thither , and this is the third part where the botch appeareth . the second outward sign of the plague , is the fierce burning carbunckle , called the burning cole , which happeneth in every part of mans body , without order , rule , or controule , within the body , as well as without , it does appear , first inflamed , hard in the midst thereof , with a burning pain , afflicting the sick like the burning fire , and itching much , which if scratched , will come forth , a redish , yellowish , dusky coloured icour ; and sometimes the pain is so great , the patient will grow mad . the shape of this disease is somewhat round , and the colour uncertaine ; sometimes it is pale , sometimes reddish , sometimes black , or purple , or greenish , and the two last colours are most fearful , and therefore in the beginning of this disease sweat the patient well , if it appear greenish the party commonly dyeth . thus much of the second principal signe of the plague . the third signe of this disease is the blaine , whereof some infected have many , and some againe not one ; and this disease is a painful angry push , somewhat like the small pox , but in colour more red or cloudy , seldome transparent as a small pock usually is , but farre more painful ; some have them big , and some have them little , with a small head , of an angry blew or redish colour , sometimes of a lead colour , hard , or fleshy , growing upon a large root or stool ; this disease is found in every part of the body , but this blain seldome killeth or hindreth the cure of the disease . so much for the third signe , the blaine . the fourth signe of the plague , is the mark or spots , called gods tokens , but not alwaies certaine signs of the plague , nor of death to the patient , as some ignorant nurses , nay most nurses imagine , for many have spots of several forms and colours when venomous feaversreigne , and yet not the plague ; againe , many have suspicious and fearful spots , which the vulgar terme gods tokens , and recover , and live many years after to gods glory ; these spots are upon some bodies like flea-bitings , in others larger , in some as bigge as a penny , their kindes in some like freckles , sometimes found upon the breast , sometimes upon the back , the armes , and leggs of the patient , they are in colour blewish , and of a sad red ; sometimes of a lead colour , and of a purple colour , they are without paine , but many times the very sight of them to the patient causeth fear , but let me desire the patient to fear his sins more , and use the means , and by the help of god you may doe well . by the way , some doctors will give this advice , to fly from the place visited , and that quickly , and that farre , and tarry long from the danger the infected are in , where it reigneth , i deny not , but they are good rules , but remember our god is every where ; now let him that flieth fly from sin , from all sin by true repentance , and this is the safest way , the best way to cast anchor in christ , and depend upon christ . things to be avoyded in time of plague . 1 every fulness is uneasie for nature to digest , and may prove vicious ; in contagious times beware of raw fruites , of oysters , muskles , new wines , or the like novelties , as milions , musk-milions . 2 beware of being abroad too early , or too late , in times of contagion ; observe a good custome with your owne bodies , doe not suffer the body to be too costive or over-much bound , neither is it safe to keep a mans body daily in purging , no nor in daily looseness , for it is not good nor safe ; neither bleed but by good advice if it may be had , no not before nor after sickness , for fearful effects doe ensue often by unadvised bleeding , and purging in contagious times , now preservatives are put before curative medicines , in the disease of the plague , by most learned men the reason is ; as well concerning the sick , as also their friends and attendants , therefore it is not amiss to begin with things that preserve from the infection , and one is to correct the evil ayre in houses . a remedy against the infection . take a handful of rue , and put it in a gallon of vinegar , and drink three spoonfuls in a morning , in half a pint of worm-wood-wine , or dip a peice of bread in the vinegar only and and eate it ; take figgs and steep them in rue-vinegar all night , eate two or three in the morning fasting . a remedy if you are infected . take a penny-worth of venice treacle , and mixe it in two or three spoonfuls of dragon-water , and drink it off and sweat . for the prevention of the infection of the plague , by john jones gentleman , apothecary to his majesties houshold . take two quarts of the purest white-wine vinegar , and sleep in it juniper berries four ounces bruised , and half a handful of angelica stalkes , after twelve houres infusion , adde to it a quart of the purest rose-water , then straine it , power it upon half a handful of red poppy-flowers , and half an ounce of coacheneal , and half a pound of the best double refined suger , dip a peice of bread in this every morning , and eate it fasting , for prevention . doctor mirons receipt against the plague . take one handful of wood-sorrel , half an ounce of pomcitron-seed bruised , half a quarter of an ounce of harts-horn , and a few marigold flowers , boyl all in three pints of posset-drink a little while over a gentle fire , and then take them off the fire , and let them stand until they bee almost cold , then straine out the posset-drink , and then let the patient drink thereof bloud-warme half a pint in two or three hours , or oftner if the patient desire it ; the patient is not to eate or drink any thing else during this distemper , other than water-grewel , without any bread , butter , or sugar in it ; this by known experience hath recovered those which have been raving mad . another for the prevention of the infection . take every morning the quantity of a nutmeg , and at night when you goe to bed of this electuary . take conserve of woodsorrel one pound , which will cost 2 s. 0.d . cytron bark beaten small , four ounces 2 s. 8. juyce of kermes half an ounce 0. 3. diascordiam one ounce 0. 6. london treacle one ounce and half . 0. 6.   5. 11. beat this into an electuary with six ounces of the sirrup of the juyce of cytrons , and take it as above mentioned . another when any is infected . take half a quarter of a pint of canary , half a spoonful of rue-vinegar , a quarter of an ounce of london-treacle , mix it together , and drink it hot every six hours , and continue so until the violent distemper be over . drink clear posset-drink made of one gill of vinegar , half a pinte of canary , which will make a posset of a pottle of milk. to prevent the infection . if a house bee infected , to dissipate the infection , keep the house alwaies armed with the fume of this mixture following :   0 s. d. take six pound of salt-peter 0 6 0 three pound of brimstone , 0 1 0 assafaetida , one pound . 0 4 0 camphry six ounces . 0 6 0 myrrhe , four ounces 0 2 8 frankincense four pound 0 2 0 pitch six pound . 0 1 0 fine benjamin two pound , the smallest is best . 0 6 0   1 8 0 beat all these dry substances aforesaid , into a powder , then melt your pitch , and when it beginneth to cool , put in the powders , and stir the powders with the pitch very well , pouring in as you stir them , about a quart of the best vinegar , and when they are cold crumble them into powder , and put them in pots ; burn a small quantity of this morning and evening , to prevent infection , but to cure , keep the house alwaies in the fumes of this mixture . for to make the nosegay antidote . take storax in powder one ounce and a half , juniper berries one ounce and a half , angelica roots , one ounce and a half , gum tragacanth one penny-worth , steeped in a quarter of a pint of rue vinegar six hours , then mix that with the ingredients aforesaid , and beat it in a morter into a paste ; adding thereunto a quarter of an ounce of the oyle of worm-wood , as you finde occasion : then role them up into small balls , and put them into little ivory boxes , or sarcenet baggs , keep them to smell to . for a nosegay antidote , camphris one ounce is good . a preservative for the poor , and a good cordial take bay-berries , the weight of nine pence , and throw away the husks , and grate them to a powder , or beat them to a powther , and take the same in stale beer or ale , or in vvhite wine , and goe to bed , and strive to sweat therewith , and that fully , it provoketh sweat well , and thereby cureth the diseases , and may be taken three or four times if occasion be , for it is a cordial against the plague . againe . also beer of the infusion of wormwood and rue is very good , and to eate of the herb sorrel , or of wormwood , is good to preserve from the plague , and used insauce , is a very good cordial . again . the outlandish angelica-roots are very good chewed in the mouth , and so keep in the mouth a small root thereof for the preserving from the plague . outward medicines to bee used to cure the plague , and draw forward the disease . first , when the bubo or carbunkle appears , take a cock , or a hen , or a pidgeon , or a chicken , or a live pullet , bare about the rump and vent , then strew a little salt thin upon the botch , then binde the birds leggs and wings , as easily as may bee , and let her sit upon the botch until she dye ; burn her , and take another , and use her as the former ; and do this so long till they live , for as long as the venome is in the carbuncle , they will dye , and when out they will live : now you must apply remedies to draw , and hors-leeches are very good to apply to the place ; if the leeches take , it is a sign of health , and to make them take the better , wet the place with fair water and sugar warmed , and gently wiped off again , they will take the better : also pidgeons dung , warmed with swines fat , or hens dung , and turpentine mixed very warm , applyed warm twice a day like to a poultis . a good emplaister to ripen and break the sores . first take the hearb crows-foot , make it into a poultis , by bruising it soft with a pestil , in a cloath ; this will draw it , and blister the skin . secondly , again , mustard-seed and pidgeons-dung , well beaten together , with a little swines fat mixed , and applyed warm , do much draw forward a botch , or carbunkle . thirdly , take plantain leaves , or roots for want of leaves , a good quantity , and shred them small , then bruise them well , and strain out the juyce , with crums of bread , houshold leavened bread , boiled in the fore-said juyce , or in the juyce of sorrel is as good ; make a poultesse of this and apply it , adding in the boyling some barrows grease , apply it very warm , shift it three or four times a day ; it asswageth the pain , draweth the venom out . another remedy . take of the greater cumsrey hacked and beaten , boiled in milk , with crums of bread , then add a little butter , and a few prunes boiled therein , take out the stones ; thus applyed , doth digest and suppurate the bubo . another medicine to ripen a botch . take a great onion , make a hole in the top of it , and take part of the onion out , fill it up with mithridate , or treacle , and roste it in embers , and apply it very warm to the botch ; this is an excellent antidote , to take away the great pain , and to draw forth the venomous humours , and doth utterly quench the maligne power thereof . and thus i conclude , and begg a blessing upon all those that shall use the means , and if any there bee , that shall receive benefit and recovery by these directions : first , let him thank almighty god , that hath created medicines of the earth to heal his people ; and secondly pray for mee a sinner , the writer of this little treatise , for to that intent i took the pains . and now fellow creature who ever thou art , if it bee thy chance to meet with this book , let mee desire thee to read over these meditations and prayers ; the comfort will bee thine own . sect . i. meditations of death . the life of a christian should bee a continual meditation of death . the flight of a bird is directed by her traile , the course of a ship is steered by the helm ; so is the life of man ordered by the serious apprehension of his last end . the first man was called adam , which signifieth , a piece of red earth ; hee was cloathed with the skins of dead beasts , hee was adjudged to the earth , to digge : god would have his name , his garments , and his imployments , remembrances of his grave and mortality : and therefore christians , read over the 90th . psalm , and meditate thereupon . so teach us to number our daies , that we may apply our hearts unto wisdome , vers . 12. sect . ii. the meditation of death is good against the sin of pride . whatsoever thy wealth , birth , wisdome , beauty , state , or strength bee , thy foundation is in the dust ; job 4.19 . some are cloathed in purple , and fare well every day , others lye at the gates , and have not so much as the crumbs of their tables . but in the grave , rich and poor meet together , and the ulcers of lazarus will make as good dust as the paint of jezabel : kings must leave their crowns and scepters at the grave , i have said yee are gods , and all of you are children of the most high , but yee shall dye like men , psal . 82.6 , 7. sect . iii. the meditation of death is good against covet●●…sness . the rich man in the gospel , when hee had built his barns , and inned his harvest , was called away by death , and carries nothing with him of all his great store hee had provided , luk. 12. wee brought nothing with us into the world , and it is certain wee can carry nothing out of it , 1 tim. 6.7 . bee not covetous , o dust and ashes . the meditation of death , is profitable against lust . the prodigal seeing many spectacles of mortality , by reason of the great famine , leaves his concubines and riotous living , and returns again to his father ▪ luke 15. i have read of one going to the stews , who meets a dead corps carrying to the grave , the sight whereof makes him goe back , and ever after lived a chaste life . i beseech you as strangers and pilgrims abstaine from fleshly lusts , which war against the soul , 1 pet. 2.11 . the argument used by these apostles to beat down in us the lust of sin , and the sin of lust , is the mortality of our bodies , why then art thou lustful o dust and ashes ? sect . iv. againe , the meditation of death is an antidote against all evil in the world . death is certaine . abraham the father of the faithful dyed , and the friend of god. jacob wrestled with an angel and prevailed , death was too hard for him . david triumphed over ten thousand philistines , and death triumphed over him . solomon a wise man , he knew the nature of all plants , and no plant had the vertue to make him immortal ; man is like an hour-glass new turned up , which never ceaseth running till it be all out . we must needs dye , and are us water spilt upon the ground , which cannot be gathered up againe , 2 sam. 14.14 . sect . v. the time when we shall dye , uncertaine . the rich man promised to himself many years , but foole that he was , that night his soul was fetcht from him , luk. 12. behold now i am old and know not the day of my death ; gen. 27.2 . god would have us ignorant of the last day , that we might be ready every day . to defer repentance till to morrow is dangerous ; god hath promised thee pardon if thou dost repent to day , but if thou dost not repent , hee hath not promised thou shalt live till to morrow ; and if it be not an end of thy sins , it may be an end of thy life ; if it bring not forth conversion , it may bring forth confusion . do therefore as the wise steward , before thou beest turned out of this house , make sure of god , and heaven . sect . vi. the place where we shall dye , uncertain . death surprized abel in the field , gen. 4.8 . and eli sitting at his door , 1 sam. 4.18 . job's children at a feast , job 1.19 . eglon in his summer room , judges 3.20 . herod sitting upon his throne , acts 12.13 . expect that therefore in every place , which in all places expects thee , and let not the place of thy death trouble thee , for the earth is the lords and the fulness thereof . sect . vii . the manner of death is uncertain . there is a natural death , when a man dies as a lamp goes out , because there is no more oyle to feed it . and there is a violent death , when the soul is thrust out of doors , and the lamp of life , not burnt , but blown out . there is a timely death , when a man dyes in a full age. there is an untimely death , when a man is crop'd like an ear of corn , before it is ripe . there is a lingering death , when the soul is besieged with sickness , and as it were , starved , and tired out of her habitation . and there is a death , accompanied with raving madness , and distemperature of body . now who knows which of these deaths are appointed for him ? now the lord prepare us to meet him , for unto god the lord belongs the issues of death , psal . 68.20 . death is a sleep brethren , i would not have you ignorant concerning them that are asleep , 1 thes . 4.13 . i will lay mee down in place , and take my rest , psal . 4.8 . death hath nosting , death is swallowed up in victory ; o death where is thy sting ? thanks be to god , who hath given us victory through jesus christ our lord. 1 cor. 15.25 , 28. is our death uncertaine , and the manner of our death uncertaine , learn to live well , fear god , and keep his commandements ; doe justly , and love mercy ; walk humbly before god , for precious in the sight of the lord is the death of his saints . blessed are they that dye in the lord , for they rest from their labours , and their works follow them , revel . 14.13 . some directions . 1 in the time of thy sickness , with hezekiah , call thy self to an accompt for all thy sins , mourn for them in the bitterness of thy soul , confess them to god , and ask forgiveness . 2 send for the minister , and desire his prayers . 3 let him give thee the sacrament of the lords supper , this is the best provision for so long a journey , i say to thee as the angel to elijah , arise , and eate , for the journey is too great for thee ; and if with elijah thou dost eate and drink by faith and true repentance thou mayest travel in the strength of this meat to horeb , the mount of god , 1 king. 19.7 , 8. this will not make thee dye more quickly , but more quietly , 4 remember christ hath purchased heaven , happiness , and glory for thee . 5 if thou beest a father , or mother of children , call them before thee and bless them , so did jacob when he departed . 6 make satisfaction if thou beest able to such as thou hast wronged and defrauded , without restitution no remission ; inquire with samuel whose oxe thou hast taken , or whose asle thou hast taken ; whom thou hast defrauded , whom thou hast oppressed , or of whose hands thou hast received a bribe , and restore it ; send for them who have offended thee , and forgive them , and for those whom thou hast offended , and ask forgiveness . 7 and lastly , resigne and give over thy self to god , behold , here am i , let the lord do to me as seemeth good to him , 2 sam. 15.26 . not my will but thine be done ; and if thus thou beest prepared at the day of death , oh well is thee , and happy shalt thou be , 1 samuel 12.8.2 . blessed is that servant , whom his lord when hee cometh shall finde thus doing , thus dying ; mat. 24.26 . and conclude thy life by prayer . a prayer to bee used by a sick , or dying man. i will praise thee , o lord god , that thou hast considered my low estate and hast not shut mée up in the hands of my enemies , nor made my foes to rejoyce over mee ; and now let thy right hand protect mee , and let thy mercy come upon mee , for my soul is in trouble and anguish , because of its departure from the body . o let not the assemblies of its wicked and cruel enemies méet it in the passing forth , nor hinder me , by reason of the sins of my passed life ; o lord , be favourable unto mée , that my soul may not behold the hellish countenance of the spirits of darknesse ; but let thy bright and joyful angels entertain it , that it may give glory to thy holy name , and to thy majesty ; place me by thy merciful arme before thy seat of iudgement , and let not the hand of the prince of this world snatch mée from thy presence or bear mee into hell ; mercy swéet iesu , amen . another prayer in time of plague . o lord our god , in whose name standeth our help , and among other evils , hast promised us to deliver thy people from the snares of the hunter , and the noysome pestilence ; we beséech thée take this thy plague away from us , and as the stench of our sins hath ascended up into thy nostrils to provoke thy wrath against us , so let our humble supplications come before thée to procure our happy and spéedy release from it , lord call back thine angel , and cause him to sheath his sword again , wée are thy children , the works of thy hand , we are sorry for our sins , which are the cause of all this , and we purpose amendment ; wée are but men , dust and ashes , not able to bear long , therefore , lord have mercy upon us , and that soon , send us comfort , and suffer us not to perish after so miserable a sort : wée thank thée o lord , that thou hast not left us altogether comfortlesse , without hope , considering how many thousands are left alive ; wherefore , o lord , wée beséech thée blesse us , and all those that depend upon us ; set thy saving mark upon out houses , as thou didst upon the israelites , and give order to the destroyer , that he hurt us not : put strength to our medicines , let thy good blessing make the preservatives of the physitian , and our shuttings up , places of more security to us , and profitable ; and let us not trust too much in the outward means , but chiefly in thy mercies and blessings upon them , kéep us in our down lying , and uprising , and protect us in our vocations ; have pity upon our distressed brethren comfort the desolate widdows , provide for all the fatherlesse children , gather us together again , that by this means are dispersed , and continue thy merciful work in diminishing our dead numbers , till wée may justly say in confidence and thanks , with the prophet , we shall not dye , but live , and declare the works of the lord : grant this o lord , for iesus christs sake , our onely saviour ; amen . a prayer to bee said in the progress of sickness . o lord my god , blessed iesu , who by thy bitter death and passion hast swéetned the cup of death to us , taking away its bitterness and sting , and making it an entrance to life and glory ; have pity upon mée thy servant , who have so déep a share in sin , that i cannot shake off the terrours of death but that my nature with its hereditary corruption still would preserve it self in a disunion from the joyes of thy kingdome ; lord , i acknowledge my own infirmities , and begge thy pity , it is better for me to be with thée ; but the remembrance of my sins , doth so depress my growing confidence , that i am in a great strait , betwéen my fears and hopes , betwéen the infirmities of my nature , and the better desires of conforming to thy holy will and pleasure : o my dear redéemer , wean my soul and all my desires from the flatteries of this world ; pardon all my sins , and consign so great a favour by the comforts and attestation of thy divinest spirit , that my fears being mastered , my sins pardoned , my desires rectified , as the hart thirsts after the springs of water , so my soul may long after thée o god , and to enter into thy courts ; heavenly father , if it may be for thy glory , and my ghostly good , to have the daies of my pilgrimage prolonged , i begg of thée health and life , but if it bée not pleasing to thée , to have this cup passe from mée , thy will be done : my saviour hath drunk off all the bitternesse ; behold o lord ! i am in thy hands , do with me as séemeth good in thine eyes : though i walk through the valley of the shadow of the death , i will fear none evil , for thou art with me , thy rod and thy staffe comfort me : i will lay me down in peace , and take my rest , for it is thou lord only who shalt make me to dwell in everlasting safety , and to partake of the joyes of thy kingdome , who livest and reignest , eternal god , world without end . amen . a prayer for one in danger of death . o lord iesus christ , our health and life , our hope and our resurrection from the dead ; i resign my self up to thy holy will and pleasure , either to life , that i may live longer to thy service and amendment , or to death , to the perpetual enjoyment of thy presence and of thy glories ; into thy hands i commend my spirit , for i know o lord , that nothing can perish which is committed to thy mercy : for my soul , strengthen it with thy grace against all temptations , let thy loving kindness defend it as with a shield , against all the violences and hostile assaults of satan : let the same mercie bee my guard and defence , which protected thy martyrs , crowning them with victory in the midst of flames , horrid torments , and most cruel deaths : there is no help in me , o lord , i cannot by mine own power , give a minutes rest to my wearied body , but my trust is in thy sure mercies , and i call to minde , to my unspeakable comfort , that thou weart hungry , and thirsty , and wearied , and whipt , and crowned with thorns , and mocked , and crucified for mée : o let that mercy which made thée suffer for me so much , pardon me and save me ; let thy mercies answer for my impieties , let thy righteousness cover my sins , thy blood wash away my stains , and thy comforts refresh my soul , as my body grows weak , let thy grace be stronger , let not my faith doubt , nor my hope tremble , nor my charity grow cold , nor my soul be affrighted with the terrours of death , but let the light of thy countenance enlighten mine eyes that i sléep not in death eternal ; and when my tongue fails , let thy spirit teach my heart to pray , with strong cryings , and groans that are unutterable : o let not the enemy do me any violence , but let thy holy mercies , and thy angels , repel and defeat his malice and fraud , that my soul ! may by thy strength tryumph in the joyes of eternity , in the fruition of thée , my life , my joy , my hope , my excéeding great reward , my lord and saviour christ , amen . a prayer for a dying person , in , or near the agonies of death . most merciful and blessed saviour , have mercy upon the soul of this thy servant , remember not his ignorances , nor the sins of his youth , but according to thy great mercy remember him , in the mercies and glories of thy kingdome ; thou o lord hast opened the kingdome of heaven to all believers , let thy everlasting gates be opened , and receive his soul ; let the angels who rejoyce at the conversion of a sinner , tryumph and be exalted in his deliverance , and salvation , make him partaker of the benefits of thy holy incarnation , life , and sanctity , passion and death , resurrection and ascention , and of all the prayers of the church , of the joy of the elect , and all the fruits of the blessed communion of the saints , and daily add to the number of thy beatifyed servants , such as shall be saved , that thy coming may be hastned , and the expectation of the saints may be fulfilled , and the glory of thée our lord iesu , be advanced , all the whole church singing praises to the honour of thy name , who livest and reignest ever , one god , world without end , amen . o most merciful iesus who didst dye to redéem us from death , and damnation , have mercy upon this thy servant , whom thy hand hath visited with sickness , of thy goodnesse be pleased to forgive him all his sins , and seal his hopes of glory with the refreshments of thy holy spirit ; lord give him strength and confidence in thée , asswage his pain , repel the assaults of his ghostly enemies , by thy mercies , and a guard of holy angels : preserve him in the unity of the church , kéep his senses entire , his understanding right , give him a great measure of contrition , true faith , well grounded hope , and an abundant charity , give him a quiet and a joyful departure , let thy ministring spirits convey his soul to the mansions of peace and rest , there with certainty to expect a joyful resurrection , to the fulnesse of ioy at thy right hand , where there is pleasures for evermore , amen . a prayer for the joyes of heaven . o most glorious iesu , who art the portion and excéeding great reward of a faithful people , thou hast beautified humane nature with glorious immortality , and hast carryed the same above all heavens , above the seat of angels , beyond the cherubims and seraphims , placing it on the right hand of thy heavenly father , and grant to us all the issues of thy abundant charity , that we may live in thy fear , and dye in thy favour ; prepare our souls with heavenly vertues , for heavenly ioyes , making us righteous here , that we may bee beatified hereafter ; amen . books sold by henry million at the sign of the half-moon in the old-bayly . mr. baxter 's saints rest in 4. mr. baxter 's true catholick , in 12. his catholick unity , in 12. burgesse 's godly-man 's choice , in 8. clark 's apples of gold , in 8. artimmidorus of dreams , in 8. the history of the gentle-craft , in 4. finis . an epistle discoursing vpon the present pestilence teaching what it is, and how the people of god should carrie themselues towards god and their neighbour therein. reprinted with some additions. by henoch clapham. clapham, henoch. 1603 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18917 stc 5339 estc s115088 99850307 99850307 15498 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18917) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 15498) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 830:07) an epistle discoursing vpon the present pestilence teaching what it is, and how the people of god should carrie themselues towards god and their neighbour therein. reprinted with some additions. by henoch clapham. clapham, henoch. [24] p. printed by t. c[reede] for the widow newberry, and are to be sold at her shop in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the ball, london : 1603. printer's name from stc. running title reads: an epistle touching the pestilence. cf. folger shakespeare library catalogue, which gives signatures: a-b⁴. signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-07 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an epistle discovrsing vpon the present pestilence . teaching what it is , and how the people of god should carrie themselues towards god and their neighbour therein . reprinted with some additions . by henoch clapham . london printed by t. c. for the widow newbery , and are to be sold at her shop in pauls church-yard , at the signe of the ball. 1603. to the right worshipfull sir baptist hickes , knight : all necessarie sauing gifts from aboue . good sir , before i returned last into england , i did publish a certaine epistle , wherein i noted how certaine amongst vs had laide the groundes of brownisme , while theyr zeale ( beyond knowledge ) had laboured our churches reformation . that comming into the hands of some of them here in and about the citie , they welcomed me home , with an aduisement giuen to some theyr disciples , that i should neither be heard preach , nor priuatly conferred with , nor haue any of my bookes read of them . theyr reason was , that cl. would bring people to all the corruptions of the english church , and finally to romes church . but when there was some extraordinary cause of opposing to romish platformes , let the traytor w. wat. speake of his conscience , if the accused did not rather oppose to such wickednes then his accusers ? as they bgun to malice without grounde ( for now they shame to meddle with theyr dombe presbyterie , and halfe faced deaconry , with some other things not to be maintained ) so , they haue not therewith stinted the bitternesse of their spirits , but now must please them ( whom otherwise but some will say , that meate and drinke , chirurgene and phisicke , helpeth and doth good to many , who neuer call vpon the name of the lord , specially in the name of christ iesus , i answere : * the liuing god is a sauiour of all men , specially of them that beleeue . his mercie is vpon all the creatures . not the vilest barbarian , but he suffreth his comfortable sunne and ayre to shine and breath vpon . when the mercies of god are called into question , euery mouth shall be stopped . but howsoeuer he is a sauiour of all men , yet he hath a speciall saluation for the faithfull , as s. paul teacheth timothie . howsoeuer he affordeth blessings to all , yet in a speciall forme he blesseth the beleeuer . for as they call for his sauing fauour in the vse of all his creatures , so they haue it in their much and little , in their health and sicknesse , in their life and death . these vse the creature , with assurance of a peculiar blessing , when the other eate , drinke , and apply it with a peculiar curse ; now , we are not to labour for the temporary blessing sauced onely with a common mercie , ( for then we goe no further then the dogge in his eating of grasse , for easing his stomacke ) but to labour with the lord by prayer for his speciall blessing our conscence in the vse of these creatures : leauing the issue tempotarie to his will , which is holy in all things . a true christian walketh thus in common diet , and vsuall infirmities , how much more doth it stand him in hand , to looke to his carriage towards god , in respect of this pest or pestilence ? a theists , meere naturians and other ignorant persons , do hold it to be a natural disease , proceeding from naturall causes onely : as from corruption of ayre , caused by vnseasonable planets aboue , or else from carrionly stinking smelles here belowe . who while they looke not higher then the earth , or not higher then the planets , do sticke in the creature , forgetting the creator ( called the * lord of hostes ) who commaunds or forbids , sends out , or stayes the course and operation of creatures and corruptions . as god is the lord of hostes , so * hee maketh a flaming fire his ministers , sometimes for consuming , sometimes for preseruing . for by it , nebuchadnezzers executioners were destroyed , when the three young nobles of iudah were in midst thereof preserued . addition expository and apologeticall to the first section . galenistes ] so called of galen a gréek heathen physitian . this kind of plague or pestilence is of him tearmed loimos , respecting onely bodies bursting out in corruption , which may be cause sometimes of corrupting other bodies : specially such as are inclinable to and capable of such corruption . and this is it , that some christians vnderstand , when they say , that the pestilence is as a candle , and bodies as strawe , some wet , some dry , more or lesse capable of taking fire . and this is true , but not all the truth , nor yet in the first sence which is diuine , whereof i shall speake somewhat after . to stick therfore in this consideration , is to speake rather after the manner of naturalls then of diuines . and who dare speake rather after the maner of man , then after the vncontrowlable forme of the holy ghost ? the dead creature can giue to him no life : ] because the dead creature cannot of it selfe vinifie the bodie , therefore the christian is taught to looke vp to god the author of life : who , as he hath promised to euerie belieuer the thing that is good calling for it by prayer ; so , such a praying belieuer ought to expect the veritie of his promise , séeing he is faithfull that hath promised : for , godlines is profitable to all things , which hath promise of the life present and of that is to come , 1 tim. 4 , 8. without godlines , many are partakers of some spiritual and all sorts of corporall giuings , without diuine direct promise , and therefore such giuings do finally turne into bitternes , vexation of spirit , and the iust heaping vp of iudgement . section . ii. the word plague , is originally a greeke word : for plege it is termed in reuelation . 16. 9. and of the latines plaga , in english valuing a blowe or stripe . which , as it may haue a more generall vse , so , it is not applyed to this particular disease of the pest , otherwise , then because it is a blowe or stripe inflicted on mankind . by whom ? by god , although mediately by spirit , or corruption , or both . the language of god & adam in the old testament , doth terme it deber ( as in exod. 3. 3. deu. 28 21. psal 91. 36 2. sam 24. 13. ) of dabar to speake , whether it be a speech of life or death . and so it is termed i doubt not because it is an effect of the lords word for sinne , according to his threatning in deut. 28. 21. let the word be so considered in the two sacred languages of the old and new testament , and the plague is no other maladie , then a speciall blowe inflicted on mankinde for sinne . i speake not of it , as it seizeth on beasts , seeing it commeth to them by mankindes sinne . sinne is the cause why the lord ( according to his word ) smiteth mankind , whether corruption be in the way or not . doth god send out a spirit to smite ( as dauids people in 2. sam. 24. were smit by a good angell , but iob before with a bad ) the spirit smiteth not but vpon the lords word , smite or touch : in which respect it is called negagn in psal 91. 10. of nagagn to touch : although the terme negagn may well imply a plague or stripe lesse piercing and killing . the stroke of god , it is for sinne . and smiteth he with his owne finger immediately , or mediately as by the hand of an other ? * the secret things belong vnto the lord , nor will i meddle with what hee doth beyond the words reuelation . in leuiticus 26. and deut. 28. hee threatneth varietie of plagues for sin ; but concealeth the particular meanes which hee will vse for accomplishing that word . in other places we read of his angell smiting people til the lord did stay , but that euer he made corruption his messenger i read not : and yet i doubt not but god may haue vsed corruption in the ministry of his angell , for correcting or confounding the corrupt creature . but why in such discourse , hath the spirit of god still mentioned only god for agent , and the angell for instrument ? because we should in such cases , looke first to god , as he that is all in all : secondly , to the ministrie of his angels , who are appointed to preserue such from the plague as commit themselues * in their wayes to the protection of god all sufficient . a doctrine full opposite to our practise , who cast our eye more to acryall corruption , then vnto god and his angell smiting . addition expos. & apologet. to the second sestion . the word plague ] séeing there can be no true dispute where the thing to be disputed vpon is vncertainlie or doubtfully vnderstoode , i therefore in the second section , haue laboured to cleare what the plague may be . plague ( and so pestilence ) is a word of large vse , but in this dispute applied to a certaine disease extraordinarily mortall and deadly : yea , a disease now amongst vs , confessed by our physitians , to excéed the compasse and reache of all their naturall reason and reading . no maruell , séeing that which is primordiall and principall in it , is spirituall and inuisible . what that is , the diuine scriptures do teach , when not only they shewe that sinne is the prouoking cause ( and specially , sinne vniversall ) but also do shewe that it is a stroke inflicted from without , and that by the ministrie of an angell , appointed so by iehouahs expresse word : for which the hebrewes do vse the very same letters ( deber ) for word and pestilence . and herevpon it is , that the hebrues turne the word deber by logos , in psal. 91. so well as in other places , which in english is word or speech : for as gentils without god could not reach hier thē nature herein ▪ so the hebrues ( to whom the liuely oracles were commited ) did passe by that , as being but the effect ; and looked ( as we ought ) to god be his angell smiting . nor is it for other cause , that the holy ghost tells vs of aaron & dauids intercéeding by praier , in nom. 16. and 2. sam. 24. and not of any corporall flight or naturall courses . the gréeke translation , in psal. 91. 3 doth read for these our words ; from the noysome pestilence , these words apologóu tarachodous , which valueth this , from the word that be-muddeth : from whence i gather , first the angell smiting according to the lords word gone out : secondly , an effect in the bodie so smitten , and that is , the blood and powres commoued and bemudded : like as a poole smitten with some instrument of waight , shoulde haue the myre and mudde therevpon raised , to the troubling of all . originall sinne hath conueyed into our humane nature corruption as mudde : this is in vs as setled , vntill the angell smite , and loe therevpon all the bodie is out of order . because we should not créepe on the earth herein with galen , hippocrates and such , we haue not onely the scriptures to teach vs the former super-naturall stroke , but also diuerse so smitten , haue felt and heard the noyse of a blow ; and some of them haue vpon such a blow found the plain print of a blew hand left behind vpon the flesh . at the funerals of sundrie such , i my selfe this sicknes time haue preached . such a stroke , was to put vs in mind of iehouahs angell smiting ; and such a blewnes , may put vs in minde of the muddie corruption in our humane nature . the angels stroke so is the cause , the plague-sores and marks arising and appearing are the effect . the first not infectious ; and therefore the angell in egipt went from house to house in egipt , and from dan to bersheba , and ierusalem in iudea , with his sword drawne . the second is infectious sometimes more or lesse . the first absolutely mortall and deadly , as hezekiah was told : and therefore such regaining health and life , haue new daies added , as hezekiah had yeares . the second is not absolutely deadly , because but naturall in the forme of deriuall , as it befalleth in other corrupt cases . section . iii. sinne being the cause for which he smiteth a people with pestilence ( sinne poisoning earth , ayre and all ) some will demaund , if so it cannot be preuented or cured with change of place and vse of physicke ? by changing place they thinke they may , because it is written , a prudent man seeth the plague and hideth himselfe . and by physicke they suppose they may , because that sundry ( of their knowledge ) haue so escaped . for the diuine prouerbe , they abuse it two waies . once in vnderstading the word plague for pestilence . though euery pestilence be a plague , yet euery plague is not a pestilence . nor doth the originall word properly signifie the one or the other . it is ragnah , valuing the latine malum , in english euill , as in an other forme it is aptly turned into : prou. 14. 16. for the translator , howsoeuer hee leaue the proper signification of the word , hee yet speaketh to good purpose , seeing the holy ghost there speaketh of such an * euill in the citie as the lord doth : that is , of such a punishment as the lord inflicteth ; called an euill of mankinde , though properly a correction or punishment of euill and secondly , such excepters abuse the prouerbe , in saying , they may flye from the place with the prudent man. salomon saith not that such a one flyeth , but that he hideth himselfe . a man may couer or hyde himselfe without flying . if thou say that a man cannot hide himselfe from the plague , i say likewise that thou cannot any more flye from the plague : goe where thou wilt and his right hand shal finde thee out : if thou wert with ionas first vnder the hatches , and after with the whale in the bottome of the sea , he will finde thee out . the wings of the morning cannot carrie thee beyond his reach . what is this hiding or couering thy selfe then ? it is no couer corporeall , but spirituall : euen the same that is spoken of in psal. 61. 4. where safetie is assured to him that coucheth vnder the lords winges . the prudent hearted seeth a plague or iudgement comming towards a people for sinne ; what doth he then ? hee commits himselfe in his christian way , to the protection of the almightie , who hath promised to be a shield to such as put their trust in him : that such a one shall not need to feare that pestilence that walketh in darknesse , nor the plague that destroyeth at noone-day . for walking in his way , that is , in the way god hath called him vnto , and leaning vpon the lords promise , what neede is there of locall flight or couer ? secondly , for their phisicall experience , i thereto make this answere : sinne being the cause of the maladie , ( as also of euery maladie ) it is for none to make physick their staffe , nor yet their first meane , lest they sinne the sinne of * asa : much lesse seeke to idol-wizards , which was the sinne of * achaziah . besides , they see many preserued in the midst of the plague , who haue vsed no phisicall meanes : what will they make the cause of their deliuerance ? no other thing , but the diuine pleasure of god , who hath forbid his angell to smite them . is phisicke then in this and all other plagues to be auoyded ? no : as * hezekiah ( howsoeuer hauing promise of recouerie ) did meane time suffer a lumpe of drie figs to be applied to his boyle ( hauing in nature to heat , mature , and digest ) so we are not to neglect such naturall means as reason and experience haue found out to auaile against naturall infirmitie [ deo non obstante ] the lord not crossing nature . otherwise , we shal be found tēpters of god , leauing our way : rather then faithfull keepers of our way . reason of vsing naturall meanes ( where god barres them not vp ) is this : whether the ayre be infected without vs , there neuer wanteth infection within vs , which is readie to take an head against our heart , if the lord do not bridle it . as god smiting vs with other maladies ( threatned in the lawe so wel as pestilence ) doth not only say , let it be , wherevpon the maladie growes , but also hath that his word working vpon preiacent corruption effected by our sinne : so , hee looketh that his word be satisfied by humbling our selues in prayer and fasting , and that naturall corruption haue the power preuented or destroyed by naturall means , he ●ffording them . to say , i shall liue so long as god hath appointed , though i neuer vse phisicke , it is as good as this , i shall liue so long as god hath appointed , though i neuer eate nor drinke . as meate and drinke is for the hungry , so is phisicke for the diseased : for to the necessitie of naturall phisicke , our sauiour alludeth , when as for establishing his spirituall phisicke , he saith : * they that are sicke need the phisition . god hath created the word , prayer and fasting for repelling and killing sinne , the materiall cause of gods anger : and he hath created phisicall creatures for preuenting and curing naturall corruption , the materiall cause of our maladie and naturall sicknesse . so both be the good creatures of god , and both to be vsed to his glory . the first for helping and healing our soule : the second , for helping and healing the body . god sometimes blesseth the first without the second , to shewe that he is not tyed to meanes . and he sometimes blesseth the second without the first , to shew that we ought not neglect the meanes . but as we haue both sinfull soules and corrupt bodies , so we should vse both , for benefiting both . addition to the third section . in the pestilence there falling out a two-fold consideration as afore , the first supernaturall , the second naturall , it so followeth , that the supernaturall cause be salued by that which is spirituall ; the other by that which is naturall , hezekiah did both in isa. 38. first , he in all truth of spirit did humble himselfe in prayer , and secondly , did applie a lump of ●igges , the second becomming effectuall , when god in the first place had accepted of teares and mournings . our naturians should neuer therefore promise or insinuate health and life by the second , but by putting people in the minde , that they must labour with god for satisfaction for the first . that this is our churches iudgement also , let it be considered , first , in that the magistrates and ministers haue appointed publike and vniuersall fasting and prayer , by way of humiliation before god for sinne : secondly , in that also they haue published naturall meanes in respect of naturall corruption . how vntollerable wicked then haue they béene , who priuatlie and in gods most holy place , haue giuen out that clapham hath béene herein singular and odde by himselfe . they be rather odde that vnderstand not themselues . section . iiii. bvt seeing the lord * promiseth deliuerance from the plague , to all such as rest vnder his wings and walke in his way , it may be asked , how comes it to passe that some beleeuers die of the pestilence , and some vnbeleeuers scape it ? i answere , the lords promise being euer fast to the beleeuer ( for he is faithfull that hath promised ) there is in beleeuers so dying , a want of faith for apprehending this particular deliuerance , this temporary mercy . though they haue not lacked faith for their eternall iustification & finall saluation , by vertue whereof their flesh resteth in hope of an happie resurrection , and their spirit is gone in comfort to god that gaue it : yet hath euerie one perishing on the pestilence bene found , not to apprehend this particular promise . to say that the psalme speaketh only of a spirituall plague and a spirituall promise , is to conclude the same of leuit. 26. & deut. 28. and of all the like places . then the which , what can be more absurd ? vnder literall promises and mercies , menacies and curses , spirituall things are also entended , but not onely . the first shadoweth out and leadeth to the second . and because still there is the same vse , the outward euils so well as the second are still abiding . when we haue receiued christ by faith , we haue promise of * all things also : ( promises of this world & of the world to come . ) but when by faith we haue apprehended the greater , loe we are often found to doubt of the lesser . in not doubting of the eternall , we should not doubt of the temporarie . but doubting of the lesser and loosing it by doubting : we see what we should do in the greater , if god should leaue vs to our owne standing . that manie wicked escape in midst of strongest pestilence , first , it is not because they haue any promise , but because it pleaseth god both to them and vs to be in manie things , manie times , better then his promise : teaching them and vs therein , how good he would be to vs in all things walking in his way , and vndoubting the promise . secondly , the wicked so escaping , are ordinarily such as haue walked boldly through the sicknes , bragging of their faith in god , touching deliuerance from pestilence : shewing plainly that they had a faith in god for apprehending promise of deliuerance . though they haue not had faith for apprehending things spirituall and eternall , yet for laying hold on this particular temporarie . and such a faith , is ordinarily countenanced with such a mercie , as that temporary repentance of ahab , manasses , and niniuets , was graced with particular flitting mercies . god teaching such therein , how much more he would draw neare vnto them in all goodnes , if so they had in them a right continuing faith , and continuing repentance . and therewithall checking his children for doubting the lesser , hauing faith in him for the greater . addition to the fourth section . there is in belieuers so dying , a want of faith . ] that is , some want in faith . s. iames willing vs in she want of knowledge to haue our recourse vnto god in prayer , he telleth vs that we must not waner ; for if we do , he concludeth , that we are not to thinke that we shall receiue any thing of the lord. from whence i gather , that lack of faith is cause we are denied any thing necessarie our life here . some will obiect , there is some want of faith , some doubting , some wauering in the best child of god , therefore none can assure himselfe of receiuing any good of god , whether corporall , or spirituall . i answere , it is one thing what we ought to do , another thing what we do . secondly , it is enioyned vs in leuit. 26. and in deut. 28. that as we would haue blessings temporary , and auoid cursings temporarie , we should obey the commaundements ; and the best are found daily to breake the commaundements , haue they therefore no assurance of blessing ? if they looke into the measure of obedience ( literall or spirituall ) as it is in themselues only , they haue cause to looke for no good thing . this want then in all things , is to driue them vnto the lord by christ iesus in all things . obiection . god will not exact such obedience , such faith , except we could so obey , so belieue . answere . the romanists indéede say so , but they and others must remember , that it is equall for him so to exact , séeing ( as we were set out of his hands in adam ) we were enabled so to belieue and obey . thirdly , as there is no promise of god but it is deliuered vnder condition , and there is no condition kept fullie of our part , and therefore no flesh that may be able to reioyce in gods sight : so , it pleaseth him sometimes not to impute the want in faith and obedience to his children ( for if he should , we could not breath one day ) but to accept them as perfect and iust , iob. 1. 1. 8. ezek. 14. 20. luke . 1. 6. otherwise , s. iames should leaue vs litle or no hope of receiuing any thing of god by prayer . fourthly , in case of temporary blessings , it pleaseth god to giue an extraordinarie strength of faith , by the which deuils and mountaines of difficulties are often remoued : so well as vnto his children he besides giueth an extraordinarie strength of faith for eternalls , called of the apostle to the colossians * plerophoria , with allusion to a ship carried with a full sayle . to say that the 91. psalme speaketh only of a spirituall plague . ] to say that the legall promises and menaces are only spirituall , is to teach a doctrine that the auncient church was neuer acquainted with , nor yet any moderne writer that i know of . let such a , b , c , diuines go reade tremellius , and fr. iunius their notes on psal. 91. and of the rest , that on the fift verse : a pauore nocturno ] id est , ab vllis apertis , occullis , internis , externis , corporeis aut spiritualibus malis , vllo vnquam tempore ; wherein they teach that the promise is of deliuerance from any euils , open , hid , internall , externall , corporall or spirituall . it is not because they haue any promise . ] here i speake of the wicked in generall : shewing plainely that they had a faith in god. ] héere i speake of some certaine wicked . héere some say i speake contraries : first , because i teach that the wicked haue no such promise : secondly , that some such haue a faith or beliefe in god touching such deliuerance . i see a diuerse thing in these wicked-ones , but no contrary thing deliuered . that they haue no promise of hauing good by so much as a bit of bread , my maleuolent brethren graunt , that some of them haue beliefe in god for temporary blessings , yea , and sometimes of eternall happines , who can doubt , except all wicked should alwayes dispaire of all things ? if i had said , they haue iustifying or sauing faith , i had spoken contraries , séeing promises of this life , and that to come is made directlie and properlie vnto them . what kind of faith i spoke of , it may appeare when i terme it a bragging faith , that is , a presumptuous beliefe without any ground of promise . these that come to our sauiour in the last day , saying , haue we not prophecied in thy name , cast out deuils , &c. had they no faith touching temporaries ? t is very sillie . they had ( as schollers vsually speake ) a temporarie faith , and perswasion : and my writing can no way entend any other . and thus men crow before the victorie . that temporary repentance of ahab , manasses , &c. a great quarell ariseth from the poore word manasses , that i should number him with the temporarie repentant . if they had not liked the word , they might easily haue wiped it out , and so haue kept peace with the booke . that i vnderstand so of his repentance , obserue what i haue to say . in the 2. king. 21. the historie of his life and death is set downe , and no speech of any repentance . and thereto is annexed , that amon his sonne did euill in the sight of the lord , as did his father manasses . and amon is neither there nor elsewhere noted repentant , but caried out of the world in iudgement . this connexure of father and sonne , causeth me to thinke that the repentance spoken of in 2. chron. 33. ( in which respect he is preferred to his sonne ) to haue bene of the prophets then held but as temporarie , and fitted to time . if it be a good argument of salomons true repentance , that rehoboam and his people are said to haue walked three yeares in the way of dauid and salomon , 2. chron. 11. 17. ( for that salomon should not so haue bene matched with dauid , if he had not died well to the church-ward , as did dauid ) if i say , that be good for prouing his true repentance ; then i sée not why manasses his repentance may not be held as no true repentance , when he comes to be so conioyned with amon , that neuer truly repented to the church-ward . i say to the church-ward , because it is possible for a man to vnsatisfie the church , & yet of god be saued : as also to dye innocent to the church-ward , & yet of god condemned for some secret abhomination vnrepented of . but if any hereafter will logomachein , contend and wage warre about a word , it is not my purpose easily to follow them . section . v. famine , sword and pestilence , are a trinitie of punishments prepared of the lord , for consuming a people that haue sinned against him . 2. sam. 24. 12 , 13. s. iohn in the opening of the fourth seale , doth number them thus ; * sword , hunger and death : the sword ●leying , famine staruing , the pestilence effecting death , but death with a witnes , as the most readie destroyer . dauid being put to his choise , doth distinguish them into two sorts ; the first being a fall into the enemies hands , and that he refuseth , because the churches aduersarie would insult without all mercy . the other two should be a fall into god his hands , and that he chooseth , because his mercies were great . and of these two ( famine and pestilentiall death ) he chooseth the latter ; why ? some thinke , because himselfe might be relieued of famine , and so not die : and he coueting to die with the people , would therefore choose the pestilence which would as well seize vpon him . this is somewhat , but i see it not in this scripture . after he had seene a fearfull fall of the people , he coueted gods hand to be turned against him : but that he was of such mind before that fall , it should not seeme ; first , because his heart ( before gad the prophet came to him ) was smitten with the sight of his sinne , whereupon he repented : secondly , because in his option of the pestilence , he expreslie expected some great mercie in the midst of iudgement . but the direct cause of electing this plague , was ( i doubt not ) diuided ( at least ) into these two respects : the first , ayming at the easinesse of death : for to die of famine is a more lingring torturing death . and herein appeared dauids charitie . the second ayming at the churches enriching with necessaries alreadie possessed : for famine would haue deuoured vp all her maintenance . and herein was both loue and policie . dauid being a prophet , he could not haue fewer godlie respects in his option . of all these three plagues , sword , famine , and pestilence , i conclude the last to bring with it the most mercie . if the aduersaries sword destroy , ô the mockings , proud insultings , filthie prostitutions , cruell oppressions , accompanying that sword ? the sword of romish babilonians was prest to haue beene drawen within and without vs. how great was the lords mercie to shut that vp in the scaberd ? famine was threatned vpon the death of our late soueraigne elizabeth ; for the rascalitie of our land hoped , as drone-bees , to haue spoiled our hyues , as an vnsatiable hell or graue to swallow vp all . how mercifull was god vnto vs , that with a crosse-wynd did rather take them vnto tyburne , or consume them in warres without vs ? yea , how was his mercie great vnto vs , in putting farre from vs both the former plagues , and in smiting , to smite vs with this pestilence : that so falling , we fall before his hand that is a mercifull father , in the midst of iudgement remembring mercie ; leauing vs not to lingring deaths , whereby we might be more pained ; and giuing that we haue possessed to his church , whereof we haue bene members . yea , where in three dayes the lords angell did smite to death 70. thousands of dauids people : loe his great mercie to vs ward , he hath not so smitten yet one thousand in full three dayes . o that the liuing would lay it to heart , and praise god for his mercies . section . vi. god of necessitie being to punish vs ; and then in stead of sharp rods , to smite vs with the pestilence ; and in the pestilence to destroie so leisurely , it should teach vs ( king , * priest and people ) to be humbled vnder his hand in the free confession of our sinnes , admiring his lenitie and fatherlie kindnes . god giue vs grace speedily to be humbled . and the lords mercies to vs , should force vs to be more mercifull one to another . it should teach magistrate and minister ( with dauid ) to bide by their charge , and to intreat mercie for the sheepe of his pasture , till the angell put vp his viall of pestilence . to augment our spirituall deuotions in the openest places , as did dauid , who built an alter in araunahs threshing floore on mount moriah , the place chosen of god for putting his name there , whereon after the temple was builded . yea , to put our sacrifices betweene the plague and the church , as dauid did betweene the falne of israel and ierusalem , that so the plague may not creepe any further . yea , the mercie of god to vs , should teach vs all to be helping one to an other , not to please our selues in all things , to lay downe our liues for the brethren , liuing and dying in good workes , to the sicke and needie . the ninetie-nine are to be left that stand not in such need , and the sheepe that is readie to perish , we ought to seeke vp . happie is the soule , who ( when his maister commeth ) is found so working : and thrise happie is the soule , that hath the body cut downe in such a worke of mercie . true it is , that for certaine * bodily vncleannesses and maladies , people vnder the lawe of moses were to be seuered from the church , more or lesse : and yet now no commaundement vnto vs ; why ? for that they were a part of the ceremonial law . this may appeare , first from the rites , secondly , from their significations . in certaine vncleannesses , they were to wash themselues with water , and then ( not before ) to be held cleane for company . for the leprosie , it was censured onely by the ecclesiasticall minister ; and this hee did not till hee sawe it , and sometimes not till he had made some fourteene dayes triall ; and speciall rules he had for the triall . who will say that these rites were not ceremoniall and abolished , besides that the priest had no feare of the leprous-plague during all the time of his probation ? for their signification , it respected the degrees of excōmunication for soules vncleanenesse . which not only appeareth by many * speeches in the new testamēt , alluding to such vncleannesses , but also , for that the new testaments church hath power only to excōmunicate for defects in the soule ; as the auntient synagogue did for wants in the body . these then that will maintaine their flight from the leuitical lawe , do in their fact pronounce all they flie from to be excommunicate ; yea , with the black kerem or maranatha to be excommunicate to the death , for not louing the lord iesus ; for to them such a censure only belongeth , 1. cor. 16. 22. thus such fleers are left of god to belie scripture , and to abuse their brethren ; which is a worse plague then that they flie from● if they meet now with the pest in the country , let them tel me , if so they can die with such peace of conscience as if they died in the city , performing workes of mercie to the sick and needie . but if they feast and reioyce in the country while the yron enters iosephs soule in the citie , let them know that god may serue in the last dish sauced with his vengeance . we haue sinned together , and the hand of god hath come vpon vs togither : let vs therefore humble our selues togither before the lord in fasting and prayer . let * nehemiah and * daniel , magistrate and minister , confesse their sinnes & the sinnes of their people , and let all the people subscribe , saying , amen . it is not change of place , but change of life that must healp vs. lord , for thy son sake , remit all our offences ; giue vs grace to turne vnto thee with all truth of repentance ; and for thy holy names sake remoue this same deserued pestilence from vs. amen . addition to the 6. section . for the leprosie , it was censured only by the ecclesiasticall minister . the minister was to finde out the trueth of leprosie , for giuing true information to magistrate and people , and vpon the experience of a fretting leprosie to put the person out of cōmunion , to burne the garment , to pull downe the house , leui. 14. and 15. first , it may be a question whether in the new testaments church there be a leprosie of such form that can be so tried : secondly , whither by fretting was ment infectious . and if : yet whether the pestilence ought so to be procéeded withall , séeing the minister now neither is so cōmanded to try it : nor in garments nor in houses it can so be found . for if ; then all our garments must be burned , the houses pulled downe , and the persons excōmunicate , which vnto me ( and i thinke to euery one ) would séeme absurd , and be the ruine of citie and common wealth . epilogus . the pestilence being in scripture phrase , an extraordinarie stroke of god by the ministrie of his angell , whereupon often-times visible corruption ariseth , and all for sinne : it leadeth you ( beloued ) first , to cast your eye vp vnto god the first mouer whether corruptiō visible be in the way , yea or no. secondly , to behold the angel of god appointed to keep vs in our way ; and that specially in respect of our bodies good : seeing since the consummation of the testament in christs blood , our soules are specially to be tended of true pastors , called of s. iohn , the angels of the churches . for now , no lesse then before they be ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes , which shall be heires of saluation , heb. 1. 14. and yet ( as before ) they are appointed of god sometimes to punish man for going out of his way . thirdly , we are called to repent sinne , which did moue god so to send out his angell to smite vs , euen to the raising vp of the mudde in our nature . the truth of which repentance will appeare in our better care of setting right steps to to our feet , and in being more carefull of performing holy duties of charitie one to another . fourthly , seeing it seizeth vpon old and yong , rich and poore , of all complexions whatsoeuer , so well as some of all sorts are spared , we are lead to acknowledge that all sorts haue sinned ( though not after the same manner of transgression , rom. 5. 14. ) and therefore the dutie of all to be humbled , least the niuinites condemne vs. fiftly , the angels of the church ( from the like in the angels of heauen ) are to comfort and cheare vp such as be in their christian way , as also to reproue and sharply correct such as be out of that way . the first they are to do with the voyce of the glorious gospell or glad tidings of christ iesus who hath taken away the sting of death to them . the second they are to doe , by the terror of moses lawe , which bringeth with it to the infidelious & vnrepentant , curse and condemnation . andin so doing , they may with good consicnece make that prayer , thy will be don in the earth ( that is , of people in the earth ) as it is done in heauen , that is of the blessed angels that attend the word of the father in heauen . and thus with my heartie prayer vnto god , first , for the remission of all our sinnes : and secondly , for his grace to stablish vs in euery good worke for the glory of his name , i commend you vnto him that is able to present our bodies and soules faultles before the throne of iudgment , who spread his wyngs of sauing protection ouer vs and his whole church for euer , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a18917-e210 * 1. tim. 4. 4. 10. * psal. 84 1. * psal. 101. notes for div a18917-e530 * deut. 29. 29. * psal. 91. 1. 11. notes for div a18917-e1240 pron . 22. 3. & 27. 12. * amos 3. 6. psal. 91. 6. * 2. chro. 16 12. * 2. king. 1. * isai. 38. * luk. 5. 31. notes for div a18917-e1670 * in psal. 91. * rom. 8. 32. iam. 1. 6. &c. * coloss. 2. 2. full assurāce . notes for div a18917-e2370 * reuel . 6. 8. notes for div a18917-e2530 * these that stumble at the word priest , do it without ground : seeing priest is deriued of presbyter , as bishop of episcopus , and deacon of diaconus . nor maketh this any thing for the romanist that will be a iewish carnall sacerdos , or sacrificer . 2. sam. 24. 48. &c. 2. chro. 3. 1. * leuit. 11. & 12. & 13. & 14. & 15. chapters . * 2. cor. 6. 17. coloss. 2. 21. tit. 1. 15. iude 23. reuel . 3. 4. * nehe. 1. 4. 5. 6. &c. * dad. 9. 3. 4. 5. &c. loimologia a consolatory advice, and some brief observations concerning the present pest. by geo. thomson, dr of physick. thomson, george, 17th cent. 1665 approx. 45 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62435 wing t1026 estc r220876 99832261 99832261 36733 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62435) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36733) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2138:4) loimologia a consolatory advice, and some brief observations concerning the present pest. by geo. thomson, dr of physick. thomson, george, 17th cent. starkey, george, 1627-1665. aut [2], 21, [1] p. printed for l. chapman, at his shop in exchange-ally, london : 1665. dedication on a1v is signed: george starkey, m.d. and philosopher by the fire.rful chymical remedies against the present pest. caption title on p. 1 reads: tria pharmaca loimo-sychia: or, a ternion of powerful chymical remedies against the present pest. "elogium sulphuris" has caption title on p. 18. some print show-through. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion loimologia . a consolatory advice , and some brief observations concerning the present pest. by geo. thomson , dr of physick . london : printed for l. chapman , at his shop in exchange-ally . 1665. to the ingenious and industrious iatrochemist , dr george thomson , in approbation of this his work and designe . sir , upon your communicating to me the substance of a designe you had in hand for the publique good , in offering some things to consideration for the prevention and cure of this pestilence which god in judgment hath sent upon us , let me assure you , and by these lines i desire to certifie all whom it doth or may concern , that i embrace your designe ( utrisque ulnis ) and willingly desire , and god assisting shall endeavour to further it in my practice , and hope all that are true chemists will be of the same judgement , and confirm it to the world by effectual deeds , that their mind is so resolved and fixed . god prosper your designe , and bless your endeavours , preserve your person , and incourage your spirit , and increase the number of able iatrochemists , of your mind ; which is the hearty prayer of your cordial friend and brother , george starkey , m. d. and philosopher by the fire . tria pharmaca loimo-sychaia : or , a ternion of powerful chymical remedies against the present pest . scire tuum nihil est , nisi te scire hoc sciat alter : si sciat hoc alter , scire tuum nihil est . as it is the duty of the divine to communicate what he knows to another , otherwise his knowledg is given him in vain : so it behoves the physician to conceal the mysteries of his art , and to be cautious how he layes open those arcana's he possesses , lest they be vilified and disesteemed by the vulgar , who are ready to spurn at , and tread upon the most pretious things : yet withal he is obliged not to put his candle lighted under a bushel , but to expose it to open view , that it may illuminate those that are in darkness , without eclipsing the honour and credit of the noble science of pyrotechnical philosophy . wherefore seeing ignoti nulla cupido , no man can value any thing unless he be acquainted with the worth of it ; i have condescended to the persuasive arguments of my friends , to divulge some active chymical remedies , ( yet much inferiour to the best i am master of ) in these contagious times , which ( being duly taken ) will ( through a blessing from above ) be powerfull in preserving from and curing this heteroclite and feral disease the pest , from which ( to their infinite shame ) the ablest of the galenists cowardly and unworthily run away , leaving this great city destitute of their help , when it most stands in need of it ; causing others through their detestable example to despond , and to become faint-hearted , who otherwise by confidence and resolved magnanimity , the best preservative in nature ( forasmuch as none was ever infected by the pest , but either from an idaea or image of hatred , terrour and diffidence in the phantasie of the individual person , or in the archeus , the innate spirit of every part of the body , as helmont hath proved ) might withstand , exclude and conquer , so truculent , sell and cruel an enemy . needs must the common people , who alwayes look , non qua eundum , sed qua itum est , be possessed with pannick fear , and precipitately betake themselves to their heels , when their principal leaders that should stoutly conduct and animate them , become tergiversators and fugitives . if straglers , desertors , and runnawayes in an army ( when they are to go upon service ) ought to suffer loss of life and estate ; i see no reason why these men , whose function obliges them to stand out to the last , should deserve less punishment if they deliver such a vast populous city to the fury of so implacable a foe , a sickness 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without striking a stroke against the one , or defending the other to the utmost of their power . for my part , although i could enjoy my ease , pleasure , and profit in the country , as well perhaps as any galenist ; yet i would rather chuse to loose my life , then violate in this time of extream necessity , the band of charity towards my neighbour , and dedecorate that illustrious profession i am called to , in hopes to save my self by a speedy discession , a remote procession , and a leisurely recession , according to that infamous , and infidous advice which galen hath given his disciples . far be it from me : i shall rather follow heroick helmont , who hath taught me better things ; and shall by my personal presence , and best medicines , put out my self to assist any one whom god shall afflict in this kind . i therefore shall recommend to the world this ternion of effectual chymical remedies , in the certain experience of whose singular vertues in malignant fevers , i am well instructed , and am assured by some late instances , that they are preservative and alexipharmacal ; and taken in opportune time , therapeutical and sanative . the name i appropriate to the liquor , is tinctura polyacaea , from the excellent vertue it hath of preventing and healing many maladies , according to my long observation of it . it corroborates the stomack and its ferment ; enliveneth and invigorates the archeus , the vital spirit , being circulated with the blood into all parts : it mortifies malignant atoms , enabling nature to profligate and expel the poison of the plague by sweat , cleansing away the morbifick matter by expectoration and urine . it may safely be exhibited at any time , in any place , to persons of whatsoever age , sex , and constitution , according to these instructions following . for prevention , give to children of half a year to two , to the quantity of a spoonful or two : from thence to six years , to two or three spoonfuls ; to elder persons three , four , five , six , or more spoonfuls , morning , noon , and night , or pro re nata , as as occasion requires . if any find himself discomposed in his body , let him go to bed , and take one paper of this powder , which i call pulvis pestifugus , in a spoonful of beer and sugar , drinking strait after a third part of the glassful of tinct . polya . and another part three hours after , and so the third : let the party sweat being moderately covered , and let him not think much if he be sickish after the taking thereof . a third part or half of this powder may be given to those that are under ten years . it is to be repeated twice or thrice , or oftner , with tinct . polyac . according to the magnitude of the disease . let children infected take every half hour or an hour a spoonful of polyacea . the chymical pills which i call tutelares , are to be taken a little before a light supper , one , two , or three , according to the age and strength of the person ; immediately after , three or four spoonfuls of tinct . polyac . and as much the next morning . they are very preservative , opening the spleen , cleansing the kidneys , purifying the blood , resisting corruption , expectorating and diaphoretick , causing sometimes a stool or two in twenty four hours ; if not , they are very safe and profitable . they are to be taken two , and sometimes three nights together , ceasing two or three dayes , and then repeating them . whosoever he be that maketh use of these chymical remedies to a purpose according to my rules set down , will i am certain have cause to be grateful to the most high , and to give that respect to true chymistry which it deserves . as i find these present medicines applied to the welfare of mankind without abuse ; so i shall be encouraged publickly to expose ( salvo honore artis spagyritae ) better things for the benefit of my country-men , whom i plainly see are deceived and wronged on every side , both by galeno-chymists , and likewise pseudo-chymists . if any desire to be accommodated with these or more noble chymical preparations in this sad time of contagion , let him repair to the place of my abode without algate , nigh the blew boare inn. some observations made in reference to the present pest . divers of the learned have narrowly enquired into and descanted upon the cause of this feral truculent disease , many accusing the air , some mephitical , noxious , fracedinous odours from the earth , others condemning our food ; most of the galenical gang ( seduced by astrologers ) attribute the universal cause of the pest to the heavenly bodies the stars , who ( as they say ) through their malevolent aspects , pernicious light and motion , dart an epidemical poison into the air , and so infect it with a tabiferous corruption ; hoping hereby to excuse their fugitive desertion of their patients , and gross ignorance in physick , from an impossibility of curing this grievous calamity . wherefore consulting with the augures coeli , those uncertain conjectural prognosticotors of our times , they have most of them made good the more certain prediction i made in galeno-pale without astroscopie , a good space before this pelt brake out among us , that they if some epidemical contagious disease should reign in the city ( according to their master galen's dictates ) would quickly run out of it . certainly this last opinion is most absurd and ridiculous , not unlike the physicians that patronize it : for 't were in vain for them to shelter themselves in the country at any time from this raging disease , if it depended upon an universal cause , so that the air were generally conspurcated and defiled by the stars according to their sense . i grant that the air is topically hurtful , by reason of those expirations arising from certain limited places , abounding with corrupt , filthy , foetid matter , which contracting a venomous serment , and exhaling , may very well annoy and infect the spirits ; but to impute this to the innocent stars , such glorious creatures , is only worthy of such noxious galenists , who frequently argue a non causa pro causa . if i may freely give my judgement , i shall under correction deliver it thus . 't is well known to all physicians that have been strict investigators of the nature of diseases , that none hath been more frequent and predominant among us , then the scorbute , being very grassant at this day , omnia transformans sese in miracula mundi , disguised in a thousand forms , counterfeiting any disease , even those that it seems to have very little relation to , as i could instance at large . now sometimes contemplating the strange diffusive nature and encrease of the scorbute , the high degree of malignity it did aspire to , and how it crucified and vexed poor mortals , making a meer mock at the trivial medicines of the dogmatists , i could not be perswaded but that in process of time it would at last cause ( upon outward irritating occasions ) some tragical catastrophe among us , and express in a direful manner , the grievous effects of that subtil poison which lay coached and linking in the body . seeing then there hath been in mans body such a previous scorbutick malignity , and still is , being now graduated and exalted to a high pitch of virulencie , from several occasional causes from within and without ; and sith it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were an ape imitating most effects , i conceive it no great paradox or absurdity to assert , that this present pest hath principally derived its being from this scorbutical disease with whose nature it much symbolizes , most of whose symptoms are parallel to each other . it is undoubted that they are both malignant , poisonous , and contagious , possessing and affecting the same parts alike , the duumvirate , that is , the stomack and spleen , as appears by the symptoms and products common to both , as great oppression about those parts , suspitious respiration , cardialgie , nauseousness , vomiting , extream pain in the head , vertigo , swimming , agrypnie or want of sleep , lethargical dulness , profound sleep , lypothimy , palpitation of the heart , fainting , sudden debility of the parts , unreasonable fears , terrors , despair , and confusion , dyspnaea , irregular and difficult breathing ▪ a violent flux of the belly , various tumours , erysipela's , virulent ulcers , sugillations , black and blew stroaks , spots red , black , and blew ; all which accidents may be distinguished from other diseases , but are so co-incident with the present pest and scurvie , that they seem to differ but only secundum magis & minus . these are both anomalous and heteroclite from other diseases , arising , ( as i said ) from an absolute poison in their kind , which making an idaea or character in the archeus or vital spirits , play a miserable tragedie in this microcosm , now concise and expedite , then taedious and prolix , according as the venom is wound up to a high or low strain , by a strong or weak preternatural ferment . now the occasional causes remote and more immediate , are multifarious , that concur to the production of this virulent matter in mans body , initiated , promoted and consummated , by the archeus irritated , debilitated , and put by its scope through several outward crosse contingents from those things without which we cannot subsist , which as they are menaged , modified , habilitated , and used , so affect us to our preservation or our ruine . for the archeus , the principal instrument of the soul , is never idle , but is alwayes acting what may tend to the welfare of the whole , unless it be extimulated , interrupted , and debarred by any thing that is hostile to it , so that when it cannot bring to pass what it would , it forthwith delineates the figure of that , which a strange exotick matter endued with a seminal power represents to it : hence emerge and appear the different idaea's of the poison of a mad dog , tarantula , and scorpion , each of which do express inseparable uniform symptoms , that any judicious man may discover , and with confidence conclude , that that venom came from one , and this from another kind of animal . it is well known , that , where there is an affinity , concordance , and proximity of substance , there is an easie conversion of one into another . now since this nearness of kin plainly appears between the scorbute and the pest , we have very good reason to conceive , that the former hath hitherto been in its minority , and that now it is come to majority , or full ripe years , and acts its part with that unwonted celerity , sutable to its magnitude , disposition of the air , and season of the year , and may not incongruously be termed pestis scorbutica , they being promiscuously joyned with each other ; whence come those phaenomena's & signs that i have observed in this modern pest , discrete or discernable from the ancient . 't is certain the pest is morbus peculiaris suae speci●i , and had an existence before the scorbute was known commonly among us ; yet we are forced to grant that there is at this day a strange complication , connexion , mutual contexture , transmigration , degeneration , and transplantation of diseases , insomuch that the cause of the first eruption of the lues gallica revealed in a vision to the laick helmont mentions , seems to me not very improbable , that some prodigiously , transcendently lecherous souldier at the siege of naples , where this disease came first to light , copulated with a farcy mare , whose very vas naturae or vulve was over-run with purulent and carious ulcers . hence this holy man conjectures that the reason why this monstrous plague ( that is truly called flagellum scortatorum ) never appeared before , is , because the like portentous horrid fact ( in expressis terminis ) was hardly ever committed since the creation . now that there is a notable alliance of symptoms between the venereal pox in man , and the farcy in a horse , is well known to those that are acquainted with the nature of them , being both cured by mercury . wherefore upon such an unspeakable unkindly coition , it is no wonder if there was a transition of the virous contagious ferment of the mare into mans body , upon which followed a gonorrhaea , venereous bubo's , nodes , and many stinking ulcers , quite of another tribe and family from those that are ordinary . thus may seeds and ferments of a different kind variously mixt and blended together , produce something of an irregular , heteroclite , unusual and hermaphroditical nature , which afterwards subsisting by themselves , may possibly propagate their like . thus 't is not dissonant to reason , that some salacious seaman , whose sperm was tinged with some foul filthy disease , exercising venery with a nasty leprous-like putrilaginous harlot , did in some short space after , lying with a wholesome woman , infect her ; and so grafted upon her issue that then unknown plague we call the scorbute , which in length of time did spread abroad and diffuse its miasm , or infection , being at first fomented and quickned by maritime unwholsome exhalations and fogs , and is now rampant and grassant in all places in these parts remote from the sea , extending its self like a gangrene , sending out subtil aporrhaea's or effluvium's into the air , that contaminate those that take them in , either by the pores of the skin , or inspiration . one thing is very remarkable , that the symptoms of the scorbute at this day are of a discrepant and diverse face from those of former times : and withal it is to be taken notice , that it lies dormant and latitant in the body , not easily to be detected or manifested but by a physician accurately versed therein . therefore it ought not to seem strange , if such a sly , close , insinuating , treacherous , proteus-like disease doth easily shake hands with the present pest , to which it is so neerly allied . this presupposed , ( and i hope i may live to demonstrate it more cleerly ) may instruct us , that scorbutical remedies mixt with anti-pestilential and alexipharmacal , are very convenient and effectual in this present pest , as i have found by some experience ; and that it is a great vanity to trust to those fruitless dull medicines of the galenists , as theriac . londin . mithrid . diascord . theria . venet. elect. de ovo , &c. if some active chymical preparations can be procured , which i perceive some few honest knowing and ingenious apothecaries labour after , with their own fingers , who are to be trusted and encouraged ten to one before a sophisticating , ignorant , dull , pseudochymist , employed by a company of idle lurdans , a sort of men they call galenochymists . moreover , i observe that the doctine of helment hath much truth in it , that never any one had the pest , but the soul framed a character or idaea thereof in the archeus , through an imagination of hatred , terror , and horror , joyned with a strong credulous conceit that it had received the contagion . wherefore i infer that the principal preservative and cure of the pest , is , to fortifie the archeus or vital spirits , and to expunge that idaea of detestation and fear which caused it foolishly , credulously , and timerously , to give way to the pestilential impression . in this case , all those things that generate audacity and confidence in the spirits , are of high concernment and efficacy ; but whatsoever diminish , enervate , and elumbate them , are to be avoided . wherefore those nations are highly to be commended , that forbear to mure up in too severe , solitary and doleful , manner those that are infected ; which imprisonment being tristissima mortis imago , is enough to make one despair , to be out of heart , and to become heautoutimoroumenos , to destroy that which might otherwise be preserved . to visit , relieve and exhilerate any one whom god hath wounded with this pestilential arrow , is the part of a truly-religious samaritan ; as to flie from him , or keep aloof , when he may preserve or do him good , is onely proper to some distrustful wicked priests , levites , and galenists . the mahumetans may justly reprove and shame us christians , who conceive themselves obliged not to omit general acts of charity for fear of some particular nocument or damage . i humbly conceive , with submission to the higher powers , that it might be more conducible to the body politick and ▪ natural , if this rigid course of enclosing the infected so strictly within so narrow a compass were mitigated : for hereby intercourse of trading might be kept alive , and so miserable poverty prevented , which hath always an equipage and train of sad calamities and plagues attending upon it ; and magnanimity and undauntedness of spirit procured , which questionless would in some measure both exclude and master this pestilential poison . certainly none but such an heathen as galen would have given his disciples such impious and uncharitable advice , as to leave poor distressed wretches to a lord have mercy on them , when their presence ought to comfort , and their medicines ( if they had them ) to heal their grievous sore . well , i hope there will be now a seasonable discovery made how perfidious and miserable comforters these galenists are in time of greatest exigence ; and hereby the world will be rid of a plague far worse then this present . for i believe none but those that are stupid , blinde , partial , interested , and wilfully accessary to their own destruction , will ever look upon for the future with a favourable eye , such basely ▪ pusillanimous , and such egregiously-unskilful physicians . now it appears perspicuously , that they are no better then a crumenaemulga natio , a purse-milking generation , as one says . i wish they were not sanguini ▪ mulga , and had not onely exhausted the purse , but also the veins of their miserable patients , leaving them at length in the lurch . it were not amiss for the magistrate to force these fugitives to return to do their duty , and compel them to visit the sick , and to take ( as well for cure as prevention ) those unnecessary antidotes they have left behinde according to their wise directions . upon my word , if our governours be so pleased , i will without presumption take any of them by the hand , and draw them to some infected patients , to feel their pulses , to peep into urinals and close-stools , view their tongues , as they boldly used to do at other times , when there was least need of them . yea , and because they boast they are such excellent anatomists , we will dissect together a pestilential body , that they may ( if they can ) inform me better where the subject of that disease is : and for prevention and caution , they shall take their preservatives and sanatives , and i mine ; and then let the world judge whom god favours most , and who fares best . if they refuse to condescend to this , i hope the sage magistrate will be pleased hereafter to favour signally the true artists , and to reject these counterfeit and useless doctors , making them ( as they really deserve ) mundi iudibrium , a laughing-stock and a by-word to the world . which if the higher powers be pleased to listen to , some other chymists and my self will be engaged to convince by undeniable instances of fact , that there is means to be put in practise , which may ( through a benediction of the almighty ) be prevalent to preserve many in this vast city from the jaws of this unsatiable monster , which otherwise are like to be devoured by it . lastly , i cannot but take notice how that effectual means ( not to be refused by any wise man , according to solomon ) which the good creator ( who is philanthropos ) hath ordained , is slightly , superficially , supinely , and perfunctorily exercised and pursued , both in reference to the physician , and likewise those excellent medicines that have of late been discovered , in some measure appropriate , sutable and proportionable to the grand diseases that are regnant among us . who , but those that are bewitchedly blinde , wilfully cross and contradictory , beyond a most obstinate jew or fanatick , would still persist to feed upon husks , achorns , and other trash , when they may be satiated with the finest wheat-flour , prepared in a most exquisite manner ? i think some have in them the perverse genius of the wild irish , that would by no admonitions and intreaties whatsoever be disswaded and warned from tying the plow to the horse-tail , out of a superstitious observation and reverence to that old custom of their fore-fathers ; although an infinite better way was made appear to them . i have , i suppose , ( if some refined wits understand any thing ) ripped up , and sufficiently anatomized , usque ad sceleton , ( so far as a short treatise would permit ) the huge deformed bulk of the monstrous , mutilated galenical body ; insomuch that the most wise and acute spectators and auditors of this nation , ( who have taken the freedom to deliver their judgement as the thing is in it self ) have concluded that it was high time for such an unweildy , lazie , cumbersom , goodfor-little , voracious , animal sarcophagum , cruorem consumere natum , a devourer of more then bel and the dragon , having surfeited himself with bloud and humours , should now expire or breathe out his last , and become food for the birds of darkness . yet i perceive there are some of the spawn or issue of this polyphemous gyant left , that ( according to the proverb , cat to its kinde , what 's bred in the bone , will ne'r out of the flesh ) are hunting up and down for their prey ; and rather then fail of it , will feed upon pestilential bodies , which they much loathe and detest , being afraid to come nigh them , were they not necessitated to it . these minorite phlebotomists and cathartists ( being the small remainder of those many considerable ones that are vanished and gone i know not whither in a trice , ( i wish into utopia ) who are still hankering after the food they were first nurs'd up with , have gone about to perswade the world ( some part being so mad to give credit to them ) that they are able to do something extraordinary for the prevention and cure of this present infection . wherefore an inconsiderable number of the inferiour rank , ( left behinde that large drove which is gone to seek out fresh and more wholesome green pasture ) out of i know not what desperate despiteful humour to the spagyrists , to keep a little while above water their now-ready-to-sink reputation , will venture to trust to that very wise directory , a legacie their learned departed forefathers have left the citie , included in their last testament , wherein they manifest they are no longer willing to breathe in this unsanctified impure air , and upon this account have commended to them some of their pupils dignified with the title of honorarii , ( how well deserving , let them look to it . ) these , in hope at least to save themselves , if not their patients , especially if they can but surreptitiously get some chymical medicines from us , will at a hazard , upon this pinch , try what a dry fume of gums will do , a costly pomander , a composition of figs , rue , and walnuts , ( a ruful medicine to trust to , if all were known ) mattbias plague-water , or aqua epidemica , ( i wonder they forgat s. luke's water , for more credits sake ) an electuary of london-treacle and wood-sorrel , ( i am perswaded a leg of veal and green-sauce is far better ) bole-armeniack ( no whit better then tobacco-clay , but that 't is dearer , and farther fetched ) the eating of sorrel for a breakfast in the summer , ( for fear of heating ) and barberries in the fall of the leaf , ( to keep them upright . ) if these avail not , if they light upon rich families , ( let the poor shift for themselves ) then they will provide for them ( taking a share with them ) pearls , hyacinch-stone prepared ( after their gross way ) bezoar-stone of the east , unicorns horn , ( equivalent to harts horn ) lignum-aloes , ( strange they omitted gold , but that i believe they mean to put that into their own purse ) made into a dredge-powder , ( or rather a dreggie powder ) or they will make them up into lozenges , and give them the name of manus christi , ( though , be it spoken with reverence , he never had the least finger in it , nor without doubt ever allowed or approved the prescription of the forenamed concretes for the preservation or cure of the pest. ) if these fail , they have aq. theriacalis stillatitia , ( which indeed every nurse knows is the best thing ( though sluggish enough in comparison ) they possess ; ) yea , and ambergreese dissolved in spirit of sack ( to make them lusty . ) nay , they will ascend one step higher , to balsamum sulphuris , elixir proprietatis , either of which if they can make perfectly right , i will be bound to kiss their hand , had they a plague-sore upon it . had i not spoken of a sore , i should have forgotten their fontanels or issues , by means of which they hope , if the infection enter in at one hole , it will run out at another . lastly , they tell us they have three great remedies ( to be magnified i am sure only for their mischievous effects ) bleeding , purging , and vomiting , which rarely ( they say ) have plate in the plague , but are generally dangerous : ( that 's truth in all diseases whatsoever , menaged by them ) and therefore not to be used , but ( i assert , not at all ) upon some extraordinary urgent indicant or just occasion ( when i pray is that more visible then in the pest , when a mans life is most in danger ? ) and with the greatest caution ( equal with catching the contagion ) which only an able physician ( i would fain see such an one among the galenists ) can judge of . i plainly smell the reason of that : they would fain have their fees , but they are loath to fetch them , ( and truly by my consent they shall never be sent to them ) and therefore no advice in general , ( nor in particular by them ) can be given . and what then signifies your three great remedies ? no more to be trusted to then broken reeds , being so far from relieving and supporting a poor wretch , ( that vacillates and staggers up and down , intoxicated with this venomous disease ) that they penetrate and wound him to the heart , throwing him quickly flat on the ground . if these your great remedies , be not to be trusted to , how shall any venture upon your small ones ? i wish ye had carried them all along with you , both great and small , and we should have had a fair and happy riddance both of such useless doctors and the like remedies together . then perhaps this populous city would have given an ear to those physicians and remedies , which are neither generally nor particularly dangerous , as they were formerly falsly accused by you . it is one of the greatest riddles in the world to me , that some men , very perspicacious and knowing in other things , should suffer their lives to be thus trifled and squandred away by these galenists , the best whereof dare not confide in their own three great remedies , and withall deter others from the use of them , being conscious to themselves that they are not really worthy of the name of remedies , or any way to be trusted to for the cure of this fierce sickness . we supplicate the immense god he would be pleased to give the worthy magistrates of this city an understanding heart , that they may consult , and forthwith execute , what may be efficacious for the preventing the depopulation and ruine that is like to be from this contagion . wherefore we shall humbly propose that there may be a competent number of such able chymical physicians employed , that may visit the infected in this city , take them by the hand , cheare them up by couragious expressions , giving them those active medicines , that will ( auspice den ) if the poison have not too far seized upon the spirits , mortifie and expel it ; using all industry whatsoever to preserve the rest of the family from contagion ; to purifie the air , to clense the utensils of the house to purpose from any venomous odour : which we will undertake to perform , depending upon the bounty and free gift of the magistrate as we may deserve , ( only we desire we may have commission , encouragement and countenance from him ) without contracting for a stipend in a higling manner , as the galenists of late insisted upon , and a certain chymist too much a suffenus postulated , when his majesty out of his gracious care for the town of south-hampton , commanded an election to be made of an able spagyrist to be dispatched away forthwith for the stopping the raging infection in that place . the person whose fortune it was to be chosen , could not rest himself satisfied with the kings royal word and pleasure ( which would have been reward enough to a truely-ingenuous man ) but he must stand upon stipulation , upon a contract and mercenary terms , with the most potent prince in christendome , to the great prejudice and disgrace of this noble art , and the disrepute of the learned professors thereof : which unhandsome action i for my part declare to the world , utterly to disowne , and shall always renounce the subscription to such dirty things : and to take off any aspersion upon my self in this particular , i openly protest that it was done without my consent or knowledg , having not been at their convention this half year . for i am resolved never to joyne with some men that carry an enterprise to bring a black cloud upon learning , and a vile estimation upon schools of sound education ; and shall always defend decency , eutaxie , and good government in the church and state : although the galenical gastri-mytho's , those deluding whisperers , have otherwise ( but falsly ) represented me to the world , by the mouth of that paltry fellow iohnson . yet thus much i profess ▪ that i shall not be wanting to give due respect to the meanest chymist whatsoever in his station , supposed he be philomathes , a well-wisher to literature , industrious , conscientious , and honest in his way ; and shall also joyn with him ( as it becomes me ) for the promotion of the spagyrical faculty , and give thanks to him for the least mite of knowledge he shall cast into this vast philosophical gazophylacium , wherein are contained profound pyrotechnical secrets . after this little digression , let 's return and address our selves to the prudent senators of this great city , to whom we humbly tender our service in our profession for the good of the distressed nation , not in a precarious manner , for want of employment , or a lucriferous design for our own interest and self-ends ( which we scorn and detest , not unwitting that merx ultronea putet , offered ware stinks ) but really and cordially for the relief principally of our calamitous neighbour , whose skin is daily sacrificed to moloch . if we receive an auspicious and serene influence from authority , we shall plainly demonstrate , that ( imploring a blessing from the father of lights ) we are able to save those who would otherwise perish in the hands of the galenists : and then we doubt not , deserving well herein , our generous covernours will shew themselves grateful to us , and will in some proportion recompence us according to our merits : if not , ipsa quidem virtus sibimet pulcherrima merces ; we shall rest our selves contented that we have done what becomes honest and knowing physicians : and that no exceptions may be taken at us by a company of meerly titular pharisaical chrysalides or outsides , some of us here nominated do declare without cracking ostentation ( common to our antagonists ) that we can vindicate our selves graduates , having taken the degree of doctors ex condign● as in right we deserve it , not as a company of unworthy medicasters , asini phalerati , that have acquired it by custom , money , or the intercession of friends ; whose nakedness would become shamefully ridiculous and contemptible to the world , if they were stript of their doctoral gowns . for our parts , we had rather be what we ought , then seem to be : and to this i doubt not but most ( if not all the persons here mentioned ) will subscribe . chymical doctors . chymical students and practitioners . dr iohn frier . mr thornly . dr ios. dey . mr tho. norton . dr william currer . mr mar. nedham . dr thomas troutbeck . mr tho. odowd . dr ever . maynwaring . mr tho. williams . dr p. massonet . mr iere. astel. dr spranger . mr ed. cooke . dr horsington . mr horsnel . dr geo. thomson . mr febure .   mr tho. smart .   mr kefler .   mr tho. tillison .   mr wilson . elogium sulphuris : a brief commendation of the admirable vertues of sulphur . sith many of our unfavoury galenists , whom 't was high time to lay aside , are become on a sudden mercuries , ( 't is strange by what art , considering their dulness , and corpulent indisposition ) and have taken their flight from us , ( certainly timor addidit alas ) we know not whither , perhaps into the new world in the moon ; farewel frost : better lost then found : and we hope we shall never see them more . however , we are very glad they have left us sulphur behinde : truly no thanks to them ; for in promptu causa est , the reason is plain : it is too divine and pure a thing , according to the greek etymon , for such terrestrial , foeculent humorists to meddle with . yet perhaps they would have attempted to have deprived us of it , if their departure had not been vel●cior euro , being hurried away in post-haste : and needs must be go the devil drives . withal , i call to minde , they do not much care for fire and brimstone , forasmuch as it is of too hot a temperament , and puts them in minde of another world , where the causos or burning fever much reigns . thus far comically . to be serious . we have great cause to magnifie the pantocrator and wise disposar of all things , who hath bestowed upon poor unworthy man so choice and rare a thing as the common mineral sulphur in so plentiful a measure . it is deservedly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , divine , from its excellent endowments , and eminent medicinal properties . there is reckoned two sorts of it . one ( which is the best ) is called by hippoc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it hath not gone thorow the torture or trial of the fire : it is named in the shops , sulphur vive , graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that it being set on fire , burneth all away , without leaving any considerable caput niort or dross behinde . the other sort , that is usually made up into magdaleons of a cylindrical figure , is extracted out of pyrytes , the copper-stone , and other marchasites . this is justly counted the worser sort , having something arsenical in it , a kinde of poisonous fume arising from the pyrytes . now the sulphur vive was that hippocrates made use of inwardly and outwardly , with which he provoked ( as helment sets down ) large sweats in the plague , impregnating or filling generous wine with the gas or spiritus sylvestris , a most spirituous substance of sulphur , set on fire after this manner : he took an indifferent large narrow-mouth'd glass , putting into it a match made with brimstone , set on fire ; with which after he had sufficiently filled the glass with fumes , he stopped it close , suffering it to stand till such time the foresaid fume fixed to the sides of the vial ; and then poured so much wine into it , that filled about a third part thereof : and stopping the mouth of the glass very close , he shaked it notably , so long , till it had imbibed or taken up all the gas , or subtil fume of brimstone : and this sulphurated wine did the good old man give often with a little fluxed salt , for prevention of the pest , and promotion of the cure. which preparation i cannot but highly commend to the world , being ascertained of the excellent vertue thereof in resisting contagion and corruption , having in it something antidotal adaequately proportionable to such an exquisite poison ; being easily mixable with our archaeus , and thereby mortifying the invisible atoms of the pest , it rectifies the pernicious odour thereof . needs must that which so powerfully preserves bodies from fermentation , acidity , and putrefaction , be a prevalent remedy against this contagious disease . it is very remarkable , that any liquor or juyce well satiated with this fume , will keep fourty times longer then it would do otherwise , as i have often tried in several various humid bodies . moreover , i know not a better antidote against the poyson of a putid slut ; for her nastiness shall hardly offend a man , if the utensils and what she prepares have a sufficient tang from this purifying flame . it kills most insects , especially lice , if the linnen and woollen clothes be throughly and to a purpose sulphurated therewith , that the fume may penetrate them . now this is not to be done carelesly and slightly , as i generally observe it is ordered . for as good never a whit ▪ as never the better . he that desires to reap the benefit of this divine concrete , ought to put the quantity of a walnut or more into an earthen pint-poringer , setting it over quick coales till it take fire , placing it in the middle of a room , or the foot of the stairs , that every nook and corner may be delibuted and tinged with its odour , doing thus four or five times a day . for preventing or taking off any infection from clothes , set this porringer with the sulphur kindled , into a paile or firkin , and lay upon the mouth of it your garments , turning them with discretion . if any thing be well filled with this sulphureous spirit , the contagion will hardly take hold of it : if infected , it may easily be carried off by some repetitions of the ascending fume . take notice that there ought not to be added or mixed with brimstone any thing extraneous , as pitch , tarr , rosin , or the like ; for thereby you do but castrate or geld it of some part of its vertue , as some adulterators commonly do , that they may the better cover over their imposture of selling it at an excessive rate : thus ▪ suffitibus sua apocrypha annexuit satan , most divine things are polluted by humane inventions ; but let it be sincere and pure without fraud . what an excellent treasury of rich endowment the great creator hath infused into the sulphurs of all concretes , acute helmont hath plainly discovered : for , saith he , in sulphure sunt fermenta , fracedines , odores , sapores specifici seminum , ad quasvis transmutationes . these are mysterious stories to the galenists , every whit as strange to them , as regeneration was to nicodemus : wherefore i shall leave them to their wilfully-desired ignorance , without pitie , or further instruction : for i see they are best affected with a nihil scire , so it be lucriferous in their profession , and that 's to them amabilis insania , & mentis gratissimus error . yet what mundified sulphurs can perform , i shall in part satisfie the more ingenious , by the benefit that may accrue to mankinde from the use of the three fore-mentioned remedies of the inferiour tribe , which principally consist of vegetal and mineral sulphurs well purified . to conclude , my advice is , that who desire to preserve themselves from this present pest , do drink every morning either sulphurated wine , strong beer , or what liquor they please , wherein hath been steeped a large quantity of horse-radish-root , with five , six , seven , eight , nine or ten drops of good spirit of salt ; and no doubt they will finde a far better effect , then from a galenical electuary of london-treacle and wood-sorrel . finis . the true inquisition or the sad soules search preached at newport, may 29. 1632 in the primary visitation of the worshipfull mr. edvvard burbye, archdeacon of winton. dby w. iones, b. of d. preacher to the isle of wight, and vicar of arreton. jones, william, b. 1581 or 2. 1633 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04627 stc 14748 estc s119450 99854657 99854657 20090 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04627) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20090) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1314:07) the true inquisition or the sad soules search preached at newport, may 29. 1632 in the primary visitation of the worshipfull mr. edvvard burbye, archdeacon of winton. dby w. iones, b. of d. preacher to the isle of wight, and vicar of arreton. jones, william, b. 1581 or 2. [4], 27, [1] p. printed by william iones dwelling in red-crosse-streete, london : 1633. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -sermons. sermons, english -17th century. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve inqvisition . or the sad sovles search : preached at newport , may 29. 1632. in the primary visitation of the worshipfull mr. edvvard bvrbye arch-deacon of winton . by w. iones , b. of d. preacher to the isle of wight , and vicar of arreton . let every man prove his owne worke , gal. 6. 4 london printed by william jones dwelling in red-crosse-streete , 1633. to the vvorshipfvll , master edvvard bvrbye , arch-deacon of winton sir vpon your word , this sermon was made and preached . and though the importunity of some drew it to the presse beyond my intent : yet it is desirous to returne unto you againe , that under the wings of your protection , it may remaine as a faithfull witnesse of my unfeined desire , of the reformation of the whole deanery of the isle of wight to which if you according to your place , shal put your helping hand , and deale couragiously , the lord shall be with you : and we shall not cease praying , that you may bee an ancient and honorable father in israel . from my studie at arreton , june 1. 1632. your vvorships at command in the lord iesus , william iones . the trve inqvisition , or the sad sovles search . lamentations 3. 40. let us search and try our wayes , and turne againe to the lord. t is very probable that when the iewes were going into captivity , as t is threatned , ierm . 25. then ieremie made this booke of lamentations ; wherein he first sets downe the greatnesse of gods judgements . secondly , the heinousnesse of their sinnes . thirdly , he exhorts the people to repentance . fourthly , he invites them to lay hold on gods mercy by faith . the words of my text are the summe of the whole booke , which may bee thus rendred in a few more words . yee see , my deere countrymen , how the lord hath afflicted us ; and doubtlesse the cause is our sinnes . it shall therefore be our wisedome to examine our selves narrowly , wherein wee have transgressed ; and then to returne into the path of gods commandements , that hee may have mercy upon us , and remove his judgements from us . now behold the judgements of god have long hovered over our land : wherefore as ieremy then called the iews to search their waies ; so is it seasonable for every minister of the gospell among us , to call his people to examination of their wayes , that the feirce wrath of god may be turned from us . and for my part at this time i am called to make a visitation sermon : yee see the visitors are come to inquire concerning all our wayes . what fitter exhortation then can i make , than this of the wise prophet ? let us search and try our wayes , and turne againe to the lord. in this exhortation i observe two parts ; the first stands in searching and trying our wayes : the second , in turning againe to the lord. concerning the former part in those words , let us search and try our wayes , i note three particulars . first , who be the persons summoned in the particle us . secondly the act , which is twofold , search , and try . thirdly the object to bee searched and tryed , our wayes . touching the first , the persons summoned in the particle , us ; no question but ieremie speakes to the body of the iewes , including himselfe . for though he was a righteous man , yet he knew as david saith , psal . 143. 2. that in gods sight , no man living is justified . to the whole congregation of israel therefore doth ieremy speake , including himselfe when he saith , let us search , &c. in like manner at this time , doe i direct my speech to the whole deanery of the isle of wight , not excluding my selfe , or any of my brethren of the ministery . nay more , including you also right worshipfull that are come to visite us , and all your officers from the highest to the lowest ; yea and all that have any hand in this daies visitation , as church-wardens and sidemen , plainetiffes , defendants , and witnesses , all that prove wills , or take upon them the administration of other mens goods : in a word , to you all that heare me this day , as also to my selfe , doe i say in the word of the lord , let us search and try our wayes . for though perhaps some among us are not such heinous sinners as others ; yet we cannot but confesse if wee will speake the truth , that in many things we sinne all : and therefore have just cause every one to search and try our wayes ; wherefore i say againe and againe , let us all and every one of us , search and try our wayes . i doe not deny but it is the part of the magistrate , and the duty of the minister , and church-wardens , and all swornemen , to search and try the wayes of all that are committed to their charge ; and woe be unto them if they doe not : but yet it is laid as a burden upon every particular person to search himselfe , according to that 1 cor. 11. 28. let a man , i. every man , examine him selfe , and againe , let every man prove his owne worke , gal. 6. 4. neither shall we thinke it strange , that every man is called to the strict examination of himselfe , if we marke the reason . for first , they to whom the care of others is committed , many times are carelesse . secondly , no man can take notice of all anothers wandrings ; the heart is deceit full above measure , who can search it ? ier. 17 , 9. thirdly , every one of us shall give account to god of himselfe , rom. 14 , 12. every man shall beare his owne burden , gal. 6. 5. t is true , if the magistrate , and minister , and other overseers , warne not the wicked whom they espie , but let them goe on in sinne , god will require their blood at their hands ; but yet they shall dye in their sinnes , and beare their owne punishment , ezec. 33. 8. which being so , every one that is wise will ponder his owne paths ; every one that hath understanding will search and try his owne wayes . so ye have the first particular , every man , high or low , rich or poore , learned or unlearned , bond or free , must search and try his owne wayes . the second particular to bee considered is the act , which is twofold , search , and try . by searching , wee must understand a narrow looking into our courses by taking speciall view of them all . david expresses the meaning when hee sayes , psal . 119. 59. i considered my wayes , that is , as other translations have it , i thougt on my wayes , or , i called all my wayes to my remembrance . so then being in my text commanded to search our wayes , t is as if we had beene enjoyned to ponder all our wayes , or to call to our remembrance , as much as wee can , all our by-past thoughts , words , and deeds . moreover when we have searched , or taken speciall notice of all our wayes , we are commanded in the second place to try them , that is , to weigh them in the ballance of the sanctuary , and prove them by the touch-stone of gods word , whether they be good and current , or not . behold then thy duty , whosoever thou art . thou must often enter into serious examination and consideration of all thy wayes : thou must every day ponder with thy selfe , whether thy conversation be sutable to gods will or not . concerning this searching and trying in worldly matters , we are for the most part very wise : he that hath a flock of sheepe , will have a shepheard to handle them dayly . he that hath much land , will have a bay liffe to oversee it continually . yee need not bid the merchant try his silver & gold , and search his other commodities . who doth not often talke and inquire concerning the estate of his body ? but concerning the estate of our soules , wee are too too negligent . i may say of our dayes as ieremy 8. 6. i hearkned and heard , but they spake not aright , no man repented him of his wickednesse , saying , what have i done ? every one turneth to his course as the horse rusheth into the battell . vnto whom shall i compare the men of this generation ? certainely they are like the people of laish : iudg. 18. 27. the children of dan came unto laish , a quiet people and without mistrust , and smote them with the edge of the sword , &c. even so , though wee heare daily , that the divill like a roaring lyon goes about seeking whom hee may devoure , 1 pet. 5. 8. and that our lusts daily warre against our soules , 1 pet. 2. 11. and that the whole world lyes in wickednesse , 1 ioh. 5. 19. yet we lie still snorting in our sinnes . yea more , though it be most apparant that the lord hath whet his sword , and prepared instruments of death , as the plague , famine , and the sword , which have in our country and among our neighbours , devoured many thousands , and ten thousands within these few yeares , yet we are not moved hereby to search and try our wayes : wee sleepe like a man upon the top of a maste . thus much for the second particular , the twofold act , search and try . i come to the third particular , which is the object , or what we must search and try , namely , our wayes . and here by this word wayes , we must understand our thoughts , words , and works : so they are often termed in the scripture , gen. 6. 12. all flesh had corrupted his way , i. all mankind had polluted their manners , they were growne dissolute in their thoughts , words , and deeds . now , our thoughts , words and deedes are termed our wayes , because by them we walke as t were to heaven or hel , as by the kings high way we passe from towne to towne . hee that thinkes good thoughts , speakes good words , and doth good workes , is walking in the way to heaven . bona opera sunt via regn : i. good works are the way to the kingdome of heaven ; which god hath ordeined that wee should walke in them , ephe. 2. 10. hee that thinkes evill thoughts , speakes evill words , doth evill deeds , is walking in the way to hell . prov. 7. 27. salomon saith the house of a whore is the way to hell : i. whoremongers and adulterers are walking in the ready way that leades to hell . the like may bee said of the practise of any sinne , in thought , word , or deed ; t is the way to hell . so then , whereas the prophet sayes , let us search and try our wayes , t is as if he had sayd , let us examine our thoughts , words and deeds ; let us consider wherein we have transgressed the commandements of god , or done ought against his will. and here it is to be noted that he saies our wayes , not other mens wayes : in this search wee must have an eye to our owne thoughts , words and deedes . this is a singular point of wisedome ; but very many of us fayle most grosly therein . we are for the most part like those whom st. august . 10. confess . calls , curiosum genus hominum ad cognoscendum vitam alienam , desidiosum ad corrigendum suam : wee are curious in searching other mens wayes , negligent in correcting our owne . i doe not deny but a man may take notice of his neighbours wandrings , and rebuke him too ; t is the lords owne commandement , levit. 19. 17. thou shalt freely rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne upon him . and verily we have all much to answere for , because wee have not seasonably reproved our offending neighbours . but the course that i now tax , is , that many are so buysie in searching other mens waies , that they neglect their owne : and yet they thinke themselves wise men . but a wiser than the wisest saith , prov. 9. 12. if thou beest wise , thou shalt bee wise for thy selfe . yea the heathen man platarch de curiosit . saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t is the end of philosophy , to know a mans owne evills . and the orator saith very well , ne quicquam sapit qui sibi non sapit , he is wise in vaine , that is not wise for himselfe . wherfore let us carefully hearken to the counsell of the wisedome of god , which saith , prov. 4. 25. let thy eye lids direct thy way before thee ; ponder the path of thy feet : and let all thy wayes be ordered aright . and whereas he sayes , let all thy wayes be ordered , it gives me occasiō to put you in mind , that he that will make a true search , must search all his wayes , and try all his thoughts , words , and deeds . t is not sufficient to examine some , or many of our wayes : but we must ponder all our wayes . if a shippe spring three leakes , and onely two bee stopped , the third will sinke the shippe . if a man have two greevous wounds in his body , and take order to cure onely one , that which is neglected will kill him . quidve exempta juvat spinis de pluribus una ? even so if we having divers lusts which fight against our soules , do mortifie but some of them , t is to no purpose . god cannot indure these halfe-services . hee that will be a man after gods owne heart , must with david , ps . 119. 104. utterly abhor all falswais . the pharises were very precise in manythings ; yet christ calls them hypocrites , and cryes woe unto them , because they walked not circumspectly in all their wayes . the truth is , he that unfeinedly bends his mind against any one sinne , hates all sinnes ; and hee that favours himselfe in any one sinne never so small , never so secret : this man hates no sinne heartily , what shew soever hee makes . he may perhaps eschew some sinnes , for some sinister respects , as namely because they will not sort with his ordinary courses ; or are not ageeable to his complexion ; or would hinder him more another way ; or because he is taken up of so many other uncleane spirits , that give him no leasure for these . who will contend the covetous crib , for hating prodigality , and excesse in meat , drinke , and apparrell ? who knowes not that he hence reaps no small advantage ? what considerate man will thinke the better of a prodigall spend thrift , because he heares him rayle against this or that miserable churle ? iudas was angry at the waste of the box of precious oyntment , and said it might have bin sold and given to the poore : but t was not because he loved the poore , or hated waste , but because hee carried the bag and was a theefe . the pharises were very strict in tything mint , annise & cummin , but if they had done this sincerely , they would not have neglected the weightier matters of the law. for hee that lookes to some of his waies in obedience unto gods commandement , for the same reason must and will looke unto all : and he that hath not an eye to all his wayes , in truth regards none . so then let all that heare me this day , take speciall notice that we are all summoned this day , to search and try all our wayes : i say againe ; wee are all bound and commanded , to search and try all our wayes . though in regard of some of our courses we are applauded in the world , and know that we have done worthily ; yet wee must proceed further , and narrowly search and examine all our whole conversation , and all the passages of our life . 1 sam. 15. 13. when saul returned from the slaughter of the amalekites , he said vnto samuel , thou blessed of the lord , i have performed the commandement of the lord : and yet yee know , he had spared agag the king , and the fat cattell , contrary to the commandement . in like manner there bee very many in these dayes , who thinke themselves good christians , because they have done & do many good things , and eschew many evill wayes : they heare the word preached , they pray , they come to the lords table , they give almes ; they are no murderers , adulterers , theeues ; hereupon they conclude , as saul did , they have performed the commandement of the lord : whereas if they would search and try all their wayes , they would see that they come farre short in other points . for though they heare gods word duly , they hate to be reformed : though they keepe some part of the lords day holy , they spend some other part prophanely : though they often call upon gods name devoutly , they oftner take his name in vain most fearefully . though they steale not their neighbors good , they rob him of his good name : though they will not strike with the sword , their hearts are full fraught with murderous and malicious thoughts . for this cause we must search and try all our wayes ; we must suffer no one to escape without due examination . moreover , if upon sound tryall of our own personall wayes , we be able to say truely with ezechiah , isay 38. 3. we have walked before god in truth , and with a perfect heart , and have done that which is good in his sight , & as david saith ps . 18. 23. have kept our selves from our owne iniquitie ; yet we must not here cease searching ; we must proceed to searchand try all the wayes of those that are committed unto our charge , because we must answere unto god for them . iob was a man perfect and upright , and one that feared god and eschewed evill , by gods owne testimony , iob 1. 8. yet iob thought not this enough , but continued sanctifying his children , and offering sacrifice for them , iob. 1. 5. goe thou and doe likewise . thou must bee as carefull in searching and trying all the wayes of thy servants and children , &c. as thine owne ; wherein because eli fayled , hee was fearefully plagued by the lord , 1 sam. 4. to conclude this point , if thou be a private man , thou must not prie into the wayes of thy neighbours : but concerning those abominations which are openly committed in the land , thou art bound with them , ezech 9. 4. to bewaile the same : but if thou art a magistrate , thou must search out and reforme all abuses in thy quarter : thou must not beare the sword in vaine : for thou art the minister of god , a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill , rom. 13. 4. lastly , though this course of searching and trying our waies , must be taken principally when god visiteth us with any plague : or when the civill , or ecclesiasticall magistrate ( as now ) comes to inquire concerning our wayes ; yet ought it to be daily and continually used , because we are apt to go astray continually , & to wander every moment . but the most convenient time , for this searching and trying all our wayes , by st. chrysostome and others , is thought to be every evening . thus have i shewed unto you a point of singular wisdome , to be put in practise every day by all men , all the dayes of their lives . many therefore of this generation , are not so wise as they would be accounted , because either altogether , or in part , they neglect this duty of searching and trying their wayes . some ( let all things go how they will ) passe their dayes in sottish security , and never say to their owne soules so much as , what have i done , untill with the rich glutton , they bee suddenly plunged into hell . others , though they be earnestly exhorted to search and try their wayes , will by no meanes entertaine any counsell in this kind , but go on resolutely as they have done . in this ranke stand , first our recusant papists , who will doe as their fathers and grandfathers have done , tell them what ye can . secondly of this number are very many profane wretches , which seeme to hate instruction , and put off all admonition with a scoffe . thirdly , here also may be ranged much people , men and women , who having entered into some unlawfull course , wherein they find , either pleasure , as herod in his brother philips wife , luk. 3. or profit , as the craftsmen in making shrines for the temple of diana , acts 19. 25. or honour , as naaman in going with his mr. to his idolatrous house , 2 kings 5. cannot indure to heare , that they must search and try their waies , because they are resolved whatsoever they heare not to change their course . such are in these dayes our common stage-players , gamehousekeepers , ministrells , jesters , typlers , stewes , vsurers , &c. all these abhor this searching and trying of their wayes . they will not indure to have the lawfullnesse of their courses called in question . others there are which performe this duty but onely in part , and of these there are divers sorts ; first , are they which doe but talke of it , as felix , acts 24. 25. who when paul preached of righteousnesse , temperance , and judgement to come , trembled , but said , go thy way , and when i have a convenient time , i will send for thee : but hee never sent . even so many in these dayes , when they heare a searching sermon , say here is good doctrine , t is pitty but it should be followed , but after that time never thinke upon it againe . secondly , some are almost perswaded to search their wayes , as agrippa who said to paul , acts 26. 28. almost thou perswadest mee to bee a christian . but this almost will not serve the turne . thirdly , some search and try their wayes , but friendly as ahab , 1 kings 21. 27. when he heard elias threatning , rent his clothes and put on sackcloth and fasted , &c. but as soone as the storme was over , he was the same man : even so now , when god sends any judgement , publicke or private , there be many that will cast downe their countenance , and speake humbly , and mournfully ; but when god ceases the plague , their submission is ended . fourthly some seeme to search and try their wayes soundly , but t is onely some of their waies ; others must not be touched . we have an example in herod , mark. 6. 20. herod when hee heard iohn did many things at his preaching : but when iohn told him of his incest with his brothers wife , hee could no longer beare , but cast iohn into prison . even so now , there are not a few which are perswaded to search and try many of their waies , but they will by no meanes examine all : and among these , first , some search onely great and grosse sinnes , as may appeare , because they usually say , i am no whore , nor theefe , i am no murderer , no adulterer ; and yet they abound with lesser sinnes . secondly , some straine at a gnat , and swallow a camell : they are very precise in searching out some small faults , and yet suffer grand sinnes to reigne without controll . thirdly , some are zealous for the first table ; they abhor atheisme , they hate idols , they will not sweare , nor breake the sabbath : but they little regard the second table : for they oppresse , defraud and wrong their neighbours many waies without scruple . fourthly some will stand upon their iustification , that they deale justly and charitably with all men ; but yet make no bones of taking gods name in vaine , or breaking the sabbath . fiftly , some seem so to look to their waies , that they cannot greatly be taxed for the open breach of the first or second table , as they concerne god & their neighbour : but touching their owne persons , they are very irregular ; they walke not soberly , temperately , humbly ; but proudly , wantonly , or riotously . in the fift place , some search and try all their owne wayes , but they are negligent in searching and trying the waies of those that are committed to their charge . in the sixth place , some seeme fully to put this precept in execution ; they search and try all their wayes , and the wayes of their friends and families , and set all in a good course : but on a sudden , upon some temptation of wealth , pleasure or honor , they start backe & with demas embrace this present world . thus yee see how many are defective in the due performance of this maine , and most necessary duty of searching and trying their wayes . what remaines but that i exhort every one of you , to take speciall notice of the sore of his owne heart ; i meane the particular case wherein he hath offended , touching this searching and trying of his wayes , that so for the time to come , he may better performe the same . i presse this duty of searching and trying our waies the rather , because i find that many among the heathen have done it very diligently . cicero de senectute , brings in cato saying , quid quoque die dixerim , audierim , egerim , commemoro vesperi , i. what i have said , heard , done , every day , i recount at evening . seneca lib. 3. de ira , cap. 36. saies that sextius was wont every night to call himselfe to a reckoning , saying , quod hodie malum tuum sanasti , i. what evill of thine hast thou cured this day ? againe , seneca saith of himselfe , that he was wont without faile , every night to examine himselfe upon his bed , concerning the foregoing day . i might cite many more , but others have done it ; and these are enough to cry shame upon us christians , if wee will not practise such an excellent duty , which hath so many commandements , promises , and threatnings in the scripture . besides , there is no course in the world which is more avayleable , either to bring us into gods favour , or to keepe us from wandring , than this daily searching and trying of our wayes . for the first , one sayes very well , illam animam diligit deus quae se sinecessatione considerat , et sine simalatione judicat , god loves that soule , which without ceasing searches it selfe , and without guile judges it selfe : and if we would thus judge our selves , we should not be judged of the lord , 1 cor. 11. 31. secondly , ther 's no better meanes to keepe us from wandring , than this daily searching & trying our wayes . if wee would stand upon our watch , & daily examine all our thoughts , words and deeds , only concerning these two questions , whence they come , and whither they tend ; t is impossible we should fall into sinne , at least lye in sinne as we commonly doe . for want of this searching and trying their wayes , it is , that all the posterity of adam fall so foully . nay , if eue had tryed the words of the serpent ; or adam considered the gift of his wife ; neither the one , nor the other had eaten the forbidden fruit . if cain had but said to his soule , when he went about to kil abel , what art thou now about to do ? he would never have done it . if david had tryed his strange lust , when hee first saw vriahs wife , he would have made a covenant with his eyes as iob did . all the fearefull falls of the children of god when they were negligent , are so many testimonies , that without this daily searching and trying our wayes , we cannot be safe , and no marvell . for no sinne appeares at the first in its owne proper hue , but masked , and in the likenesse of some vertue . if therefore we neglect this point of wisdome : i meane , if wee doe not daily search and try our wayes , wee must needs entertaine some vice in stead of vertue . for neglect of this searching & trying , it comes to passe that in these dayes , there bee so many drunkards , fornicators swearers , &c. the drunkard saith to his mates , come sirs , shall we goe play the good fellows ? he will not say for shame , shall we goe and be drunke ? then few but would seeme to abhor the motion . the fornicator , that he may compasse his desire , comes to a mayd , and promises her present marriage . how many have beene thus deluded ? and yet few will take heed . the swearer alleages for himselfe , that either he is constrained to sweare , or that hee sweares nothing but the truth . in like manner , all other sinnes come stealing upon us under vertuous names : pride in apparrell and building , will bee stiled neatnesse ; covetousnesse , thrift ; riotous behaviour and filthy talke , merriment ; malice , a good stomach ; revenge , courage ; prodigality , a kinde heart , &c. if therefore we be not carefull to search and try all our wayes , yee see how easily we may be deceived . on the other side , if we daily and truely search & try every course that is propounded to us , before wee adventure upon it , we shall be preserved from many sinnes , as we may see by the example of ioseph , gen. 39. 7. iosephs masters wife , an honorable woman , cast her eyes upon ioseph , & shee said , lie with me . ioseph trying and examining the motion , answers v. 9. how can i do this great wichednesse , and sinne against god ? in like manner if we would try & examine all motions which are made to us , we should be innocent from great offences . but perhaps some will say unto mee as david doth , psal . 19. 12. who can understand his errors ? if wee cannot understand them , how shall wee search and try them ? i answere , when i say that every man must search and try all his wayes , i doe not imagine that every one can presently understand all his errors ; satan by his subrilty will so blinde us ; the world by evill customes will so sway us ; the flesh by her sweet allurements will so be witch us , that though we be never so circumspect in searching , some small faults will escape a long time . but if wee heartily pray for the pardon of all secret faults , and continue daily to use all wholesome meanes to find them out , god will accept our honest endeavour . but yee will say further , what meanes must wee use in searching and trying our wayes ? answ . the philosophers make reason , the touchst one of all our actions . to reason also some of the fathers seeme to ascribe too much . but the truth is , humane reason is so corrupt since the fall of adam , that it is not fit to be the cheife in this buisnesse . but thankes be to god wee have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a more sure word , as t is called 2 pet. 1. 19. to this if we take heed we doe well . this word was given by inspiration , 2 pet. 1. 21. this word is pure , inlightning the eyes , psal . 19. 8. t is a light unto our paths , psal . 119. 105. t is able to make us wise unto salvation , 2 tim 3. 15. t is profitable for doctrine , for reproofe , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , v. 16. in a word , the word of god is quick , and powerfull , and sharper than any two edged sword , peircing even to the deviding asunder of the soule and spirit , and is a discerner of the thoughts & intents of the heart , heb. 4. 12. lastly , we shall be judged by the word , at the day of judgement , ioh. 12. 48. ro. 2. 16. all which considered , t is most plaine , that the word of god is the best light and rule to search and try all our actions . and now if all wee , which are here gathered together , should examine our waies by this word of god , certainly many of them would be found very crooked . it is not possible for me in the short space allotted for this exercise , to touch all our wayes : i will therefore meddle onely with those , which are most properly inquirable at this visitation court. and because the messenger of god , must bee as god himselfe , no respecter of persons , i will begin with the cheife and mine owne coate , and tell them wherein their wayes are thought , not to be agreeable to gods word . and because right worshipfull , you and your officers , come to inquire what fame there goes of us , i thinke it very requisite , to informe you first what fame goes of your selves , that yee may take occasion to search and try your owne wayes , before ye meddle with others . this then is the common fame of the country , that , whether it be through the fault of the cheife magistrate , and his officiall , commissary , or surrogates , or register , or sumners ; offenders are not ordinarily censured , according to the nature of their offence . and that the great and rich , get through your ecclesiastical nets , as easily as hornets through the spiders webbe . but that the poorer sort stand excommunicated a long time , though they be never so penitent , onely because they have no money to pay . moreover , that in your visitation courts , most of you are more greedy of gaine , than sollicitous for reformation , which is the maine end of these assemblies . lastly , that in your consistory , you and the procters prolong trifling causes , for the multiplying of fees : and that factious plaintiffes , which wage law for the vexation of their neighbours , find too favorable entertainement . now for my part , i doe not accuse any man , but if these reports bee true : then i must needes admonish you in the word of the lord , iam. 4. 8. that yee clense your hands , and purifie your hearts , & be afflicted , and mourne and weepe . and i pray you remember as saint paul saith , rom. 13. 4. that you beare not the sword in vaine . remember also what the rock and god of israel said to david , 2 sam. 23. 3. hee that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the feare of god. wherefore as good iehosaphat said to his iudges , 2 chron. 19. 6. take heede what yee doe : for yee judge not for man , but for the lord , who is with you in judgement ; wherefore now let the feare of god bee upon you , take heed and doe it . for there is no iniquity with the lord our god , nor respect of persons , nor taking of gifts . gifts , as god saith , deut. 16. 19 ; blinde the eyes of the wise . lastly , to all the officers of this court , i say in the name of the lord , as iohn baptist said to the publicans , luke 3. 13. exact no more than is appointed you , remembring that extortion is a damnable sinne . and what shall it profit a man to winne the whole world , and loose his owne soule ? sayes christ mat. 16. 26. in the second place , touching us ministers , there bee many complaints that wee doe not according to the word of the lord , take heed to our selves , and the flocks , over which the holy ghost hath made us overseers . some of us are carelesse touching our owne lives ; wee are not examples to our people , as the spirit commands , 1 tim. 4. 12 , in word , in conversation , in charity , in spirit , in faith , in purity . yea t is verified of some of us which was spoken , hos . 4.9 . there shall be like people , like priest . againe , though the spirit charge us all , 2 tim. 4 , before god and the lord iesus , to preach the word , and be instant in season , out of season ; to reprove , rebuke , exhort : yet divers of us , are more carefull in feeding our selves , than in feeding our flocks . but above all , we are said to be generally defective , in that most necessarie part of our office , catechising , whereunto wee have of late yeares bene so often exhorted , both by our kings and bishops . i know what most doe alleadge , that parents and masters , will not cause their children and servants to come to bee catechised ; but i know withall , that if we had beene as zealous in the lords cause , as wee are for the most part for our owne commodities , we might have done a great deale more good this way than wee have done . wherefore , my deere brethren , i beseech you all in the name of the lord iesus , who hath committed his lambes , as well as his sheepe to our care ; let us all with one heart , and with all our might , set upon this most laudable and profitable exercise of catechising ; without which , we shall doe little good by our preaching . the third sort of people that are agents in this visitation court , are the church-wardens and sidemen , who are bound by oath to present unto the iudge all offenders . but except there bee some notorious crime which they thinke cannot ly hid , they use to present omnia bene ; and herein they thinke they deale very wisely . for as i have heard some of them say , we shall bring fees to the court , and nothing shall be the better . but i pray you consider , in the meane time ye forsweare your selves , and incurre the heavy wrath of god. for god will not take it for an excuse that ye say , though we should present , the iudge will not reforme . the iudge shall beare his owne burden ; and what a fearfull thing it is for you to fall into the hands of the living god , by that abominable sinne of perjury ? wherefore what conceit soever ye have had here tofore , touching these visitation courts . now i admonish you in the name of him who shall judge both quick and dead , present all offenders against the canons without fear or favour : ye are ordained as the eyes and watchmen of the iudge in every parish . and if yee were carefull according to your oath , wherewith you binde your soules every visitation , to present drunkards , swearers , raylers , scolds , slanderers , ribaudes , sowers of discords , fornicators , adulterers , sabbath breakers , &c. doutlesse iniquity would not abound in every parish as it doth . lastly , i may say to the whole congregation , and to every sort and degree , from the highest to the lowest , that if we would search and try our wayes by the rule of gods word , they will appeare very irregular ▪ yea more , those things wherein we walke most sutable to gods will , t is to be feared , we do them only superficially , & for forme and fashion , rather than for conscience and obedience to god and his word . we which are gods ministers , for the most part preach for forme , and ye which professe your selves to bee gods people , heare for forme . for when the sermon is ended , we all depart , and thinke upon it no more , as if we had fully done our dutie in speaking , and yee in hearing , and there were no more required at our hands . this is the cause why though there be so much preaching in the land daily , yet there is very small progresse in piety . which being so , what remaines , but that i admonish you all and my selfe also , in the words of the second part of my text , to turne againe to the lord ? this is the onely course for all that have gone astray , as you may see , ioel 2. 12. 13. there the lord exhorts the sinnefull iewes , and all that have sinned as they did , saying , turne yee even to mee withall your heart , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning , and rent your hearts & not your garments , and turne to the lord your god : for he is gracious , and mercifull , slow to anger , and of great kindnesse , and repenteth him of the evill . i. if wee weepe and rent our hearts for all our wandrings , and turne from all our by-pathes to serve the lord , in sobriety , righteousnesse , and godlinesse , god will remove from us , all the plagues and judgements which he hath sent or threatned . but if we goe on in our evill wayes , then the lord will powre downe his vialls of indignation upon us : god will wound the hairy scalp of such as go on still in their trespasses , psal . 68. 21. wherefore i say againe for a conclusion , let us throughly search and try all our wayes , and whiles t is called to day begin to turne to the lord our god with all our hearts , and with fasting , and with weeping , and with mourning : oh let us rent & teare our soules with godly sorrow for all our transgressions of gods ordinances , and especially at this time , for our formall and perfunctory usage of these visitation courts , which are ordained meerely , for the reformation of the faults of the country ; so shal not iniquity be our destruction : for the lord desires not the death of a sinner , but rather that he should repent and live . this repentance unto life he give us , who gave himselfe for us , even iesus christ our righteousnesse . to whom with the father , and the holy ghost , be honour and power everlasting , amen . finis . a lamentation taken up for london that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. by a lover of truth and righteousness: thomas greene. greene, thomas, 1634?-1699. 1665 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42008 wing g1844 estc r215904 99827662 99827662 32085 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42008) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32085) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1848:31) a lamentation taken up for london that late flourishing city, a bitter, yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders, and over all her rulers and mighty men, who are fled from her as from a murtherer, with good counsel and advice, from the spirit of the lord to all, that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction. by a lover of truth and righteousness: thomas greene. greene, thomas, 1634?-1699. 8 p. s.n.], [london : printed in the year, 1665. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the friends house library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th centurty -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a lamentation taken up for london , that late flourishing city , a bitter , yea a bitter lamentation over all her inhabitants yet living within and about her borders , and over all her rulers and mighty men , who are fled from her as from a murtherer , with good counsel and advice , from the spirit of the lord to all , that they may turn unto him before the vials of his wrath be poured out for their utter destruction . by a lover of truth and righteousness : thomas greene . printed in the year ▪ 1665. a lamentation taken up for london . oh london , london , what lamentation may i take up for thee , who was of late a flourishing city ; whose scituation is by a pleasant river , thorough which great riches in abundance hath been brought to thee , by which thy inhabitants have been made rich ; thy pomp and thy greatness , thy excellency , and variety of treasures , hath allured many to flock unto thee , from one end of the nation to the other ; and many have counted themselves happy , that could get a convenient habitation in or about thy borders : a city that was so joyous and counted a place of delight , and a palace for princes , a meeting place for those called the nobility of the land ; unto thee hath the embassadours from far countries resorted : oh how is this city become solitary that was full of people , she is now left as a widow of youth that was counted the pleasant place of the nation , and as a princess in the province , for how hath thy great men left thee , and are fled as from a monstrous woman ; how are thy inhabitants a dread to the country , because of the plague that is broken out in thee ; oh my heart hath been in sorrow for thee , and a burthen hath layn upon me as concerning thee , ever since the lord began to manifest his displeasure against thee , even ever since the ship called the london was blown up , where more then 200. persons were torn in pieces , whose graves were in the sea ; this then was the cry of my heart ; saying , think yee they were greater sinners above all men ? and this was the answer from the lord , except they repent they shall likewise perish with a mighty slaughter , though not in the same way . this was signified unto me by the spirit of the lord when i was in his dreadful fear , overshadowed with his heavenly power , and i waited to see it effected , or a return to the lord by cealing from unrighteousness , which most of all i desired , that he might have diverted his intended judgments ; but oh how hast thou dishonoured his name , and walked after thy own hearts lusts , as those that have forgotten the lord dayes without number , and hast not humbled thy self before him , but hast regarded iniquity , and walked in cruelty , against the lord and his poor people , and hast walked proudly , so that many of thy inhabitants scarcely knew what to eat , or to drink , or what to put on , and yet a professing people , having on you the name of christians , but are seen of all those whose eyes are open to be in the nature of heathens , turks , or infidels , who are not found in the nature of christ , who came not to destroy mens lives but to save them ; but on the contrary thy rulers and magistrates with their attendance , have been found persecuting and imprisoning , knocking down , and wounding even some unto death a peaceable people that fear the lord , that he hath raised up in these last dayes to be as signes and wonders , whose residence and dwelling is amongst you ; who have but testified against unrighteousness , and assembled themselves together as the antient christians in the dayes of old , who feared the lord , and thought upon his name ; and when all this cruelty would not do nor bring them down , whom god hath raised up ; then was invented in thee another way , thou didst see thy pomp and greatness would do thee no good while these people called quakers were among you , their laws being divers from thy laws , their worship to thy worship ; then thou hast concluded with the rest of the rulers of the land , even as haman who said , it 's not for the kings profit to let them live among us ; then this cruel edict was invented in thy borders to make such a law as thou might be sure to find these people transgressors of , that thou mightest say as those unworthy jewes , who said , wee have a law , and by our law christ ought to die . oh this your law will not excuse you before the lord who seeth your insides , and will judge you according as your works are , not by the sight of the eye nor by the hearing of the ear , but he will enter into righteous judgement with you , for he is determined to plead with all flesh to bring down the haughty , and to lay the lofty low ; and for all thy transgressions and cruelties god is now risen to plead with thee ; for thou hast been the womb in the which cruelty without mercy hath been conceived , thy rulers with their allies have been examples to all cruel minded men thorough the nation , therefore must thou drink a bitter cup , and into thy hand hath the lord first put it ; for when thou began to banish ( by that late devised law ) those people out of the land that feared the lord , and durst not mak shipwrack of their faith , and of a good conscience ; then did the lord begin with thee , and poured out his plagues upon very few , as thou beganest first to banish two or three of the people of the lord ; oh that thou hadst considered and made a stop then of that woful sin of persecution , but still thou wouldest go on ; and didest send away seven more of the servants of the lord ; and wouldest not take notice of the encrease of the plague , but still thou hast hardened thy heart against gods innocent people , and sent away eight more , though still the plague encreased in thy borders ; and as thou hast multiplyed thy cruelty , so the lord hath caused his plague to encrease ; and now at last thou hast by force carryed near threescore of the servants of the lord both men and women on board , a ship in order to their exilement , even into an inconsiderable vessel where is not convenience as becometh christians ; the deck being so low that they are fain to go double between the decks , where they must be forc'd to be & lodg , as if they were intended to be destroyed . and as thou hast sent near threescore more of the servants of the lord away , so hath his plague encreased to near three thousand by the weekly bill ; though it 's judged to be more ; and by many of the inhabitants of this city here is a cry , saying , this is that which will encrease the plague ; yet still were the hearts of thy rulers hardened against this innocent people : well , they may all know the lords anger is not yet over , but his hand is stretched out still ; for , as thou hast encreased in cruelty , so hath the lord executed his righteous judgments ( and will yet more and more ) yet wouldest thou go on like pharaoh in the dayes of old , though the first born was slain , yet he would pursue israel into the sea , which became a grave for him : oh that thou wouldest have taken notice of the dealings of the lord , and have ceased from all oppression and cruelty ; that those whom you have nothing against but as concerning the law of their god , might have lived peaceable amongst you , being such that loves peace , and can learn war no more ; yet they are assured the lord will plead their cause , who is their reward in the day of tryal , and hath and is with them in the hour of temptation ; oh but thy pride and wantonness and fullness of bread , thy drunkenness , whoredoms , couzenings and cheatings , hath so eaten thee up that thou hast not considered the most high ruleth in the kingdoms of men ; for in seeing thou couldest not see , and in hearing thou hast not considered , but thy heart hath waxed fat thorough the abundance of thy dilicacy ; the voice of musick , and the sound of the organs thou hast delighted in ; but now instead thereof , the voice of sorrow , weeping , and bitter lamentation shall be heard in thee , and none shall comfort thee , because thou hast not regarded the afflictions of the afflicted , but hath added grief unto their sorrow : oh , oh the lord hath seen , the almighty hath taken notice , and is now risen to plead with thee , and as thou hast added affliction to the afflicted by drawing and rending the people of the lord from prison where they have long lay'n to send them by force into exile ; so the lord hath encreased thy plagues , who would have none of his counsel , neither regarded his reproofs in your hearts , but have hardened your selves against gods good spirit that hath reproved you , ( for your good ) but you have rushed into iniquity as a horse into the battle , & have not had so much understanding as balaams asse , who saw the angel of the lord in the way , and those that have you have smote them more then three times , who have warned you that you should not rise up against the lord and his people , but you have done despite unto the spirit of grace , whereby you might have been led into the way everlasting . neither have you regarded the servants of the most high god , which have been sent unto you from several places , who have warned you and exhorted you , and beseeched you in the bowels of gods love that you would give over oppressing the innocent and persecuting the upright , knowing that vengeance belongs to the lord and he will repay it ; and that those might not suffer persecution , imprisonment , or exilement , whom you have nothing against , but as concerning the law of their god ; yet them nor their testimony hath not been regarded , but they have been villified and derided of many , and have been counted as those who have been telling of idle tales . oh , but many may say , why dost thou upbraid us in the day of calamity , or tell us of our iniquities in this day of our sore distress , to which i answer , i do not upbraid you , but rather lay those things before you which you have been guilty of , that you may consider the mercy and justice of the lord , and look back and ponder the long-suffering of the almighty , and of the meanes of grace that he hath afforded thee , and of the light that he hath lighted thee withall , and that thy inhabitants might have been as his pleasant children , and that now whilst thou hast a day to live thou mayest return unto him with unfeigned repentance , for they that repents and turns unto him , they shall finde mercy : oh , but thy priests and false prophets have dealt deceitfully with thee , who have said , peace , peace , none evil shall come upon us ; they have not discovered the iniquity to turn away thy captivity , thy prophets are become fooles , and thy spiritual men mad , for thy breach is great like the sea ; and none of thy prophets can stay it , nor thy spiritual men make it up , though they prophesie smooth things unto thee , and make books to confess thy sins by , for the stoping of this breach , and that you should return to the lord ; yet we see those that do depart from iniquity , are made a prey on ; and while they call for mercy , they are oppressing the up-right ; their feet run swiftly to do evil , their thoughts are thoughts of wickedness against gods people , for which cause desolation and destruction is in their path , the way of peace they know not , there is no equity in their goings , they have made them crooked pathes , whosoever walketh therein shall not finde peace : therefore oh yee inhabitants of london , whether fled away , or yet remaining in her alive , return to the lord with all your hearts , and know his fear placed in you , and take up with me a bitter lamentation ; and as for you that are fled from the city , and have left your outward dwellings , think not that yee are safe or secure , for the lord can finde you out at his pleasure , for the destroying angel goeth forth according to the determination of the lord , and neither hill nor mountain can cover or hide you from his anger and fierce wrath , nor from the stroke of his hand there is none can fly , though thou fly upon the swift , a swifter shall overtake thee , thy riches cannot save thee , nor thy strength deliver thee , neither can the clifts of the rocks hide thee from the lord , who turneth a fruitfull land into a barren wilderness , because of the wickedness that is committed therein ; and you that are yet inhabitants in this city , and cannot well go out of it , fear yee the living god , and wait to feel his power in your hearts to break down the man of sin , that christ the power of god may be known to rule in you , and to be a leader unto you who is the teacher , which shall never be removed into a corner , as others are , who are made after a carnal commandment ; but he after the power of an endless life , who is the lord of lords , and king of kings , whose right it is to rule for ever and ever . and nations shall walk in his light , and kings shall bring their glory unto him . therefore every one return unto the lord by ceasing to do iniquity , and lay aside all cruelty and oppression , release the too long oppressed ones , and let the prisoners go free , who suffer upon the account of tender conscience towards god , or else in vain is all thy formed and framed humiliations and fastings confessing iniquity and hanging down the head like a bull-rush for a day ; this is not the fast that the lord hath chosen while you take not off the heavy burthens , neither let the oppressed go free , for if this was done , then would the hearts of the upright be inlarged to the lord on your behalf , and their mouths opened to cry to the almighty , to stay his judgments and to retain his fury , which begins to burn as an oven , which your wickedness hath procured ; oh let my counsel be accepted , and break off thy sins by righteousness , & thy iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor , if it may be , that the lord may have mercy on thee and lengthen thy tranquility , but if thou like pharaoh hardens thy heart , and repent not by turning speedily to the lord , thou shalt be left as a widdow , and thy babilonish merchants that have made themselves rich in thee , shall run afar off thee , crying , alass , alass , that great city where many were made rich , now is her torment come on a sudden , and they themselves shall not escape , though they have cryed peace , peace , when death was coming in at the door to cut off thy young men from without , and thy children from the streets ; therefore , all you that is living in fleshly tabernacles , that belongs to this great city , whether in it or fled away , this to you i send , expecting that many of you that are gone , may never see this city again , that now you may , be seeking a city and dwelling place whose foundation is the lord , and this you may know if you return to the spirit of the lord , which tryeth all things , and wait to know it to be your leader , then will it witness to your spirits that you are the children of god ; so that then , if you eat the bread of adversity , and drink the water of affliction , and in the world yee have great trouble yet shall you live in the peace of god , and die in his favour that your end may be blessed ; but , if you follow them that teach for doctrines the commandements of men , and obey not the pure spirit of the lord , then will god give over striving with you ; and then everlasting sorrow and wo will be your portion , and he shall say as to ephraim , let him alone , let him alone ; so thy time is almost out and the long suffering of the lord is neer an end to this generation ; therefore none be stout hearted , but fear and tremble all careless ones , before the living god , for the slain of the lord shall be many , and with a stronge hand is he going forth and none can hinder his purpose ; but as all return and humble themselves as the people of niniveb from the greatest unto the least , for then did the lord stay his hand and did a friendly letter to the flying clergy wherein is humbly requested and modestly challenged the cause of their flight. by j. w. priest. j. w. 1665 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67370 wing w56 estc r217620 99829278 99829278 33715 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67370) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33715) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1940:14) a friendly letter to the flying clergy wherein is humbly requested and modestly challenged the cause of their flight. by j. w. priest. j. w. [2], 5, [1] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year 1665. reproaching the clergy for their abandonment of their charges during the plague. copy cropped at head with slight loss of text. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library, oxford university. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church work with the sick -england -early works to 1800. plague -england -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a friendly letter to the flying clergy , wherein is humbly requested and modestly challenged the cause of their flight . by j. w. priest . rom . 8. 7. let him that is a minister wait on his ministry , and he that teacheth on teaching . london , printed in the year 1665. to the reverend and learned clergy , who have left their cures in this time of calamity : sirs , what the sad effects of your flight have been is too too evident to those , who only unite to make a breach in the church , never expressing such mirth as when they see the church in mourning ; to these it hath afforded matter of contempt , not only of your persons , but also of your office : to others , who are the true sons of the church it hath been no small cause of fear and doubting . i heartily wish you had stopt the mouths of the first , however i beg of you that you will satisfie the doubts of the second , whose grief i have experienced to be such , that none can heal them , but you that have given the wound : i have a long time expected what is here requested , but finding a frustration of my hopes , and an increase of the peoples feares , i do by these in all humility request you , and if that will not move , i challenge you faithfully to publish the cause of your flight , whether sense of duty , or fear of danger ; if you answer the first , then tell me what text in the sacred page commands it : is this to abide in your calling whereunto you were called ? is this to stand upon your watch ? is this to gird our selves , lament and howle , &c. as the prophet joel commands , chap. 1. v. 13 , 14. is this to be ready to die for the cause of christ , with saint paul ; or to comfort the feeble-minded , and to support the weak , as he enjoines , 1 thes . 5. 14. no , no , it cannot be . 2. which of the fathers have either taught or practised it : is not this contrary to the doctrine of the fathers both ancient and modern , st. austin comparing mat. 10. 23. with job . 10. 12. concludes , that though in some cases flight may be lawful , yet saith he , quando commune est periculum fugiendum non est , ne quisquam fugere credatur non consulendi voluntate , sed timore moriendi magisque fugiendi obsit exemplo quam vivendi prosit officio epist . 180. in a common danger we ought not to flie , lest we seem to flie rather for feare of death , then love to live to the good of the church , and so become more hurtful by our example in flying , then we can be profitable by our living . nay , further , he tells us , if the calamity be so great , that we must either all of us flie or die , that it s then to be determined by lot , and we ought to take our lot : semblable to this are those words of that learned and religious prelat , once bishop of exceter , decad. 4. epist . 9. we , saith he , are not our own but our peoples , and are charged with all their souls , which to hazard by absence , is to lose our own : we must love our lives , but not when they are rivals with our souls , or with others ; its better to be dead then to be negligent or faithless : all soules must not wilfully be neglected because some are contagiously sick : this is the time when good counsel is most seasonable and needful ; now then , to run away from a necessary and publick good to avoid a doubtful and private evil , is to run into a worse evil then we would avoid . i will not trouble you any further , by instancing in the doctrines and practices of others of the fathers ; i know its needless : only one more , and that is the practice of your spiritual father , his grace the lord arch bishop of canterbury , who ventures his person with us in this common calamity , whom god preserve in health and honour ; had you troad the steps of this holy father , how might you have refreshed your afflicted flock , and stopt the mouths of all those who watch ▪ for your halting . i have hinted the example and practice of this pious and learned prelat , not that i judg it less unlawful for a bishop to remove his seat , then for any of us to remove from one part of our parish to another , ( which in truth is so far from being unlawful , that in some cases i judge it our duty to do it ) but i have thus instanced for the encouragement of my fellow-labourers in the work of the ministry , seeing he hath denied himself his own convenience for our comfort . the romans that fled with pompey , termed their banishment better then their own countrey , because pompey was with them : what encouragement then may it be to us that we have our father with us . 2. to the shame of som of you that are fled , notwithstanding the large taste you have had of his kindnesse , in 2 kings 19. 37 ▪ in stead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the original we finde the vowels set in the text without their consonants ; to intimate , that for the kings own sons to lay violent hands upon their father in the temple , at his devotion , though it was to a fals god , was scelus infandum a wickedness too monstrous to be exprest ; if these were not worthy to have their names written in the book of god , because they had slain their father , who was a worshipper of a false god , then what is due to you to leave your father , who even in this time of danger , not only by doctrine , but example , teacheth the worship of the true god. 3. pray tell me if it be your duty to fly , who have curam animarum upon you ; how then is it lawful for your curates to stay , nay , is it not a sin in you to request other ministers to stay , if it be a ministers duty to flie : neither can you argue a double cure ; the ablest patient needs the best physician , according to that of our saviour , they that are whole need no physician , but they that are sick ; now i take it for granted , that your abilities surpass those of your curates , or else its pity you should enjoy such preferments ; but it may be you will be more ingenuous and faithful , and confess that fear was the cause of your flight ; consider then 1. the sad doom of those who betray the truth out of fear : 2. how much better were it for men of your spirits , to content your selves with more private benefices , whence your flight at such a time as this might be less offensive and prejudicial to the publick ; if the magistrates and other officers of this place had followed your footings , would not this in all probability have induced two greater judgments , famine and the sword , which i fear is wished for by the plague-parents of this place , sectaries and rebels ; for so you finde them numb . 16. 42. &c. if magistrates had fled , how should we have been protected ? if inferiour officers , how should the poor have been relieved ? further , besides that it conduces to the publick good , how much might a timely resignation of your livings in this place , have conduced to the glory of god , and quiet of your own consciences ; though i believe you are fearful , yet i dare not think that you are so far void of affection , as not to be troubled at that poison which may be suckt in by your people , from the mouths of sectaries , who have not only crept into your parishes , but also ( as i am credibly informed ) into some of your pulpits : thus gentlemen i have writ to you with all plainness , in order to the satisfaction of the publick , and not out of vain ostentation , though i confess i glory in this , that god hath given me courage to execute my office , notwithstanding the great mortalitie that is in this parish where i am an unworthy minister : i well hope you will either render an 〈…〉 return to your charge , that so the mouths of those gainsayers may be stopt , ( who , like nero , would be glad to see the church on fire , that they might warm themselves at the flame ) that the dubious may be satisfied , and the truth may be vindicated , which is the dailie and fervent prayer of your brother and servant , j. w. dated , sept. 6. 1665. finis . orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the infection of the plague city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1665 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a53403 wing o397 estc r39821 12988471 ocm 12988471 96252 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a53403) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96252) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 724:18) orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london, concerning the infection of the plague city of london (england). court of aldermen. city of london (england). lord mayor. [15] p. printed by james flesher ..., [london] : [1665] reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the infection of the plague . printed by james flesher , printer to the honourable city of london . orders conceived and published by the lord major and aldermen of the city of london , concerning the infection of the plague . whereas in the first year of the reign of our late sovereign king james of happy memory , an act was made for the charitable relief and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authority was given to justices of peace , majors , bayliffs , and other head-officers to appoint within their several limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister unto them oaths for the performance of their offices . and the same statute did also authorize the giving of other directions , as unto them for the present necessity should seem good in their discretions . it is now upon special consideration thought very expedient for preventing and avoiding of infection of sickness ( if it shall so please almighty god ) that these officers following be appointed , and these orders hereafter duly observed . examiners to be appointed in every parish . first , it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in every parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credit , chosen and appointed by the alderman , his deputy , and common-councel of every ward , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit person so appointed , shall refuse to undertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to prison until they shall conform themselves accordingly . the examiners office. that these examiners be sworn by the alderman , to enquire and learn from time to time what houses in every parish be visited , and what persons be sick , and of what diseases , as near as they can inform themselves ; and upon doubt in that case , to command restraint of access , until it appear what the disease shall prove : and if they finde any person sick of the infection , to give order to the constable that the house be shut up ; and if the constable shall be found remiss or negligent , to give present notice thereof to the alderman of the ward . watchmen . that to every infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these watchmen have a special care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they have the charge , upon pain of severe punishment . and the said watchmen to doe such further offices as the sick house shall need and require : and if the watchman be sent upon any business , to lock up the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend until ten of the clock at night : and the watchman by night until six in the morning . searchers . that there be a special care , to appoint women-searchers in every parish , such as are of honest reputation , and of the best sort as can be got in this kind : and these to be sworn to make due search and true report , to the utmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , do die of the infection , or of what other diseases , as near as they can . and that the physicians who shall be appointed for cure and prevention of the infection , do call before them the said searchers who are or shall be appointed for the several parishes under their respective cares , to the end they may consider whether they are fitly qualified for that employment ; and charge them from time to time as they shall see cause , if they appear defective in their duties . that no searcher during this time of visitation , be permitted to use any publick work or imployment , or keep any shop or stall , or be imployed as a landress , or in any other common imployment whatsoever . chirurgions . for better assistance of the searchers , for as much as there hath been heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therefore ordered , that there be chosen and appointed able and discreet chirurgions , besides those that doe already belong to the pest-house : amongst whom , the city and liberties to be quartered as the places lie most apt and convenient : and every of these to have one quarter for his limit : and the said chirurgions in every of their limits to joyn with the searchers for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . and further , that the said chirurgions shall visit and search such like persons as shall either send for them , or be named and directed unto them , by the examiners of every parish , and inform themselves of the disease of the said parties . and for as much as the said chirurgions are to be sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection ; it is ordered , that every of the said chirurgions shall have twelve-pence a body searched by them , to be paid out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . nurse-keepers . if any nurse-keeper shall remove herself out of any infected house before 28 daies after the decease of any person dying of the infection , the house to which the said nurse-keeper doth so remove herself shall be shut up until the said 28 daies be expired . orders concerning infected houses , and persons sick of the plague . notice to be given of the sickness . the master of every house , as soon as any one in his house complaineth , either of botch , or purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sick , without apparent cause of some other disease , shall give knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two hours after the said sign shall appear . sequestration of the sick. as soon as any man shall be found by this examiner , chirurgion or searcher to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he be so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickned shall be shut up for a moneth , after the use of due preservatives taken by the rest . airing the stuff . for sequestration of the goods and stuff of the infected , their bedding , and apparel , and hangings of chambers , must be well aired with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house , before they be taken again to use : this to be done by the appointment of the examiner . shutting up of the house . if any person shall have visited any man , known to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any known infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein he inhabiteth , shall be shut up for certain daies by the examiners direction . none to be removed out of infected houses , but , &c. item , that none be removed out of the house where he falleth sick of the infection , into any other house in the city , ( except it be to the pest-house or a tent , or unto some such house , which the owner of the said visited house holdeth in his own hands , and occupieth by his own servants ) and so as security be given to the parish whither such remove is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons shall be observed and charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remove shall happen to be made , and this remove to be done by night : and it shall be lawful to any person that hath two houses , to remove either his sound or his infected people to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his found , he may not after send thither the sick , nor again unto the sick the sound . and that the same which he sendeth , be for one week at the least shut up and secluded from company for fear of some infection , at the first not appearing . burial of the dead . that the burial of the dead by this visitation be at most convenient hours , alwaies either before sun-rising , or after sun-setting , with the privity of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise ; and that no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , upon pain of having his house shut up , or be imprisoned . and that no corps dying of infection shall be buried or remain in any church in time of common-prayer , sermon , or lecture . and that no children be suffered at time of burial of any corps in any church , church-yard , or burying-place to come near the corps , coffin , or grave . and that all the graves shall be at least six foot deep . and further , all publick assemblies at other burials are to be forborn during the continuance of this visitation . no infected stuff to be uttered . that no clothes , stuff , bedding or garments be suffered to be carried or conveyed out of any infected houses , and that the criers and carriers abroad of bedding or old apparel to be sold or pawned , be utterly prohibited and restrained , and no brokers of bedding or old apparel be permitted to make any outward shew , or hang forth on their stalls , shopboards or windows toward any street , lane , common-way or passage , any old bedding or apparel to be sold , upon pain of imprisonment . and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparel , or other stuff out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath been there , his house shall be shut up as infected , and so shall continue shut up twenty daies at the least . no person to be conveyed out of any infected house . if any person visited do fortune , by negligent looking unto , or by any other means , to come , or be conveyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come or been conveyed , upon notice thereof given , shall at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to be carried and brought back again by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the alderman of the ward ; and the house of the receiver of such visited person to be shut up for twenty daies . every visited house to be marked . that every house visited , be marked with a red cross of a foot long , in the middle of the door , evident to be seen , and with these usual printed words , that is to say , lord have mercy upon us , to be set close over the same cross , there to continue until lawful opening of the same house . every visited house to be watched . that the constables see every house shut up , and to be attended with watchmen , which may keep them in , and minister necessaries unto them at their own charges ( if they be able , ) or at the common charge if they be unable : the shutting up to be for the space of four weeks after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to pass the streets without holding a red rod or wand of three foot in length in their hands , open and evident to be seen , and are not to goe into any other house then into their own , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbear and abstain from company , especially when they have been lately used in any such business or attendance . inmates . that where several inmates are in one and the same house , and any person in that house happen to be infected ; no other person or family of such house shall be suffered to remove him or themselves without a certificate from the examiners of health of that parish ; or in default thereof , the house whither he or they so remove , shall be shut up as in case of visitation . hackney coaches . that care be taken of hackney coachmen , that they may not ( as some of them have been observed to doe ) after carrying of infected persons to the pesthouse , and other places , be admitted to common use , till their coaches be well aired , and have stood unimployed by the space of five or six daies after such service . orders for cleansing and keeping of the streets sweet . the streets to be kept clean . first , it is thought very necessary , and so ordered , that every housholder do cause the street to be daily pared before his door , and so to keep it clean swept all the week long . that rakers take it from out the houses . that the sweeping and filth of houses be daily carried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall give notice of his coming by the blowing of a horn as heretofore hath been done . laystalls to be made farre off from the city . that the laystalls be removed as farre as may be out of the city , and common passages , and that no nightman or other be suffered to empty a vault into any garden near about the city . care to be had of unwholesome fish or flesh , and of musty corn. that special care be taken , that no stinking fish , or unwholsome flesh , or musty corn , or other corrupt fruits of what sort soever , be suffered to be sold about the city or any part of the same . that the brewers and tipling-houses be looked unto , for musty and unwholsome cask . that no hogs , dogs , or cats , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffered to be kept within any part of the city , or any swine to be , or stray in the streets or lanes , but that such swine be impounded by the beadle or any other officer , and the owner punished according to act of common-councel , and that the dogs be killed by the dog-killers appointed for that purpose . orders concerning loose persons and idle assemblies . beggers . forasmuch as nothing is more complained of , then the multitude of rogues and wandering beggers that swarm in every place about the city , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not be avoided , notwithstanding any order that hath been given to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables , and others whom this matter may any way concern , do take special care that no wandering begger be suffered in the streets of this city , in any fashion or manner whatsoever upon the penalty provided by the law to be duly and severely executed upon them . playes . that all playes , bear-baitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler-play , or such like causes of assemblies of people , be utterly prohibited , and the parties offending , severely punished by every alderman in his ward . feasting prohibited . that all publick feasting , and particularly by the companies of this city ; and dinners at taverns , alehouses , and other places of common entertainment be forborn till further order and allowance ; and that the money thereby spared , be preserved and imployed for the benefit and relief of the poor visited with the infection . tipling-houses . that disorderly tipling in taverns , alehouses , coffee-houses and cellars be severely looked unto , as the common sin of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the plague . and that no company or person be suffered to remain or come into any tavern , ale-house or coffee-house to drink after nine of the clock in the evening , according to the ancient law and custome of this city , upon the penalties ordained in that behalf . and for the better execution of these orders , and such other rules and directions as upon further consideration shall be found needful ; it is ordered and enjoyned that the aldermen , deputies , and common-councel-men shall meet together weekly , once , twice , thrice or oftner ( as cause shall require ) at some one general place accustomed in their respective wards ( being clear from infection of the plague ) to consult how the said orders may be duly put in execution ; not intending that any dwelling in or near places infected , shall come to the said meetings whiles their coming may be doubtful : and the said aldermen and deputies and common councel-men in their several wards may put in execution any other good orders that by them at their said meetings shall be conceived and devised , for preservation of his majesties subjects from the infection . finis . the plague of athens which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warr / first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius, now attempted in english by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. 1667 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61164 wing s5041 estc r31007 11761329 ocm 11761329 48692 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61164) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48692) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1493:6) the plague of athens which hapned in the second year of the peloponnesian warr / first described in greek by thucydides, then in latin by lucretius, now attempted in english by tho. sprat. sprat, thomas, 1635-1713. thucydides. hobbes, thomas, 1588-1679. [7], 6, 24 p. printed by e.c. for henry brome ..., london : 1667. "let this book be printed, roger l'estrange, march 28, 1665" from verso t.p. "contents : thucydides, lib. 2, as it is excellently translated by mr. hobbs." on p. 1-6 (first numbering) reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -greece -athens -poetry. greece -history -peloponnesian war, 431-404 b.c. -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-06 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the plague of athens , which hapned in the second year of he peloponnesian warr. first described in greek by thucydides ; then in latin by lucretius . now attempted in english , by tho. sprat . london , printed by e. c. for henry brome at the gun in ivy-lane , 1667. let this book be printed , roger l'estrange . march 28. 1665. to my vvorthy and learned friend , dr. walter pope , late proctor of the university of oxford . sir , i know not what pleasure you could take in bestowing your commands so unprofitably , unless it be that for which nature sometimes cherishes and allows monsters , the love of variety . this only delight you will receive by turning over this rude and unpolisht copy , and comparing it with my excellent patterns , the greek and latin. by this you will see how much a noble subject is chang'd and disfigured by an ill hand , and what reason alexander had to forbid his picture to be drawn but by some celebrated pencil . in greek thucydides so well and so lively expresses it , that i know not which is more a poem , his description , or that of lucretius . though it must be said , that the historian had a vast advantage over the poet ; he having been present on the place , and assaulted by the disease himself , had the horror familiar to his eyes , and all the shapes of the misery still remaining on his mind , which must needs make a great impression on his pen and fancie . whereas the poet was forced to allow his foot-steps , and onely work on that matter he allow'd him . this i speak , because it may in some measure too excuse my own defects : for being so far remov'd from the place whereon the disease acted his tragedy ; and time having denied us many of the circumstances , customes of the countrey , and other small things which would be of great use to any one who did intend to be perfect on the subject ; besides only writing by an idaea of that which i never yet saw , nor care to feel , ( being not of the humor of the painter in sir philip sidney , who thrust himself into the midst of a fight , that he might the better delineate it . ) having , i say , all these disadvantages , and many more , for which i must onely blame my self , it cannot be expected that i should come near equalling him , in whom none of the contrary advantages were wanting . thus then , sir , by emboldning me to this rash attempt , you have given opportunitie to the greek and latin to triumph over our mother tongue . yet i would not have the honour of the countries or languages engaged in the comparison , but that the inequality should reach no farther than the authors . but i have much reason to fear the just indignation of that excellent person , ( the present ornament and honour of our nation ) whose way of writing i imitate : for he may think himself as much injured by my following him , as were the heavens by that bold man's counterfeiting the sacred and unimitable noise of thunder by the sound of brass and horses hoofs . i shall only say for my self , that i took cicero's advice , who bids us in imitation propose the noblest pattern to our thoughts ; for so we may be sure to be raised above the common level , though we come infinitely short of what we aim at . yet i hope that renowned poet will have none of my crimes any way reflect on himself ; for it was not any fault in the excellent musician , that the weak bird , indeavouring by straining its throat , to follow his notes , destroyed her self in the attempt . well , sir , by this , that i have chosen rather to expose my self than be disobedient , you may ghess with what zeal and hazard i strive to approve my self , sir , your most humble and affectionate servant , tho. sprat . thucydides , lib. 2. as it is excellently translated by mr. hobbs . in the very beginning of summer , the peloponnesians , and their confederates , with two thirds of their forces , as before invaded attica , under the conduct of archidamus , the son of zeuxidamas , king of lacedaemon , and after they had encamped themselves , wasted the countrey about them . they had not been many dayes in attica , when the plague first began amongst the athenians , said also to have seized formerly on divers other parts , as about lemnos , and elsewhere ; but so great a plague , and mortality of men , was never remembred to have hapned in any place before . for at first , neither were the physicians able to cure it , through ignorance of what it was , but died fastest themselves , as being the men that most approach'd the sick , nor any other art of man availed whatsoever . all supplications to the gods , and enquiries of oracles , and whatsoever other means they used of that kind , proved all unprofitable ; insomuch as subdued with the greatness of the evil , they gave them all over . it began ( by report ) first , in that part of aethiopia that lieth upon aegypt , and thence fell down into aegypt and afrique , and into the greatest part of the territories of the king. it invaded athens on a sudden , and touched first upon on those that dwelt in pyraeus , insomuch as they reported that the peloponnesians had cast poyson into their wells ; for springs there were not any in that place . but afterwards it came up into the high city , and then they died a great deal faster . now let every man , physician , or other , concerning the ground of this sickness , whence it sprung , and what causes he thinks able to produce for great an alteration , speak according to his own knowledge ; for my own part , i will deliver but the manner of it , and lay open only such things , as one may take his mark by , to discover the same if it come again , having been both sick of it my self , and seen others sick of the same . this year , by confession of all men , was of all other , for other diseases , most free and healthful . if any man were sick before , his disease turned to this ; if not , yet suddenly , without any apparent cause preceding , and being in perfect health , they were taken first with an extream ache in their heads , redness and inflamation of the eyes ; and then inwardly their throats and tongues grew presently bloody , and their breath noysome and unsavory . upon this followed a sneezing and hoarsness , and not long after , the pain , together with a mighty cough , came down into the brest . and when once it was setled in the stomach , it caused vomit , and with great torment came up all manner of bilious purgation that physicians ever named . most of them had also the hickeyexe , which brought with it a strong convulsion , and in some ceased quickly , but in others was long before it gave over . their bodies outwardly to the touch , were neither very hot , nor pale , but reddish , livid , and beflowred with little pimples and whelks ; but so burned inwardly , as not to endure any the lightest cloaths or linnen garment to be upon them , nor any thing but meer nakedness , but rather , most willingly to have cast themselves into the cold water . and many of them that were not looked to , possessed with insatiate thirst , ran unto the wells ; and to drink much , or little , was indifferent , being still from ease and power to sleep as far as ever . as long as the disease was at the height , their bodies wasted not , but resisted the torment beyond all expectation , insomuch as the most of them either died of their inward burning in 9 or 7 dayes , whilest they had yet strength , or if they escaped that , then the disease falling down into their bellies , and causing there great exulcerations and immoderate loosness , they died many of them afterwards through weakness : for the disease ( which took first the head ) began above , and came down , and passed through the whole body ; and he that overcame the worst of it , was yet marked with the loss of his extreme parts ; for breaking out both at their privy-members ; and at their fingers and toes , many with the loss of these escaped . there were also some that lost there eyes , & many that presently upon their recovery were taken with such an oblivion of all things whatsoever , as they neither knew themselves nor their acquaintance . for this was a kind of sickness which far surmounted all expression of words , and both exceeded humane nature , in the cruelty wherewith it handled each one , and appeared also otherwise to be none of those diseases that are bred amongst us , and that especially by this . for all , both birds and beasts , that use to feed on humane flesh , though many men lay abroad unburied , either came not at them , or tasting perished . an argument whereof as touching the birds , is the manifest defect of such fowl , which were not then seen , neither about the carcasses , or any where else ; but by the dogs , because they are familiar with men , this effect was seen much clearer . so that this disease ( to pass over many strange particulars of the accidents that some had differently from others ) was in general such as i have shewn ; and for other usual sicknesses , at that time , no man was troubled with any . now they died , some for want of attendance , and some again with all the care and physick that could be used . nor was there any , to say , certain medicine , that applied must have helped them ; for it did good to one , it did harm to another ; nor any difference of body for strength or weakness that was able to resist it ; but it carried all away what physick soever was administred . but the greatest misery of all was the dejection of mind , in such as found themselves beginning to be sick , ( for they grew presently desperate , and gave themselves over without making any resistance ) as also their dying thus like sheep , infected by mutual visitation : for if men forbore to visit them for fear , then they dyed forlorn , whereby many families became empty , for want of such as should take care of them . if they forbore not , then they died themselves , and principally the honestest men . for out of shame , they would not spare themselves , but went in unto their friends , especially after it was come to this pass , that even their domesticks , wearied with the lamentations of them that died , and overcome with the greatness of the calamity , were no longer moved therewith . but those that were recovered , had much compassion both on them that died , and on them that lay sick , as having both known the misery themselves and now no more subject to the like danger : for this disease never took any man the second time so as to be mortal . and these men were both by others counted happy , and they also themselves , through excess of present joy , conceived a kind of light hope , never to die of any other sickness hereafter . besides the present affliction , the reception of the countrey people , and of their substance into the city , oppressed both them , and much more the people themselves that so came in . for having no houses , but dwelling at that time of the year in stifling booths , the mortality was now without all form ; and dying men lay tumbling one upon another in the streets , and men half dead about every conduit through desire of water . the temples also where they dwelt in tents , were all full of the dead that died within them ; for oppressed with the violence of the calamity , and not knowing what to do , men grew careless , both of holy and prophane things alike . and the laws which they formerly used touching funerals , were all now broken ; every one burying where he could find room . and many for want of things necessary , after so many deaths before , were forced to become impudent in the funerals of their friends . for when one had made a funeral pile , another getting before him , would throw on his dead , and give it fire . and when one was in burning , another would come , and having cast thereon him whom he carried , go his way again . and the great licentiousness , which also in other kinds was used in the city , began at first from this disease . for that which a man before would dissemble , and not acknowledge to be done for voluptuousness , he durst now do freely , seeing before his eyes such quick revolution , of the rich dying , and men worth nothing inheriting their estates ; insomuch as they justified a speedy fruition of their goods , even for their pleasure , as men that thought they held their lives but by the day . as for pains , no man was forward in any action of honour , to take any , because they thought it uncertain whether they should die or not , before they atchieved it . but what any man knew to be delightful , and to be profitable to pleasure , that was made both profitable and honourable . neither the fear of the gods , nor laws of men , awed any man. not the former , because they concluded it was alike to worship or not worship , from seeing that alike they all perished : nor the latter , because no man expected that lives would last , till he received punishment of his crimes by judgements . but they thought there was now over their heads some far greater judgement decreed against them ; before which fell , they thought to enjoy some little part of their lives . the plague of athens . i. unhappy man ! by nature made to sway , and yet is every creatures prey , destroy'd by those that should his power obey . of the whole world we call man-kind the lords , flattring our selves with mighty words ; of all things we the monarchs are , and so we rule , and so we domineer ; all creatures else about us stand like some praetorian band , to guard , to help , and to defend ; yet they sometimes prove enemies , sometimes against us rise ; our very guards rebel , and tyrannize . thousand diseases sent by fate , ( unhappy servants ! ) on us wait ; a thousand treacheries within are laid weak life to win ; huge troops of maladies without , ( a grim , a meager , and a dreadful rout : ) some formal sieges make , and with sure slowness do our bodies take ; some with quick violence storm the town , and all in a moment down : some one peculiar sort assail , some by general attempt prevail . small herbs , alas , can only us relieve , and small is the assistance they can give ; how can the fading off spring of the field sure health and succour yield ? what strong and certain remedie ? what firm and lasting life can ours be ? when that which makes us live , doth ev'ry winter die ? ii. nor is this all , we do not only breed within ourselves the fatal seed of change , and of decrease in ev'ry part , head , bellie , stomach , and the root of life the heart , not only have our autumn , when we must of our own nature turn to dust , when leaves and fruit must fall ; but are expos'd to mighty tempests too , which do at once what that would slowlie do , which throw down fruit and tree of life withal . from ruine we in vain our bodies by repair maintain , bodies compos'd of stuff , mouldring and frail enough ; yet from without as well we fear a dangerous and destructful vvar , from heaven , from earth , from sea , from air. vve like the roman empire should decay , and our own force would melt away by the intestine jar of elephants , which on each other prey , the caesars and the pompeys which within we bear : yet are ( like that ) in danger too of forreign armies , and external foe , sometimes the gothish and the barbarous rage of plague or pestilence , attens mans age , which neither force nor arts asswage ; which cannot be avoided , or withstood , but drowns , and over-runs with unexpected flood . iii. on aethiopia , and the southern-sands , the unfrequented coasts , and parched land , whither the sun too kind a heat doth send , ( the sun , which the worst neighbour is , and the best friend ) hither a mortal influence came , a fatal and unhappy flame , kindled by heavens angry beam . with dreadful frowns the heavens scattered here cruel infectious heats into the air , now all their stores of poyson sent , threatning at once a general doom , lavisht out all their hate , and meant in future ages to be innocent , not to disturb the world for many years to come . hold ! heavens hold ! why should your sacred fire , which doth to all things life inspire , by whose kinde beams you bring each year on every thing , a new and glorious spring , which doth th' original seed of all things in the womb of earth that breed , with vital heat and quick'ning feed , vvhy should you now that heat imploy , the earth , the air , the fields , the cities to annoy ? that which before reviv'd , why should it now destroy ? iv. those africk desarts strait were double desarts grown , the rav'nous beasts were left alone , the rav'nous beasts then first began to pity their old enemy man , and blam'd the plague for what they would themselves have done . nor stay'd the cruel evil there , nor could be long confin'd unto one air , plagues presently forsake the wilderness which they themselves do make , away the deadly breaths their journey take . driven by a mighty wind , they a new booty and fresh for age find . the loaded wind went swiftly on , and as it past was heard to sigh and groan . on aegypt next it seiz'd , nor could but by a general ruine be appeas'd . aegypt in rage back on the south did look , and wondred thence should come th' unhappy stroke , from whence before her fruitfulness she took . egypt did now curse and revile those very lands from whence she has her nile ; egypt now fear'd another hebrew god , another angels hand , a second aarons rod. v. then on it goes , and through the sacred land it s angry forces did command , but god did place an angel there , its violence to withstand , and turn into another road the putrid air. to tyre it came , and there did all devour , though that by seas might think it self secure : nor staid , as the great conquerors did , till it had fill'd and stopt the tyde , which did it from the shore divide , but past the waters , and did all possess , and quickly all was wilderness . thence it did persia over-run , and all that sacrifice unto the sun ; in every limb a dreadful pain they felt , tortur'd with secret coals did melt ; the persians call'd upon their sun in vain , their god increas'd the pain . they lookt up to their god no more , but curse the beams they worshipped before , and hate the very fire which once they did adore . vi. glutted with ruine of the east , she took her wings and down to athens past ; just plague ! which dost no parties take , but greece as well as persia sack . vvhile in unnatural quarrels they ( like frogs and mice ) each other slay ; thou in thy ravenous claws took'st both away . thither it came , and did destroy the town , vvhilst all its ships and souldiers lookt upon : and now the asian plague did more than all the asian force could do before . vvithout the vvalls the spartan army sate , the spartan army came too late ; for now there was no farther work for fate . they saw the city open lay , an easie and bootless prey , they saw the rampires empty stand , the fleet , the vvalls , the forts unman'd . no need of cruelty or slaughters now the plague had finisht what they came to do : they might now unresisted enter there , did they not the very air , more than th' athenians fear . the air it self to them was wall , and bulwarks too . vii . unhappy athens ! it is true , thou wert the poudest work of nature and of art : learning and strength did thee compose , as soul and body us : but yet thou only thence art made a nobler prey for fates t' invade . those mighty numbers that within thee breath , do only serve to make a fatter feast for death . death in the most frequented places lives , most tribute from the croud receives ; and though it bears a sigh , and seems to own a rustick life alone : it loves no vvilderness , no scattred villages , but mighty populous palaces , the throng , the tumult , and the town ; vvhat strange , unheard of conqueror is this , vvhich by the forces that resist it doth increase ! vvhen other conquerors are oblig'd to make a slower war , nay sometimes for themselves may fear , and must proceed with watchful care , vvhen thicker troops of enemies appear ; this stronger still , and more successeful grows ; down sooner all before it throws , if greater multitudes of men do it oppose . viii . the tyrant first the haven did subdue , lately the athenians ( it knew ) themselves by wooden walls did save , and therefore first to them th' infection gave , least they new succour thence receive . cruel fyraeus ! now thou hast undone , the honour thou before hadst wone : not all thy merchandize , thy wealth , thy treasuries , vvhich from all coasts thy fleet supplies , can to atone this crime suffice . next o're the upper town it spread , vvith mad and undiscerned speed , in every corner , every street , vvithout a guide did set its feet , and too familiar every house did greet . unhappy greece of greece ! great theseus now did thee a mortal injury do , vvhen first in walls he did thee close , vvhen first he did thy citizens reduce , houses and government , and laws to use . it had been better if thy people still dispersed in some field , or hill , though salvage , and undisciplin'd did dwell , though barbarous , untame , and rude , than by their numbers thus to be subdu'd ; to be by their own swarms anoid , and to be civilized only to be destroid . ix . minerva started when she heard the noise , and dying mens confused voice . from heaven in haste she came to see vvhat was the mighty prodigie . upon the castle pinacles she sate , and dar'd not nearer fly , nor midst so many deaths to trust her very deity . vvith pitying look she saw at every gate death and destruction wait ; she wrung her hands , and call'd on jove , and all th' immortal powers above ; but though a goddess now did pray , the heavens refus'd , and turn'd their ear away . she brought her olive , and her shield , neither of these alas ! assistance yeild . she lookt upon medusaes face , was angry that she was her self of an immortal race , was angry that her gorgons head could not strike her as well as others dead ; she sate , and wept a while , and then away she fled . x. now death began her sword to wher , not all the cyclops sweat , nor vulcans mighty anvils could prepare weapons enough for her , no weapon large enough but all the air ; men felt the heat within 'um rage , and hop'd the air would it asswage , call'd for its help , but th' air did them deceive , and aggravate the ills it should relieve . the air no more was vital now , but did a moral poyson grow ; the lungs which us'd to fan the heart , onely now serv'd to fire each part , vvhat should refresh more as'd the smart , and now their very breath , the chiefest signe of life , turn'd the cause of death . xi . upon the head first the disease , as a bold conqueror doth seize , begins with mans metropolis , secur'd the capitol , and then it knew it could at pleasure weaker parts subdue . blood started through each eye ; the redness of that skie , fore-told a tempest nigh . the tongue did flow all ore with clotted filth and gore ; as doth a lyons when some innocent prey he hath devoured and brought away : hoarsness and sores the throat did fill , and stopt the passages of speech and life ; no room was left for groans or grief ; too cruel and imperious ill ! which not content to kill , with tyrannous and dreadful pain , dost take from men the very power to complain . xii . then down , it went into the breast , there are all the seats and shops of life possest , such noisomo smells from thence did come , as if the stomach were a tomb ; no food would there abide , or if it did , turn'd to the enemies side , the very meat new poysons to the plague supply'd . next to the heart the fires came , the heart did wonder what usurping flame , what unknown furnace shou'd on its more natural heat intrude , strait call'd its spirits up , but found too well , it was too late now to rebel . the tainted blood its course began , and carried death where ere it ran , that which before was natures noblest art , the circulation from the heart , vvas most destructful now , and nature speedier did undoe , for that the sooner did impart the poyson and the smart , the infectious blood to every distant part . xiii . the belly felt at last its share , and all the subtil labyrinths there of winding bowels did new monsters bear . here seven dayes it rul'd and sway'd , and ofner kill'd because it death so long delay'd . but if through strength and heat of age , the body overcame its rage , the plague departed , as the devil doeth , vvhen driven by prayers away he goeth . if prayers and heaven do him controul , and if he cannot have the soul , himself out of the roof or window throws , and will not all his labour lose , but takes away with him part of the house : so here the vanquisht evil took from them vvho conquer'd it , some part , some limb ; some lost the use of hands , or eyes , some armes , some legs , some thighs , some all their lives before forgot , their minds were but one darker blot ; those various pictures in the head , and all the numerous shapes were fled ; and now they ransackt memory languish'd in naked poverty , had lost its mighty treasury ; they past the lethe-lake , although they did not die . xiv . whatever lesser maladies men had , they all gave place and vanished ; those petty tyrants fled , and at this mighty conqueror shrunk their head . feavers , agues , palsies , stone , gout , cholick , and consumption , and all the milder generation , by which man-kind is by degrees undone , quickly were rooted out and gone ; men saw themselves freed from the pain , rejoyc'd , but all alas , in vain , 't was an unhappy remedie , which cur'd 'um that they might both worse and sooner die . xv. physicians now could nought prevail , they the first spoils to the proud victor fall , nor would the plague their knowledge trust , but feared their skill , and therefore slew them first : so tyrants when they would confirm their yoke , first make the chiefest men to feel the stroke , the chiefest and the wisest heads , least they should soonest disobey , should first rebell , and others learn from them the way . no aid of herbs , or juyces power , none of apollo's art could cure , but helpt the plague the speedier to devour . physick it self was a disease , physick the fatal tortures did increase , prescriptions did the pains renew , and aesculapius to the sick did come , as afterwards to rome , in form of serpent , brought new poysons with him too . xvi . the streams did wonder , that so soon as they were from their native mountains gone , they saw themselves drunk up , and fear another xerxes army near . some cast into the pit the urn , and drink it dry at its return : again they drew , again they drank ; at first the coolness of the stream did thank , but strait the more were scorch'd , the more did burn ; and drunk with water in their drinking sank : that urn which now to quench their thirst they use , shortly their ashes shall inclose . others into the chrystal brook , with faint and wondring eyes did look , saw what a ghastly shape themselves had took , away they would have fled , but them their leggs forsook . some snach'd the waters up , their hands , their mouths the cup ; they drunk , and found they flam'd the more , and only added to the burning store . so have i seen on lime cold water thrown , strait all was to a ferment grown , and hidden seeds of fire together run : the heap was calm , and temperate before , such as the finger could indure ; but when the moistures it provoke , did rage , did swell , did smoke , did move , and flame , and burn , and strait to ashes broke . xvii . so strong the heat , so strong the torments were , they like some mighty burden bear the lightest coverig of air. all sexes and all ages do invade the bounds which nature laid , the laws of modesty which nature made . the virgins blush not , yet uncloath'd appear , undress'd do run about , yet never fear . the pain and the disease did now unwillingly reduce men to that nakedness once more , which perfect health and innocence caus'd before . no sleep , no peace , no rest , their wandring and affrighted minds possest ; upon their souls and eyes , hell and eternal horrour lies , unusual shapes , and imagies , dark pictures , and resemblances of things to come , and of the world below , o're their distemper'd fancies go : sometimes they curse , sometimes they pray unto the gods above , the gods beneath ; sometimes they cruelties , and fury breath , not sleep , but waking now was sister unto death . xviii . scattered in fields the bodies lay , the earth call'd to the fowls to take their flesh away . in vain she call'd , they come not nigh , nor would their food with their own ruine buy , but at full meals , they hunger , pine and die . the vulters afar off did see the feast , rejoyc'd , and call'd their friends to taste , they rallied up their troops in haste , along came mighty droves , forsook their young ones , and their groves , each one his native mountain and his nest ; they come , but all their carcases abhor , and now avoid the dead men more than weaker birds did living men before . but if some bolder fowls the flesh essay , they were destroy'd by their own prey . the dog no longer bark't at coming guest , repents its being a domestick beast , did to the woods and mountains haste : the very owls at athens are but seldome seen and rare , the owls depart in open day , rather than in infected ivy more to stay . xix . mountains of bones and carcases , the streets , the market-place possess , threatning to raise a new acropolis . here lies a mother and her child , the infant suck'd as yet , and smil'd , but strait by its own food was kill'd . there parents hugg'd their children last , here parting lovers last embrac'd , but yet not parting neither , they both expir'd and went away together . here pris'ners in the dungeon die , and gain a two-fold liberty , they meet and thank their pains vvhich them from double chains of body and of iron free . here others poyson'd by the scent vvhich from corrupted bodies went , quickly return the death they did receive , and death to others give ; themselves now dead the air pollute the more , for which they others curs'd before , their bodies kill all that come near , and even after death they all are murderers here . xx. the friend doth hear his friends last cries , parteth his grief for him , and dies , lives not enough to close his eyes . the father at his death speaks his son heir with an infectious breath ; in the same hour the son doth take his fathers will , and his own make . the servant needs not here be slain , to serve his master in the other would again ; they languishing together lie , their souls away together flie ; the husband gasp'th and his wife lies by , it must be her turn next to die , the husband and the wife too truly now are one , and live one life . that couple which the gods did entertain , had made their prayer here in vain ; no fates in death could then divide , they must without their priviledge together both have dy'd . xxi . there was no number now of death , the sisters scarce stood still themselves to breath : the sisters now quite wearied in cutting single thred , began at once to part whole looms . one stroak did give whole houses dooms ; now dy'd the frosty hairs , the aged and decrepid years , they fell , and only beg'd of fate , some few months more , but 't was alas too late , then death , as if asham'd of that , a conquest so degenerate , cut off the young and lusty too ; the young were reck'ning ore vvhat happy dayes , what joyes they had in store ; but ffate , er'e they had finish'd their account , them slew . the wretched usurer dyed , and had no time to tell where he his treasures hid . the merchant did behold his ships return with spice and gold ; he saw 't , and turn'd aside his head , nor thank'd the gods , but fell amidst his riches dead . xxii . the meetings and assemblies cease , no more the people throng about the orator , no course of justice did appear , no noise of lawyers fill'd the ear , the senate cast away the robe of honour , and obey deaths more restless sway , vvhilest that with dictatorian power doth all the great and lesser officers devour . no magistrates did walk about ; no purple aw'd the rout , the common people too a purple of their own did shew ; and all their bodies ore , the ruling colours bore , no judge , no legislators sit since this new draco came , and harsher laws did frame , laws that like his in blood are writ . the benches and the pleading-place they leave , about the streets they run and rave : the madness which great solon did of late but counterfeit for the advantage of the state , now his successors do too truly imitate . xxiii . up starts the souldier from his bed , he though deaths servant is not freed , death him cashier'd , ' cause now his help she did not need . he that ne're knew before to yield , or to give back or lead the field , would fain now from himself have fled . he snatch'd his sword now rusted o're , dreadful and sparkling now no more , and thus in open streets did roar : how have i death so ill deserv'd of thee , that now thy self thou shouldst revenge on me ? have i so many lives on thee bestow'd ? have i the earth so often dy'd in blood ? have i to flatter thee so many slain ? and must i now thy prey remain ? let me at least , if i must dye , meet in the field some gallant enemy . send gods the persian troops again ; no they 're a base and degenerate train ; they by our women may be slain . give me great heavens some manful foes , let me my death amidst some valiant grecians choose , let me survive to die at syracuse , where my dear countrey shall her glory lose for you great gods ! into my dying mind infuse , what miseries , what doom must on my athens shortly come : my thoughts inspir'd presage , saughters and battels to the coming age ; oh! might i die upon that glorious stage : oh that ! but then he grasp'd his sword , & death concludes his rage . xxiv . draw back , draw back thy sword , o fate ! lest thou repent when 't is too late , lest by thy making now so great a waste , by spending all man-kind upon one feast , thou sterve thy self at last : what men wilt thou reserve in store , whom in the time to come thou mayst devour , when thou shalt have destroyed all before : but if thou wilt not yet give o're , if yet thy greedie stomach calls for more , if more remain whom thou must kill , and if thy jawes are craving still , carry thy fury to the scythian coasts , the northern wildness , and eternal frosts ! against those barbrous crouds thy arrows whet , where arts and laws are strangers yet ; where thou may'st kill , and yet the loss will not be great , there rage , there spread , and there infect the air , murder whole towns and families there , thy worst against those savage nations dare , those whom man-kind can spare , those whom man-kind it self doth fear ; amidst that dreadful night , and fatal cold , there thou may'st walk unseen , and bold , there let thy flames their empire hold . unto the farthest seas , and natures ends , where never summer sun its beams extends , carry thy plagues , thy pains , thy heats , thy raging fires , thy torturing sweats , where never ray , or heat did come , they will rejoyce at such a doom . they 'l bless thy pestilential fire , though by it they expire , they 'l thank the very flames with which they do consume . xxv . then if that banquet will not thee suffice , seek out new lands where thou maist tyrannize ; search every forrest , every hill , and all that in the hollow mountains dwell ; those wild and untame troops devour , thereby thou wilt the rest of men secure , and that the rest of men will thank thee for . let all those humane beasts be slain , till scarce their memory remain ; thy self with that ignoble slaughter fill , 't will be permitted thee that blood to spill . measure the ruder world throughout , march all the ocean shores about , only pass by and spare the british isle . go on , and ( what columbus once shall do , when daies and time unto their ripeness grow ) find out new lands , and unknown countries too . attempt those lands which yet are hid from all mortalitie beside : there thou maist steal a victory , and none of this world hear the cry of those that by thy wounds shall die ; no greek shall know thy cruelty , and tell it to posterity . go , and unpeople all those mighty lands , destroy with unrelenting hands ; go , and the spaniards sword prevent ; go , make the spaniard innocent ; go , and root out all man-kind there , that when the europaean armies shall appear , their sin may be the less , they may find all a wilderness , and without blood the gold and silver there possess . xxvi . nor is this all which we thee grant ; rather than thou should'st full imployment want , we do permit in greece it self thy kingdom plant . ransack lycurgus streets throughout , they 've no defence of walls to keep thee out . on wanton and proud corinth seize , nor let her double waves thy flames appease . let cyprus feel more fires than those of love : let delos which at first did give the sun , see unknown flames in her begun , now let her wish she might unconstant prove , and from her place might truly move : let lemnos all thy anger feel , and think that a new vulcan fell , and brought with him new anvils , and new hell . nay at athens too we give thee up , all that thou find'st in field , or camp , or shop , make havock there without controul of every ignorant and common soul . but then kind plague , thy conquests stop ; let arts , and let the learned there escape , upon minerva's self commit no rape ; touch not the sacred throng , and let apollo's priests be ( like him ) young , let him be healthful too , and strong . but ah ! too ravenous plague , whilst i strive to keep off the misery , the learned too as fast as others round me die ; they from corruption are not free , are mortal though they give an immortality . xxvii . they turn'd their authors o're , to try what help , what cure , what remedy all natures stores against this plague supply , and though besides they shunn'd it every where , they search'd it in their books , and fain would meet it there . they turn'd the records of the antient times , and chiefly those that were made famous by their crimes ; to find if men were punish'd so before , but found not the disease nor cure . nature alas ! was now surpriz'd , and all her forces seiz'd , before she was how to resist advis'd : so when the elephants did first affright the romans with unusual fight , they many battels lose , before they knew their foes , before they understood such dreadful troops t' oppose . xxviii . now ev'ry different sect agrees against their common adversary the disease , and all their little wranglings cease ; the pythagoreans from their precepts swerve , no more their silence they observe , out of their schools they run , lament , and cry , and groan ; they now desir'd their metempsychosis ; not only do dispute , but wish that they might turn to beasts , or fowls , or fish . if the platonicks had been here , they would have curs'd their masters year , when all things shall be as they were , when they again the same disease should bear : and all the philosophers would now , what the great stagyrite shall do , themselvs into the waters head-long throw . xxix . the stoick felt the deadly stroke , at first assault their courage was not broke , they call'd to all the cobweb aid , of rules and precepts which in store they had ; they bid their hearts stand out , bid them be calm and stout ; but all the strength of precepts will not do 't . they cann't the storms of passions now asswage , as common men , are angry , grieve , and rage . the gods are call'd upon in vain , the gods gave no release unto their pain , the gods to fear even for themselvs began . for now the sick unto the temples came , and brought more than a holy flame , there at the altars made their prayer , they sacrific'd and died there , a sacrifice not seen before ; that heaven , only us'd unto the gore of lambs or bulls , should now loaded with priests see its own altars too . xxx . the woods gave fun'ral piles no more , the dead the very fire devour , and that almighty conqueror over-power . the noble and the common dust into each others graves are thrust , no place is sacred , and no tomb , 't is now a priviledg to consume ; their ashes no distinction had ; too truly all by death are equal made . the ghosts of those great heroes that had fled from athens long since banished , now o're the city hovered ; their anger yielded to their love , they left th' immortal joys above , so much their athens danger did them move , they came to pity and to aid , but now , alas ! were quite dismay'd , when they beheld the marbles open lay'd , and poor mens bones the noble urns invade : back to the blessed seats they went , and now did thank their banishment , by which they were to die in forein countries sent . xxxi . but what , great gods ! was worst of all , hell forth its magazines of lusts did call , nor would it be content with the thick troops of souls were thither sent ; into the upper world it went. such guilt , such wickedness , such irreligion did increase , that the few good who did survive , were angry with the plague for suffering them to live , more for the living than the dead did grieve . some robb'd the very dead , though sure to be infected ere they fled , though in the very air sure to be punished . some nor the shrines nor temples spar'd , nor gods , nor heavens fear'd , though such examples of their power appear'd . vertue was now esteem'd an empty name , and honesty the foolish voice of fame ; for having pass'd those tort'ring flames before , they thought the punishment already o're , thought heaven no worse torments had in store ; here having felt one hell , they thought there was no more . finis . a list of some choice books , printed for henry , brome at the gun in ivy-lane . poems lyrique , by mr. henry bold . poems macronique , by mr. henry bold . poems heroique , &c. by mr. henry bold . songs and poems by mr. a. brome , the second edition . all the songs and poems on the long parliament , from 1640 till 1661. by persons of quality . songs and poems by the wits of both universities . scarronides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the first book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque . scarronnides , or virgil travestie , a mock-poem , being the fourth book of virgils aeneis in english , burlesque : both by a person of honour . also , a list of what damages we have received by the dutch ; and a brief history of the late war with the turks . sir george downings reply . playes . the english moor. the love-sick court. the new academy . the weeding of covent-garden . the royal exchange . the jovial crew ; or the merry beggers . all by mr. bichard brome . two excellent pieces of musick , the division viol , or the art of playing extempore on a ground in folio . the principles of practical musick in a compendious method for beginners either in singing or playing , both by mr. ch. simpson . diodates notes , on the whole bible in fol. the compleat history of independency in 4 parts , by clement walker esq . bp. ushers 18 sermons preached at oxon. blood for blood , in 35 tragical stories . the temple of wisdom , by john heyden . trapp on the major prophets , in fol. the alliance of divine offices , by hamond lestrange . dr. sparks devotions on all the festivals of the year , adorned with sculpture . bp. sandersons 5 cases of conscience , lately published . divine anthems sung in all great cathedrals in england . a brief rule of life . a guide to heaven from the word , or directions how to close savingly with christ , with strict observations on the lords day , in 12. a geographical descripton of all townes , countreys , ports , seas , and rivers , in the whole vvorld . justice revived , or the whole office of a countrey justice , 8o. the exact constable : both by mr. wingate esq . all mr. l'estrange's pieces against the presbyterians . orders agreed upon, and published by the vicechancellour and maior of the vniversitie and town of cambridge and the justices of both bodies, and the doctors and aldermen their assistants. university of cambridge. 1625 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17772 stc 4490 estc s118332 99853539 99853539 18923 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17772) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18923) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1197:11a) orders agreed upon, and published by the vicechancellour and maior of the vniversitie and town of cambridge and the justices of both bodies, and the doctors and aldermen their assistants. university of cambridge. 2 leaves s.n., [cambridge : 1629] imprint from stc. regarding the plague. there are xxi orders--stc. imperfect; lacks second leaf. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. with: articles and orders agreed vpon by the right worshipfull iohn mansel ... [cambridge : s.n., 1625]. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -cambridge. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ orders agreed upon , and published by the vicechancellovr and maior of the vniversitie and town of cambridge , and the justices of both bodies , and the doctors and aldermen their assistants . i that the articles and clauses of the statute made in the first yeare of our late soveraigne king james of happy memory , and all other orders made by his majestie , or the honourable lords of his privie-councel for the relief and ordering of persons infected with the plague , be duely executed and observed by all persons whom they concern , upon such pain and penalty as in the said statute and orders is expressed . ii that all searchers , examiners , or overseers of the visited ; all constables , churchwardens , and overseers of the poore ; all watchmen , and warders , and other persons appointed to any office in their severall places do from time to time duely and truely perform their offices , and execute that charge which is given unto them , upon pain of imprisonment , and such further punishment as may be inflicted by statutes and orders upon such persons as contemne authority . ¶ concerning suspected persons , houses , and watchmen . iii that all searchers , examiners , or overseers ; all constables , churchwardens , and overseers of the poore in this town , do from time to time make enquiry after such persons as are sick in their parishes , and of what diseases ; and in case that it be apparent , or suspected to be of the plague , that they acquaint the chief examiner or overseer with it , and presently restrain accesse unto suspected houses , and persons , untill it appeare what the disease will prove : and if it prove the infection , that the house be shut up , and well watched night and day . iiii that if any infected houshold be suffered to stay in the town after the infection is known , that there be two watchmen appointed , one for the night , the other for the day ; and that the watchmen be very carefull that no persons go in or out of such infected houses , whereof they have charge , upon pain of severe punishment ; and that such watchmen do such offices , and provide , and fetch such necessaries for the persons in the houses infected as they have need of , and require ; and that the watchmen appointed for the day ward untill eight of the clock at night , and the watchmen for the night , untill six of the clock in the morning ; the one not to depart till the other come . v that the master , mistresse , or dame of every house or family , so soon as any in the same falleth sick of any disease , or complaineth either of botch , purple , or swelling , shall give knowledge thereof to the searchers or examiners within two houres after the person is sick , & suffer no persons to enter into the house without order from them , or one of them . vi that so soon as it shall appeare to the searcher or examiner that any person in a house or family is sick of the plague , the sick and the whole shall be sequestred in the same house , if it be possible , one from the other , and so continue with one person to attend the sick ; and though the sick die not , the whole houshold shall be removed , if conveniently it may be , or shut up , and the house well aired , for six weeks at the least before the persons in it be set at libertie . and if any person shall have visited , or accompanied any man known to be infected of the plague , or willingly entred into any known infected house , the house wherein he inhabiteth shall be shut up for so many dayes as the court , or examiner shall think fit . vii that the buriall of the dead by this visitation be alwayes either before sun-rising , or after sun-setting with the privity of the examiners , or overseers , or churchwardens , and constables of the parish ; and that no neighbours or friends be suffered to accompany the corps to church , or to enter , or come neare the house visited , or to stand gazing in the streets as the corse is carried to buriall , or in burying , but onely those of the same house , and buriers . viii that no clothes , apparell , bedding , linen , wollen , or other stuffe whatsoever , be suffered to be conveyed , or carried out of any infected houses ; and that all pawning , buying , or receiving of any clothes , apparell , bedding , linen , wollen , and other housholdstuffe whatsoever , be utterly forborn by all persons whatsoever ; and if any person shall be found to offend herein , his name to be presented to the court. ix that if any person infected or suspected to be infected , shall come or be conveyed from a place infected to another place ; the parish whence such partie is come or conveyed , shall cause the person visited , and so escaped , to be brought back again by night ; and the parties in this case offending , or consenting thereunto , to be punished at the discretion of the vicechancellour , and maior , and their assistants ; and the house of the receiver of such visited person to be shut up twentie dayes at the least . x that every house visited be marked with a red crosse in the midst of the doore a foot long , evident to be seen , there to continue untill lawfull inlargement of the same house . xi that those which watch or keep the visited be not suffered to passe the streets , without a red rod of three foot in length in thier hands held up evident to be seen , and not to come into the markets , or other houses then their own , nor to receive any money but in water , or goods from the house or persons they watch , and to abstain from company , especially when they have been used in attending the visited . xii whereas for the better preservation of the countrey-people , and inhabitants of this town , there are certain persons appointed to buy provision for the persons infected or suspected , that those persons which do daily attend the markets in their severall courses do keep out all such as dwell neare the infected , and do buy such provision and other necessaries as they are intreated by the watchmen , and the same deliver unto the watchmen at the places appointed on the outsides of the town , and not suffer any watchman , or other person dwelling in suspected places to come into the town or market , to fear or indanger the countrey-people that come to sell . ¶ concerning publique assemblies . xiii that all publique assemblies at burials of the dead , christenings , marriages , and churchings , and visitation of the sick , be as much forborn as possibly may be , and no person admitted into the house where any infected or suspected persons are , and that upon no occasion there be suffered any flocking or thronging of people together , nor any begging in the streets , lanes , or back wayes in or about the town : and if any happen , that the watchmen , churchwardens , overseers , or constables present their names to the vicechancellour and maior in the court every munday and thursday , and of those that give occasion of the same . ¶ articles and orders agreed vpon by the right worshipfull iohn mansel doctor of divinitie , and vicechancellor of the vniversitie of cambridge ; and thomas pvrchas major of the towne of cambridge ; with the consent of their assistants then present , the xj . day of iuly , ann. dom. 1625. all which and every particular of the same , they require and command all persons whom they doe or may concerne , duly to observe and keepe vpon paine of imprisonment , and such further punishment as may bee inflicted vpon the severall offenders herein , by the lawes of this land , and other orders and compositions heretofore in such cases made and agreed vpon . i that the high constables and petty constables within this towne , and the liberties of the same , doe presently warne and set a sufficient watch and ward in the vsuall places of this towne , and the liberties of the same ; to be kept by all persons , aswell priviledged as others in their courses . and the watch to continue from nine of the clocke at night , till fiue in the morning ; and the ward from fiue in the morning vntil nine of the clocke in the evening : and that the constable giue this charge to the watchers and warders , and that the watchers and warders doe duely observe the same , vpon paine of imprisonment . ii that all such watchers and warders doe apprehend and take all idle , and wandring people , and all other suspected persons which are repaired , or which shall and will repaire to this towne , and the liberties of the same ; and deliver them to the constables , to be sent away and punished according to the lawes of this land. and that they keep out of this towne all wandring pedlers , tinkers , aquavitae-men , and such like : and all strangers , and all carriages and goods , that may be suspected to bring infection or danger to this vniversitie or towne , vntill they be allowed to be entertained or received by the said vicechancellor , or major , or some other iustice of peace of either body : and that they keepe a true booke of the name of euery person , and his goods thus allowed , and by whom . iii that the churchwardens , constables , and overseers of every parish , doe euery day , ( and oftner if there be cause ) make inquirie and search in all innes . alehouses , and other houses within their parish , for all passengers and strangers , that are or shall be lodged or receiued in any of them : and if they find , feare , or suspect , any of them did come from any part of london , or other place visited ; that presently they discharge them , and giue notice of the host or receiver of them , to mr. vicechancellor or mr. major , or some iustice of peace , that they may vndergoe such punishment , as shall be thought fit by the foresaid vicechancellor and major . iiii that if in such search , or at any other time the said churchwardens , constables , or overseers , or any of them , doe obserue and see , or shall be credibly informed of any drunken persons , swearers , or blasphemers : or finde , or be informed that any persons doe remaine idle , mispending their time in drinking , gaming , or otherwise , within any taverne , inne , alehouse , or other place within this towne , or liberties of the same , that without favour , or any partialitie , they see them presently punished , according to the statute in such cases provided ; or make present complaint of them and their receivers , to the vicechancellor and major . v that no person doe carry , or recarry any passengers , goods , wares , or marchandise by land or water , from this towne to london , or from london to or towards this towne , except it be for his maiesties vse : and except francis adcock , who onely is allowed to carry and recarry letters , and nothing else . vi that the aforesaid churchwardens , constables , and overseers , doe from time to time take care , that all inhabitants and other persons within their severall parishes , doe pave , gravell , water , sweepe , and cleanse their doores , channells , streets , and lanes which belong vnto them euery tewsday and saturday : and to suffer no muckhills to remaine in any pent houses or yards : nor any hogs to be kept in any houses , or pent yards in the towne , nor to come in the streets , or lanes of this towne : nor any butchers to kill any beasts at their doores , or in their shops : nor farriers to bleed any beast at their shops , or doores , nor in the streetes , except they receiue the blood , garbage , and other filth into some vessell , and the same presently convay to the common muckhill on the backside of the towne . vii that no person buy any goods brought into this towne by any strangers ; or carried about the towne to be sold by them , or any others of this towne , vpon paine of imprisonment . viii that the generall and publique fast ( by his maiesties proclamation and orders published ) appointed to be kept vpon wednesday the xx . of this instant iuly , and so every wednesday , be observed and kept religiously , and solemnly vpon those dayes . and that the ministers of every parish doe giue publike warning , that the parishioners themselues , and their families and servants be wholly exercised vpon those dayes in holy prayer , godly meditations , and reverent hearing of the scriptures either read or preached ; and that they shut vp their shops , and forbeare all bodily labours , bargaining , buying , and selling vpon those dayes . ix that morning prayers vpon those dayes shall begin at nine of the clocke in the forenoone , and they and the sermon end at eleuen of the clocke ; and afternoone prayers beginne at one of the clocke in the afternoon , and they and the sermon end at three of the clocke ; and that all churches be well watered and cooled , before morning and euening prayers every sabbath day , and every wednesday , and the casements opened , and the glasse of some of the chiefest windowes taken downe , to coole the church , and prevent the danger that may happen by the pent and close ayre in this hot season . x that all persons take heed , that they spend not any part of those dayes in playes , pastimes , idlenesse , haunting of tavernes , innes , or alehouses : lacivious wantonnes , surffeting , or drunkennesse , which are the proper sinnes of this nation , for which the heauy displeasure and wrath of god is fallen vpon vs. xi that the price of every meale forborne vpon the dayes of fast , be gathered by the churchwardens and overseers of every parish , and written in a booke of whom they receive it , and the same reserved in their hands , vntill it be disposed of by the vicechancellor and major , according to the tenor of the order published . xii and further the said vicechancellor and major doe in his maiesties name straightly charge and command all constables , churchwardens , and overseers of every parish in this towne , to take especiall care , that all persons doe observe and keepe the said fast , according to the said orders and directions : and that they present the names of all offenders herein , that they may vndergoe the severest punishment that may be inflicted vpon offenders in this kind . xiii and lastly , it is ordered , that if any person shall refuse to obey these orders , or any of them ; or to be ordered by the said churchwardens , constables and overseers , watchers and warders , or any of them in any matter hereby given them in charge ; or shall resist them , or any of them ; or maintaine , or rescue any offender herein , that then the said constables shall commit such offenders to the gaole , there to remaine vntill they be released by their competent iudge , and be bound with sufficient sureties to their good behaviour . ❧ god saue the king. a rod for run-awayes gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... by tho. d. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1625 approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20080 stc 6520 estc s105262 99840991 99840991 5546 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20080) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5546) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 831:03) a rod for run-awayes gods tokens, of his feareful iudgements, sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city, and on seuerall persons, both flying from it, and staying in it. expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death ... by tho. d. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [32] p. [by g. purslowe] for iohn trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in smithfield, printed at london : 1625. tho. d. = thomas dekker. with a title-page woodcut. printer's name from stc. signatures: pi¹ (=d4) a-d⁴ (-d4). running title reads: gods tokens: or, a rod for run-awaies. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a rod for run-awayes . gods tokens , of his feareful iudgements , sundry wayes pronounced vpon this city , and on seuerall persons , both flying from it , and staying in it . expressed in many dreadfull examples of sudden death , falne vpon both young and old , within this city , and the suburbes , in the fields , and open streets , to the terrour of all those who liue , and to the warning of those who are to dye , to be ready when god almighty shall bee pleased to call them . by tho. d. lord , haue mercy on london . 〈…〉 london for iohn trundle and are to be sold 〈…〉 to the noble gentleman , mr. thomas gilham , chirvrgian . sir , in this vniuersall sicknesse , giue mee leaue ( in a few leaues ) to salute your health , and i am glad i can do so . to whom , in an epidemiall confusion of wounds , should a man flye , but to physicke and chirurgery ? in both which you haue skill . in the last , the world crownes your fame ( as beeing a great master . ) many of your excellent pieces haue beene ( and are to bee ) seene in this city . no painter can shew the like , no limner come neere such curious workemanship . what you set out , is truely to the life ; their 's but counterfeit . i honour your name , your art , your practice , your profound experience : and , to testifie i doe so , let this poore monument of my loue bee looked vpon , and you shall finde it . the sender beeing sorry , it is not worth your acceptation : but if you thinke otherwise , he shall be glad , and euer rest , at your seruice , tho. dekker . to the reader . reader , how farre soeuer thou art , thou maist here see ( as through a perspectiue-glasse ) the miserable estate of london , in this heauy time of contagion . it is a picture not drawne to the life , but to the death of aboue twelue thousand , in lesse then six weekes . if thou art in the countrey , cast thine eye towards vs here at home , and behold what wee indure . if ( as thou canst not choose ) thou art glad thou art out of this tempest , haue a care to man thy ship well , and doe not ouer-lade it with bad merchandize ( foule sins ) when thou art bound for this place : for all the danger will be at thy putting in . the rockes of insection lye hid in our deepe seas , and therefore it behoues thy soule to take heed what sayles she hoyses , and thy body , what pylote it carries aboord . wee doe not thinke , but numbers of you wish your selues here againe : for your entertainement a far off cannot be courteous , when euen not two miles from vs , there is nothing but churlishnesse . but it is to be feared , some of you will get such falls in the corne-fields of the country , that you will hardly bee able ( without halting ) to walke vp and downe london . but take good hearts , and keepe good legges vnder you , and be sure , you haue hung strong pad-lo●…es vpo●… your doores ; for in many streetes , there are none to guard your goods , but the houses themselues . if one shop be open , sixteene in a row stand shut vp together , and those that are open , were as good to be shut ; for they take no money . none thriue but apothecaries , butchers , cookes , and coffin-makers . coach-men ride a cock-horse , and are so full of iadish trickes , that you cannot be iolted sixe miles from london , vnder thirty or forty shillings . neuer was hackney-flesh so deare . few woollen drapers sel any cloth , but euery church-yard is euery day full of linnen drapers : and the earth is the great warehouse , which is piled vp with winding-sheetes . to see a rapier or feather worne in london now , is as strange , as to meet a low-countrey souldier with money in his purse : the walkes in pauls are empty : the walkes in london too wide , ( here 's no lustling ; ) but the best is , cheape-side is a com fortable garden , where all phisicke-herbes grow . wee wish that you ( the run-awayes ) would suffer the market-folkes to come to vs , ( or that they had hearts to come ) for the statute of fore-stalling is sued vpon you . wee haue lost your companies , and not content with that , you robbe vs of our victuals : but when you come backe , keepe open house ( to let in ayre ) and set good cheere on your tables , that we may bid you welcome . yours , t. d. gods tokens , of his fearefull iudgements . wee are now in a set battaile ; the field is great britaine , the vantguard ( which first stands the brunt of the fight ) is london : the shires , counties and countries round about , are in danger to be prest , & to come vp in the reare : the king of heauen and earth is the generall of the army ; reuenging angels , his officers ; his indignation , the trumpet summoning and sounding the alarum ; our innumerable sinnes , his enemies ; and our nation , the legions which he threatens to smite with correction . sinne then being the quarrell and ground of this warre , there is no standing against so inuincible a monarch ( as god is ) no defending a matter so foule , as our sinnes are . would you know how many nations ( for sinne ) haue beene rooted vp , and swept from the face of the earth , that no memory of them is left but their name , no glories of their kings or great cities remaining but only this , here they liued , here they stood ? reade the scriptures , and euery booke is full of such histories , euery prophet sings songs of such lamentable desolations . for , iehouah , when he is angry , holds three whips in his hand , and neuer drawes bloud with them , but when our faults are heauy , our crimes hainous : and those three whips are , the sword , pestilence and famine . what country for sinne hath not smarted vnder these ? ierusalem felt them all . let vs not trauell so farre as ierusalem , but come home , looke vpon christendome , and behold hungaria made desolate by sword and fire , poland beaten downe by battailes , russia by bloudy inuasions : the turke and tartar haue here their insolent triumphs . looke vpon denmarke , sweden , and those easterne countries : how often hath the voice of the drumme called them vp ? euen now , at this houre , the marches are there beating . how hath the sword mowed downe the goodly fields of italy ? what massacres hath in our memory beene in france ? oh germany ! what foundations of bloud haue thy cities beene drowned in ? what horrors , what terrors , what hellish inuentions haue not warre found out to destroy thy buildings , demollish thy free states , and vtterly to confound thy 17. prouinces ? gods three whips haue printed deepe markes on thy shoulders ; the sword for many yeeres together hath cut thy people in pieces ; famine hath beene wearied with eating vp thy children , and is not yet satisfied ; the pestitence hath in many of thy townes , in many of thy sieges and leagers ; plaid the terrible tyrant . in all these thy miseries , the spaniard hath had his triumphs ; his fire-brands haue been flung about to kindle and feede all thy burnings ; his furies haue for almost foure score yeeres stood , and still stand beating at the anuils , and forging thunder-bolts to batter thee , and all thy neighbouring kingdomes in pieces . whilst these dreadfull earth-quakes haue shaken all countries round about vs , we haue felt nothing : england hath stood and giuen aime , when arrowes were shot into all our bosomes . but ( alas ! ) hath this happinesse falne vpon her because of her goodnesse ? is shee better then others , because of her purity and innocence ? is shee not as vgly as others ? yes , yes , the sword is how whetting ; dearth and famine threaten our corne-fields , and the rauing pestilence in euery part of our kingdome is digging vp graues . the three rods of vengeance are now held ouer vs. and shall i tell you why these feares are come amongst vs ? looke vpon the weapon which hath struck other nations ; and the same arme that wounded them , smites now at vs , and for the same quarrell ( sinne. ) the gospell ( and gods heralds , preachers ) haue a long time cryed out against our iniquities , but we are deafe , sleepy and sluggish ; and now there is a thunder speakes from heauen to wake vs. we flatter our selues , that the pestilence serues but as a broome , to sweep kingdomes of people , when they grow ranke and too full : when the trees of cities are ouer-laden , then onely the plague is sent to shake the boughs , and for no cause else : as in turky and barbary ; where when a mortality happens , they fall sometimes ten thousand in a day by the pestilence . but we that are christians , and deale in the merchandise of our soules , haue other bookes of account to turne ouer , then to reckon that we dye in great numbers , onely because we are so populous , that we are ready ( as the fishes of the sea ) to eat vp one another . our eyes haue beene witnesses , that for two whole reignes together of two most excellent princes , & now at the beginning of a third ( as excellent as they ) we haue liued in all fulnesse : yet at the end of queene elizabeths foure and forty yeeres , when she dyed , she went not alone , but had in a traine which followed her , in a dead march of a twelue-moneth long , onely within london and the liberties , the numbers of 38244. those , who then dyed of the plague , being 35578. the greatest totall in one weeke being 3385. of all diseases , and of the plague 3035. thus shee went attended from her earthly kingdome , to a more glorious one in heauen , it being held fit in the vpper-house of the celestiall parliament , that so great a princesse should haue an army of her subiects with her , agreeing to such a maiesty . but what numbers god will muster vp to follow our peace-maker ( king iames of blessed memory ) none knowes : by the beginning of this prest which death makes amongst the people , it is to bee feared , they shall be a greater multitude . to queene elizabeth and to king iames ; wee were an vnthankfull and murmuring nation , and therefore god tooke them from vs ; they were too good for vs ; we too bad for them and were therefore then , at the decease of the one , and now , of the other , are deseruedly punished : our sinnes increasing with our yeeres , and like the bells , neuer lying still . we are punished with a sicknesse , which is dreadfull three manner of wayes : in the generall spreading ; in the quicknesse of the stroke ; and in the terror which waites vpon it . it is generall : for the spotted wings of it couer all the face of the kingdome . it is quicke : for it kills suddenly ; it is full of terror , for the father dares not come neere the infected son , nor the son come to take a blessing from the father , lest hee bee poysoned by it : the mother abhors to kisse her owne children , or to touch the sides of her owne husband : no friend in this battell will relieue his wounded friend , no brother shake his brother by the hand at a farewell . this is something , yet this is nothing : many physicians of our soules flye the city , and their sicke patients want those heauenly medicines which they ear tyed to giue them , & those that stay by it , stand aloofe . the rich man , when hee is dead , is followed by a troupe of neighbours : a troupe of neighbours , not a troupe of mourners . but the poore man is hurried to his graue by nasty and slouenly bearers , in the night , without followers , without friends , without rites of buriall due to our church , due to our religion , to our nation , to the maiesty of our kingdome ; nay , to the decency of a christian. o lamentable ! more honour is giuen to a poore souldier dying in the field , more regard to many a fellon , after hee is cut downe from the gallowes . i need not write this to you , my fellow sufferers in london ; for you know this to be too true , you behold this , you bewaile this . but i send this newes to you , the great masters of riches , who haue for saken your habitations , left your disconsolate mother ( the city ) in the midst of her sorrowes , in the height of her distresse , in the heauinesse of her lamentations . to you that are merry in your country houses , and fit safe ( as you thinke ) from the gun-shot of this contagion , in your orchards and pleasant gardens ; into your hands doe i deliuer this sad discourse , to put you in minde of our miseries , whom you haue left behind you . to you that are fled , and to you to whom they flye , let me tell thus much , that there were neuer so many burials , yet neuer such little weeping . a teare is scarce to be taken of from the cheeke of a whole family ( nay , of a whole parish : ) for they that should shead them , are so accustomed , and so hardned to dismall accidents , that weeping is almost growne out of fashion . why , saies a mother , doe i showre teares downe for my husband or childe , when i , before to morrow morning , shall goe to them , and neuer haue occasion to weepe any more ? whilst i am setting these things downe , word is brought me , that this weeke haue departed 3000. soules ( within 200. ) and that the plague is much increased . o dismall tidings ! o discomfortable relation ! three thousand men would doe good seruice in desending a city : but when in euery weeke so many thousands and more shall drop downe of our great armies , what poore handfuls will be left ? to see three thousand men together in armour in a field ; is a goodly sight : but if wee should behold three thousand coffins piled ( in heapes ) one vpon another , or three thousand coarses in winding sheetes , laid in some open place , one on the top of each other , what a sight were this ? whose heart would not throb with horror at such a frightfull obiect ? what soule , but would wish to be out of her body , rather then to dwell one day in such a charnell house ? o london ! ( thou mother of my life , nurse of my being ) a hard-hearted sonne might i be counted , if here i should not dissolue all into teares , to heare thee powring forth thy passionate condolements . thy rampiers and warlike prouision might haply keepe out an enemy : but no gares , none of thy percullises ; no , nor all thy inhabitants can beate backe the miseries which come rushing in vpon thee . who can choose but break his heart with sighings , to see thee ( o london ) the grandame of cities , sit mourning in thy widdowhood ? thy rich children are runne away from thee , and thy poore ones are left in sorrow , in sicknesse , in penury , in vnpitied disconsolations . the most populous city of great brittaine is almost desolate ; and the country repines to haue a haruest before her due season , of men , women , and children , who fill their houses , stables , fields and barnes , with their inforced and vnwelcommed multitudes . yet still they flie from hence , and still are they more and more feared and abhorred in the country . how many goodly streets , full of beautifull and costly houses , haue now few people or none at all ( sometimes ) walking in the one , and not so much as any liuing rationall creature abiding in the other ? infection hath shut vp , from the beginning of iune , to the middle of iuly , almost ( or rather altogether ) foure thousand doores . foure thousand red-crosses haue frighted the inhabitants in a very little time : but greater is their number who haue beene frighted , and fled out of the city at the setting vp of those crosses . for euery thousand dead here , fiue times as many are gotten hence : with them must i haue about ; to them onely doe i now bend my discourse . to the run-awaies from london . we are warranted by holy scriptures to flie from persecution , from the plague , and from the sword that pursues vs : but you flye to saue your selues , and in that flight vndoe others . in gods name flye , if you flye like souldiers , not to discomfort the whole army , but to retire , thereby to cut off the enemy , which is , famine , amongst the poore ( your fellow souldiers ) and discomfort amongst your brethren and fellow-citizens , who in the plaine field are left to abide the brunt of the day . fly , so you leaue behind you your armour for others to weare ( some pieces of your money for others to spend ) for others to defend themselues by . liue not ( as captaines doe in the low-countries ) vpon dead pay ; you liue by dead pay , if you suffer the poore to dye , for want of that meanes which you had wont to giue them , for christ iesus sake , putting the money vp into your fugitiue purses . how shall the lame , and blinde , and halfe starued be fed ? they had wont to come to your gates : alas ! they are barred against them : to your doores , ( woe vnto misery ! ) you haue left no key behinde you to open them ; these must perish . where shall the wretched prisoners haue their baskets filled euery night and morning with your broken meat ? these must pine and perish . the distressed in ludgate , the miserable soules in the holes of the two counters , the afflicted in the marshallseas , the cryers-out for bread in the kings bench , and white lyon , how shall these be sustayned ? these must languish and dye . you are fled that are to feed them , and if they famish , their complaints will flye vp to heauen , and be exhibited in the open court of god and angels , against you . for , you be but gods almoners ; and if you ride away , not giuing that siluer to the needy , which the king of heauen and earth puts into your hands to bestow as he inioynes you , you robbe the poore , and their curse falls heauy where it once lights . this is not good , it is not charitable , it is not christian-like . in london , when citizens ( being chosen to be aldermen ) will not hold , they pay fines ; why are they not fined now , when such numbers will not hold , but giue them the slip euery day ? it were a worthy act in the lord maior , and honourable magistrates in this city , if , as in the townes to which our merchants , and rich tradesmen flye , the countrey-people stand there , with halberds and pitchforkes to keepe thē out ; so , our constables & officers , might stand with bils to keepe the rich in their owne houses ( when they offer to goe away ) vntill they leaue such a charitable piece of money behinde them , towards the maintenance of the poore , which else must perish in their absence . they that depart hence , would then ( no doubt ) prosper the better ; they that stay , fare the better , and the generall city ( nay the vniuersall kingdome ) prosper in blessings from heauen , the better . to forsake london , as one worthy citizen did , were noble ; it would deserue a crowne of commendations : for hee , being determined to retyre into the countrey , sent for some of the better sort of his neighbours , asked their good wils to leaue them , and because ( the poyson of pestilence so hotly reigning ) hee knew not whether they and he should euer meet againe , he therefore deliuered to their hands , in trust , ( as faithfull stewards ) fourescore pounds to be distributed amongst the poore . i could name the gentleman , and the parish , but his charity loues no trumpet . was not this a rare example ? but , i feare , not one amongst a thousand that goe after him , will follow him . but you are gone from vs , and we heartily pray , that god may go along in all your companies . your doores are shut vp , and your shops shut vp ; all our great schooles of learning ( in london ) are shut vp ; and would to heauen , that , as our numbers ( by your departing ) are lessened , so our sinnes might be shut vp , and lessened too . but i feare it is otherwise : for all the kings iniunction of prayer and fasting , yet on those very dayes ( acceptable to god , were they truely kept , and comfortable to our soules ) in some churches you shall see empty pewes , not filled as at first , not crowding , but sitting aloofe one from another , as if , whilest they cry , lord , haue mercy vpon vs , the plague were in the holy temple amongst them . where , if you looke into the fields , looke into the streetes , looke into tauernes , looke into ale-houses ; they are all merry , all iocund ; no plague frights them , no prayers stirre vp them , no fast tyes thē to obedience . in the fields they are ( in the time of that diuine celebration ) walking , talking , laughing , toying , and sporting together . in the streets , blaspheming , selling , buying , swearing . in tauernes , and ale-houses , drinking , roaring , and surfetting : in these , and many other places , gods holy-day is their worke-day ; the kings fasting-day , their day of riot . i wash an aethiope , who will neuer be the whiter for all this water i spend vpon him , and therefore let mee saue any further labour . and now to you , who , to saue your houses from red crosses , shift your poore seruants away to odde nookes in gardens : o take heed what you doe ; in warding off one blow , you receiue sometimes three or foure . i haue knowne some , who hauing had a childe or seruant dead , and full of the tokens , it has beene no such matter , a little bribe to the searchers , or the conniuence of officers , or the priuate departure and close buriall of such a party , hath hushed all ; but within a day or two after , three , foure , or fiue haue in the same house deceased , and then the badge of gods anger hath beene worne by them , as openly as by other neighbours . for , god will not haue his strokes hidden : his markes must bee seene : hee strikes not one at once , ( when hee is vexed indeed ) but many ▪ one may bee couered , many cannot . as his mercy will bee exalted in our weekely bills ( when the totall summes fall ) so will hee haue his iustice and indignation exemplified , in the increasing of those bills : and therefore let no man goe about to abare the number : his arithmerick brookes no crossing . to arme you therefore with patience ( in this great day of battell , where so many thousands fall ) take a strong heart , a strong faith vnto you ; receiue your wounds gladly , beare them constantly , be not ashamed to carry them about you , considering vnder what commander you receiue them , and that is , the great omnipotent generall of heauen . why should any man , ( nay , how dare any man ) presume to escape this rod of pestilence , when at his back , before him , round about him , houses are shut vp , coarses borne forth , and coffins brought in ? or what poore opinion , what madnesse fastneth that man , who goes about to conceale it , when the smiting angell goes from doore to doore , to discouer it ? hee makes choyce in what roomes , and what chambers such a disease shall lye , such a sicknesse bee lodged in , and where death must ( as gods embassadour ) be entertained . there is no resisting this authority , such purseuants as these cannot be bribed . stay therefore still where you are , ( sicke or in health ) and stand your ground : for whither will you flye ? into the countrey ? alas ! there you finde worse enemies then those of breda had in spinola's campe. a spaniard is not so hatefull to a dutch-man , as a londoner to a country-man . in terme-time , a sergeant cannot more fright a gentleman going muffled by chancery-lane end , than a citizen frights one of your lobcocks , though hee spies him fiue acres off . in middest of my former compassionate complaynings ( ouer the misery of these times ) let mee a little quicken my owne and your spirits , with telling you , how the rurall coridons doe now begin to vse our run-awayes ; neyther doe i this out of an idle or vndecent merriment ( for iests are no fruit for this season ) but onely to lay open what foolery , infidelity , inhumanity , nay , villany , irreligion , and distrust in god ( with a defiance to his power ) dwell in the bosomes of these vnmannerly oasts in these our owne netherlandish dorpes . when the brittaines heere in england were opprest by pictes and scots , they were glad to call in the saxons , to ayd them , and beate away the other : the saxons came , and did so , but in the end , tasting the sweetnesse of the land , the brittaines were faine to get some other nation to come and driue out the saxons . so , the countrey people , being of late inuaded by the pictes , ( beaten with wants of money to pay their rackt rents to their greedy land-lords ) with open armes , and well-comming throats , call'd to them , and receiued a pretty army of our saxon-citizens ; but now they perceiue they swarme ; now they perceiue the bels of london toll forty miles off in their eares ; now that bils come downe to them euery weeke , that there dye so many thousands ; they would with all their hearts call in very deuils ( if they were but a little better acquainted with them ) to banish our briske londoners out of their grassy territories . and for that cause , they stand ( within thirty and forty miles from london ) at their townes ends , forbidding any horse , carrying a london load on his back , to passe that way , but to goe about , on paine of hauing his braynes beaten out : and , if they spy but a foot-man ( not hauing a russet sute on , their owne country liuery ) they cry , arme , charge their pike-staues , before he comes neere them the length of a furlong ; and , stopping their noses , make signes that he must be gone , there is no roome for him , if the open fields be not good enough for him to reuell-in , let him pack . o you that are to trauell to your friends into the countrey , take heed what clothes you weare , for a man in black , is as terrible there to be looked vpon , as a beadle in blue is ( on court-dayes at bridewell ) being called to whip a whore-master for his letchery . a treble ruffe makes them looke as pale , as if , in a darke night , they should meet a ghost in a white sheet in the middle of a church-yard . they are verily perswaded , no plagues , no botches , blaynes , nor carbuncles can sticke vpon any of their innocent bodies , vnlesse a londoner ( be he neuer so fine , neuer so perfumed , neuer so sound ) brings it to them . a bill printed , called , the red crosse , or , englands lord haue mercy vpon vs , being read to a farmers sonne in essex , hee fell into a swound , and the calfe had much a doe to be recouered . in a towne not farre from barnet ( in hartfordshire ) a citizen and his wife riding downe to see their childe at nurse , the doores were shut vpon them , the poore childe was in the cradle carryed three fields off , to shew it was liuing : the mother tooke the childe home , and the nurses valiant husband ( beeing one of the traind-souldiers of the countrey ) set fire of the cradle , and all the clothes in it . a broker in houndes-ditch hauing a brother in hamshire , whom hee had not seene in fiue yeeres , put good store of money in his purse , and rode downe to visit his beloued brother , beeing a tanner ; to whose house when hee came , the tanner-clapped to his doores , and from an vpper woodden window ( much like those in a prison ) comming to a parlee , hee out-faced the broker to be no brother of his , hee knew not his face , his fauour , his voyce : such a brother hee once had , and if this were hee , yet his trade ( in being a broker ) was enough to cut off the kindred , his clothes smelt of infection , his red beard ( for he hath one ) was poyson to him ; and therefore , if hee would not depart to the place from whence hee came , hee would eyther set his dogges vpon him , or cause his seruants to throw him into a tan-fat ; and if ( quoth hee ) thou art any brother of mine , bring a certificate from some honest brokers dwelling by thee ( when the plague is ceast ) that thou art the man , and , it may bee , mine eyes shall bee then opened to behold thee : so , farewell . — with a vengeance ( replyed the broker ) and so came home , a little wiser then hee went. no further from london then pancridge , two or three londoners , on a sunday ( being the seuenteenth of this last past iuly ) walking to the village there-by , called kentish-towne , and spying pancridge-church doores open ( a sermon being then preached ) a company of hobnayle-fellowes , with staues , kept them out ; and foure or fiue hay-makers , ( who out of their countries came hither to get worke ) offering likewise to goe in , to heare the preacher , they were threatned by the worshipfull wisdome of the parish , to bee set in the stockes , if they put but a foot within the church-doores . hath not god therefore iust cause to be angry with this distrust , this infidelity of our nation ? how can wee expect mercy from him , when wee expresse such cruelty one towards another ? when the brother defies the brother , what hope is there for a londoner to to receiue comfort from strangers ? who then would flye from his owne nest , which hee may command , to be lodged amongst crowes and rauens , that are ready to picke out our eyes , if we offer to come amongst them ? the braue parlors , stately dining-roomes , and rich chambers to lye in , which many of our citizens had here in london , are now turned to hay-lofts , apple-lofts , hen-roosts , and back-houses , no better then to keepe hogges in : i doe not say in all places , but a number that are gone downe , and were lodged daintily heere , wish themselues at home , ( as complayning letters testifie ) but that the heat of contagion frights them from returning , and it were a shame ( they thinke ) to come so soone backe to that city , from whence with such greedy desire , they were on the wings of feare hurryed hence . flocke not therefore to those , who make more account of dogges then of christians . the smelling to your iuory boxes does not so much comfort your nosthrils , as the sent of your perfumed brauery , stinkes in the noses ( now ) of countrey-people . it may bee perceyued , by the comming backe of many carts laden with goods , which in scorne are returned to london , and cannot for any gold or siluer be receyued . what talke i of cart-loades of stuffe ? if some more tender-hearted amongst the rest , giue welcome to his brother , kinseman , or friend ; a beare is not so woorried by mastiffes , as hee shall bee by vncharitable neighbours , when the stranger is departed . they loue your money , but not your persons ; yet loue not your money so well , but that if a carrier brings it to them from london , they will not touch a penny of it , till it be twice or thrice washed in a pale or two of water . but leauing these creatures to be tormented by their owne folly and ignorance ; yet praying that god would open their eyes , and inlighten their soules with a true vnderstanding of his diuine iudgements ; i will now shut vp my discourse with that which is first promised in the title-page of the booke , and those are , gods tokens , &c. gods tokens . and now , o you citizens of london , abroad or at home , be you rich , bee you poore , tremble at the repetition of these horrors which here i set downe : and of which ten thousand are eare-witnesses , great numbers of you that are in the city , hauing likewise beheld some of these , or their like , with your eyes . neither are these warnings to you of london onely , but to you ( who-euer you bee ) dwelling in the farthest parts of the kingdome . shall i tell you how many thousands haue been borne on mens shoulders within the compasse of fiue or six weekes ? bills sent vp and downe both towne and countrie , haue giuen you already too fearefull informations . shall i tell you , that the bels call out night and day for more burials , and haue them , yet are not satisfied ? euery street in london is too much frighted with these terrors . shall i tell you , that church-yards haue letten their ground to so many poore tenants , that there is scarce roome left for any more to dwell there , they are so pestred ? the statute against inmates cannot sue these , for hauing taken once possession ; no law can remoue them . or shall i tell you , that in many church-yards ( for want of roome , they are compelled to dig graues like little cellers , piling vp forty or fifty in a pit ? and that in one place of buriall , the mattocke and shouell haue ventured so farre , that the very common-shore breakes into these ghastly and gloomy ware-houses , washing the bodies all ouer with foule water , because when they lay downe to rest , not one eye was so tender to wet the ground with a teare ? no , i will not tell you of these things , but of these , which are true ( as the other ) and fuller of horror . a woman ( with a child in her armes ) passing thorow fleet-street , was strucke sicke vpon a sudden ; the childe leaning to her cheeke , immediatly departed : the mother perceiuing no such matter , but finding her owne heart wounded to the death , she sate downe neere to a shop where hot waters were sold ; the charitable woman of that shop , perceiuing by the poore wretches countenance how ill she was , ranne in all haste to fetch her some comfort ; but before she could come , the woman was quite dead : and so her childe and she went louingly together to one graue . a gentleman ( knowne to many in this towne ) hauing spent his time in the warres , and comming but lately ouer in health , and lusty state of body , going along the streets , fell suddenly downe and dyed , neuer vttering more words then these , lord , haue mercy vpon me . another dropped downe dead by all gate , at the bell-tauerne doore . a flax-man in turnebull street , being about to send his wife to market , on a sudden felt a pricking in his arme , neere the place where once he had a sore , and vpon this , plucking vp his sleeue , he called to his wife to stay ; there was no neede to fetch any thing for him from market : for , see ( quoth he ) i am marked : and so shewing gods tokens , dyed in a few minutes after . a man was in his coffin , to be put into a graue , in cripple-gate church-yard , and the bearers offring to take him out , he opened his eyes , and breathed ; but they running to fetch aqua vita for him , before it came , he was full dead . a lusty country fellow , that came to towne to get haruest-worke , hauing sixteene or eighteene shillings in his purse , fell sicke in some lodging he had , in old-street ; was in the night time thrust out of doores , and none else receiuing him , he lay vpon straw , vnder suttons hospitall wall , neere the high way , and there miserably dyed . a woman going along barbican , in the moneth of iuly , on a wednesday , the first of the dog-daies , went not farre , but suddenly fell sicke , and sate downe ; the gaping multitude perceiuing it , stood round about her , afarre off ; she making signes for a little drinke , money was giuen by a stander by , to fetch her some : but the vncharitable woman of the ale-house denyed to lend her pot to any infected companion ; the poore soule dyed suddenly : and yet , albeit all fled from her when she liued , yet being dead , some ( like rauens ) seized vpon her body ( hauing good clothes about her ) stripped her , and buried her , none knowing what she was , or from whence she came . let vs remoue out of barbican , into one of the churches in thames-street , where a gentleman passing by , who on a sudden felt himselfe exceeding ill , and spying a sexton digging a graue , stept to him , asked many strange questions of the fellow , touching burials , and what he would take to make a graue for him : but the sexton amazed at it , and seeing ( by his face ) hee was not well , perswaded him to get into some house , and to take something to doe him good . no ( said he ) helpe me to a minister , who comming to him , and conferring together about the state of his soule , hee deliuered a summe of money to the minister , to see him well buried , and gaue ten shillings to the sexton to make his graue , and departed not till he dyed . now , suppose you are in kent , where you shall see a young handsome maid , in very good apparell , ready to goe into the towne , to a sister , which dwelt there : but then as you cast an eye on her ( comming into the city ) so behold a company of vnmercifull , heathenish , and churlish townesmen , with bils and glaues , driuing her by force backe againe ; enter there shee must not ( it being feared she came from london ) neither could her sister be suffred to goe forth to her . whereupon , all comfort being denyed her , all doores bard against her , no lodging being to be had for her ; shee , full of teares in her eyes , full of sorrow in her heart , sighing , wailing , and wringing her hands , went into the open fields , there sickned , there languished , there cracked her heart-strings with griefe , and there dyed , none being by her : when she was dead , the den of a serpent was not more shunned then the place she lay in . it was death ( in any townesmans thinking ) but to stand in the wind of it : there the body lay two or three daies , none daring to approach it ; till at the last , an old woman of kent , stealing out of the towne , ventured vpon the danger , rifled her purse and pockets , found good store of money , stript her out of her apparell , which was very good , digged a homely graue ( with the best shift she could make ) and there in the field buried her . the kentish synagogue hearing of this , presently laid their heads together , and fearing lest the breath of an old woman might poison the whole towne , pronounced the doome of euerlasting banishment vpon her . and so was she driuen from thence , with vpbraidings and hard language , and must neuer come to liue more amongst them . into another part of this kingdome ( not full forty miles from london ) did a citizen send his man for thirty pound , to a country customer , which was honestly payed to him ; the young man departed merry , and in good health from him : and , albeit he had so much money about him , yet in his returne to london , hee could get no loging in any place ; at which , being much afflcted in his minde , and offring an extraordinary rate to be entertained , neither money , nor charity , nor common humanity , could get a doore opened to receiue him . patient he was to endure this cruelty , and comforted himselfe , that carrying health about him , he should make shift to get to the city : but god had otherwaies bestowed him , his time was come , the glasse of his life almost runne out , and his iourney must bee shortned . for taking vp his lodging ( by compulsion ) in the open field , there he fell sicke , and wanting all humane helpe and comfort , there dyed . it was soone knowne by those that walked out of the towne , into their grounds , that there he lay dead , and as soone did they consult together what to doe with his body . none was so valiant as to come neere it : it was an eminent danger , to suffer the carkasse lye aboue ground , and a greater danger for any one ( as they thought ) to remoue it from thence . in the end , one more couragious then the other , was hyred ( for money ) to rid the towne of this mortall feare ; who ( whatsoeuer should become of them ) purposing to saue himselfe , muffled his mouth , went into the same field where the dead body lay , a far off digged a pit ( a graue hee knew not how to make ) and then , with a long pole , hauing a hooke to it , taking hold of the young mans clothes , he dragged him along , threw him in , and buried him . the master of this seruant , musing at his long staying , and being loth to lose both man and money , rode downe to see how both of them were bestowed ; and vnderstanding , that the money was paid , and which way his man went for london , came to the same towne , where ( by ghesse ) he thought he must needs put in for lodging ; and vpon strict inquiry , if such a young fellow had not beene seene amongst them ; it was confest , yes , with all the former relations of his death , and where he lay buried . the much-perplexed londoner hearing this , did , by faire meanes and money , get his graue opened , had his body in the clothes taken vp , and found all his money about him , and then in the towne bestowed vpon him , a friendly , louing , and decent buriall . it fell out better with a company of merry companions , who went not aboue ten miles from london ; for they , getting with much adoe , into a country victualing-house , were very iouiall , and full of sport , though not full of money . beere and ale they called for roundly , downe it went merrily , and the cakes were as merrily broken . when the round o's beganne to increase to foure or six shillings , quoth one mad fellow amongst the rest , what will you say , my masters , if i fetch you off from the reckoning , and neuer pay a penny ? a braue boy , cryed all the company , if thou canst doe this . hereupon , the oastesse being called vp for t'other pot , and whilest it was drinking , some speech being made of purpose , about the dangerous time , and the sicknesse , it fortuned that the tokens were named . vpon which , the woman wondring what kinde of things they were , and protesting she neuer saw any , nor knew what they were like ; this daring companion ( who vndertooke the shot ) clapping his hand on his brest ; how ( quoth hee ) neuer saw any ? why then i feare , i can now shew you some about me ; and with that , hastily vnbuttoning his doublet , opened his bosome , which was full of little blue markes , receiued by haile-shot out of a birding-piece through a mischance . at sight of these , his comrades seemed to bee strucke into a feare ; but the innocent oastesse was ready to drop downe dead . they offred to flye , and leaue him there . shee fell on her knees , crying out , shee was vndone . a reckoning then being call'd for , because they would be honest to the house ; the poore woman cared for no reckoning , let them call for as much more ( so they dranke it quickly ) and there was not a penny to pay ; prouided , that they would take the spotted man away with them . they did so , and being gotten some little distance from the house , the counterfeit si●…ke companion danced and skipped vp and downe , to shew hee was well : shee cursing them for cheating raskalls , that so had gulled her . this was a tricke of merriment , but few men , i thinke , would fill their bellies with drink so gotten . it is not safe to kisse lightning , mocke at thunder , or dally with diuine iudgements . the bells , euen now toll , and ring out in mine eares , so that here againe and againe i could terrifie you with sad relations . an ample volume might be sent downe to you in the country , of dismall and dreadfull accidents ; not onely here within london , but more in the townes round about vs. death walkes in euery street : how many step out of their beds into their coffins ? and albeit , no man at any time is assured of life , yet no man ( within the memory of man ) was euer so neere death as now : because he that breakes his fast , is dead before dinner ; and many that dine , neuer eat supper more . let these then ( as terrifying scourges ) serue to admonish the proudest of vs all , to haue a care to our footing , lest we fall suddenly . how many euery day drop downe staggering ( being strucke with infection ) in the open streets ? what numbers breathe their last vpon stalles ? how many creepe into eatries , and stables , and there dye ? how many lye languishing in the common high-wayes , and in the open fields , on pads of straw , end their miserable liues , vnpittyed , vnrelieued , vnknowne ? the great god of mercy defend vs all from sudden death : and so defend you ( the rich run-awayes ) at your comming backe to this desolate and forsaken city , that , as you fled hence to scape the stroke of contagion , you bring not , nor lay heauier strokes of mortality and misery vpon vs , when you returne to your houses . it so fell out in the last great time of pestilence , at the death of the queene , and comming in of the king : the weekes did rize in their numbers of dead , as the numbers of the liuing did increase , who then came flocking to towne : as the fresh houses were filled with their old owners , so new graues were opened for the fresh commers . a heauy and sad welcome they had at home , after their peaceable being in the countrey : and how could it happen otherwise ? they went out in haste , in hope to preuent death ; in iollity , to preserue life ; but when they came backe , then began their terrours , then their torments : the first foot they sit out of their countrey-habitations , was to them a first step to their graues : the neerer to london , the neerer to death . as condemned persons , going to execution , haue oftentimes good colour in their faces , cheerefull contenances , and manly lookes all the way that they are going : but the neerer and neerer they approch the place where they are to leaue the world , the greater are their feares , the paler they looke , the more their hearts tremble ; so did it fare with londoners in those dayes ; but we that are heere , pray that you may speed better : that you may returne full of health , full of wealth , full of prosperity ; that your houses may bee as temples to you . your chambers as sanctuaries ; that your neighbours , kindred , friends , and acquaintance may giue you ioyfull and hearty welcomes ; that the city may not mourne then for your thronging in vpon it , as shee lamented to behold you ( in shoales ) forsaking her in her tribulation ; but that god would be pleased to nayle our sinnes vpon the crosse of his sonne christ iesus , restore vs to his mercy , render vs a nation worthy of his infinite blessings , and plucking in his reuengefull arme from striking vs downe continually into graues , wee all ( abroad and at home , in countrey and city ) may meete and imbrace one another , and sing an allelniah to his name . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20080-e320 sinne , the cause of the plague . all nations upon earth punished for sinne . gods three whips . hungary . poland . russia . denmarke . sweden . norway , &c. it●…y . france . the miseries of ●…ermany . 〈…〉 for them . englands security . gods three whips ready to scourge england . sin , the offence . it is not the numerous multitude of people causeth the plague . the number that dyed when queene elizabeth dyed . sinnes like the bels , neuer lie still . the plague dreadfull for three causes . how the rich are buried . how the poor ●… . newes for run-awayes . much wayling , ●…ttle weeping . thursday the ●…1 . of iuly . coffins and corslcts . no gates keepe out thunder . the rich fly . the poore dye . london growes leaues . the countrie too f●… . both sicke of 〈◊〉 disease . foure thousand doores shut vp . foure thousand cro●…es set 〈◊〉 . now to the run-awayes . we may flye : and , we may not flye . londoners must not liue vpon dead pay . the poore perish . the prisoners pine : and ( run-awaies ) all in long of you . a new policy , good for the city . a phoenix in london . shops shut vp . schooles shut vp . our s●…es stand open . a festiuall fasting ▪ no 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 . g●… must haue faire p●…ay . a wound well cared for , is balse cured . angels are heauens harbingers , and appoynt our lodgings . a londoner , a bugbeare . a digression a little merrily , taxing the inciuility of the common people . the old brittaines opprest by the pictes , call in the saxons . the country people the bold brittaines , w●… of moneys are the pictes , and londoners the saxons , at first called in , but now they care not if the diuell fetched them . ouerthr●… horse and foot . the foolish feare of the corydons . an essex calfe , killed without a butcher . sparrowblastings . a hounds-ditch broker entertained like a brother . this was aboue threescore in the hundred . the wisdome of pancridge-parish . the world is altered with londoners . a retreate founded . there be iuries enough to sweare bis . to wash money , is against the statute . burials still passing . bels still going . churchyards still receiving . graues still gaping for more . the horrors of the tune . a woman and her childe . a souldier . a flax-man . a country fellow . another . a woman in barbican . whosoeuer , in my name , giue●… a cup of cold water , &c. t is the prey makes the thiefe . a gentleman in thames street . a kentish tale , but truer then those of changers . thirty pound 〈◊〉 lost , well recouered . the like was done three and twenty yeeres agoe . madnesse in merriment . ●…iserable obiects merry mornings goe before sad euenings . an antidote against the plague. or panchrestōn: a salue for all sores which applied and practised, will soone awaken the lords mercy, and suddenly cause the storms of his iust iudgements to vanish away. deliuered in a sermon, preached within the cathedrall church of saint paules, london. antidote against the plague. hastler, thomas. 1615 approx. 60 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02799 stc 12930 estc s118751 99853958 99853958 19363 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02799) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19363) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 961:11) an antidote against the plague. or panchrestōn: a salue for all sores which applied and practised, will soone awaken the lords mercy, and suddenly cause the storms of his iust iudgements to vanish away. deliuered in a sermon, preached within the cathedrall church of saint paules, london. antidote against the plague. hastler, thomas. [6], 37, [3] p. printed by m. flesher, london : 1615. dedication signed: tho: hastler. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within 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review (qc) and xml conversion an antidote against the plagve . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a salue for all sores : which applied and practised , will soone awaken the lords mercy , and suddenly cause the storms of his iust iudgements to vanish away . deliuered in a sermon , preached within the cathedrall church of saint paules , london . iehovae liberatori . london , printed by m. flesher . 1625. to the honorable , & right worthy sir francis wortley knight and baronet , grace mercie and peace from god our father and our lord iesus christ . right noble sir , if i may be bold to looke so high , i dare looke no higher , then your selfe in this my dedication ; were i able to bring forth a birth worthy of a higher countenance , to whom should i present it , but vnto my gracious lord of pembroke , nostri hujus saeculi miraculum , i am sure , reipublicae sustentaculum , vnto whom in spem veni , for earthly encouragemēts . but i neuer yet could so ouerweene my owne abilities , as to think their fruits worthy of such a patronage . and i must deale plainly with you , i am altogether timerous , ( if not a little presumptuous ) to shrowde your honours name in the forhead of such vnliterate lines ; yet since that not onely your noble desires for my good , but also your intensiue & extensiue exhibition of more then common loue , doe iustly challenge some testification of thankfulnesse ( without which i might rightly incurre claudius caesars censure vpon ingratitude ) therefore instead of a better acknowledgement , i dedicate this poore widowes mite , this formlesse first borne issue , and in that my selfe , my best deuoted seruice to your noble protection . i remember what socrates did reply to aeschines his schollar , when being poore he tooke it to heart that he was not able to gratifie him in a more ample manner , an non intelligis quam magnum munus mihi dedisti ? nisi forte teipsum parui aestimas ; doest thou not know ( saith his master ) how great a gift thou hast giuen mee ? belike thou accountest thy selfe little worth . implying that hee accounted his gift ( though poore ) more precious than theirs who were rich ; because ( though his gift was but very small ) yet he cast in all that he had ; likewise it is granted that there is no proportion betweene such a seeming something , such a lesse then nothing as this , and the great loue & obseruance which you haue condignlie merited at my hands ; yet seeing the moralist tells mee , that where onely the qualitie of the affection and not the quantity of the present is to bee attended : modicum non differt à magno , it skils not whether the present bee great or small , so that your affection may alwaies rest beyond desert , and gracious acceptance , farre exceeding expectation , in which hope resting , i craue leaue for writing , and take leaue of writing : praying god to blesse you still in this life , and to crowne you with blessednesse it selfe in the life to come . your honours in loue and duty , tho : hastler . ad lectorem . scripta vide ; monitusque caue : cupit ipse moneri , sed non morderi . neu fallat nominis vmbra : quaerito non a quo , sed quae sint scripta : faueto . mente bona studui prodesse , fruare : ualeto . servus tuus peripsum , & conservus sub ipso , t. h. an antidote against the plague . conf●●●… out of math. 8. ●●rse 25. then his disciples came vnto him , and awoke him , saying , lord saue vs , wee perish . christ being wonderfull in his natiuity , wonderful in his ascension , and wonderfull in his transfiguration , is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beyond admiration by his miraculous works . in this chapter are specified 4. seuerall miracles first , the cleansing of a leprous man , 2 the curing of a woman troubled with a feuer , 3 the healing of the centurions seruant , and lastly , the strange appeasing of the wind : & therefore this is rightly called by s. ambrose , scriptura miraculosa . the miraculous scri●●●●● . this miracle is record●● 〈◊〉 such as are either sicke , or troubled , or oppressed , or beset with any danger , that whatsoeuer storme of aduersity shall strike our sailes , or what calamitie soeuer shal befall vs , we may remember , that the blessed disciples , euen the neerest and dearest to our lord iesus , haue tasted of the same whip afore vs ; therefore in thē , as it were in a christall glasse , we may view the common state of christs church militant : it is like the arke that floated vpon the waters , like the lilly , that groweth among the thorns , like the bush that burnt , and was not consumed , like christs shippe , in this place , couered ouer with waues , and yet not suncke , praemuntur iusti , vt pressi clament , clamantes exaudiantur , exauditi glorisicent deum , saith leo the first , the righteous are therefore pressed with sore afflictions , that they might cry vnto the lord , and crying might be heard , and heard might glorifie god , pessima necessitas , optima or andi magistra , saith bernard , the sharpest perplexitie is the best schoolemaster or mistresse of prayer . when the disciples once perceiued , that there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : a mightie storme , a shaking tempest , which strongly had inuironed them : when the lord had sent forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a vehement whirlewind , or as lorinus termeth it , plurium conflictū ventorum , a conflict of many winds , which all at once smote the shippe on euery part , and broght the swelling waues euery way vpon it , as if in an instant they would haue buried both ship and passengers in the surges : when the mercilesse ocean vnder them was thus billowing , the brittle ship about them reeling , the mariners for feare of shipwracke , lamentably shreeking , and christ their only hope and helpe in the sterne fast sleeping , when this great ieopardie had euen almost seized on them all , then his disciples came vnto him , and awoke him , saying , lord saue vs , we perish . in which words ( not tying my selfe to tread precisely in the exact steps of logicall rules ) for our better instruction , and further light , we may obserue foure generalls ; first , who procured this calme , ( his disciples ) secondly , of whom did they procure it , of christ , ( they came to him ) thirdly , the effect of their comming , ( they awoke him , ) lastly , the manner how they did awaken him , by prayer : the forme which they vsed being here expressed , lord saue vs , we perish . vpon all these i intend to treat somewhat orderly and briefly , according to gods assistance , and the times permittance . to begin with the first : then his disciples came to him , ( then ) that is , when the sea thus raged , the ship thus tossed , the tacklings thus shattered , the passengers thus trembled and shaked , then and not afore , the disciples came to him : first , they would make tryall , whether the winds would cease or decrease naturally , and the stormes calme of themselues , but when they saw all dangers increased in greater extremitie , and more grieuous vehemencie , when they thought themselues past all hope of recouery , when they despaired of their owne safetie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then , when the last waue was ready to sweepe them away , they came vnto him , and awoke him , saying , lord saue vs , wee perish . discipulorum serotina mora , sit christianorum maxima cura : t was an ancient fathers obseruation vpon this place . the disciples most dangerous delay , must minister a great caution to all christians , willing them to be wary in the timous preuention both of present and future euills . time me thinkes should yeeld vs ( in these our contagious and deadly times ) a strong perswasion of a timely returne vnto the right way : wee are all out by sinne , and therefore wee must beginne againe by repentance , that wee may regaine our peace with god in time : for when the time is past , periit spes nostra , our hope is gone , now it is time , yea time , the appointed time is come , momenti transitus , anni transitus , aeui transitus , once lost , and euer lost . will you shew mercy to your soules , by repenting your sinnes ? deferre not from day to day , deterrior posterior dies , saith deuout bernard , delay is dangerous , the longer the worse : say not with thy selfe , i will amend hereafter , for how knowest thou , whether hereafter thy heart shall be hardned , as was pharaohs , exod , 14 , 4. or whether the grace of the holy ghost shall bee taken from thee as it was from saul . 1 sam. 16 , 14. or whether thou shalt repent , and lament in vaine , as did esau , heb. 12. 17. or whether thou shalt crie peccaui too late with iudas , math. 27. 4. it is true , beloued , that our sins shall bee pardoned whensoeuer wee repent : but wee cannot repent , whensoeuer we will , because repentance is the gift of god , and wee haue not god at our command , but as saint augustine truly saith , qui dat poenitenti veniam , non semper dat peccanti poenitentiam . god which alwayes pardoneth the repentant sinner , doth not alwaies giue repentāce vnto sinners , but as they neglected him , so he reiecteth them , and suffereth them to heape vnto themselues wrath against the day of wrath . strike therefore whilest the yron is hote , make hay while the sun shineth , hoyse vp sailes whiles the wind bloweth , time and tide tarie for no man : behold now the accepted time , behold now the day of saluation , 2 cor. 6. 2. now god calleth vs per beneficia , per flagella , per praedicatores , by his benefits , by his plagues and punishments , by his embassadors , all continually wooing vs , to apply that most soueraigne medicine of repentance to these bitter wounds , which the sting of sin hath made in our soules . oh! let vs not deferre , and put off this necessarie cure ! one hath said verie well : qui veniam per poenitentiam repromisit , diem crastinam ad poenitentiam non promisit . he that hath promised to pardon vs , if wee repent , hath not promised vs , that to morrow wee shall repent . wherefore let vs lay aside all excuses and delayes , lest by little and little wee grow key cold in loue , & rustie in sin : prolong not an houre , nay , not a moment , for the clouds of gods ance may in an instant ouer-cast thy soule , and in ictu oculi in the twinckling of an eye , the plague tokens of the lords wrath may take a deadly impression in thy body , and then furor arma ministrat , his fierce anger will quickly afford him weapons , & as lactantius saith , tarditatem irae , grauitate supplicij compensabit , he will requite the slownesse of his wrath with the seueritie of his vengeance : for quanto diutiùs deus expectat , tanto grauiùs vindicat : how much the longer god expects and waits for our conuersion , so much the more grieuously wil he be auenged vpon vs , if we repent nor . serior esse solet vindicta , seuerior : god vseth to come to punish on leaden feet , but hee payeth home with iron hands , hee will reach them far , and he will smite them full . and therefore to day if you will heare his voice harden not your hearts , deferre not till the last gaspe , for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : vnseasonable good is not good at all , vntimely sacrifice auaileth not , prayer , that commeth out of time , is like a messe of meat set vpon the graue when the dead is no what the better for it . how might i ( beloued ) vrge vnto you in all your weightiest affaires the presentest prensation , and speediest apprehension of the very forelocke of time , but cintheus aurem vellit , time calls mee to the pursuit of my text . it followeth in these words , ( his disciples ) then his disciples came to him : disciple , is properly a latine word , and doth signifie in english a scholar , or learner : from the verbe disco . the originall also is of the same expression : so that in a generall nification , all that professed the gospel of christ , were called his disciples : but more strictly they onely did beare the name of his disciples , who were learners of his doctrine , professors of his life & conuersation , & preachers of both to others : and they were of two sorts ; first , and of a lower order , the 70 sent forth two and two before his face , into euery city , & place , whither he himself would come to preach the gospell , and worke miracles , as they are specified by the euangelist , lu. 10. 1. who these 70 disciples were though eusebius , epiphanius , and others , tell vs ; yet in the gospell their names are concealed , and christ bade them reioyce , that their names were written in heauen , luke 10. 20. the other , and higher order , were the twelue apostles , many times called his disciples , and made knowne by their names . tertullian , ierom , and other learned diuines , say ; herein the truth answered ancient types , both of the twelue patriarkes , and seuentie elders , called their sanedrim , as some , the 70 soules that came with iacob into aegypt : others , the twelue fountaines of water , and seuentie palme-trees in elim . who those disciples were that came to christ by prayer in this extremitie of perill , is a question , because the text doth not cleare it : but out of all doubt they were disciples , not one , or two , but ( as farre as may bee gathered ) euen all the apostles ; and great reason , for as the penitent theife said to his fellow , they were all in the same condēnation : if the ship had suncke into the waues they had all perished , lord , saue vs , we perish . and therefore not onely peter , iames and iohn , though counted pillars , and in many things preferred before the rest , but all , goe to christ to further the common good , and to helpe by their prayers to procure the common saluation . yet take notice by the way , that as all the disciples came , so none but disciples came , and their comming was not tam passibus corporis , quam fide cordis , saith venerable beda : not so much with the feet of their bodies , as by the faith of their hearts : hereby giuing vs to vnderstand whose prayers are so powerfull with god to remoue both a publike and priuate calamitie , either from thēselues or others : not the prayers of enemies to god , and alienates from the house of israel , but of faithfull friends , fauourites and constant followers of our blessed sauiour the lord heareth the praiers of the righteous , and his eares are open to their cries , he will fulfill the desires of such as feare him , he is nigh to such as call on him in faith , psal . 145 , 18. quia juxta mensuram fidei , erit mensura impetrandi , saith ambrose , because the more faith we haue , the more grace wee shall receiue : therefore christ teacheth vs to say our father , to make vs confident of obtaining , and concludeth with amen , significare indubitanter à domino conferri , quod fide petitur , to signifie , that wee shall vndoubtedly receiue whatsoeuer we faithfully desire , saith saint augustine . it was abraham the friend of god that preuailed so much with his prayer for the sodomites . it was his faithfull seruant moses , would not let him alone , but stood vp in the breach , & turn'd away gods anger , that he could not destroy the people , as he said psal : 106. 23. it was religious iosuah , that by his prayer commanded the sunne and moone to stand in the firmament iosh . 10. 12. it was feruent elijah whose tongue was froenum coeli saith austin , the bridle of heauen ; opening , and shutting it by his prayer . it was zealous phineas , that prayed and so the plague ceased . and the apostle concludeth in generall , it is the praier of the righteous man that so much auaileth , iam. 5. 16. tūcor nostrum fiduciam in oratione accepit , cum sibi vitae prauitas nulla contradicit , therefore the godly haue confidence that god will bee answerable to their requests , because they are correspondent to his will , and then doe they stedfastly rely vpon the grant of their petitions , when there is no prauity of life , nor any wickednesse of conuersation to contradict their profession saith gregory in his morals : and therefore st. basil saith , that a prayer should bee filled vp , non tam syllabis , quam operibus , not so much w th words , as with works ; because god heareth not sinners acts 12. 7. but their best prayers ( as the prophet speaketh ) are turned into sin , and when they send thē vp to the almighty for a blisse , they double but a curse , for vsing his sacred name in their mouthes , and hating to be reformed : no matter therefore whether the wicked pray or no ? yea all their fasting , praying , and crying , not worth a straw , but oh ye meeke , ye true disciples , yee that haue your hearts sprinkled from an euill conscience , and bodies washed with pure water ; ye that haue cleane hands & a pure heart , yee are gods fauourites , pray for a calme ; ye are the chariots and horsmen of israel , stand in the gap day and night , keepe not silence , and giue the lord no rest , till hee haue mercy on sion , and hath taken his sore plague from ierusalem : so much for the first part , viz , the persons procuring this calme ( his disciples . ) now secondly , to whom goe they ? where doe they seeke it ? ( to him , ) that is , to christ , their lord and master . the heathenish mariners in ionahs storme did cry euery man to his god. in nothing were the gentiles more sottish then in this , ascribing particular tutelar gods , to particular places : babylon had belus ; egypt , isis ; athens had minerua ; and ephesus , diana : the caldeans had baal ; sidonians ashteroth ; ammonits moloch or milcom ; moabites , chamos ; syrians , rimmon ; and philistims , dagon : yea , the elements had their seuerall gods , to rule ouer them : as the heauen had iupiter , the aire iuno , the sea neptune , & hell pluto : yea , for euery purpose & occasion , for euery time & season , they had one god or other to call vpon . and doe not the antichristian angelites , or angeliques rather ( for so doth saint augustine , and isidore name those heretiks , that either did adore , or were inclined to the worship of angels ) parallel the ethnicks in euery respect ? nay , doe they not transcend them in folly , as much as their hyperdulia to the virgin mary , doth their dulia to common saints ? surely many learned authors will make thē confesse no lesse : for what arithmetician is so perfect in the calculations of the algebra , that he can number the infinitenesse of diuers patrons , aduocates , and tutelar saints , whom they haue canonized , for the vse of euerie countrey , place , creature , and disease . our disciples are better taught ( poperie was not then hatched , nor this point of invocation knowne in the church , for the space of 360 yeares together after the birth of our sauiour ) they doe not in this dangerous storme and tempest , invocate saint grache , st. barbara , saint alivirgo , saint andoche , or saint nicholas : no nor noah , moses , or ionah , who had beene in dangered by seas , and waters before , but they come to christ the true and only lord of sea , and land , and all : whose president must bee our imitation , whose patterne must be our direction , guiding vs to call on god onely in our dayes of trouble , that hee may heare vs , and we may praise his most glorious name . rome would make vs beleeue , that during the time of pestilence wee must pray vnto none but saint sebastian , and his successor saint roche , saints inuented to intercede against such a deadly disease : wilfully and directly opposing & contradicting the cōmand and counsell of the lord of hostes , psal . 50. 15. call on me in the day of thy trouble , & i will deliuer thee : athanasius hath obserued that dauid , though oftentimes plunged into many perplexities , and beset with those prim weapons of the lords wrath , the sword , famine and pestilence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : yet hee neuer prayed vnto any other , but god himselfe for his deliuerance . could isis or any other god or goddesse haue freed pharaohs land from those ten plagues , sent vpon them for open rebellion ? surely then the magicians might haue preuailed : but that iehouah who was the egyptians onely punisher , was the israelites onely deliuerer : and the same lord , whose iustice was the reuenger of our sinnes by this mortall disease ; his all-sufficient mercy can onely succour , aide and deliuer vs. and therefore let vs all with weeping , fasting and praying , returne vnto god , and say with saint augustine , cui alteri praeter te clamabimus ; to whom else should wee cry in our sore afflictions besides thee : and with chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; let vs not mediate this saint , or that saint , this angell , or that angel , but onely the name of the lord iesus . there are three vnanswerable reasons why we should only pray to god ; first , because hee onely is omniscient , that is , such a one , as knoweth all things : he that heareth our prayers must be able to search the secrets of our hearts , and discerne the inward disposition of our soules , for the pouring out of good words , & the offering vp of externall sighes and teares , are but the carkasse only of a true praier ; the life there of consisteth in the pouring out of the very soule it selfe , and the sending vp of those secret groant of the spirit which cannot be vttered . but the godhead onely searcheth the hearts , and onely hee knoweth what is minde of the spirit : he heareth in heauen his dwelling place , and giueth to euery man according to his wayes , for hee , euen hee onely knoweth the hearts of all the children of men , as solamon teacheth vs in the prayer , which hee made at the dedication of the temple . may not therefore romish doctors worthilie bee taxed , from whom mentall prayers are presented to the saints as well as vocall : and with whom they are beleeued to receiue both the one and the other . me thinkes anselmus laudunensis in his interlineall glosse vpon that text , abraham is ignorant of vs , and israel knoweth vs not , ( esa . 63. 16. ) should make them blush for shame , where he noteth , that augustine sayth , that the dead , euen the saints , doe not know what the liuing doe , no not their owne sonnes : with whom concordeth hugo de sancto victore , in his booke de spiritu & anima , cap. 29. ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum , vbi non vident quaecunque aguntur , aut eveniunt in ista vita hominibus . the spirits of the dead bee there , where they doe neither see , nor heare the things that are done or fall out vnto men in this life . and if they are ignorant of outward acts and gestures , then much more of inward requests and motions : therefore seeing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , god alone searcheth the reines , and beholdeth the hidden things , as athanasius speaketh ; let vs conclude this reason with that golden sentence of dauid , o thou that hearest prayer , vnto thee shall all flesh come . secondly , we must call onely vpon god , because hee onely is omnipotent , which can onely helpe vs. none but the almightie could haue deliuered israel out of egypt , that house of bondage and furnace of affliction : daniel out of the lions denne : iehoshua out of that long captiuitie of the iewes : ioseph out of the pit , slauery , and false slanders : moses , ieremie , paul and peter out of their varietie of persecutions and troubles : and therefore those prophets , apostles , and holy men of god did cry vnto god onely , to saue and deliuer them . a third reason as pregnant and forcible as the two former , is obserued by saint augustine , quoniam creaturae exhiberemus cam seruitutem , quae vni tantum debetur deo : because in so doing we should wrong our selues in giuing that to creatures , weh is due onely to the creator : but why should i alledge any mortall men , when as all christians haue beene taught from god himselfe , that no part of his worship is to bee communicated vnto any creature : for it is written , math. 4. 10. thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and him onely shalt thou serue . but prayer is such a principall part of this seruice , that it is vsually put for the whole , or at least , as lactantius doth most truly say , summus colendi dei ritus est , exore iusti hominis ad deum directa laudatio : the chiefest part of gods worship is an humble faithfull prayer and praises out of the mouth of a righteous man : and therefore saint paul setting downe the whole armour of a christian , putteth prayer as the chiefest part of all : and so zanchius saith that this is optimum genus , ideoque vltimo ab apostolo armaturae explicatum ; the best part of all our christian weapons , and therefore last expressed by the apostle , because that vnlesse gods helpe be craued by prayer , reliqua arma parum prosunt , all the other armour will auaile vs nothing : and therefore clemens alexandrinus might very well conclude , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; wee doe not without cause honour god by prayer , and with righteousnesse send vp this best and holiest sacrifice . wherunto learned ignatius hath added a monon in his sixt epistle to philadelphia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; haue god alone before your eyes in your praiers : and great reason , for to be prayed vnto , is so proper vnto a deitie , that to giue it to any creature is truly iudged sacrilegious impietie , which robs god of his glorie , christ of his office , & the agent himselfe of saluation : and god himselfe , to signifie no lesse to the whole generation of adam , hath giuen the publike place of his worship the denomination of the house of prayer . and therefore concerning the blessed virgin , wee honor her name , wee reuerence her memoriall , and with all generations wee call her blessed : but to pray vnto her wee may boldly say with saint bernard , libenter certe gloriosa uirgo tali honore carebit , the glorious virgin is willingly content to want such honour . likewise of the blessed angels and saints , wee gladly confesse , that their commemoration , is like the composition of the perfume , that is made by the art of the apothecarie ; it is as sweet as honey in all our mouthes , and more delightfull then musicke at a banquet of wine : and as for the triumphant saints , whilest that they were concumbitants in the church militant , wee willingly did enioy them as our fellow-souldiers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 striuing together with vs , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , helping together with their prayers to god for vs , yea , and being receiued vp vnto glorie , honorandi sunt propter imitationem , non adorandi propter religionem ; they are to bee honoured for imitation , not to bee adored for religion , saith saint augustine : to inuocate any of them wee haue neither precept from god , nor practice in the ancient church , nor promise in gods word , to bee heard , and they themselues cannot possibly deserue it , neyther doe they in the least manner desire it . but if it were possible for them to heare such vnlawfull prayers of men , they would with both hands ( as wee say ) put them from them , and labor to purge themselues from such flat idolatry , with their song of obedience , not vnto vs lord , not vnto vs , but to thy name be such honour ascribed . but our romish doctors , to maintaine their inuocations of celestiall spirits , do cozen simple people now a daies , ( as their predecessors did the christians in the apostles times ) vnder the pretence of humilitie , saying , that the god of al things was inuisible & inaccessible , & incomprehensible : and therefore ( as theodoret testifieth ) they counselled their followers to procure gods fauour by the meanes of angels : like as the heathen idolaters , to couer the shame of their neglecting of god , were wont , miser a vti excusatione , dicentes , per istos posse ire ad deum , sicut per comites pervenitur ad regem , saith ambrose , to vse this miserable excuse , that by these they might goe to god , as by officers we goe to the king. the very selfe same rag our romanists haue borrowed from them to couer their superstition with , that the wickednes thereof might not appeare . but saint ambrose hath met well with them , and sufficiently discouered the vanitie of such a grosse and carnall imagination : men ( saith he ) go to kings by courtiers , quia homo vtique est rex , because the king is but a man ; ad deum autem quem nihil latet promerendum suffragatore non opus est , sed mente devota ; but as for the lord , from whom nothing is hid , wee need no spokes man to make him fauorable vnto vs , onely there is required a deuout minde . but aboue all others , s. chrysostome may suffice an indifferent reader , dashing all such replies with this full answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. god is alwayes neere ( saith he . ) if thou wilt intreat man , thou askest what he is adoing , and he is asleepe , hee is not at leasure , or the seruant giueth thee no answer : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but with god there is none of these things . whithersoeuer thou goest and callest , hee heareth : there is no want of leisure , nor a mediator , nor a seruant that keepeth thee off : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; say , haue mercy vpon mee , and presently god is with thee . for while thou art aspeaking , saith hee , i will say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behold here i am ( esay 58. 9. ) but i haue beene ouer-tedious in the satisfaction of this point . i will conclude , and reduce all to that one question of s. paul , rom. 10. 14. how shall they call vpon him in whom they haue not beleeued ? where it is manifest , that none must bee inuocated , but such as must be beleeued in : but none must bee beleeued in but god alone : for , credimus paulo , sed non credimus in paulum : credimus petro , sed non credimus in petrum , wee beleeue ( saith s. austin ) paul , but wee beleeue not in s. paul : wee beleeue peter , but wee beleeue not in s. peter . and therefore let vs all conclude with origen , soli domino deo ; let our prayers be offered onely to the lord our god , who doth at all times hear vs , and will vndoubtedly deliuer vs from this deadly pestilence , if wee pray powerfully with a syncere faith and pure conscience . and thus i haue vnuailed the party to whom the disciples came for assistance in this their dangerous case . i am in the next place to discouer the effect of their comming : the text telleth vs , they awoke him . fearfull death , of all miseries the last , and the most terrible : against which an holy father hath made this exclamation ; o death , how bitter is the remembrance of thee ? how quickly and suddenly stealest thou vpon vs ? how secret are thy paths and wayes ? how vniuersal is thy signiory and dominion ? the mighty cannot escape thee , the strong lose their strength before thee , the rich with their money shall not corrupt thee . thou art the hammar that alwayes striketh : thou art the sword that neuer blunteth : thou art the snare wherein all must be taken : thou art the prison wherin all must lye : thou art the sea wherein all must perish : thou art the paine , that all must suffer : thou art the tribute that all must pay . if thou commest but in thy naturall course , thou causest those two amorous twins , soule & body to tremble and quake & at their forced separation , to sweat euen drops of anguish : & if thou only seemest to offer thy vnresistable atachement to any accidentally , and in a violent manner , oh thou art dreadfull beyond comparison . this more then exceeding terror vnawares looking the disciples in the face , and being in all readinesse to seaze on them , caused them suddenly to send forth a pitifull outcry to their lord and master , with such clamours and vociferations , euen as if they had been at their wits end : so that dispensing with all ceremonies and complements , they iogged him , saith alphonsus salmeron , so long till they awakened him : and surely the originall importeth no lesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suscitauerunt , they raised him vp : the same word is vsed in many places of scripture , where mention is made of the resurrection , as , destroy this temple and in three dayes i will raise it vp : and many bodies of saints which slept arose : and , if christ be risen from the dead , how say some among you there is no resurrection of the dead ? in which and many other texts , and specially in that chapter to the corinthians the word of my text is vsed , and not improperly : for what is deepe , fast , and sound sleepe , but mortis imago , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very image and brother of death , as the heathen could say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith menander , sleep is nothing else but a short kinde of death . now christ was in a fast and dead sleepe , for so much the word ( which is here and in s. marke vsed ) signifieth : his senses were wel & fast bound , as if hee had no operation of life ; and therefore the disciples are said to raise him , as it were from the dead . behold here in the disciples , importunitie ! and in our sauiour , opportunitie ! they awaken him suddenly ; hee awaketh seasonably : they awaken him violently by reason of their fearfulnesse ; he awakeneth voluntarily , to giue them a speedy deliuerance . and are not wee plunged into greater extremities , and more grieuous calamities then euer the disciples were ? yes surely , for our sinnes haue provoked bellatorem fortem , the mighty warriour , the lord of hoasts , the righteous iudge , to whet his sword and bend his bow , and make them ready , to prepare the instruments of death , and arrowes to destroy vs : our eustomary sins haue forced out the lords decree , and haue brought forth three deadly weapons ; his sword , and famine hover ouer vs , being ready to light vpon vs , and wee are already beset plurium conflectu febrium , with a conflict of many diseases ; the angell is a darting the right-ayming arrowes of the lords wrath at euery mans doore : gods deadly tokens , the onely markes of his displeasure , and our disobedience , are sent forth promiscuously to all sinners , especially to wilfull and obstinate transgressors , and though thousands fall on the one side , and ten thousands on the other , and they neuer touch thee , yet sinne will bring them home to thy heart at last . for , like as one that shooteth at a marke , sometimes is gone , and sometimes is short , sometimes lighteth on the right hand , sometimes on the left ; at length hitteth the marke : so the lord of hoasts being incensed with the generall wickednesse of this citie , shootes at great men beyond vs , at meane men short of vs , at our friends on the right hand , at our enemies on the left ; at length hitteth our selues . the longer his hand is in practice , the more certainly he striketh . what , were the disciples in the iawes of such perils ? were they thus beset with the lords vengeance ? out of all doubt they were not , and yet they being conscious , that their sinnes were the cause of this raging tempest , they speed by feruent prayers to awaken their mercifull sauiour : faciamus nos similiter : beloued , let vs doe the like . culpae comes , iustissimè poena semper est , the companions of our sinnes , are many plagues , which continually attend vs , like so many hunger-starued lions , euer gaping to deuour vs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our god is fallen into a deepe sleepe . so burdensome , so grieuous , so wearisome haue our sinnes beene vnto the lord , that they haue awakened his slow anger , his righteous iustice , and lulled his long patience , his forbearing mercy fast asleepe . we now finde that verified which s. austin long ago foretold : tunc in te dormit christus , cum oblitus fueris passionis christi , when thou forgettest the passion of christ , then christ sleepeth in thee : and then ( saith hee ) nauis tuaturbatur , thy ship is troubled , thy heart is worthily troubled , because excidit tibi in quem credidideris , thou forgettest him , on whom thou shouldst beleeue : thy passions are great , when thou art vnmindfull of christs passion : and then art thou vnsensible of his passion , when by sinne thou doest pierce thine owne soule , and crucifie thy sauiour afresh ; qui ex proprio & pretioso sanguine , who of his owne pretious bloud made a plaister to cure thy festred wounds . et hinc illae lachrymae , hence our sorrowes and griefes , hence our plagues and punishmēts . and dearly beloued what shall wee doe ? the best aduice i can giue , is that which christ giueth his spouse in the canticles , chap. 6. 13. returne , returne o shalamite ; returne , returne that we may behold thee . i thus paraphrase it ; returne o my spouse , daughter of ierusalem returne , returne to mee , returne to thy selfe , returne to thy former feeling of my grace , returne , that both my selfe , and all the company of angells , may see thee , and reioyce in thee . this spouse of christ is the mother of vs all , the holy catholique church , in whose bosome wee are nourished : take wee then the aduice giuen vnto her , for an aduice vnto our selues . returne wee from our euill waies , returne we from our all sinnes , returne we vnto the lord our god , that both hee and all the company of angels may see vs , and reioyce in vs. life is sweet vnto vs , mutet vitam , qui vult accipere vitam , saith s. augustine , if we are desirous to retaine this life , and enioy the blessed life of heauen , wee must change our wicked life on earth . mortificemus peccata , christum excitemus , & fidem recolamus : let vs mortifie our sinnes by vnfained repentance , rowze vp christ by a feruent and liuely prayer , and reviue gods worship in a more syncere , diligent , deuout , and constant manner , and all the stormes of our sore afflictions shall soone vanish away . so i proceed to the last part in the procuring of this calme , viz. their praiers in these words expressed ; lord saue vs : wee perish . the three euangelists who doe record this story , vse three seuerall titles attributed vnto our blessed sauiour in this compendious forme of prayer : all which ( though the latine and our english expresse not ) are significant and emphaticall in their orginall propieties . s. markes title is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , master , carest thou not that wee perish ? the greeke word there specified signifieth a teacher of letters , manners , or any art : in relation whereunto they were called disciples , scholars , or loarners . saint lukes title is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , englished a defender , a present helper ; such as in times of warre are sworne brethren , to liue and die together , commiles succenturiatus : and in times of peace , guardians of infants . shepheards haue the same title , who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , defenders of their flocks . the title in the text is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which importeth power , or might , answerable to that glorious tetragrammaton , iehouah , which the septuagints constantly translate throughout the old testament in this sacred word , an essentiall name neuer giuen to any but onely the true god. the titles well weighed afford good vse of instruction , and much matter of consolation . in that they call him lord , we are incouraged to pray with confidence , because hee is iehouah , all-sufficient to deliuer vs : and in that they call him teacher and defender , wee are certified of the lords willingnesse to heare vs , and forward readinesse to help and succour vs : in that hee is their master , they pray in loue ; in that hee is their lord , they pray in feare : he being their master and defender , they are not timidi , ouer-fearefull ; hee being their lord and iehouah , they are not tumidi , ouer-bold . the same lord and master is our iehouah , and ready helper , and therefore wee likewise must pray ( in this time of deadly pestilence ) first confidently , not despairing : quia irrisio dei est , si quid illum ores , quod exor aturum te non certe confidas ; because it is a mocking of god , saith pellican , to pray vnto him , and to doubt that wee shall not haue our requests : for this cause christ tels vs , marke 11. 14. that whatsoeuer we desire when we pray , beleeue that wee shall haue it , and it shall be done vnto vs , especially if it be petitio decentium , saith damascen , a request of such things as are fit for god to giue , and vs to haue . for these s. iames bids vs aske in faith , and wauer not , and wee shall receiue our desires . secondly , because their lord is our iehouah , therefore we likewise must pray reuerently , not presuming . the very consideration of gods greatnes should moue vs to supplicate with all humilitie . uarus germinus was wont to say to caesar , qui apud te , o caesar audent dicere , magnitudinem tuam ignor ant : qui non audent , humanitatem tuam nesciunt : they that dare speake to thee , doe not know thy greatnesse , they that dare not , are ignorant of thy humanitie and meeknes : i may say farre better , our god is meek and lowly in heart , that we may speake vnto him ; but hee is so great in maiesty and power , that one ought to speake in all humilitie : and that not with the gentiles , whose heathenish fashion was adorare sigillaria suaresidendo , to worship god as they sate ; but meekly kneeling vpō our knees , that we may shew both inward and outward humilitie . for this was the practice not onely of great sinners , but of the holiest saints , thousands of angels do couer their faces , and christ himselfe , the sonne of god did often vse to fal down , to kneele , and prostrate himselfe vpon the ground , when hee prayed vnto his father : et prostratus in terra orat medicus , & non inclinatur agrotus : and shall this heauenly physitian kneele , and wee thinke much to stoope ? consider with thy selfe saith saint bernard , quanta cum humilitate debet rana paupercula adorare eum : with what great humilitie ought we poore wormes of the earth to adore him ? and therefore as eusebius reporteth of that most christian constantine , that it was his vsuall custome , euery day to shut vp himselfe close into some secret place of his palace , and there vpon his bended knees , and with a most submisse humble voyce to make his deuout prayers and soliloquies vnto almighty god. thus confidently , and thus reuerently let vs all draw neere vnto our lord and sauiour , and then our gratious defender , our powerfull iehovah will speedily take from vs this our great ieopardy . before i conclude , it is not amisse to giue you notice , that saint luke , to expresse the disciples zealous deuotion , ingeminateth the title giuē to christ in this short forme of prayer , with a double appellation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 master , master , wee perish , o gratious defender , o powerfull iehovah , wee are ready to bee cast away and buried in the waues : hereby giuing vs to vnderstand , that breuis oratio , sifortis , penetrat calū , a short prayer , ( though but in 3 words , as was the disciples ) so it be feruent is most powerful , pierceth the skies , and is accepted of the almighty lord. the prayer of the blinde men was short , o lord , sonne of dauid , haue mercy vpon vs , and yet preuailed , math. 20. 31. the prayer of the publican shorter , god bee mercifull to mee a sinner ; and yet as auaileable , luke 18. 13. the prayer of the penitent thiefe very compendious , lord remember mee when thou commest into thy kingdome , and yet most forcible , luke 23. 42. the prayer of the father of the sicke child most briefe lord help mine vnbeleefe , and yet very effectuall : marke 9. 24. yea , many times wee find that an earnest seeking with the heart , hath preuailed without any words vttered by the tongue , as moses when hee cryed to god with his heart , and yet opened not his mouth ; for that is most true which saint gregorie saith , tanto minus quis clamat , quanto minus desiderat , & tanto fortius coelos penetrat , quanto fortius desiderat , the more earnestly wee desire any thing , the more lowdly we doe crie vnto god , and the colder is our desire , the slower is our calling on him , and the harder to obtaine it of him . luther to this purpose calleth prayers and supplications , bombardas christianorum ; the christians canons : and surely beeing well charged with faith and repentance , and fired with zeale and feruencie of spirit , they shoote farre , and pierce deepe . here therefore wee may bee informed , what is the very bane and pests of our prayers , and what is the onely cause they are no more auaileable to remoue this mortall sicknesse : surely , because faintnesse , coldnesse , and boldnesse doe so much frequent our prayers . there is first , a faint , a fearefull , and distrustfull praying amongst vs ; there is secondly , a cold , a formall and superficiall praying with vs ; and there is thirdly , a bold , a proud , and presumptuous praying vnto dreadfull iehouah , and this last is the worst : trepida nec procedit quidem nedum ascendit ; the faint and fearefull prayer , cannot get out , much lesse get vp : it sticketh so fast betweene the teeth , or in the throat rather : tepida procedit , sed in asconsu languescit & defecit , the cold and formall prayer cōmeth forth fast enough , but it cannot get vp it freeseth ( for want of spirit and feruor ) by the way , ere it come to appeare in gods presence : temeraria ascendit , sedresilit ; the cold and presumptuous prayer flyeth vp apace , but it is as fast beaten backe againe , for presenting it selfe ouerboldly , and saucily in gods sight : nec tantum non obtinet gratiam , sed meretur offensam , and in stead of a blessing , it bringeth a curse with it : thus farre deuout bernard . i haue read of two ladders by which men climbe to heauen ; seruent prayers , and crying sinnes , the godly by the one , and the wicked by the other . by the sinfull ladder did sodome and niniue climbe . oh let not our sinnes bee such climbers ! rather then they should presse into the presence chamber of heauen , and grow acquainted with god , let vs keepe them downe , and here punish them : for hoc nobis deus insevit . god hath planted this principle in euery mans heart , that sinne must bee punished : must it ! by whom ? saint austin tells you , aut ab ipso homine poenitente , aut à deo vindicante , either by man repenting , or by god reuenging . now if any notwithstanding he remaineth impenitent , neuerthelesse shall hope for mercy , let him heare what chrysostome saith , quomodo deum rogas , vt tibi parcat , cum tu tibi minime parcas ? how canst thou desire god to haue compassion vpon thee ; when thou hast no compassion vpon thy selfe ? aulus gellius writes , that the romanes sent the carthaginians , hastam & caduceum , a speare and a white wand , the ensignes of warre and peace , and offered them their choise : so deales the lord with vs , vpon our repentance ; he offers vs conditions of peace , and protesteth to repent himselfe of the euill intended , and to remoue farre from vs his iudgements already inflicted . ergofratres puniamus peccata nostra : therefore brethren let vs be our owne purishers : punish we our selues , our sinnes , that god may haue mercy on vs : and turne this heauie plague from vs : hee cannot shew mercy vpon workers of iniquitie , quasi blandiens peccatis , aut non erudicens peccata , as if hee flattered men in their sinnes , or had no purpose to root out sin . prorsus aut punis , aut punit , beleeue it either thou must punish thy selfe for thy sins , or god will punish thee : vis non puniat punitu . wilt thou that god should not pun●sh thee , then punish thou thy selfe : and wash away thy sins with the bitter & brinish teares of vnfained repentance , through a liuely faith in the blood of our lord and sauiour iesus christ : that forsaking the ladder of our crying sins we may climbe vp to heauen with the ladder of our feruent prayers : and hauing all brought our selues into the same danger of mortalitie ; let vs all with one accord , sigh forth vncessantly , the disciples powerfull and importunate request ; lord , sauevs : we perish . o lord our god the giue of all graces , the forginer of all our sinnes , and the present helper and ready defender of them , that fly to thee for succor : grant vnto vs wee humbly beseech thee an vnfained remorse for all our misdeeds ; that our heartie ropentance , may awaken thy mercy , and cause thy iustice to fall into a deepe sleepe : so then we shall with all saints for euermore sing helleluja . saluation , and glory , and honor , and power vnto the lord our god for euermore . amen . finis ad lectorem . grammata si desint , si syllaba forte redundet , si praecedenti menda sit vllà libro : ignoscas lector ; quid enim labecula laedit ? et navos penna corrige quaeso tua . tibi in christo addictissimus , a. l. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02799-e150 ingratos reuocauit in seruitutem . sueton. notes for div a02799-e360 aug. ad licent . epist . 41. notes for div a02799-e470 bernard de pug spirit . diuision , parts 4. quis , à quo , quid , quomodo . 1 obseruation . diez . loco de poenitentia . aug. serm . 102 de tempore . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . disco . mat. 10. 1. mar. 315. luk. 9. 1 , 5. tertul. cont . marci . l. 4. cap. 24. ierom , epist ad fabi olam mansio . 6. luk 23. 40 gal. 2. 9. mat. 17. 1. mar. 5. 37. 2 obseruation . iam 2. 23. gen. 18. penult . heb. 3. 6 : exo. 32. 10. iam 5. 17. numb . 25. 13. psal . 106. 30. psal . 109 , 6 oratio de carne pudica , de anima innocenti , de spiritu sancto offerenda . tertul . apolog. cap , 30. heb. 10. 11. psal . 24. 4. 2 king 2. 12. esay 62. 6. ionah 1. 5. other countries had other gods , the reliques whereof are recorded by tertullian in apol. c. 23. angelici quia in angelorum cultum inclinati . ang. de bar . c. 39. angelici vocati , quia angeles colunt . isidor . origen . l. ● . c. s. i ooke francis de croy. g. arth. in his three cōformities . cap 4 , 5. 3 obseruation . the latter pestilent god is worshipped in venice . athan. ●rat . 4. cont . arian pag. 260 aug. confess . lib. 1. cap. 5. chrysost . in 1 cor. hom. 1. reasons 3. 1. because he is onely omniscient psal . 62. 8. 1 sam. 1. 13 , 15. rom. 8. 26. rom 8. 27. 2 chron. 6. 30. augustinus dicit , quia mortut nesciunt , eti am sancti , quid agant vivi , etiam eorum sil●● gloss . interlineal . in esai . 63. aug de cura pro mortuis cap. 13. psal 65. 2. exod. 13. 3 dan. 6. 5 , 13 , 22 , 28. zach. 3. 2 , ●d 5. aug lib. 1. ●ont . max. lactant. de vero cultu . l 6. c. 25. f. 399. zanch. in c. 6. ad eph. clem. alex. lib. 7. stromat . esay . 56. 7. for denominatio fit à principaliore causa . ro. 15. 30. 2 cor. 1. 11. vide aug. lib. de quantitale anima & de moribus eccles . catholica , et manieh lib. 1. cap. 30. psal . 115. 1. col. 2. 18. uide theod. ibid , ambr. in rom. cap. 1. copiosiùs legas apud ambr. in rom. cap. 1. chrysost . in dimission . chananaea . tom. 5. edit . savig . pag. 195. vide cund . serm. 7. de poenitent . tom. 6. edit . savil. pag. 802. & in psal . 4 : aug. tract . 29. in iohan apud lud. granatens . exercit. de orat. & medit. ioh. 2. 19. mat. 27. 52 1 cor. 15. 12. stulte quid est somnus gelidus nisi mortis imago ? ouid. homer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ligo , vere soperatus , aut demersus somno profundo icr. 20. 11. psal . 2. 12 , 13. ferrum . fames . morbus . lyps de constantia . lib. 2. cap. 16 aug. in psal . 56. aug. serm . 1. de tempore . aug. pellie . in mat. iames 1. 6. cypr. 2. ad don. 4 obseruation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . domine salua nos , lord saue vs. aug enarrat . in psal . 58. chrysost . in 1 cor. hom . 23. aul. gel. l. 10. c. 27. h●…c augustinus in loco prius citato . orders, thought meete by his maiestie, and his priuie counsell, to be executed throughout the counties of this realme, in such townes, villages, and other places, as are, or may be hereafter infected with the plague, for the stay of further increase of the same also, an aduise set downe by the best learned in physicke within this realme, containing sundry good rules and easie medicines, without charge to the meaner sort of people, aswel for the preseruation of his good subiects from the plague before infection, as for the curing and ordering of them after they shalbe infected. england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1603 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22700 stc 9209 estc s100731 99836561 99836561 842 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22700) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 842) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1136:23) orders, thought meete by his maiestie, and his priuie counsell, to be executed throughout the counties of this realme, in such townes, villages, and other places, as are, or may be hereafter infected with the plague, for the stay of further increase of the same also, an aduise set downe by the best learned in physicke within this realme, containing sundry good rules and easie medicines, without charge to the meaner sort of people, aswel for the preseruation of his good subiects from the plague before infection, as for the curing and ordering of them after they shalbe infected. england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) james i, king of england, 1566-1625. england and wales. sovereign (1558-1603 : elizabeth i). england and wales. privy council. 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text creation partnership web site . eng plague -great britain -early works to 1800. plague -prevention -early works to 1800. plague -treatment -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ orders , thought meete by his maiestie , and his priuie counsell , to be executed throughout the counties of this realme , in such townes , villages , and other places , as are , or may be hereafter infected with the plague , for the stay of further increase of the same . also , an aduise set downe by the best learned in physicke within this realme , containing sundry good rules and easie medicines , without charge to the meaner sort of people , aswel for the preseruation of his good subiects from the plague before infection , as for the curing and ordering of them after they shal be infected . ¶ jmprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno 1603. ¶ orders , thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie counsell , to be executed throughout the counties of this realme , in such townes , villages , and other places as are , or may be hereafter infected with the plague , for the stay of further increase of the same . as the most louing and gracious care of his maiestie for the preseruation of his people , hath already bene earnestly shewed and declared by such meanes and wayes as were thought expedient to suppresse the grieuous infection of the plague , and to preuent the increase thereof , within the city of london , and parts about it ; so whatsoeuer other good meanes may be yet remayning which may extend and proue behouefull to the countrey abroad ( where his maiestie is sory to vnderstand that the contagion is also in many places dispersed ) it is likewise his gracious pleasure that the same bee carefully prouided and put in practise . and therefore hauing taken knowledge of certaine good orders that were vpon like occasion published in times past ; together with certaine rules and medicines prescribed by the best and most learned physicians ; and finding both of them , to serue well for the present time , his maiestie is pleased that the same shal be renewed and published : and withall straightly commandeth all iustices of the peace & others to whom it may appertaine , to see the said orders duely executed . at the court at hampton court this 30. of iuly . 1603. in primis , all the iustices in euery countie , aswell within the liberties as without , immediatly vpon knowledge to them giuen , shall assemble themselues together at some one generall place accustomed , being cleare from infection of the plague , to consult howe these orders following may bee duely put in execution , not meaning that any iustices dwelling in or neere places infected , shall come thither , whiles their comming may be doubtfull . and after their first generall assembly , they shall make a distribution of themselues to sundry limits and diuisions , as in other common seruices of the countie they are accustomed to doe , for the prosecution thereof . 2 first they shall inquire , and presently informe themselues by all good meanes , what townes and villages are at the time of such assemblie infected within euery their counties , and in what hundred or other diuision , the sayde townes and villages are , and how many of the same places so infected are corporate townes , market townes and villages , and shall consider of what wealth the inhabitants of the same townes and parishes are , to bee able to relieue the poore that are or shall be infected , and to be restrained in their houses . 3 item , thereupon after conference vsed according to the necessitie of the cause , they shall deuise and make a generall taxation , either by charging the towne infected with one summe in grosse , or by charging the speciall persōs of wealth within the same , to be forthwith collected for the rate of one moneth at the first , and so if the sickenesse shal continue , the collection of y e like summe , or of more or of lesse , as time and cause shall require , and the same to be euery first , second , third , or fourth weeke employed to and for the execution of the sayd orders . and in case some of the said townes infected shall manifestly appeare not to be of sufficient abilitie to contribute sufficient for the charges requisite , then the taxation or collection shall bee made or further extended to other parts , or in any other further limits , as by them shall be thought requisite where there shall bee any such townes or villages so infected , and vnable to relieue themselues . and if the said townes be scituated in the borders and confines of any other shire , then as the iustices shall see cause and neede for the greatnesse of the charge requisite , that the parts of the shire ioyning to the townes infected be not able , they shall write their letters to the next iustices of the other shire so confining , to procure by collection some reliefe , as in like cases they are to relieue them , in respect of neere neighbourhood of the place , and for that the same infection may bee the better stayed from the sayd adioyning places , though they be separated by name of the countie . 4 item , they shall cause to be appointed in euery parish aswell infected as not infected , certaine persons to viewe the bodies of all such as shall die , before they be suffered to be buried , and to certifie the minister of the church and church-warden , or other principall officers , or their substitutes of what probable disease the sayd persons died : and the said viewers , to haue weekely some allowance , & the more large allowance where the townes or parishes bee infected , during the infection , towards their maintenance , to the ende they which shall bee in places infected , may forbeare to resort into the company of others that are sound : and those persons to bee sworne to make true report according to their knowledge , and the choise of them to be made by direction of the curate of the church , with three or foure substantiall men of the parish . and in case the sayde viewers either through fauor or corruption , shall giue wrong certificate , or shall refuse to serue being thereunto appointed , then to cause them to be punished by imprisonment , in such sort as may serue for a terrour to others . 5 item , the houses of such persons out of the which there shall die any of the plague , being so certified by the viewers , or otherwise knowen , or where it shall bee vnderstood , that any person remaineth sicke of the plague , to be closed vp on all parts during the time of restraint , viz. sixe weeks , after the sicknesse be ceased in the same house , in case the said houses so infected shall be within any towne hauing houses neere adioyning to the same . and if the infection happen in houses dispersed in villages , and seperated from other houses , and that of necessitie , for the seruing of their cattell , and manuring of their ground , the saide persons cannot continue in their houses , then they to be neuerthelesse restrained from resorting into company of others , either publikely or priuately during the saide time of restraint , and to weare some marke in their vppermost garments , or beare white rods in their handes at such time as they shall goe abroad , and if there be any doubt that the masters and owners of the houses infected , will not duely obserue the directions of shutting vp their doores , specially in the night , then shal there be appointed two or three watchmen by turnes , which shal be sworne to attend and watch the house , and to apprehend any person that shall come out of the house contrary to the order , and the same persons by order of the iustices , shall be a competent time imprisoned in the stockes in the high way next to the house infected : and furthermore , some speciall marke shall be made and fixed to the doores of euery of the infected houses , and where any such houses shall be iunes or alehouses , the signes shall be taken downe for the time of the restraint , and some crosse or other mark set vpon the place thereof to be a token of the sickenesse . 6 item , they shall haue good regard to chuse honest persons that either shal collect the summes assessed , or shall haue the custodie thereof , and out of the said collection to allot a weekely proportion for the finding of victuall , or fire , or medicines for the poorer sort , during the time of their restraint . and whereas some persons being wel disposed to yeeld almes and reliefe , will be more willing to giue some portions of victual , as corne , bread , or other meate , the same shall be committed to the charge of some special persons , that wil honestly and truely preserue the same , to bee distributed as they shall be appointed for the poore that are infected . 7 item , to appoint certain persons dwelling within the townes infected , to prouide and deliuer all necessaries of victuals , or any matter of watching or other attendance , to keepe such as are of good wealth being restrained , at their own proper costs and charges , and the poore at the common charges : and the sayde persons so appointed to be ordered , not to resort to any publike assembly during the time of such their attēdance , as also to weare some marke on their vpper garment , or to beare a white rod in their hand , to the end others may auoide their company . 8 item , that in the shire towne in euery countie , and in other great townes meete for that purpose , there may bee prouision bespoken and made , of such preseruatiues and other remedies , which otherwise in meaner townes cannot be readily had , as by the physicians shall be prescribed , and is at this present reduced into an aduise made by the physicians , and nowe printed and sent with the sayd orders , which may bee fixed in market places , vpon places vsuall for such publique matters , and in other townes in the bodies of the parish churches , and chappels , in which aduise onely such things are prescribed , as vsually are to bee had and found in all countreys without great charge or cost . 9 item , the ministers and curates , and the churchwardens in euery parish , shall in writing certifie weekely to some of the iustices , residing within the hundred or other limit where they serue , the number of such persons as are infected and do not die , and also of all such as shal die within their parishes , and their diseases probable wherof they died , and the same to be certified to the rest of the iustices at their assemblies , which during some conuenient time would be euery one and twenty dayes , and thereof a particular booke kept by the clerke of the peace or some such like . 10 item , to appoint some place apart in each parish for the buriall of such persons as shall die of the plague , as also to giue order that they bee buried after sunne setting , and yet neuertheles by day light , so as the curate bee present for the obseruation of the rites and ceremonies prescribed by the law , foreseeing as much as conueniently he may , to be distant from the danger of infection of the person dead , or of the company that shall bring the corpse to the graue . 11 item , the iustices of the whole countie to assemble once in one & twenty dayes , to examine whether those orders bee duely executed , and to certifie to the lords of the priuie councell their proceedings in that behalfe , what townes and villages be infected , as also the numbers of the dead , and the diseases whereof they died , and what summes of money are taxed and collected to this purpose , and how the same are distributed . 12 item , the iustices of the hundred , where any such infection is , or the iustices next adioyning thereunto , to assemble once a weeke , to take accompt of the execution of the said orders , & as they finde any lacke or disorder , either to reforme it themselues , or to report it at the generall assemblie there , to bee by a more common consent reformed . 13 item , for that the contagion of the plague groweth and encreaseth no way more , then by the vse and handling of such clothes , bedding and other stuffe as hath been worne and occupied by the infected of this disease , during the time of their disease : the sayd iustices shall in the places infected take such order , that all the said clothes and other stuffe , so occupied by the diseased , so soone as the parties diseased of the plague are all of them either well recouered or dead , be either burnt and cleane consumed with fire , or els ayred in such sort as is prescribed in an especiall article conteined in the aduise set downe by the phisicians . and for that peraduenture the losse of such apparel , bedding and other stuffe to be burnt , may be greater then the poore estate of the owners of the same may well beare : it is thought very good and expedient , if it be thought meete it shall bee burnt , that then the sayd iustices , out of such collections as are to be made within their counties for the reliefe of the poorer sort that bee infected , allow also to them such summe or sums as to them shall be thought reasonable , in recompense of the losse of their sayd stuffe . 14 item , the sayd iustices may put in execution any other orders that by them at their generall assembly shal be deuised and thought meet , tending to the preseruation of his maiesties subiects from the infection : and to the end their care and diligence may the better appeare , they shall certifie in writing the said orders newly deuised : and if any shall wilfully breake and contemne the same or any of the orders herein specified , they shal either presently punish them by imprisonment , or if the persons so contemning them , shall be of such countenance as the iustices shall thinke meete to haue their faults knowen to his maiestie , or to the councell , they shall charge and bind them to appeare before vs , and the contempt duely certified , that there may be a more notorious sharpe example ▪ made by punishment of the same by order of his maiestie . 15 item , if there be lacke of iustices in some parts of the shire , or if they which are iustices there shall be for the time absent , in that case the more number of the iustices at their assembly shall make choice of some conuenient persons to supplie those places for the better executiō hereof . 16 item , if there be any person ecclesiasticall or laye , that shall hold and publish any opinions ( as in some places report is made ) that it is a vain thing to forbeare to resort to the infected , or that it is not charitable to forbid the same , pretending that no person shall die but at their time prefixed , such persons shall be not onely reprehended , but by order of the bishop , if they bee ecclesiasticall , shall be forbidden to preach , and being lay , shall be also enioyned to forbeare to vtter such dangerous opiniōs vpon paine of imprisonment , which shall be executed , if they shall perseuere in that errour . and yet it shall appeare manifestly by these orders , that according to christian charity , no persons of the meanest degree shal be left without succour and reliefe . 17 and of these things aboue mentioned , the iustices shall take great care , as of a matter specially directed and commaunded by his maiestie vpon the princely and naturall care hee hath conceiued towards the preseruation of his subiects , who by very disorder , and for lacke of direction do in many parts wilfully procure the increase of this generall contagion . ❧ an aduise set downe by the best learned in physicke within this realme : conteining sundry good rules and easie medicines , without charge to the meaner sort of people , as well for the preseruation of his good subiects from the plague before infection , as for the curing and ordering of them after they shal be infected . preseruatiue by correcting the aire in houses . take rosemarie dried , or iuniper , bay-leaues , or frankincense , cast the same on a chafendish , and receiue the fume or smoke therof : some aduise to be added lauander , or sage . also to make fires rather in pannes , to remooue about the chamber , then in chimneys , shall better correct the ayre of the houses . take a quantity of vineger very strong , and put to it some small quantitie of rosewater , ten braunches of rosemarie , put them all into a basen , then take fiue or sixe flintstones , heated in the fire till they be burning hote , cast them into the same vineger , and so let the fumes be receiued from place to place of your house . perfuming of apparell . such apparell as you shall commonly weare , let it bee very cleane , and perfume it ofen either with some redde saunders burned , or with iuniper . and if any shall happen to be with them that are visited , let such persons as soone as they shal come home , shift themselues , and aire their clothes , in open aire for a time . preseruation by way of defence in open aire , and common assemblies to be vsed outwardly . it is good in going abroad into the open aire in the streets , to hold some things of sweet sauour in their hands , or in the corner of an handkerchife , as a sponge dipped in vineger and rosewater mixed , or in vineger , wherein wormewood , or rue called also herbegrace , hath bene boyled . preseruatiue by way of inward medicine . take a quantitie of rue , or wormewood , or of both , and put it into a pot of vsuall drink , close stopped , let it lie so in steepe a whole night , and drinke thereof in the morning fasting . in all sommer plagues , it shall be good to vse sorrel sauce to be eaten in the morning with bread . and in the fall of the leafe to vse the iuyce of barberies with bread also . mens bodies are apt to take infection , either by the constitution of the heart , the vital spirits being weake , and the naturall heate feeble , in which case things cordial are to be vsed . by repletion , the body being filled with humors , either good , and then is the party to be let blood . euil , and then is he to be cured w t medicine purgatiue . preseruatiues cordials . mithridates medicine . take of good figges not wormeaten , cleane washed , of walnuts the kernels cleane picked , of either of them an hundred , of the leaues of green rue , otherwise called herbegrace , the weight of ii . s. of common salt the weight of iii. d. cut the figs in pieces , and stampe them & the walnut kernels together in a morter of marble or wood a good space , vntill they be very small , and then put the rue leaues vnto them , stampe and stirre them well together with the rest , last put in the salt and stampe and stirre these things together , vntill they be incorporated and made of one substance . of the which take the quantitie of ii . or iii. figges euery morning fasting , to children the halfe will serue , and hee that listeth to increase or diminish the substance of this medicine , shall easily doe it , by taking of a greater or lesse quantity of the simples according to a due proportion . a well approoued medicine to preserue . take of the finest cleare aloes you can buy , in colour like to a liuer , & therfore called hepatica , of cinamon , of myrrhe , of ech of these the weight of iii. french crownes , or of xxii . d. of our money , of cloues , maces , lignum aloes , of mastick , of bole oriental , of ech of these halfe an ounce : mingle them together and beate them into a very fine powder . of the which take euery morning fasting the weight of a groate of this in white wine delayed with water , and by the grace of god you shall be safe from the plague . no man which is learned , if he examine the simples of this medicine whereof it consisteth , and the nature and power of them , can deny but that it is a medicine of great efficacy against the plague , and the simples whereof it is made , are easily to be had in any good apothecaries shop , except bole oriental , which is vsed in the stead of true bolus armenus . take a drie figge and open it , and put the kernell of a walnut into the same beeing cut very small , three or foure leaues of rue commonly called herbegrace , a corne of salt , then rost the figge and eate it warme , fast iii. or iiii . houres after it , and vse this twise in the weeke . take the powder of turmentil , the weight of vipence with sorrel or scabious water in sommer , and in winter with the water of valerian or common drinke . or else in one day they may take a little wormwood , and valerian with a graine of salt. in another day they may take vii . or viii . berries of iuniper , dryed and put in powder , and taking the same with common drinke , or with drinke in which wormewood & rue hath ben steeped all the night . also the triacle called dietessearoum , which is made but of 4. things of light price easie to be had . also the roote of enula campana , either taken in powder with drinke , or hanged about the brest . likewise a piece of arras root kept in the mouth as men passe in the streetes , is very good cordiall . take sixe leaues of sorrell , wash them with water and vineger , let them lie to steepe in the said water and vineger a while , then eate them fasting , and keepe in your mouth and chewe now or then either stewall , or the roote of angelica , or a little cinamon . take the roote of enula campana being layde and steeped in vineger , and grosse beaten , put a little of it in a handkerchiefe , and smell to it if you resort to any that is infected . ¶ for women with child , or such as be delicate and tender , and cannot away with taking of medicines . make a tost of white or of the second breade as you thinke good , and sprinkle on it being hotte a litle good wine vineger , made with rose leaues , and for want of it , any good common or vsed vineger , and spread on the tost a little butter , and cast thereon a little powder of cinamon , and eate it in the morning fasting . the poore which cannot get vineger nor buy cinamon , may eate bread and butter alone : for butter is not onely a preseruatiue against the plague , but against all maner of poysons . when one must come into the place where infectious persons are , it is good to smell to the roote of angelica , gentian , or valerian , and to chew any of these in his mouth . another preseruatiue for the poore . it shal be good to take an handfull of rue , and as much common wormewood , and bruse them a little : and put them into a pot of earth or tinne , with so much vineger as shall couer the herdes : keepe this pot close couered or stopt , and when you feare any infection , dippe into this vineger a piece of a sponge , and cary it in your hand & smell to it , or else put it into a round ball of yuorie or iuniper made full of holes of the one side , carying it in your hand vse to smell thereunto , renewing it once in a day . ❧ to be vsed after infection taken . for as much as the cause of the plague standeth rather in poyson , then in any putrifaction of humours as other agues doe , the chiefest way is to mooue sweatings , and to defend the heart by some cordiall thing . suppositarie . if the patient bee costiue and bound in his bodie , let him take a suppositarie made with a litle boyled honie , and a little fine powder of salt , and so taken in at the fundament , and kept till it moue a stoole . an excellent medicine made without charges . take of the powder of good bayberies , the huske taken away from them , before they be dried , a spoonefull : let the patient drinke this , well mingled in a draught of good stale ale or beere , which is neither sowre nor deade , or with a draught of white wine , and goe to bed and cast himselfe into a sweate , and forbeare sleepe as is aforesaid . an other soueraigne remedie , that is a stilled water . take the inward bark of the ashe tree , a pound , of walnuts with the greene outward shelles , to the number of fiftie , cut these smal , of scabious , of veruen , of petimorel , of housleeke , of euery one a handfull , of saffron halfe an ounce , powre vpon these the strongest vineger you can get foure pintes , let them a little boyle together vpon a very soft fire , and then stand in a very close pot well stopt all a night vpon the embers , afterward distill them with a soft fire , and receiue the water close kept . giue vnto the patient laide in bed and well couered with clothes , two ounces of this water to drinke , & let him be prouoked to sweate , and euery sixe houres , during the space of twentie foure houres , giue him the same quantitie to drinke . this medicine for the worthinesse thereof , and because it will stand the maker thereof in little charge , it shall be very well done to distill it in summer when the walnuts hang greene on the tree , that it may be ready against the time that occasion serueth to vse it . 1. bloodletting . if the patient be ful of humours which be good , let him immediatly be let blood vpon the liuer veine in the right arme , or in the median veine of the same arme ( if no sore appeare ) in the first day . 2. medicine purgatiue . for the poore take aloes the weight of sixe pence , put in the pappe of an apple : and for the richer pilles of rufus to bee had in euery good apothecaries shop . after letting of blood and purging ( as shall bee needfull ) some of the forenamed cordials are to be vsed . these preparations thus vsed the first day that the patient shall fall sicke , as cause shall be to vse the one or the other ( no sore appearing ) in which case if the sore shall appeare , they are both to bee forborne , the next is to vse all meanes to expel the poyson , and to defend the heart by cordials . 3. medicament expulsiue . the poyson is expelled best by sweatings prouoked by posset ale , made with fenel and marigolds in winter , and with sorrel , buglosse and borage in summer , with the which in both times they must mixe the triacle of diatessaroum , the weight of ix . d. & so to lay themselues with all quietnesse to sweat one halfe houre , or an houre if they he strong . for they that be neither full of humours nor corrupt in humours , neede neither purging nor letting of blood , but at the first plunge may mooue themselues to sweate with cordiall things mixt with such things as mooue sweate , and are before declared . ❧ what is to be done when there is any rising or swelling in any part . then if by these three meanes the poyson be expelled outward by botches , carbuncles or markes , called gods markes , according as nature doth expell , so must the further proceedings be , prouiding still , that they continue still in the vse of the cordiall and moderate sweating now and then , all the time that the sores be in healing , which must by the surgion bee handled with great discretion . medicines to be vsed in ordinary diet . it is thought that the powder of harts horne hath a speciall prerogatiue , to be vsed all the time of their sicknes in their broths , and supping , which in sommer must euer haue sorrell , borage , buglasse , and in winter , betony , and scabious , or morsus diaboli , and if their habilities do not serue , let them vse it with aleburies made with a little nutmegge , or one cloue , or with cawdels in like maner made with cloues , maces , nutmegs , sanders or such like . both to preserue and cure the sicknesse . take an egge and make a hole in the toppe of it , take out the white and yelke , fill the shell with the weight of two french crownes of saffron , rost the said egge thus filled with saffron vnder the embres , vntil the shell begin to waxe yellow , then take it from the fire , and beate the shell and saffron in a morter together , with halfe a spoonefull of mustard seed , take of this powder a french crown weight , and as soone as you suspect your selfe infected , dissolue it into ten spoonefuls of posset ale , and drinke it luke warme , then goe to bed and prouoke your selfe to sweating . to be vsed in the first time of the sicknesse . another is to take fiue or sixe handfull of sorell , that groweth in the field , or a greater quantity according as you will distill more or lesse of the water thereof , and let it lie infrised or steeped in good vineger the space of foure and twentie houres , then take it off and drie it with a linen cloth put into a limbecke , and distill the water thereof : and assoone as you finde your selfe touched with the sicknesse , drinke foure spoonefuls of the said water with a little sugar , and if you be able , walke vpon it vntill you doe sweate , if not , keepe your bed , and being well couered , prouoke your selfe to sweating , and the next day to take as much againe of it a little before supper . item , to prouoke vomit with two ounces of ranke oyle , or walnut oyle , a spoonefull of the iuice of celendine & halfe a spoonefull of the iuice of radice root , so that the party infected do walke and not sleepe , is better then any letting of blood , or any purging . for the disease neither can suffer agitation of humors , nor when one is infected , hath no time to bleede or to purge . ❧ outwrrd medicines for to be applied to the sore . the first ▪ take of scabious two handfuls , stampe it in a stone morter with a pestell of stone if you can get any such , then put vnto it of olde swines grease salted , two ounces , and the yelke of an egge , stampe them well together , and lay part of this warme to the sore . the second . take of the leaues of mallowes , of camomill flowers , of either of them an handfull , of linseede beaten into powder two ounces , boyle the mallow leaues first cut , and the flowers of the camomill in faire water , standing aboue a fingers breadth , boyle all them together , vntill all the water almost be spent : then put thereunto the linseede , of wheate flower halfe an handfull , of swines grease the skins taken away three ounces , of oyle of roses two ounces , stirre them still with a sticke , and let them all boyle together on a soft fire without smoke , vntill the water be vtterly spent , beate them all together in a morter , vntill they be well encorporated together , and in feeling smooth , and not rough : then make part thereof hot in a dish set vpon a chafindish of coales , and lay it thicke vpon a linnen cloth applying it to the sore . another excellent medicine to ripen and bring out the sore . take a white onion cut in pieces , of fresh butter iii. ounces , of leuen the weight of xii . d. of mallowes one handfull , of scabious if it may be had one handfull , of cloues of garlicke the weight of xx . d. boyle them on the fire in sufficient water , and make a pultesse of it , and lay it warme to the sore . another . to the sore it selfe doe thus . take two handfull of valerian , three rootes of danewort , a handfull of smalledge , or louage , if you can get it , seethe them all in butter and water , and a fewe crummes of bread , and make a pultesse thereof , and lay it warme to the sore vntill it breake . another for the same . if you cannot haue these herbes , it is good to lay a loafe of bread to it hot as it commeth out of the ouen ( which afterward shal be burnt or buried in the earth ) or the leaues of scabious or sorrell rosted , or two or three lillie rootes rosted vnder embers , beaten and applied . a generall m●dicine for all sortes of people taken with the plague to be had without cost . take of the roote of butter burre , otherwise called p●●●●●ent wort , one ounce , of the roote of great valerian a ●●arter of an ounce , of sorrell an handfull , boyle all these in a quart of water to a pint , then straine it and put there to two spoonefuls of vineger two ounces of good sugar , boyle all these together vntill they be well mingled , let the infected drinke of this so hotte as he may suffer it a good draught , and if hee chance to cast it vp againe , let him take the same quantitie straightway vpon it , and prouoke himselfe to sweate , and he shall find great helpe . time of continuance apart from common assemblies . such as haue beene infected , should keepe their house without being conuersant with y e whole , vntill the sores 〈◊〉 haue 〈…〉 and be perfectly whole and sound , which in sanguine and cholericke persons will bee healed sooner , then in melancho●●ke and flegmatike complexions . such persons may not well be conuersant with them which are not infected , for the space of one mo●●th . infected clothes . the contagion suspected to remaine in cloths , either wollen or linnen , cannot wel be auoided by 〈◊〉 meanes , then by fire and water , by often ●●●●ing and ai●ing the same in frostes , and sonne shine , with good discretion , and b●●ning the clothes o● small val●● . finis . another godly letter, lately written to the same h.h. by his owne sister out of the countrey, about eighty miles from london a. h. 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02427 stc 12561.2 estc s3086 33142597 ocm 33142597 28145 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02427) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28145) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:82) another godly letter, lately written to the same h.h. by his owne sister out of the countrey, about eighty miles from london a. h. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n.], [london : 1625. place of publication from stc (2nd ed.). signed at end: iuly 22. 1625. resting, your true louing sister, a.h. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-03 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion another godly letter , lately written to the same h h by his owne sister out of the countrey , about eighty miles from london . good brother : i blesse god that yet i see your hand writing : by which his mercy appeareth , in sparing you and yours , among thowsands that fall on your right hand and on your left , in this heauie visitation of gods displeasure : which goodnes of his in yet sparing you ; my hope is you esteeme according to the worth thereof , and make that holy use of the same which god expects , and his ministers every where with earnestnesse call vpon vs all for : namely , to search and try our hearts and waies , and to turne from all our sins of heart and life , and to renew our vowes of better obedience for time to come . the further meditations of these most necessarie things , i commend to your most serious thoughts , as things most precious and requisite for these times : in which most weighty businesse , i as your vnfained louing sister shall , as i am able , continually pray god to assist you , and in the performance of that which may in this kind bee acceptable in his sight , in iesus christ : as also that hee would , as it may stand with his glory , spare you in this common visitation : however , to sanctifie it , both in the feare of it , or inflicting of it : so as euery way his fauour may be discerned , to the peace and comfort of your soule : to which end , the all-sufficient protection of the almightie in mercy and goodnesse be euer vouchsafed vnto you and all yours : and let my sister , your wife , know in particular that in all good wishes i remember her equall with your selfe ; and must to you both rest a great debtor for much loue . for vs here ( in the country , where i now am ) i praise god we are all in bodily health : my selfe and company that parted from you , came hither safe on saturday at three of the clock in the morning ; hauing ridden all night , in regard that we could not bee lodged at d. where we thought to haue lyen : of which you may heare more hereafter : but besides our selues we had very good company , which made our nights trauell very pleasant to vs. brother , my brothers and sisters here doe all wish you well , and pray for you and yours ; especially our deare mother , who wisheth it could bee any wayes conuenient that you and yours , i meane your wife , were here : though indeed my fathers house is already very full ; howeuer , you want not our aged parents prayers and blessing , which they send you , and their loue to your wife ; and our good mother beseecheth you both with teares to loue and cherish each other in the lord , that whatsoeuer hand of his may befall you : yet it may bee sweetned by your mutuall vndergoing it with patience and comfort : and so once more i beseech the lord to stablish your hearts in his feare : and with you to bee good to your afflicted citie , and purge it by this visitation : and prepare vs here in c. for the like : for it is to bee feared wee may not long scape : wee had here on wednesday last the fast kept publikely as in london : and before , i did pertake with m. f. in what he did priuately for preparation to the publike exercises . good brother , commend mee to all your neighbours and friends that i know , which you thinke will accept the same from mee : by name m. d. and his wife , m. l. and his , &c. thus haue i seamblingly imparted vnto you , in hast , my mind , and how things are with vs here : accept all in good will , and whiles we liue let vs loue ; that come life or death we may bee so linked that death may not separate vs : and whiles god spares you , let me i pray see your hand to my selfe ; which be assured i will take kindly : commend mee to little s. for whose mothers death , and that further visitation i am not vnsensible , in regard of my sister your wife : but she is discreet ; whom with your selfe once againe i commit to gods mercy . iuly 22. 1625. resting your true louing sister , a. h. a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london, the citty of westminster, the citty of norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of october the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. 1603 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06259 stc 16743.2 estc s4372 24227514 ocm 24227514 27396 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06259) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27396) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1820:12) a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london, the citty of westminster, the citty of norwich, and diuers other places, since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them, to this present month of october the sixt day, 1603 with a relation of many visitations by the plague, in sundry other forraine countries. chettle, henry, d. 1607? worshipful company of parish clerks. 1 broadside. printed by i.r. for iohn trundle, and are to be sold at his shop in barbican, neere long lane end, at london : [1603] attributed to the worshipful company of parish clerks by nuc pre-1956 imprints. signed at end: henry chettle. date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints. text in two columns. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -mortality. london (england) -statistics, vital. westminster (london, england) -statistics, vital. norwich (england) -statistics, vital. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true bill of the whole number that hath died in the cittie of london , the citty of westminster , the citty of norwich , and diuers other places , since the time this last sicknes of the plague began in either of them , to this present month of october the sixt day , 1603. with a relation of many visitations by the plague , in sundry other forraine countries . it is no doubt that the corruption of the ayre , together with vncleanly and vnwholsome kéeping of dwelling , where many are pestered together , as also the not obseruing to haue fiers priuate & publiquely made as well within houses , as without in the stréets , at times when the ayre is infected , are great occasions to increase corrupt and pestilent diseases . neither can it be denied , that the ouer-boldnes of many preasing into infected places , and the lewdnes of others with sores vppon them , presuming into the open ayre , some of wilfulnes , but truly many of necessitie , contaminateth & corrupteth diuers : as the leprosie , the pocks , and sundry such vncleane diseases doo : as by drinking , lying in company , and other such meanes , where pure complexions and cleane bloods are defiled with such as are putrified : and therefore carefully to be auoyded . but all these are accidentall , and rather effects then the cause . then first this citty of london cannot be denied , to haue had as great blessings as euer had ierusalem , for héere god hath long time béen present by his word and sacraments , yet they haue abounded in all iniquitie , when ierusalem long since had not a stone left vpon a stone . in the yéere of christ , 81. and in the yere 188. there continued a great time a plague in rome , of which there daily died two thousand people . in the yéere 254. fiftéene prouinces of the romaine empire , were in a manner consumed with the pestilence . in the yéere 530. there died in constantinople fiue thousand a day , and diuers times tenne thousand : and at that time , in some other parts of gréece , there were not sufficient liuing men left to bury their dead . and in the yéere 1569. there fell such a plague in constantinople , that there died in sixe months space , 7. hundred thousand persons , and the yéere following fell such a famine , that a penny loafe of bread of english mony , was worth a crowne of gold : by reason whereof , the people died as fast then of the famine , as they did before of the plague . in the yéere 540. there began an vniuersall plague all ouer the world , that continued 50. yéeres with great violence . in the yéere 1348. in paris in fraunce , there died a hundred thousand people of the plague . in the yéere 1359. so great a pestilence there was in italy , that there were scarce tenne left of a thousand . and in the yéere 1521. there died in rome a hundred thousand of the pestilence . in the yéeres 1576. and 77. in millan , padua , and uenice , there fell a hundred thousand in euery citty : and in bohemia ( béeing but a small kingdome ) there died thrée hundred thousand the same time . soone after the conquest of king william , duke of normandy , when the people were subdued to him , and the knights fés rated which he had made , and himselfe placed with crowne and scepter , hee tooke number of the acres of land in all the realme , and of all the people , and of all the cattell : after which fell so sore a plague , that the people died in such number that tillage decaied , and famine ensued , with rot of cattell , that men were faine to eate flesh of dogs , cats , & mise . a fearefull example for princes . in the raigne of king edward the third , there fell a very great pestilence in the east-indies , among the tartarians , saracens , & turks , which lasted the space of seauen yéeres : through the feare whereof , many of the heathens willingly offered themselues to become christians . and shortly after , by reason of passengers from one prouince to another , the same pestilence was dispersed in many christian kingdoms , & amongst other places , brought into england : where it was so forcible all ouer the land , that not onely men , but also beasts , birds , and fishes were smitten therewith , and found dead with botches vpon thē . also among men , the number that were left aliue , were scarely sufficient to bury their dead . at which time , with the rest that then died of the plague , henry duke of lancaster , blanch dutchesse of lancaster , and the earle of warwicke ended the liues . so that in one yéere , in a little plot of ground of 13. acres compasse , then called spittle-croft , and now the charter-house , was buried fifty thousand persons , besides all them that were then buried in the churchyards , and diuers places in the fields . also in barbarie , alexandria , tripolie , and in constantinople , this last yéere 1602. fell so grieuous a plague , that there died thréere thousand a day for a long time together . our visitations , though our sinnes excéede , haue beene more gentle . for in the first great plague in our memory after the losse of newhauen , frō the first of ianuary 1562. to decemb. 1563. there died of the plague , twenty thousand , one hundred , thirtie sixe . and in the last great visitation , from the 20. of december 1592. to the 23. of the same month in the yéere 1593. died in all 25886. of the plague in and about london , 15003. and in the yéere before , 2000. god of his mercy , as he did then , hold his heauy hand from vs , and giue vs true repentance , the onely meane to win his grace toward vs. and now in this present visitation which it pleaseth god to strike vs with , there hath died from the 17. of december 1602. to the 14. of iuly 1603. the whole number in london and the liberties , 4314. whereof of the plague , 3310. the rest are set downe as they haue followed wéekely . from the 14 of iuly , to the 21. of the same 867 vvhereof of the plague 646 in the out parishes 319 whereof of the plague 271 buried in all this weeke , 1186. vvhereof of the plague 917. from the 21 of iuly , to the 28 of the same 1103 vvhereof of the plague 857 in the out parishes 781 vvhereof of the plague 671 out of the pesthouse 18 buried in all this weeke , 1728. vvhereof of the plague 1396. from the 28 of iuly to the 4. of august , 1700 vvherof of the plague 1439 in the out parishes 537 vvhereof of the plague 464 pesthouse , 19 buried in all this weeke , 2256. vvhereof of the plague 1922. from the 4 of august , to the 11 of the same 1655 vvherof of the plague 1372 in the out parishes 410 vvhereof of the plague 361 pesthouse , 12 buried in all this weeke , 2077. vvhereof of the plague 1745. from the 11 of august , to the 18 of the same , 2486 vvherof of the plague 2199 in the out parishes , 568 vvhereof of the plague 514 in bridewell 7. pesthouse , 21 buried in all this weeke , 3054. vvhereof of the plague 2713. from the 18 of august , to the 25 of the same , 2343 vvherof of the plague 2091 in the out parishes , 510 vvhereof of the plague 448 in bridewell 8. pesthouse , 12 buried in all this weeke , 2853. vvhereof of the plague , 2539. from the 25 of august , to the 1. of september , 2798 vvherof of the plague 2495 in the out parishes , 587 vvhereof of the plague 540 in bridewell 5. pesthouse 6 buried in all this weeke , 3385 , vvhereof of the plague , 3035. from the 1 of september to the 8 of the same , 2583 vvherof of the plague 2283 in the out parishes , 495 vvhereof of the plague 441 in bridewell 17 pesthouse 5 buried in all this weeke , 3078 whereof , of the plague 2724 from the 8 of september to the 15 of the same , 2676 wherof of the plague , 2411 in the out parishes , 453 vvherof of the plague , 407 in bridewell 7. pesthouse . 10 buried in all this weeke , 3129. whereof of the plague , 2818. from the 15 of septemb. to the 22 of the same , 2080 vvherof of the plague , 1851 in the out parishes , 376 vvhereof of the plague , 344 in bridewell 19 pesthouse , 10 buried in all this weeke , 2456. vvhereof of the plague , 2195. from the 22 of septemb. to the 29 of the same , 1666 wherof of the plague , 1478 in the out parishes , 295 vvhereof of the plague , 254 in bridewell 8. pesthouse , 4 buried in all this weeke , 1961. vvhereof of the plague , 1732. from the 29 of septemb. to the 6 of october , 1525 vvherof of the plague , 1367 in the out parishes , 306 vvherof of the plague , 274 in bridewell 6. pesthouse , 4 buried in all this weeke , 1831. vvhereof of the plague , 1641. buried in all , within london and the liberties , since the sicknes began , 32353. whereof of the plague , 27710. the number that hath died this weeke in the cittie of westminster and the places following . buried in westminster , this weeke , 80. whereof of the plague , 75. buried in the sauoy , this weeke , 12. whereof of the plague , 10. buried in stepny parish , this weeke , 107. whereof of the plague , 100. buried at newington-buts , this weeke , 18. vvhereof of the plague , 14. buried in islington , this weeke , 12. whereof of the plague , 10. buried in lambeth , this weeke , 40. whereof of the plague , 40. buried in hackny , this weeke , 10. whereof of the plague , 8. buried in redrieffe , this weeke , 8. whereof of the plague , 6. ¶ the whole number buried within the 8. seuerall places last before-named , since the sicknes began in them , is 4024. whereof the number of the plague , is 3700. ¶ and the full number that hath beene buried in all , both within london and the liberties , and the eight other seuerall places last before mentioned , is 37376. whereof the number of the plague is , 32368. ¶ the seuerall visitations by the plague in the citty of norwich . ¶ in the yeere of our lord , 1349. from the first of ianuary to the last of iune , there died of the plague within the cittie of norwich , 57104. persons , besides ecclesiasticall mendicants and domanicks . ¶ from the first of iune 1579. to the first of the same month , 1580. there died of the pestilence in the citty of norwich , 4928. persons . ¶ and from the 8 of aprill 1603. ( which was the time that this last visitation beganne in the citty of norwich ) there haue died to the 29. of iuly , of all diseases , ( as well strangers as others ) 387. and from the 29 of iuly , to the 30 of september following , the number is set downe weekely . from the 29 of iuly , to the 6. of august , the whole number is 67. the number of strangers , is 32 , the number of the plague , is 55. from the 6 of august to the 12. in all 75. strangers 26. plague 60 from the 12 of august to the 19. in all 96. strangers 32. plague 87. from the 19 of august to the 26 , in all 96. strangers 32. plague 87 from the 26. to the 2 of septem . in all 132. stran. 53. plague 119. from the 2 of septemb. to the 9 , in all 140. strang. 38. plague 120. from the 9 of septemb. to the 16 , in all , 218. strang. 80. plague 204 from the 16 of septemb. to the 23 , in all 166 , strang. 70. plague 158 from the 23 of septemb. to the 30. in all 169 , strang. 75. plague 161 the whole number , is 1546. whereof of the plague , 1536. henry chettle . god saue the king. finis . at london printed by i. r. for iohn trundle , and are to be sold at his shop in barbican , neere long lane end . by the king a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22376 stc 8787 estc s122671 33150389 ocm 33150389 28580 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22376) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28580) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:47) by the king a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at london : anno dom. m. dc. xxv [1625] arms with "c r" at top. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the third day of iuly, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of england. fasts and feasts -great britain. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for a publike , generall , and solemne fast. the kings most excellent maiestie , vpon the humble petition of the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons in the present parliament assembled , taking into his princely consideration the many important causes , and extraordinary occasions calling vpon him , and his people for a ioynt and generall humiliation of all estates of his kingdome , before almighty god in prayer and fasting , aswell for auerting this heauy uisitation of plague and pestilence , already begun , and dangerously dispersed in many parts of this kingdome , as also for drawing downe his blessing vpon his maiesty and his people , and armies both by sea and land , hath therefore ( according to the royall and laudable example of other godly kings ) by the aduice and assistance of his prelates and bishops , caused an order or direction for publique prayer and fasting , to be conceiued and published in print , in a booke for this speciall purpose , to be generally obserued and solemnized , in humble hope and confidence , that when both prince and people together through the whole land , shal ioyne in one common , & solemne deuotion , of sending vp their faithfull and repentant prayers to almighty god at one instant of time , the same shall bee more auaileable to obtaine that mercie , helpe and comfort from him , which in the present important occasions this church and common-wealth doe stand in neede of . his maiestie doeth therefore by this present proclamation straitly charge and command , that a generall , publike , and solemne fast be kept and holden , as well by abstinence from food , as by publike prayers , preaching , and hearing of the word of god , and other sacred duties , according to the direction of the said booke , in all collegiate and parish-churches and chappels within this kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , vpon wednesday , the twentieth day of this instant moneth of iuly , and from thencefoorth continued vpon the wednesday of euery weeke following , by the reuerend , religious , and deuout assembly of the whole congregation of such of the inhabitants in each seuerall place , as are free and safe from danger of infection , and may in euery family be conueniently spared ; willing and requiring , aswell all archbishops , and bishops , in their seuerall prouinces , and diocesses , and all parsons , uicars and curats , within their seuerall parishes and charges , as also all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , and other officers in their seuerall places , limits , and iurisdictions , respectiuely to take especiall care , that this his maiesties royall commandement be duly executed and obserued : and that they themselues be lights of good example to the rest ; and that all others in manner aforesaid , doe diligently and deuoutlyfollow and performe the same , as they tender their duties to almighty god , and to their prince and countrey , and will answere for their prophane , or contemptuous neglect hereof at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the third day of iuly , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m. dc . xxv . a sermon preached before the peers in the abby church at westminster, november 7, 1666 being a day of solemn humiliation for the continuing pestilence / by edward lord bishop of norwich. reynolds, edward, 1599-1676. 1666 approx. 61 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57156 wing r1281 estc r618 11779394 ocm 11779394 48972 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57156) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48972) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 546:5) a sermon preached before the peers in the abby church at westminster, november 7, 1666 being a day of solemn humiliation for the continuing pestilence / by edward lord bishop of norwich. reynolds, edward, 1599-1676. [4], 50 p. printed by tho. ratcliffe for john durham ..., london : 1666. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -n.t. -philippians iv, 5 -sermons. plague -sermons. plague -history -17th century. fast-day sermons. epidemics -sermons. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon preached before the peers , in the abby church at westminster , november 7. 1666. being a day of solemn humiliation for the continuing pestilence . by edward lord bishop of norwich . london , printed by tho. ratcliffe for iohn durham , and are to be sold by edward thomas , at the adam and eve in little brittain . 1666. a sermon preached before the peers , in the abby church at westminster , novemb. 7. 1666. being a day of solemn humiliation for the continuing pestilence ▪ philip . 4. 5. let your moderation be known unto all men. the lord is at hand . some graces are primary , radical and fundamental , which having their proper termination in god and christ , are therefore , as to their formal and immediate beauty , invisible to any eye , but his who searcheth the heart and tryeth the reins . so our repentance is said to be towards god , and faith towards our lord iesus christ , acts 20. 21. our faith and hope is said to be in god , 1 pet. 1. 21. as the root , though the principal seat of life in the tree , is under ground unseen , but the fruits flowing from that life are visible ; or , as the orator saith of a goodly structure , fastigia spectantur , latent fundament . so the most primitive and vital graces are in themselves known onely to god , and to the heart which enjoyes them ; but in and by their fruits they may , and must be known unto men . by our works we must shew our faith , iam. 2. 18. act. 19. 18. works , i mean , of transient charity , which properly termimate upon others , without us ; in which respect our saviour , though he forbid us to do our works to be seen of men , in a way of ostentation , matth. 6. 1. 6. 16. — 18. yet he commandeth us to let our light shine before men , in a way of edification , and to god's glory , matth. 5. 16. and in order to the same end , the apostle here requireth us to let our moderation be known unto all men . the words contain , a serious and weighty doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the lord is near ; and a christian duty from thence inferred , let your moderation be known unto all men ; or an exhortation to the exercise of a special grace , and a most solemn argument , because , the lord is at hand . in the exhortation is observable , 1. the vertue it self required , express'd by the concrete for the abstract , not without an emphasis , as i take it . sometimes we finde a concrete superlative expressed by an abstract , ier. 50. 31. behold i am against thee o pride , that is , o thou most proud : and here an extensive abstract expressed by a concrete , as if he should have said , let your tongue , your hand , your whole conversation shew forth to all men , upon all occasions , this excellent and most amiable grace . 2. the peculiarity or characteristical difference of this vertue intimated in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not a bare philosophical , but a christian moderation , such as becomes believers . 3. the conspicuousness thereof , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let it be really upon all occasions manifested , for the honour of christ , and credit of religion . 4. the impartiality of it , it must be manifested to all men ; not onely unto good men , but unto the froward , that the mouths of adversaries may be stopped , their prejudices refuted , their emnities broken , and they won by the meek and humble conversation of believers to the obedience of the gospell . in the argument unto this duty , it is considerable , how many wayes the lord is near unto his servants , for their encouragement in so difficult and excellent a duty ; near , ad auxilium , to help them ; near , ad solatium , to comfort them ; near , ad iudicium , to reward them ; near , per inhabitantem gratiam , to direct and enable them ; near , per exauditionis clementiam , to hear and answer them ; near , per providentiae oeconomiam , to support and protect them . 1. believers are called unto an high and honourable condition , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and dignity of being the sons of god , john 1. 12. and in that condition they may , by the power of corruption and temptation , be in danger to be puffed up with pride and arrogancy above others , and to a supineness and security of living , to sever their dignity from their duty : in this case 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as suidas , hesychius , and favorinus render it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is decent or becoming , is to be known ; we must walk secundum decentiam status christianis , so as becometh the sanctity and dignity of our high calling . 2. again , being in common with other men expos'd to the various vicissitudes of events ; apt in prosperity to be corrupted , in adversity to be dejected , and according to diversity of conditions , to express a dissimilar and uneven behaviour ; here again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let your moderation be known , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a serene , pacate , and stedfast equability of minde , unshaken and fixed against all events . 3. again , being by the state of our christianity , and by reason of the emnity which god hath put between the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent , to expect , as strangers in the midst of adversaries , manifold afflictions and injuries , as the scripture hath assured us , act. 14. 22. 2 ▪ tim. 3. 12. here also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let your moderation be known , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , moderation of patience in bearing evils ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moderation of candor and equanimity ; not putting suspicious and morose , but favourable constructions upon actions which have an appearance of unkindness ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moderation of meekness and placability , an easiness to be entreated , a readiness to forgive ; as the philosopher saith of such men , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apt to pass by , and to pardon injuries . 4. again , having with other men a share and right in publick iustice , and out of the debt of self-love , being engaged thereby to preserve our own interests , we may be tempted to rigour and extremity in the means thereunto , and to lay hold on the utmost advantages against our brother : here also the exhortation is seasonable , that our moderation be known ; that we be rather ready to part from our own right , than to prosecute it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the strictness of a rigorous inflexibility ; and so the philosopher saith , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a supplying of the defect , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a rectifying and mitigating of the rigour of legal justice . 5. again , because we have the human nature burthened with the same common infirmities , and are of like passions with other men , we may be easily tempted and transported many wayes into inordinateness and excess ; we may use our knowledge and liberty undecently and exorbitantly , to the defiling of our selves ; we may use them uncharitably , to the grief and scandal of our brethren , as the apostle sheweth , rom. 14. 15 , 21. 1 cor. 8. 9 , 12. 10. 23 , 28 , 29 , 32. 1 pet. 2. 16. we may use our power and authority sharply and severely , to the grieving , rather than benefiting our poor brethren ; in all such cases the apostle's exhortation is seasonable , let your moderation be known ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; moderation in iudgement , not to disquiet the church , or offend our brethren with every unnecessary opinion of our own ; not rigidly to insist on our liberty , to the grief and scandal of our brethren . moderation of power , not to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , severe exactors of the extremity of justice ; but to adorne our authority , and render it amiable with clemency and meeknesse . moderation of passions , not to be transported with excessive delights , overwhelmed with inordinate sorrows , or possessed with any other unruly or tempestuous affection , to the suffocating of reason , and dishonour of religion ; but to let grace and wisdom hold the reins , and keep within just bounds of temper and sobriety whatsoever offers to break forth into undecency and excess . we see the wide extent and comprehensivenesse of this most amiable grace . give me leave to speak a word or two to each of these particulars , and then i shall proceed to that which follows . 1. we must walk secundum decentiam & dignitatem status christiani , so as becomes the gospell , that we may credit and honour our most holy profession , as those who have a lord to rejoyce in , a god to pray unto , a blessed appearing of a glorious saviour to wait for , as a people whom god hath formed for himself , to shew forth his praise , isai. 43. 21. this is the frequent exhortation of the apostle , that we walk worthy of the vocation wherewith we are called , eph. 4. 1. as becometh the gospel of christ , phil. 1. 27. so as we have learned and received christ iesus the lord , col. 2. 6. worthy of god , who hath called us to his kingdom and glory , 1 thess. 2. 12. as becometh holyness , as a peculiar people , that we may adorn the doctrine of god our saviour in all things , tit. 2. 3 , 10 , 14. and may shew forth the praises of him , who hath called us out of darkness into his marvelous light , 1 pet. 2. 9. and truly there is nothing deserveth such lamentation as this , to consider how few there are who live consonantly to the gospel ; which will too evidently appear , if we consider the law of christ , the vow of baptisme , and compare our conversations with them . are not these the laws of christ ? he that hateth his brother , is a murtherer ; he that looketh on a woman lustfully , is an adulterer ; that we resist not evill ; that we love our enemies ; that we lay not up for our selves treasures in earth , but in heaven ; that we enter in at the strait gate ; that he who will come after him , must deny himself , and take up his cross and follow him ; that we learn of him to be meek and lowly , who when he was reviled , reviled not again ; when he suffred , threatned not : in one word , that we should walk as he walked , and observe all things whatsoever he hath commanded us ? and have we not solemnly vowed all this in our baptisme ? wherein we promised to keep a good conscience towards god , and did in the presence of god and angels renounce the devil , the world , and the flesh , with all their pomps , vanities , and lusts ? and so not onely subscribe to the truth , but undertake the practice of those necessary doctrines ? and if we should now compare the lives of men amongst us , their bare-fac'd and open profaneness , their daring atheisme and blasphemy , their oaths and curses , their luxuries and excesses , their wantonness and impurities , their variance and wrath , their contentions and defiances , their bloodshed and duels , their implacableness and revenge , their inordinate love of the profits and pleasure of the world more than of god , their utter unacquaintance with the yoke of christ , and the narrow way that leadeth unto life ; if , i say , we should lay together christ's laws , and our lives , our most solemn vow , and our most perfidious violations of it , might we not most confidently conclude , aut haec non est lex christi , aut nos non sumus christiani ? either this is not christianity , or we are not christians ? and so tertullian , iustin martyr , and other antients are bold to affirm of such men , that they are not christians . ioannes picus mirandula professed , that he had an amazement upon him , when he seriously considered the studies , or rather follies of men : for , saith he , a madness it is for men not to believe the gospel ; which hath been sealed by the blood of martyrs , published by the preaching of apostles , confirmed by miracles , attested by the world , confessed by devils : sed longe major insania , si de evangelii veritate non dubitas , vivere tamen quasi de ejus falsitate non dubitares . but a farr greater madness it is , if not doubting of the truth of the gospel , we so live as if we doubted not of the falseness of it . and certainly , they who abuse the doctrine of the gospel unto licencious living , and expose the holy name of god unto contempt , by turning his grace into lasciviousness , are christiani nominis probra & maculae , the stain and dishonour , the blains and ulcers of the christian ▪ name , no otherwise belonging unto the body of christ , than dung and excrements to the natural body if the lacedemonian in plutarch would often look on his gray hairs , that he might be put in minde to do nothing unworthy the honour of them ; how much more should we continually minde the dignity of our relation unto god , as his children , that we never admit any thing unbecoming the excellency of so high a calling . 2ly . being in danger by the different vicissitudes of divine providence , to be tossed and discomposed with various and unequal affections , contrary to that stedfastness of heart which ought alwayes to be in believers , who have an all-sufficient god to rejoyce in , and a treasure of exceeding great and precious promises , ( able by faith and hope to ballance the soul against all secular fluctuations and concussions ) to take comfort from , in this case therefore it is necessary that our moderation be known , that we learn , with the apostle , in every state to be content , to be abased and suffer need without pusillanimity or despondency , to abound and be full without arrogance or vain-glory . faith makes a rich man rejoyce in that he is made low and humbled , to glory no longer in grass and flowers ▪ in withering and perishing contents ; and it makes the brother of low degree to rejoyce in that he is exalted to the hope of salvation , jam. 1. 9 , 10. when therefore , with david , we finde one while our mountain strong , and presently we are moved , psal. 36. 6. when one day , with ionah , we rejoyce in our gourd , and another day are as angry because it is withered ; then we must labour for this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this pacateness and serenity of soul ; like gold , to keep our nature in the fire , like celestial bodies , which in all their motions are regular and steady . even heathen men , by the dictates of reason and philosophy , have arrived at a very noble constancy and composednesse of minde ; of one , it is said , that in all companies , times , i and places , suos semper mores retinuit , he never departed nor varied from himself ; of another , that he was never observed either to laugh or weep ; of another , that he was of so equal a temper , that in his youth , he had the wisedom of an old man , and in his age the valour of a young man ; and of that excellent emperor marcus antoninus it is observed by dion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was ever like himself , never given to change . how much more should christians , who have an unchangeable god to take care of them , a kingdom which cannot be shaken provided for them , promises which are all yea and amen , and an hope which is sure and stedfast set before them , retain a minde like the rock on which they are built , fixed and inconcussible . such was the blessed apostle , as dying , and yet alive ; as chastened , and yet not killed ; as sorrowfull , yet alwayes rejoycing ; as having nothing , and yet possessing all things : and such he would have us all to be , stedfast and unmoveable , 1 cor. 15. 58. not soon shaken in minde , 2 thess. 2. 2. but holding our confidence , and the rejoycing of our hope firm unto the end , heb. 3. 6. 3. being , by the condition of our christianity , to expect manifold afflictions and injuries in the world ; here also it is necessary , that our moderation be known ; moderation of patience , in bearing them ; of candor , in interpreting them ; and of lenity and meekness , in forgiving them . 1. moderation of patience in bearing them , having our eye more fixed on the hand of god ordering , than on the hand of man infflicting them ; being more taken up with the hope of future good , than with the sense of present evil ; looking rather with comfort on the need we have of them , 1 pet. 1. 16. on the fruit we have from them , heb. 12. 10. on the recompence of the reward which will follow them , heb. 11. 25 , 26. rom. 8. 17 , 18. on the love of god , which will support us under them , heb. 12. 6. on our communion in them with christ , for whose sake we suffer them , 1 pet. 4. 13. on the end of the lord , who is ever pittifull and of tender mercy to us , in them , iam 5. 11. than on any present weight or pressure we sustain from them . nullus dolor est de incursione ▪ malorum praesentium quibus fiducia est futurorum bonorum , saith saint cyprian : a man is never miserable by any thing , which cannot take away god or salvation from him . 2. moderation of candor and equanimity , putting the best constructions on them , as the carpenter's plain rendreth rugged things smooth , as favourable glasses report faces better than they are . a meek spirit doth not easily take up every injury , not out of dullness , because it cannot understand them ; but out of love , which doth not wittingly or hastily suspect evil , 1 cor. 13. 5. which covereth all sinnes , prov. 10. 12. which teacheth us to shew all meekness to all men , tit. 3. 2. we are prohibited society with some men , 2 thess. 3. 6. but we are commanded to follow peace with all , heb. 12. 14. 3. moderation of meekness and lenity , not resisting of evill ; nor out of a vindictive spirit , embracing all advantages to avenge our selves , as if it were an argument of a low and dejected soul not to repay evil with evil , and bid a defiance and challenge upon every wrong ; directly contrary to the word of god , which maketh it a man's wisedom and glory to pass over a transgression , prov. 19. 11. and expressly requireth us not to recompence evil , but to wait on god , prov. 20. 22. rom. 12. 17. yea contrary to the noble practice of many magnanimous heathens , epaminondas , agesilaus , pompey , caesar , and others , who by their clemency and bounty toward enemies , provided for their own safety , and made the way easie unto further victories . but we have a more excellent example to follow , forbearing one another , and forgiving one another , saith the apostle , even as christ forgave you , so also do ye , col 3. 13. that man can have no assurance of christs forgiving him , who resolveth to be avenged on his brother , matth. 18. 35. he who choseth rather to be a murtherer , to take away another mans life , or to throw away his own , than to suffer a reproach , hath , give me leave to say it , eousque , renounced the doctrine of christ , who commandeth us to do good unto those that hate us , and pray for those that despitefully use us , matth 5. 44. as himself did , luke 23. 34. who being reviled reviled nor again , but was as a sheep dumbe before the shearer , as the prophet speaks . by this noble moderation we disappoint those that wrong us , quia fructus laedentis in dolore laesi est , we fence our selves against the harm which an injury would do us , as a canon bullet is deaded by a soft mudd wall , and the force of a sword by a pack of wooll . he that is slow to anger appeaseth strife , prov. 15. 18. we melt and overcome our enemie , and heap coals of fire on his head , rom. 12. 20. but above all we honour god , to whom alone vengeance belongeth , we adorn the gospel , and evidence our selves to be the disciples of christ. 4. being subject , by the dictates of overmuch self-love , to assert with rigour our own right and interest , in this case also the precept is necessary , let your moderation be known ; rather remit of your own due , than by too earnest an exacting of it , to grieve your brother , or to discredit your profession ; abraham did so , though the nobler person , yet in order unto peace and honor , that their dissentions might not expose religion unto reproach amongst the canaanites , he gave unto lot the praeoption of what part of the land he would live in , gen. 13. 9. it was as free for the apostle to have taken the rewards of his ministry of the corinthians as of other churches , yet he purposely refused to use that power , that he might not hinder the gospel , nor give occasion of glorying against him unto those that sought it , 1 cor. 9. 12 , 14 , 15. 2 cor. 1● . 8 , 12 our saviour , though he might have insisted on the dignity of his person , as the sonne of god , from paying tribute , yet to avoid offence he did cedere de iure , and gave order about the payment of it , matth. 17. 24 , 25 , 26. no doubt is to be made , but that it is free for christians to recover their just rights by a legal tryal , yet when the corinthians sued one another before unbelievers , and thereby exposed the gospel unto contempt , the apostle reproveth them that they did not rather take wrong , and suffer themselves to be defrauded ; the evil being farr less for them to suffer wrong , than for the gospel to suffer reproach , 1 cor. 6. 5 , 6 , 7. thus doth this most amiable grace whereby we behave our selves towards all men with all equity , facility , equanimity , and suavity of conversation , attempering the severity of other vertues with the law of love , exceedingly conduce to the honour of god , and credit of the gospel , yea to our own safety and interest ; for as a tempest doth not break the corn which yields unto it , but the oaks which withstand it , nor thunder so easily hurt shrubs as cedars , so the wrath and prejudice of adversaries is exceedingly mitigated and abated by the humility , moderation and meeknesse of those that suffer them . lastly . being subject to the same common passions and infirmities with other men , and thereupon lyable to be transported into excess in the use either of our knowledge , power or liberty ; here also comes in the seasonable use of this excellent precept , let your moderation be known . moderation of iudgement , moderation of power , and moderation of passions . 1. moderation of iudgement , that we suffer not our knowledge to puff us up , but temper it as the apostle directeth us with charity , and use it unto edification , 1 cor. 8. 1. i do not hereby understand moderation in the measure or degrees of our knowledge , as if we should content our selves with a mediocrity , and be , at our own choyse , willingly ignorant of any part of god's revealed will , as we please our selves ; for we are required to grow in knowledge , 2 pet. 3. 18. and the word of christ must dwell in us richly , col 3. 16. nor do i understand a moderation of indifferency , as if it matter'd not what judgement we were of , but had , as the priscilianists claimed , a liberty at pleasure to depart from the rule of divine truth in outward profession , to serve a present interest ; for we are to buy the truth , and not to sell it ; we can do nothing against the truth , but for it ; we are to hold fast the faithfull word , tit. 1. 9. and having proved all things , to hold fast that which is good , 1 thess. 5. 21. but by a moderation in judgement , i understand these three things : 1. a moderation of sobriety , not to break in and gaze upon hidden and secret things , as the men of bethshemesh into the ark , 1 sam. 6. 19. nor to weary our selves about questions , as the apostle speaks , which are unprofitable and vain , tit. 3. 9. such as that of peter , what shall this man do ? john 21. 21. and that of the apostles , wilt thou now restore the kingdom unto israel ? acts 1. 6. but to be wise unto sobriety , rom. 12. 3. and to content our selves with things revealed , and leave secret things unto god , deut. 29. 29. in quem sic cred●mus , saith saint austin , ut aliqua non aperiri etiam pulsantibus nullo modo adversus eum murmurare debeamus . and therefore that good father gave no other answer to a curious question , than this modest one , nescio quod nescio , as judging an humble ignorance much better than a proud curiosity . 2. a moderation of humility and modesty , not to be so opinionative or tenacious of our own private , meerly disputable and problematical conceptions , wholly unnecessary to faith , worship , or obedience , as out of a love of them , not onely to undervalue and despise the as probable and sober judgements of other men , but by an imprudent and unadvised publishing of them , to obtrude them with over confidence on the belief of others , and haply thereby to cause a great disturbance in the church of god , directly contrary to the counsel of the apostle , hast thou faith , have it to thy self before god , rom. 14. 22. it is not fit that the peace of the church should be endangered by the bold attempts of every daring pen. of this sort was that unhappy controversie in the dayes of pope victor , between the roman and asiatick churches , touching the time of easter , who though former bishops of rome had , notwithstanding the different observations in that case , held intimate fellowship with the asian bishops , did out of excess of passion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as socrates expresseth it , excommunicate all the asian churches , and made a dolefull disturbance in the church of christ ; upon which occasion , the forenamed historian hath a grave discourse , to shew how several churches did differ from one another in matters ritual , and yet retained firm unity and communion still . 3. moderation of charity , when in such things wherein a latitude and mutual tendernesse may be allowed , we choose rather , according to the doctrine of the apostle , not to offend our weak brethren , than unseasonably to insist on our own knowledge and liberty . and truly as it is an honour which learned men owe unto one another , to allow a liberty of dissent in matters of mere opinion , salvâ compage fidei , salvo vinculo charitatis , salvâ pace ecclesiae , ( for those three , faith , love , and peace , are still to be preserved : ) so it is a charity which good men owe unto one another , upon the same salvo's , to bear with the infirmities of each other , not to judge , or despise , or set at nought our brethren , as useless and inconsiderable persons ; but whom god is pleased to receive into his favour , not to cast them out of ours . this latitude and moderation of judgement , some learned men have taken the freedom to extend even to the case of subscriptions by law required ; the learned a author of the book called an answer to charity maintained , and the late learned b primate of armagh archbishop bramhall i shall not take upon me to affix any private sense of mine upon publick laws , or ever judge it desirable , that the doctrine of the church of england should have too slack a tye on the judgement of the clergy ; onely sure i am in points which are not fidei but questionum ( as saint austin distinguisheth ) in matters of an inferiour nature , wherein no man can rationally hold himself bound to trouble or discompose the mindes of the people , or the order and peace of the church , by an unnecessary publishing of his own private perswasion , so that his opinion and the churches quiet may be very well consistent together , learned men have ever allowed this latitude unto one another . 2. moderation of power , by gentle and winning wayes , to reform the manners , allay the distempers , and conquer the frowardness of inconstant and discontented mindes ; by placide and leasurely steps and degrees to get the possession of them , and to model and compose them unto an equal temper . this was the counsel of the old men , speak good unto them and they will be thy servants for ever , 1 reg. 12. 7. as moderation is by grave and prudent men observed to be the preservative of power ; so cato in plutarch , and iulius caesar in that excellent oration which he made unto the senate in dion : so certainly it is a special means for the right administration of it . therefore the lord chose moses the meekest man alive for the government of his peculiar people , num. 12. 3. and of christ the prince of peace it is said , that he would not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax , matth. 12. 20. as he saith of himself , learn of me for i am meek and lowly , matth. 11. 29. and the apostle beseecheth the corinthians by the meekness and gentleness of christ , 2 cor. 10. 1. so the same apostle expresseth his tenderness towards the church , by the affections sometimes of a father , 1 cor. 4. 15. sometimes of a mother , gal. 4. 19. sometimes of a nurse , 1 thess. 2. 7. he calleth upon timothy , in meekness to instruct those that oppose themselves , because the servant of the lord must be gentle to all men , 2 tim. 2. 24 , 25. and upon titus , to shew all meekness to all men , tit. 3. 2. rulers are called healers , isai. 3. 7. and a physician , saith plutarch , will if it may be cure the disease of his patient rather by sleep and diet , than by strong purges . grave writers have observed , that even in the avenging of conquer'd enemies moderation is advantagious to the conqueror . he , saith thucydides , who is kinde to an enemy provideth for his own safety ; and surely it cannot but be usefull for healing distempers , amongst a long dilacerated and discomposed people , ut quod belli calamitas introduxit , hoc pacis lenitas sopiret , to use the words of iustinian the emperor . a course observed with rare clemency by our most meek and gracious soveraign in the act of general pardon and indempnity towards his people . i do often sadly recount with my self the wofull distractions which are in this once flourishing church , occasion'd by the wantonness of some , and subtilty of others , and can scarce arrive at any other expedient than abrahams iehovah iireh , gen. 22. 14. i do not need at all , neither shall i at all presume to bespeak the reverend governors of the church in this case of moderation , in any other way than the apostle doth the thessalonians in the case of brotherly ▪ love. as touching moderation ye need not that i write unto you , for you your selves are taught of god to shew all meekness to all men , and to restore those that are overtaken in a fault with the spirit of meekness , and indeed you do it . one thing i assure my self would greatly conduce to the healing of our divisions , and reducing of many unto the communion of the church who have departed from it , if all the other ministers of the gospel in their respective places would every where preach the word with that soundness , evidence , and authority , and so commend themselves to every man's conscience in the sight of god , reproving sinne not with passion , wrath , and animosity , but with the spirit of meekness , and by the majesty and authority of the word ; ( which alone can convince and awe the conscience ) would lead such holy , peaceable , and inoffensive lives , would treat all men with that prudence , meekness , and winning converse , that all who see and hear them may know that god is in them of a truth , that they do indeed love the peoples souls , and so faithfully discharge their trust , as those that do in good earnest resolve to save themselves and those that hear them . thus are all the interests of a christian church by all the officers therein , to be managed and preserved with that wisedom which is from above , which saint iames tells us , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good works , without partiality , and without hypocrisie , whereby the fruit of righteousness is sowen in peace of them that seek peace . 3. moderation of passion , when we suffer not our passions to anticipate right reason , or run beyond the dictates of practical judgement , when they flye not out beyond their due measure , nor transport us unto any undecency or excess , when they do not like a troubled sea cast up mire and dirt ; but are like the shaking of clean water in a christal glass , which onely troubleth it , but doth not defile it . for this purpose we must keep sanctified reason alwayes in the throne ; the higher and more heavenly the soul is , the more sedate and calm it will be , inferiora fulminant , pacem summa tenent . we must get the heart ballanced with such graces as may in special manner establish it against perturbation of passion , with clearness of reason , serenity of judgment , strength of wisedom , sobriety and gentleness of spirit , humility and lowlyness of minde , ( for ever the more proud , the more passionate ) with self-denial ; for all impotency of affections is rooted in an inordinate self-love ; this will transport a man to furious anger , to insatiable desires to excessive delights , to discruciating fears , to impatient hopes , to tormenting sorrows , to gnawing emulations , to overwhelming despairs . the heart , saith the apostle , is established by grace , heb. 13. 9. we have thus largely considered the duty here required , which the apostle would further have to be such a moderation as becometh them as christians . and therefore the precept is closed in on all sides of the text with certain peculiarities of christians , rejoycing in the lord , verse 4. and what can befall a man to shake and discompose his heart , who hath a lord alwayes to rejoyce in ? nearness of that lord , the lord is at hand ; and what is there in all the world , the beauty whereof can bewitch with inordinate love , the evil whereof can tempt to immoderate fears the heart which can by faith see christ coming quickly with a farr more exceeding and abundant weight of glory ? an access in prayer and supplication unto the throne of grace , v. 6. and what evils can disquiet the heart of that man with anxious , excessive , and discruciating cares , who hath the bosome of a father in heaven to powre out his requests into ? lastly , the peace of god which passeth all understanding ; and what perturbations are able to storm such a soul as is garrison'd with divine peace ? there is a mere philosophical moderation , quae mimice affectat veritatem , as tertullian speaks . but christian moderation is that which is founded in the law of christ ; which requireth us not to resist evil , to love our enemies , to bless them that curse us , to do good unto those that hate us , to recompence to no man evil for evil , to weep as though we wept not , and to rejoyce as though we rejoyced not . it is founded in the love of christ , the sense and comfort whereof ballanceth the soul against the assault of any other perturbations . it is regulated by the example of christ , of whom we learn to be meek and lowly , to forbear and to forgive , who when he was reviled reviled not again , who prayed for his persecutors , and saved them by that blood which their own hands had shed . it is wrought by the spirit of christ , the fruits whereof are love , ioy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , meekness , as the apostle speaks . it is ordered to the glory of christ , and honour of christianity , when by our moderation we adorn the doctrine of god our saviour , being blameless , and harmless , the sons of god without rebuke , shining as lights in the world. for this end it is that the apostle requireth this moderation of theirs to be known , not as the philosophers and heathen shewed their vertues for vain-glory , ostentation , and interest , as gloriae animalia , & negociatores famae , as tertullian calls them : but that others seeing our good works may glorifie god in the day of visitation ; for if they who profess obedience to the rule of christ in the gospel live dissonantly from the prescripts of that rule , they do not onely harden wicked men in their sinnes , but expose the name of god and his doctrine unto reproach , as the apostle teacheth , rom. 2. 23 , 24. 1 tim. 6. 1. as nathan told david , that by his sinne he had caused the enemies ▪ of god to blaspheme , 2 sam. 12. 14. so perverse and illogical is malice , as to charge those sinnes , which are aberrations from the doctrine of christianity , upon the doctrine it self , as genuine products and consequences thereof . the moralist hath observed , that the antient grecians called a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , light , teaching him so to live as to be a light unto others . sure i am the apostle hath told us , that though we were by nature darkness , yet we are light in the lord , and therefore should walk as children of light , and shine as lights in the world , eph. 5. 8. phil. 2. ●5 . lastly . as it must be known , so universally known unto all men ; it must be without hypocrisie , not attempered to interests and designs , like the devotion of the pharises , who for a pretence made long prayers ; like the civilities of absolom and otho , of whom the historian saith , that he did adorare vulgum , jacere oscula , & omnia serviliter pro dominatione . it must be without partiality , not varied or diversified according to the differences of persons with whom we have to do . we christians , saith tertullian , nullum bonum sub exceptione personarum administramus . it must be known to our brethren , that they may be edified ; it must be known to our enemies , that their prejudices may be removed , their mouths stopped , their hostilities abated , and their hearts mollified and perswaded to entertain more just and honourable thoughts of those precepts of the gospel by which our conversations are directed . many and weighty are the arguments which might be used to perswade all sober , pious and prudent christians unto the practise of this most excellent grace . they may be drawn from our great exemplar and pattern , whom though we finde once with a curse against a barren figg-tree , once with a scourge against prophaners of his fathers house , once with woes against malicious and incorrigible scribes and pharises ; yet generally all his sermons were blessings , all his miracles mercies , all his conversation meek , lowly , humble , gentle , not suited so much to the greatness and dignity of his divine person , as to the oeconomy of his office , wherein he made himself of no reputation , but took upon him the form of a servant . from a principal character of a disciple of christ , humility and self-denial , which teacheth us not onely to moderate , but to abandon our own judgements , wills , passions , interests , when ever they stand in competition with the glory of christ , and welfare of his church , which maketh the same minde be in us which was in christ iesus , to look not every man on his own things , but every man on the things of others . from the credit and honour of christianity , which is greatly beautified by the meekness and moderation of those that profess it . hereby we walk worthy of our calling , or as those who make it their work to shew forth the worth and dignity of the christian profession , when we walk in lowlyness , meekness , long-suffering , unity , and love , eph. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. as the splendour of a princes court is set forth by the robes and fine rayments of their servants , matth. 11. 8. 2 sam. 13. 18. so the servants of christ shew forth the honour and excellency of their lord , by being cloathed with humility , 1 pet 5. 5 : and decked with the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit , 1 pet. 3. 4. from the breaches , divisions , and discomposures which are at any time in the church or state ; towards the healing of which distempers moderation , meekness , and humility , do exceedingly conduce ; though sharp things are used to search wounds , yet balm and lenitives are the medicines that heal them ; as morter , a soft thing , is used to knit and binde other things together . it is observed by socrates and nicephorus of proclus patriarch of constantinople , that being a man of singular lenity and meekness , he did thereby preserve intire the dignity of the church , and by his special prudence healed a very great division in the church , bringing back unto the communion thereof those who had departed from it . from the various vicissitudes and inconstancies of human events , whereby many times it cometh to pass , that things which for the present are judged very needfull and profitable , prove inconvenient and dangerous for the future , as polybius hath observed . hereby we may in all conditions be taught moderation , not to faint or be dejected in the day of adversity , because god can raise us again ; nor to swell or wax impotent with prosperity ▪ because god can as easily depress us . it was a wise speech of the lacedemonian ambassadours unto the athenians in thucydides ; that they who have had many alternations and vicissitudes of good and evil , cannot but deem it equal to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , diffident and moderate in their prosperity ; as coenus the macedonian said unto alexander , that nothing did better become him , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as arrian tells us . and so on the other hand , this grace of moderation doth so poize and ballance the heart with christian constancy and courage , that it is not easily tossed or overturned by any tempest ; but , as they say of the palm tree , beareth up above all the difficulties that would depresse it ; as good iehosaphat , when he was distressed with a great multitude of adversaries , said in his prayer to god ; we have no might against this great company that cometh against us , neither know we what to do ; but our eyes are upon thee , 2 chron ▪ 20. 12. lastly ▪ from the nearness of christ , which is the apostles argument in the text , the lord is at hand . prope ad auxilium , near to help us , the lord is nigh unto all that call upon him , psal. 145. 18. deut. 4. 7. we have no sufficiency of our selves to improve any talent , to manage any condition , to use our knowledge or liberty , our power or prosperity to the honour of god , or service of his church , no power to rejoyce in adversity , to forgive injury , to correct the exorbitancy of any inordinate and irregular passion . only we have a lord near unto us , his eye upon us to see our wants , his ear open to hear our desires , his grace present to assist our duties , his comforts at hand to support our hearts , his power and providence continually ready to protect our persons , to vindicate our innocence , to allay the wrath , and rebuke the attempts of any that would harm us . this is one principal cause of all our impatiency and perturbation , that we are so soon shaken and discomposed with every temptation , so soon posed with every difficulty , that we do soon despond under every storm , because we do not with an eye of faith look up unto god as one that careth for us , and is ever near at hand as a sun and a shield , a sanctuary and an hiding place to secure us against all our fears . prope ad judicium , near to judge us , to take a full and impartiall review of all that is done by us , and accordingly to recompence either rest or trouble , as the apostle speaks . this is a fundamentall doctrine which we all avow as an article of the christian faith. act. 17. 13. rom. 14. 10. 2. cor 5. 10. that christ shall come as the ordained officer to whom all judgement is committed , in flaming fire , attended with all the holy angels ; matth. 25. 31 ▪ 2. thess. 1. 7 , 8. iud. 10. 14 , 15. to give a righteous , an impartiall , and finall doom and state unto the everlasting condition of all men . before whose most dreadfull tribunal we must all appear , stripp'd of all our wealth , honors , dignities , retinues , accompanied with nothing but our consciences , and our works , whether good or evill , to beare witness of us , and there receive a proportionable sentence to the things which we have done : holy men a sentence of absolution and mercy , for the manifestation of gods glorious grace , when he shall come to be magnified in his saints , and admired in all those that believe . wicked men a sentence of rejection and everlasting destruction from the presence of the lord , for the manifestation of his glorious power and justice , when all the devils in hell and powers of darkness shall be brought all together , and be trodden down under his feet , when all the low and narrow interests of secular wealth , pleasures , power and greatness which short-sighted men so passionately dote upon , and so eagerly pursue , shall to their everlasting disappointment be swallowed up in the general conflagration and so vanish for ever . when the poor and pittiful artifices , whereby angry mortalls do countermine and supplant one another , and mutually project each others vexations , shall to the confusion of the contrivers be detected and derided . in a word , when nothing that ever we have done , shall afford benefit or comfort to us , any further then as it was with a single and upright aime directed to the glory of god , and mannaged by the law of love. certainly this is one principal reason of all immoderation amongst men , of despondence in adversity , of insolence in prosperity , of excess in delights , of perturbation in passions , of vindictive retaliations ; one principal reason why they do not with a single eye and an unbiassed heart mannage all their actions and designes to the glory of god , the credit of the gospel , the interest of christianity , the edification and salvation of the souls of men , but often suffer weak passions , prejudices , interests to state , model and over-rule their designes ; the reason i say of all is , because the terror of the lord hath not perswaded them , because they are not sufficiently awed with the all-seeing eye , and near approach of the lord of glory , before whom all their wayes are naked , with whom all their sinnes are laid up in store , and sealed amongst his treasures . let us therefore seriously resolve to regulate all our actions by our great accompt . to say with iob , what shall i do when god riseth up , and when he visiteth what shall i answer him ? job 31. 14. he hath entrusted me with many talents , with a rich treasure of power and interest , of wisedom and honour , of wealth and learning , he hath deposited with me the custody of his eternal gospel , the grand interests of the church of christ , and of the precious souls which he redeemed with his own blood. god forbid that i should ever suffer any immoderate passions , or prejudices , or partialities , or low and narrow interests of mine own so farr to transport me , as that i should betray so great a trust , and provoke the wrath of so holy and just a judge . god enable me with that equanimity and singleness of heart , without hypocrisie , and without partiality , with a direct eye to the glory of god , the kingdom of christ , the edification and peace of his church , the flourishing of his gospel , and the prosperity of the souls of his people ; so to discharge every trust reposed in me , as that i may be able to give up mine accompts with joy , and when the chief shepheard shall appear , i may lift up my head in the day of redemption , and receive a crown of glory which fadeth not away . thus let your moderation be known unto all men , because the lord is at hand in his future approaching iudgements .. but hath not the lord been at hand , near us , in the middest of us already by many strange intermingled providences , by a series of glorious mercies , and a vicissitude of dreadfull judgments ; as if he would both wayes try , whether by the one we would be led unto repentance , or by the other learn righteousness ? is it a small mercy , that we have had the gospel of salvation in the purity of the reformed religion for so long a time in this land , having brought ▪ forth so little fruit in answer to the light and grace which hath been therein revealed unto us ? i have read an observation in one of the homilies of our church ( if my memory do not greatly faile me ) that we shall not often finde , that a nation which hath had the gospel in purity , and not brought forth the fruits thereof , hath enjoyed it much longer than 100 years . i do not mention this as a sad presage , for i dare not set bounds to the infinite mercy and patience of god , his judgements are unsearchable , and his wayes past finding out ; the secret things belong unto him , and things revealed to us and our children ; it is not for us to know the times or the seasons , which the father hath put in his own power : onely i desire , by this sad observation , to awaken both my self and you timely to consider the things that do belong unto our peace , before they be hidden from our eyes ; for this is a sober and certain truth , that the sins of a church , as the fruits of a well-ordered garden , do ripen much faster than those of a wilderness ; and therefore the prophet amos calleth them by the name of summer fruit , amos 8. 2. the prophet ieremiah compareth the judgements threatned against them unto the rod of an almond-tree , jer. 1. 11. which shooteth forth her blossoms before other trees . and therefore when we have reason to fear that god will hasten iudgements , we have great reason to resolve with holy david , to make hast and not to delay to keep his commandements . again , was it not a great and eminent mercy , when god commanded up into the scabbard the sword of violent men , swell'd into pride and arrogance , with their many successes , when he infatuated their counsells , shattered and dissipated their undertakings , and swallowed them up in the confusion of their own consultations ? was it not a glorious and wonderfull mercy , that after a long and bitter banishment the lord brought back our dread soveraign in the chariots of aminadab , upon the wings of loyalty and love unto his royal throne , without the effusion of one drop of blood , and thereby made way for a stable and durable settlement both of church and state ? to say nothing of the other ordinary mercies , of flourishing of trade , and plenty of provisions , wherewith this nation hath been for a long time blessed : and may it not be said of us as it was of hezekiah , that we have not rendered again according to the benefits done unto us ? but have surfeited and played the wantons with these great mercies ; so that the lord hath been provoked to lift up his hand in many sore and dismal judgements against us ? for after that thousands and ten thousands had fallen by the sword of an unnaturall war in the high places of the field , he hath stirred up potent adversaries abroad against us , though blessed be his name we have not only hitherto been delivered from their fury , but by signall successes have had good reason to hope that the lord hath owned our righteous cause . yet for all this , his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still ; for he hath in these two years last past emptied this city and nation in very many parts thereof , as we may i presume with good reason compute , above an hundred thousand of her inhabitants , by the fury of a raging and contagious pestilence , the like whereunto possibly cannot be paralell'd for some hundred of years . and yet after all this , his anger hath not been turned away , but his hand is streched out still . he hath likewise contended by fire , and by the late direfull conflagration , hath laid in ashes the glorious metropolis of this nation , hath made desolate almost all her goodly palaces , and laid waste almost all the sanctuaries of god therein . thus the lord hath come with fire , and with his chariots like a whirlewind , to render his anger with fury , and his rebuke with flames of fire ; for by fire and by sword hath he pleaded with us , and the slain of the lord have been many . we see how the lord hath been near us both in wayes of mercy and of judgement , as if he would say of us as of ephraim , is ephraim my dear son ? is he a pleasant child ? for since i speak against him i do earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him . i will surely have mercy upon him , saith the lord. and again , how shall i give thee up ephraim , how shall i deliver thee israel ? how shall i make thee as admah ? how shall i set thee as zeboim ? mine heart is turned within me , my repentings are kindled together . i will not execute the fiercenes of mine anger , i will not return to destroy ephraim , for i am god and not man , &c. jer. 31. 20. hos. 11. 8 , 9. i shall limit the inference from all this to the first acception , which i gave of the original word in the text , namely , to teach us from hence to walk as becometh the dignity of our high calling , according to that exhortation of the apostle , let your conversation be as becometh the gospel of christ. for every thing of the gospel doth call upon us for holyness of life , the author of it a pattern of holyness , he that saith he abideth in him , must walk even as he walked , 1. ioh. 2. 6. the end of it a design of holyness , that we being delivered out of the hand of our enemies , might serve him without fear in holyness and righteousness before him all the dayes of our life the doctrine of it a mystery of godliness , 1. tim. 2. 16. there is not an article of the creed which hath not holyness a consequent of it . the laws of it prescripts of holiness , be ye perfect as your heavenly father is perfect , matth. 5. 48. the cardinall graces of it faith , love , and hope , all principles of holyness , faith purifieth the heart and worketh by love , act. 15. 9. gal. 5. 6. love is the fulfilling of the law , rom. 13. 10. herein is love if we keep his commandements , 1 joh. 5. 3. and every one that hath this hope in him purifieth himself even as he is pure , 1 joh. 3. 3. no man can rationally hope to be like unto christ in glory hereafter , who resolves to be unlike unto him in grace and holyness here ; for glory is the consummation and reward of grace . all the precious promises of the gospel invite unto holyness , having these promises , dearly beloved , let us cleanse our selves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , perfecting holyness in the fear of god , 2 cor. 7. 1. lastly , the dreadfull threatnings of the gospel drive unto holyness ; since we know , that without holyness no man shall see the lord , heb. 12. 14. and that he will come in flaming fire to take vengeance on those that know not god , and that obey not the gospel of our lord iesus christ , 2 thess. 1. 8. and therefore as ever we expect to enjoy the benefits of the gospel , ( without the which we are of all creatures the most miserable ) we must shew forth the efficacy and power of the grace of the gospel in our hearts and lives , which teacheth us to deny vngodlyness and worldly lusts , and to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world , tit. 2. 11 , 12. which that we may all do , the god of peace , who brought again from the dead the lord jesus , the great shepheard of the sheep , through the blood of the everlasting covenant , make us perfect in every good work to do his will , working in us that which is pleasing in his sight , through jesus christ ; to whom be glory for ever and ever . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57156-e180 a for the church of england i am persuaded that the con●ia●t doctrine of it is so pure and orthodox , that whosoever believes it , and lives according to it , undoubtedly he shall be saved ; and that there is no error in it which may ne●e sitate or warrant any man to disturb the peace , or renounce the communion of it this , in my opinion , is all intended by subscription ; and thus much if you conceive me not ready to subscribe , your charity i assure you is much mistaken . in the preface , sect. 40. b we do not suffer any man to reject the 39 articles of the church of england at his pleasure ▪ yet neither do we look upon them as essentials of saving faith , or legacies of christ and his apostles : but in a mean , as pious opinions , fitted for the preservation of unity . neither do we oblige any man to believe them , but only not to contradict them . in the treatise called , schisme guarded and beaten back upon the right owners , &c. sect. 1. cap. 11. pag. 190. see also his iust vindication of the church of england , cap. 6. p. 156. the dreadfulness of the plague. or a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. john the evangelist, december 6th. being a day of public fasting. by jos. hunter m.a. and minister in york hunter, josiah, minister in york. 1666 approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45206) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35081) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2092:5) the dreadfulness of the plague. or a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. john the evangelist, december 6th. being a day of public fasting. by jos. hunter m.a. and minister in york hunter, josiah, minister in york. [8], 24 p. printed by stphen bulkley, and are to be sold by francis mawbarne, york : 1666. with a preliminary imprimatur leaf dated jan. 22. 1665. reproduction of the original in the university college library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 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proofread 2007-04 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion perlegi concionem ●anc , nec quid in eâ uspiam deprehendi , quod pietati promovendae plurimum non inserviat ; proindeque dignam censui , quae imprimatur . edm. diggle s. t. p. reverendissimo in christo patri , ac domino , domino richardo archiepiscopo eboracensi a sacris domesticis . datum episcopo-thorpae jan. 22. ●665 . the dreadfulness of the plagve . or a sermon preached in the parish-church of st. john the evangelist , december 6th . being a day of publick fasting . by jos . hunter m. a. and minister in york . et quamvis jam animadvertunt hominum genus in terra magis magisque indies ad tunc modum attenuatum , absumptumque , nullo tamen timore horrescunt ; quin neque cum illorum omnium omnine interitus crescat & latiu● quotidie ●an●t ●● fundatur , ulla ex par●e reformidant . euseb . hist . eccles . lib. 7. ca. 16. york , printed by stephen b●lkley , and are to be sold by francis mawbarne , 1666. to the right honourable george manklins lord mayor , and to the worshipful the aldermen , with the common●lty of the faithful and famous city of york . i have been encouraged to expose this sermon to publick view , by the perswasion of some , that it might at this time conduce to publick good , which if i can promote ( though with the hazard of mine own credit ) i regard not . the great judgment wherewith god hath scourged our nation this year , and the little sense which we express of it , would provoke a man ( otherwise not forward ) to adventure on the censure of the world , if he had but the least hope to do any good against the sottishness and stupidity of it ; which seems to exceed that of the old world , even so much as the execution of divine wrath doth the meer menacing and threatning of it . we used formerly to startle at the report of the plague , but now we are become so brutish , that we mock at fear and are not affrighted : my desire is ( whatever my hopes are ) to remove some from off the lees of this most presumptuous and ill-presaging sencelesness . now after i was perswaded to publish this sermon , i concluded ( if it had any thing of worth in it ) it was due to your lordship and brethren in the first place , an● under you to the whole city , from and amongst whom i have a comfortable subsistence with so much respect and affection , as obligeth me more than i think meet here to express . you may read here what a dreadful punishment the plague is , and consider , if it do not concern you to use your greatest diligence and circumspection to prevent a danger and to secure your city , which the sword hath brought to poverty , and the plague would quickly bring to beggary . when you read what a sore judgment the plague is , and remember how god hath visited other places with it , this will be powerful to quicken you unto a thankeful acknowledgment of gods gracious and miraculous preservation of this city , so much beyond ( not only our deserts ) but even our expectations . having so frequent occasions to speak to you , i forbear to enlarge my self in an epistle : blessed be god , the father of mercys and the god of all comfort , who hath delivered us from so great a death , and doth deliver : in whom we trust that he will yet deliver us : so rests your lordships , &c. most affectionate servant and well-wisher josiah hunter . numb . 16. 46. there is wrath gone out from the lord , the plague is begun . in these words i have formerly observed three parts : 1. irae dei , the wrath of god. 2. eruptio irae , the breaking forth of this wrath , wrath is gone out . 3. indicium & effectus utriusque , the token and effect of both , the plague is begun . concerning the two first of these , the wrath of god , and the breaking forth of that wrath , i have already spoken upon two of these occasions . i come now to the third , the token and effect of both , the plague is begun . if you observe the scripture , you shall finde , that plague is used for any notable judgement of god ; the bloudy issue is called a plague , mark 5. 29. vve reade of a plague of naile , rev. 16. 21. the judgements which god sent upon pharaoh for his stubbornnesse , are called plagues , exod. 9. 14. vvhen god doth punish a person , or a people , ( especially if it be in a notable manner ) then 〈◊〉 ●e said to plague them , gen. 12. 17. the lord plagued pharaoh and his house , exod. 32. 35. the lord plagued the people ; and so in other places : but plague in the text is taken for a certain malignant and infectious disease , distinguished by that name from other diseases : every judgment is a plague , but this in the text is the plague : as all sin may be said to be ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) wickedness , but malice is especially in scrip●ure called ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) because it is one of the greatest wickednesses : so every disease , every punishment may be called a plague , but there is a pestilent , burning , contagious distemper , unto which the name of plague is appropriated , because it is one of the greatest punishments incident unto a people : the very first breaking out of it is terrible , it is wont to be so pestilent and des●ructiv● , for so moses speaks as startled himself , and to stir up aaron to make the more hast : go quickly and make an attonement for them , for there 〈◊〉 wrath gone out from the lord , the plague is begun . the proposition i will give you from hence , is this ; that the plague is a dreadful judgment , a sign of gods great wrath . after i have p oved this , i will answer three questions , subjoine a cau●ion , and so come to application . that the plague is a featful judgment , and token of gods wrath , is easie to demonstrate : when things are more than ordinarily dreadful , it renders the very name dreadful too : the dreadfulness of damnation makes the very sound of the word terrible : and m●thinks the word plague hath something of horrour in it , and is apt to bege● a startling and shrinking , in such especially as are naturally more inclined to fear : the scripture never speaks of it , but always one epithete or other is given to it , as the no●e of a dreadful judgment : when moses sets himself to threaten israel with curses for their disobedience , he places this in the front , deut. 28. 21. the lord shall make the pestilence cleave unto thee , until he ●ath consumed thee from off the land : here are two things attributed to the p●stilence which render it hugely dreadful , cleaving and consuming : in the psal . 91. 3. it is called the noisome pe●tilence , it is called one of gods sore judgments : ezek. 14. 21. and ver . 19. it is made a token of gods bloudy fury , if ● send a pestilence into the land , and pour out my f●ry upon i● in bloud . vvhen our saviour speaks of those perplexed and calamitous time● , that should befall the jews a little before the destruction of jerusalem , and the world no● long before its desolution , he puts in this for one aggravation , mat. 24. 7. there shall be famines , and pestilences , these are the beginnings of sorrows : the description which the psalmist gives of the plague , hath much of terrour in it , psal . 78. 49 , 50. he cast upon them the fierceness of hi● anger , wrath , indignation and trouble , by sending evil angels among●t them : he made a way to his anger , he spared not their soul from death , but gave their life over to the pe●●ilence . i read even of hypoera●es , that he was wont to call the plague ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a special divine judgment , a stroke of gods own bare hand , as it were : these and such like instances joyned with the experience of all ages , are enough to prove the proposition : for the farther explication of it , i will answer these three questions , 1. why the plague 〈◊〉 so dreadful ? 2. what is it that provokes god to inflict it upon ● people ? 3. if it be such a token of gods wrath , whether it doth befall good men , i mean believers , and those that are in the state of justification ? 1. why the plague 〈◊〉 so dreadful a t●ken of gods wrath ? i answer , 1. because it is so destructive , you shall seldome ( if at all ) read of the pestilence in scripture , but consume is joyned with it : we may say of every man infected with it , as david said once to jonathan concerning himself , there is but a step between death and him : in that family or city where the plagve is ve●ement and raging , we may say of them , as god threatned it should be with the jews , deut. 28. 66 , 67. their lives hang in doubt before them , and they fear day and night , and have no assurance of their life : in the morning they say , would to god it was even , and at even , would god it was morning ▪ for the fear of their hearts wherewith they fear , and for the sight of their eyes which they do see . what havocks hath this made in the earth ! we may m●re truly say of the plague , than samson of the jaw bone ( wherewith he killed so m●ny philistims ) heaps upon heaps : judg. 15. 16. after david had sl●in goli●h , they sa●g in dances ; saul ●ath ●lain h●● thousands , but david his ten thousands : so it may be said here , other diseases have slain their thousands , but the plague hath slain its ten thousands : it is so destructive , that it is called in the abstract , destruction , psal . 91. 6. nor for the pestilen●e that walkesh in darkness , nor for the destruction that ●a●leth at noon day . what the apostle affirms of wicked men , may be likewise said of this pestilential disease , misery and destruction is in its way , rom. 3. 16. all histories both sacred , ecclesiastical and prophane tell of the great desolations that the plague hath made : we read how it swept away 14000. one time , numb . 16. 49. another time 24000. num. 25. 8. another time 70000. 2 sam. 24. 15. and yet these summs ( though questionless thought very great in those times ) fall far short of what hath been since . those that have dyed in london of this present plague ( i fear ) amount to more than the three fore ▪ mentioned summs put together . eusebius speaking of a great plague in alexandria , hath words to this effect out of dionysius ▪ now all things are full of lamentation , all men mo●rn , sadness and complaining fills the whole city , partly for those that are dead , and partly for those that are dying daeyly : for it is with us now ●s it was with the egyptians , when god slew their first-born , there w●s a great ●ry among them , because not an house , where there w●s not one dead . so evagri●s speaks of a plague that continued two and fifty years ; it spread ( he saith ) over the whole world , nor any mortal man then that did escape the con●agion ; and some cities ( he reports ) it invaded so vehemently , that it left not in inhabitant i● them . the prophet bemoaning the deplorable estate of jerusalem ( amongst other ) hath these words , lam. 1. 4. the wayes of zion do mourn , because none come to the solemn feasts , all her gates are desolate : her priests sigh , her virgins are afflicted , and she is in bitterness : and it hath been known ( not only in other countries ) but also in our own nation , when there hath been such a morrality by the plague , that the churches , the schools , the markets , the streets , the high-ways have all mourned , and some of them laid so desolate , that beasts might have grazed where men were wont to trade . 2. that which renders the plague yet more dreadful , is the suddenness of that destruction which it makes ; the dispatch of the destruction , as i may call it : the suddenness of an evil helps to add much to the terrour of it : this is not hard to prove from scripture , i will give you but a touch , and then apply them , prov. 6. 15. his calamity shall come suddenly , suddenly shall he be broken without remedy : eccles . 9. 11. the sons of men are snared in an evil ●●me , when it falleth suddenly upon them : isa . 29. 18. this iniquity shall be to you as a breach ready to fall , swelling out in an high wall , whose breaking cometh suddenly at an instant . this is that which god threatens to babylon , isa . 47. 11. evil shall come upon thee , thou shalt not know from whence it riseth ; and mischief shall fall upon thee , thou shalt not be able to put it off , and desolation shall come upon thee suddenly , which thou shalt not know : well , this is of the nature of the plague to slay suddenly , it surprizeth men whilst they are eating and drinking , walking and trafficking , and sends them speedily from a state of health and soundness , to take their portion among them who have laid long silent in the dust . if you observe the text with what follows , you shall find how quickly the plague swept away 14000. it is very likely in less than an hour ; in the 2 sam. 24. we read of 70000. that dyed of it in three days : where the plagus comes it doth not only make great , but sudden breaches : how quickly it makes a sad change , not only in a family , and lesser societies , but even in cities and greater corporations , insomuch that sometimes places of the greatest concourse , have had cause to bewail themselves in the language of the prophet , lam. 1. 1. how doth the city sit solitarily that was full of people , how is she become as a widow ? to day ( it may be you have children rejoycing under the wing of their parents , taking care for nothing , but even to drive away care ; and before to morrow ( perhaps ) vou shall hear them crying out lamentably ( as elisha when the prophet elijah was taken from him ) my father , my father : to day ( perhaps ) parents are rejoycing in their children , delighting to behold them stand like olive-plants round about their table , promising unto themselves ( i know not what ) felicity in their well-doing ; and before to morrow ( it may be ) you shall have them ( like rachel ) weeping for their children , and resusing to be comforted , because they are not . i read of xerxes , that ( having gathered an huge army ) he went upon the top of an hill to view them , and while he was doing this , he fell a weeping , to think that within an age not one of those men would be left alive : did he weep to think that an 〈◊〉 men ( perhaps not so many ) would be all 〈…〉 age , what cause of mourning have we 〈…〉 we consider that the plague , hath even i● our 〈◊〉 country , taken away so huge a number , in less than the revolution of one year ? so quick is the dispatch that it makes . 3. that which makes the plague yet more dreadful , is , because it is so spreading , it is called the pestilence that walketh in darkness , psal . 91. 6. first , it is said to walk , it stands not still , but makes progress , spreads it self ▪ and then secondly , it is said to walk in darkness , it diffuseth it self invisibly , it spreads one knows not how . it hath been questioned by some whether the plague be infectious ; yea , by some it bath been strongly denyed : the main arguments which they produce , are these three ; first , that god hath appointed unto every man , not only to dye , but also at what time , and of what kind of death , and therefore there is no great heed to be given to the contagiousness of any disease . their second argument is this , if the plague be contagious , how comes it that some men take infection , and others escape it , being both in the same place , and so to outward appearance in the same danger . they urge in the third place , that the plague comes by the immission of evil angels , and therefore how can it be infectious ? these are the chief arguments that ever i met with against the plagues infection , and yet they are so inconsiderabie , that i think it but wast time to answor them . one calls the opinion ( that the plague is not infectious ) worse than the plague it self : another calls it a bloudy error , and none maintain it but such as cannot abide to be gods prisoners ; it is a death ●o them to be out of company , and they had rather endanger a thousand lives , than want any part of their pleasure or profit . but experience is enough to contradict this opinion ; unto which we may add that concerning the leper , who was to be shut up and none to accompany with him , which shews that there was some contagion in the leprosie : and yet the leprosie is nothing so deadly as the plague , for some have lived having the leprosie many years , but such an instance cannot be given of the plague . evagrius ( speaking of the great plague at antioch , and the manner of its spreading ) s●ith ▪ that some got it by living and conversing together : others got it by only touching them that were infected , or entring into the house : some received it in the streets , and many that fled out of cities which were infected ( though they remained sound themselves ) yet they imparted the disease to those , that before were free & helthful . but i leave the proving of the plagues infection to the physitian ; he will tell you that living birds laid to the feet of one infected will quickly dye ; he will tell you , how it may be diffused by garments , by bre●thing , and many such like : this cannot be denied , but that it is spreading , and so spreading , that where it once breaks forth , a man cannot be too careful , because he can never be too secure , if secure enough . for to say that the plague b●falls none but such as want faith to rely upon and trust in the providence of god ▪ is a● error more bloudy than to say , that it is not infe●●ious . 4. and lastly , that which renders the plague yet more dreadful is the uncomfortableness of it : is it not a sad thing , when a mans house becomes his prison ? next to our lives we value our liberty , and yet this the plague deprives a man of : i might be large here , but i will confine my self within these three heads : first , the liberty of gods house , how precious is that ! how amiable are thy tabernaeles , o lord ( saith david ) he envied even the birds that might fi● and sing neer the sanctuary , when he was banished from it : and in psal . 42. as the hart panteth after the water-brooks , so panteth my soul after thee , o god : my soul thirste●h for god , for the living god , when shall i come and appear before god ? and he professeth ver . 4. how he poured out his soul in him , when he remembred , how he had gone with the multitude to the house of god , with the voice of joy and praise ; but this liberty is a man debared from by the plague ; though the doors of the sanctuary are open , yet his own doors are shut up : he cannot be admitted to hear the voice of those that bring glad tydings of peace : he cannot be admitted any longer to come and participate of those comfortable representations of christ's body and blood : he cannot be allowed any longer to come and joyn with the congregation in lifting up a prayer to heaven . i read that the protestants in france had a church ( though now demolished ) which they called paradise ; it is very likely , they thought the church the only paradise on earth : in this paradise i would compare the preaching of the word , to the tree of knowledge of good and evil ; and the sacrament of the lords s●pper to the tree of life ; but where the plague is , a man is excluded from this paradise , he hath not the liberty to tast of the fruit of it , this is one great discomfort . 2. the liberty of friends , that is comfortable ▪ next to communion with god , communion with friends is deemed the greatest happiness on earth . pythag●ra● hath a dark riddle ( cor ●e edit● ) eat not thy heart : my lord bacon sets this gloss upon it , he that lacks friends to converse with , and lay open his grief to , must needs be a cannibal and eat his own hea●t : well , this liberty likewise doth the plague deprive a man of ; it was davids complaint , psal . 38. 11. my lovers and my friends stand aloof from my sore , and my kinsmen stand afar off : thus it is with a man whom god hath visited , his lovers and friends stand afar of , they dare not come neer him in point of security to themselves , they dare not in point of conscience , lest they might disperse the contagion among others ; those are sad expressions in psal . 88. 18. lover and friend hast thou put far from me : and in psal . 102. 6 , 7. i am like a pelicon in the wilderness , i am like an owle of the desart , i watch and am as a sparrow alone : yet these are the true complaints of such as are shut up under the plague . 3. the liberty of commerce is very necessary : hereby it is that men get a subsistence and livelihood for their families , without this they cannot provide things honest in the sight of all men : but this liberty likewise the plague debars a man from , none dare traffick with him , and this helps to add yet more to his discomfort : for the merchant will tell you , that upon the ceasing of trade , there is not only ( l●●rum cesfans ) gain ceasing , but there is likewise ( damn●● emergens ) loss arising , because now a man is forced to take from his stock for necessary uses , so that grant a man do escape with his life that is visited with the plague ; i say , suppose he hath his life for a prey , what can he do without a livelihood ? and towards the procuring of this he is much disabled by the plague . so much in answer to the first question , why the plague 〈◊〉 so dreadful a judgment ? 1. because it is so destructive . 2. because the destruction , which it make● , is so quick and sudden . 3. because it is so spreading . and lastly , because it is so uncomfortable , for hereby a man i● deprived of the liberty of gods house , the liberty of friends , the liberty of commerce . the second question is , what is it that provokes god to inflict this dreadful judgment of the plague upon a people ? this is somewhat harder to determine ; what i purpose to say concerning it , take in these three conclusions , 1. for certain , god hath just cause given him , before he do thus manifest his displeasure , many of his wayes are unsearchable , but none are unrighteous ; he can as soon cease to be , as to be just : if therefore at any time we cannot discerne what should be the cause , let us charge our selves with ignorance , but take heed of charging god with injustice : after god had threatned the jews with the sword , the famine , the noisomebeast , and the pestilence in ezek. 14. he adds ver . 23. ye shal know , that i have not done without cause all that i have done in it saith the lord : and he expresseth himself yet more offended with them for standing upon their justification , jer. 2. 35. thou sayest , because i am innocent , surely his anger shall turne from me ; behold , i will plead with thee ▪ because thou sayest , i have not sinned . 2. this we may likewise safely affirm in the general , that sin is the meritorious cause ( as of all other judgments ) so likewise this of the plague : the wrath of god i● revealed from heaven ( saith the apostle ) against what ? all ●nrighteousness and ungodliness of man , rom , 1. 18. and it is the observation of a good man , that as vapours ascend invisibly , but come down again in storms and showers , which we both see and feel ; so sometimes secret sins are the procuring cause of open and notorio●● punishments : this of the plague is threatned unto disobedience , deut. 18. 3. what sins in particular may be the provoking cause of the plague now , or any other time , is not so easy to conclude . i think the safest way is one of these three , 1. either to attribute judgments that are general , unto sins that are most general : and what sin hath been of late years and is still most reigning in this nation , would require one better acquainted with the manners of it than i am : whether atheisme , or dissention , or a mutinous inclination against all authority , or violation of oaths , or what else i will not say , but whether these or others are the national sins at present , they are hugely aggravated , because god hath not honoured any nation with more mercy and means of grace than ours ; and therefore we could expect no other , than that he should deal with us , as he threatned he would do with his peculiar people , amos 2. 2. you only have i known of all the families of the earth , therefore i will punish you for your iniquities . or , 2. if we know of any notorious national sin ( though committed several years since ) not yet so universally acknowledged and repented of , we may think that is a great provocation ●nto god to scourge us with the plagu● : for this we have that famous instance of saul's breaking covenant with , and s●aying the gibeonites , for which god punished the land in the time of king david ) with three years fami●e , and would not be appeased , till several of saul's sons were pu● to death , 2. sam. 23. 3. this is likewise a safe course , to observe out of the records of sacred writ , for what sins god hath heretofore sent the plague ; and look how far we are guilty of them , so far may we attribute our visitati●n to them : now in searching the scripture , i find that for six , yea for seven transgressions god hath either threatned or sent the plague . i will but name them , and leave them to your consideration . 1. despising of plenty , and immoderate lusting after dainties , so we read how the israelites despised manna ( whereof they had abundance ) and called it light bread , but they lusted exceedingly after quails , for which god smote them with a very great plague , numb . 11. 33 , 34. 2. we read how they that brought up an evil report upon the land of promise , to the discouragement of the people , and the dishono●r of god , dyed of the plague , numb . 14. 37. 3. seditious insurrections against authority , have drawn down the plague : this was the cause of that plague in the text. 4. creature ▪ confidence , boasting of or trusting in an arm of flesh ; this is generally thought to be the cause of that plague in the 2 sam. 24. 5. idolatry , for this god wa● so incensed , that he ●lew of the people at once 24000. with the plague , numb , 25. 6. detaining and withholding from god his due , unto this he threatens the plague exod. 30. 12. when thou takest the summ of the children of israel , they shall give every man a ransome for his soul unto the lord , that there be no plague among them . lastly , to all these , i may add the contempt and abuse of the lords supper : for when saint paul faith , that many of the corinthians were ●●ck and weak , and many dy●d , 1 cor. 11. 30. it is not improbable , that god sent amongst them some pestilential and contagious disease . i have done with the second question , what it is that provokes god to inflict this dreadful punishment of the plague upon a people ? i hasten to the third . the plague being such a token of gods wrath , whether doth it befall good men , believers , such as are in the state of justification ? for our satisfaction in this , we may have recourse to that of solomon , eccles . 9. 1. 2. no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that 〈◊〉 before them , all things come alike to all , there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked , to the clean , and to the unclean , to him that sacrificeth , and to him that sacrificeth not , as is the good so is the sinner , and be that sweareth as he that feareth an oath . ahab and josiah's death concurred in the very circumstances : and saul and jonathan ( though different in their deportments ) yet in their deaths they were not divided . here we shall do well to consider three things , 1. that good men are subject to , and guilty of many sins and enormities , and their sins admit of those aggravations which the sins of other men do not ; and therefore why should we think that they should be priviledged from those temporal punishments , which god is went to inflict for such sins . 2. consider , that good men , even by their sins do help to draw down a judgment and common calamity upon a nation ; indeed god takes most notice of their sins : concerning the common sort of prophans persons he saith , these are foolish , they have not known the way of the lord , nor the judgment of their god ; but when his own people in covenant with him , when these shall break the bands , then he bursts out , how shall i pardon thee for this ▪ now if good men by their sins be instrumental in drawing down a pest upon a nation , why should they expect any other but to be involved in it ? 3. consider this , as you cannot tell me any sin ( be it never so gross ) into which a believer may not fall , except it be the sin against the holy-ghost ▪ so you cannot assigne any judgment ( be it never so great ) whereunto a believer is not obnoxious , unless it be everlasting damnation . there is no condemnation indeed to those that are in christ jesus , but for temporal calamities they are so incident to good men , that the scripture seems to make them their portion , and it may be truly said of gods servants ( as augustus said once , when he sat between virgil and horace , whereof the one was bleer-eyed , and the other much given to sighing ) they sit ( inter suspiria & lachrymas ) between sighing and weeping : i am plagued all the day long and chastened every morning , saith david , psal . 73. 14. that is a pretty saying of clemens alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that is neer to god is always under the ●●sb . it is a ▪ pestilent doctrine therefore to a●●irm , that none who believe in god , and love him sincerely , can dye of the plague : it is very t●u● , the dying of the pl gu● shall be no more prejudicial to them , in respect of their salvation , than the dying of any other d●●th ; all things ( and therefore the plague ) work together for good to them that love god : but the sentence of j●s●ification , gods acceptation of them into favour , gives not believers an immunity from any disease , but their persons are still subj●ct unto those diseases which the nature is : and it is very soundly observed by one mr. ●●mford ( who writ a little t●e●●ise the la●● great plague , but this , at london ) that god by suffering good men to dye of the plague , glorifies both his justice and his wisd●me ; his justice among the wicked , in giving them cause to say , if god spare not the green tree , what shall be done to the dry ? his wisdome among the godly , lest they should say , for our own righteousness ●e are delivered . thus i have answered the three questions , why the plague is so dreadful a judgment ? what it is that provokes god to send it ? whether it be incident to good me● ? i have now only a cau●ion to subjoyn , and then i shall come to application . the cauti●● is this , though the plague be a dreadful judgment , yet the scripture speaks of another plague , which is far wor●e : and yet whilest we do what we can to ●lie the le●●er plague , we do what we can to pursue the greater : but what plague i that ? solomon will tell you , 1 king. 8. 38. the plague of the heart : sin in general is the pl●gue of the heart ; every mans own iniquity , his peccatum in delici●● , his darling lust , that is , the particular plague of h●● own heart : now this plague of the heart is worse than the other plague in several respects . i will name them , t●ough i cannot insist on them . 1. as in good things the cause is be●t●r , so in evil things the cause is worse than the effect ; bu the plague of the heart is the cause of the other plague : sin brought in misery at first , and m●sery hath ever since pursued sin . 2. we are more sensible of the pl●gue of the body , than that of the heart , and therefore the plague of the heart is more d●ngerou● : the first st●p to ●ealth is to have a feeling of our disease , therefore there is less hope of c●re , where there is less feeling of the distemper . 3. nature doth not only feel the plague of the body , but is may by gods blessing upon means , be of force to work out the malignity of it , that it shall not prove mortal ▪ for else none that have the plague should escape death , b●● by a miracle : but corrupt nature ( as it is not sensible of the plague of the heart ) so neither hath it power to work it cut : if the great physitian of souls cure i● not , it is not all t●e strength of nature , the art of man ▪ the power of medicines that can avail any thing , but the soul is inf●cted and will be destroyed . 4. though the plague of the body be infectious , yet the plague of the heart add● ven●●e and malignity to it : the spirit of a man will hear his infirmity , but a wounded spirit who can hear ? sin em●itters and poysons any affliction : the sting of every p●nal evil is sin , this is the plague of the plague : an affliction consists not in the bulk of it , but the burthen ; what is a serpent without a sting , or a great bulk if it hath no weight ? where the plague of the heart is cured , the other plague is more easily born● : though the cross continue , yet the curs● is taken away . 5. the plague of the heart is worse than the other plague , because it sei●eth upon , and infects the better part of man , his soul ; that which is more worth than a world , and could be redeemed by no less than the precious blood of christ : look how much better the soul is than the body , by so much worse is the plague of the heart , than that of the body . lastly , as christ said concerning men , so may i say concerning the plague , the utmos● it can do , is but to kill the body , and that for a time ; but the plague of the hears will destroy both body and soul everlastingly : that death which consists only in a separation of the soul from the body , is nothing so terrible as that which consists in an everlasting separation of the soul from god. but some men will never be convinced what a plague the plague of the heart is , till they come to feel the plagues of the damned , then they shall wish for death , but it shall flee from them . i come now to application . 1. if the plague be such a token of gods wrath , what cause have we of this nation to think that god i● wroth and displeased with us , since he hath visited us with such a plague , as cannot be parallelled since the sweating sickness , and that in such a juncture of time , when it could not have been more prejudicial to the affairs of the nation : it is hard to say , whether we have more cause to tremble at gods judgment in this plague , or to admire at his goodness in the abat●ment of it , when it once threatned the whole nation , as though the lord had purposed to make a full end , that affliction should not rise up the second time . now mark what the prophet saith , the lion hath roared , who will not fear ▪ amos 3. 8. when gods hand is lifted up , he expects that we should see it , and express a sense of it : the people of nineveh believed god , and proclaimed a fast , and put on sackcloath , jon. 3. 5. and did we verily believe , that god is wroth with us , we should busy and bestir our selves towards the appe●sing of it : this day would be observed with more solemnity , our prayers sent up to heaven with more devotion , the word listen'd unto with more attention , alm● given with more freeness and abundance . all tokens and testimonies of humiliation are little enough , when god shews such tokens of his wrath as the plague is : this is not a time to addict our selves to pride , or d●lliance , or luxury . the romans punished one severely , that in a time of common calamity was seen looking out at a window with a crown of roses on his head . god delights to see a people shew themselves affected with his displeasure : m●rk what he said once to the isr●elites after they had made the golden calf , exod. ●3 . 5. i will come into the ●●ast of thee in a moment and consume thee ( it is not an absolu●e determination but a conditional co●●ina●ion ) therefore now put off thy ornaments from thee , that i may know what to do u●to the● : that is , humble thy self , give some testimony of the awe ●hat thou stande●● in of my wrath , of thy sorrow for the sin that hath incensed it , tha● though i be highly provoked , yet i may be ●●ved to have pity on , and shew some favour to the● . 2. if the plague be so dreadful a judgment , what cause have we of this city to bless god for our preservation from it ? especially considering how many dangers we have been exposed to , some through the necessity of state , others through our own improvidence , and some through the corrupt and covert dealings of passengers and traders : to be preserved from danger is a mercy at any time , but especially then , when we see others overtaken , and our selves encompossed with it : what may we attribute this our preservation to ? shall we impute it to our own diligence and care ? no certainly , for if our watchfulness had been ten times more , yet we read in psal . 127. 1. except the lord keep the city , the watchm●n ●aketh but in vain : shall we ascribe it to any merit or desert of ours ? nay , that would be far worse , as job saith , job 9. 20. our own mouths would condemne us and prove us perverse . i would it might not be said of us , as it was once of ahaz , that in this time of distress we have trespassed yet more and more : sure it is , vice and profaneness are grown to that height of impudence , as hath not been known in former years : those vices , which heretofore were scarce once named amongst us , are become common : what said god once concerning judah , jer. ● . 8. when she saw that god had given back sliding israel a ●ill of divorce , and put her away for her adul●eries , yet her treacherous sister judah feared not , but went and played the harlot also : it is easie to apply it here , though we saw what god had do●● to london , ●et we have not feared , but gone on to corrupt our sel●es and do so wickedly , as if we intended to justific them , or as if we thought , that the sins of the nation could not be soon enough filled up , unless we added more measure to them . our preservation therefore can be attributed ●o nothing , but the merciful and gratio● protection of almighty god ; and therefore let us magnify the lord , and let us exalt his name together : let us bless him at all times , and let ●i● praise be continually in our months : for he i● 〈◊〉 that hath held our souls in life , and not suffered our feet to be moved : he hath hitherto delivered us from all our fears , and put a new song into our month , eve● praise unto our god. only let us fear the lord and serve him in truth and with all our hearts , for consider how great things he hath done for us , but if we shall still do wickedly , sin lies at the door , and judgment will find us out . 3. and lastly , if the plague be so dreadful a judgment , then it calls upon us loudly to pity those , whom god hath been pleased to exercise with so heavy a visitation : think that you hear the great city of the land thus bewailing her misery , and begging your commiseration , as the city jerusalem once ; i am the man that hath seen affliction by the rod of his wrath , surely against me is 〈◊〉 turned , he turneth his hand against me all the day , be hath bent his ●●w and set me as a mark for the arrow : i envy not your immunity , only desire you to commiserate my calamity : have pity upon me , have pity upon me , o ye my friends , for the hand of god hath touched me , job 19. 21. we have no hasty and fearful fleeing out of our city , whole families made desolate , miserere d●u● upon our doors , we hear not that doleful voice , bring out your dead . eusebins faith , that in the plague at alexandria the christians were as careful of one another , visited those that were infected , provided for them , converted with them , buryed them as at other times ; but the heathen regarded not their neighbours and friends , but fled from them , suffered them to starve , and afterwards to lye unburied . i acknowledge there is much difference between the spirits of christians now , from what was in those ages , for then they were willing upon all occasions to hazard , yea to lay down their lives for the brethren . i blame not the christians at alexandria for what they did , because i know not what heroick principle they might have to induce them to it : perhaps they did it for to set a pattern and example to the heathen , among whom they lived ; to let them see , that they were not afraid of death , and that their love to each other was so great , that nothing could separate them . but it is not safe to tempt god and run our selves upon hazards , where we have no warrant ▪ we cannot , we may not in a time of infection converse so freely with , and do those offices to the infected , as we would at another time : yet it behoves us however to do all we can safely : there is no danger sure in pitying them , in praying for them , in contributing toward their necessities : these we may safely do , we cannot salvâ conscientiâ omit them . and now that i have mentioned contribution , i cannot , but i must tell you , that there is no reality in our commiseration without it . st. james declares against such , as say to one that is in wan● , be ye filled , and be ye warmed , but give them not those things that are needful for the body ▪ j●●● 2. 16. st ▪ john is yet sharper , 1 john 3. 17. whoso hath this worlds goods , and seeth his brother have need , and ●h●tt●th up his bowels of compassion from him , how dwelleth the love of god in him ? giving of alms is one of the man ingredients into an acceptable fast . the fast that god hath chosen is ●o deal our bread to the hungry , ●loath the naked , and not to hide our selves from our own flesh , isa . 58. ● , 7. we cannot ●ell , whether it may please god to visit us ; but if he should , happy that man then who hath not been defective in his duty to the infected , whose bowels have melted and turned within him for their calamity , whose prayers have been dayly poured ou● for their redre●● , whose hands have been stretched out wide , and without grudging for their relief , and lastly whose conversation hath been ordered aright , that they and the whole land might see the salvation of god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45206-e230 ●ob . 39. 22. 2 cor. 1. 3. 10 notes for div a45206-e360 d●●emb 6th 1665. 1 ●am . 2● ▪ 3. 1 sam. 18. 8 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. lib. 7 , ca. 17. exo● . 12. 30. neque quisque mortalium , q●● ejus ●ffugerit contagion●m , &c. lib. 3. ca ▪ 28 2 king. 2. 12. psal . 128. 3. jer. 31. 15. psal . 84. ● . ●l●●d . r●m . 82. 17. 1. kings ▪ 22. 2. chro ▪ 35. 2. sam. 1 ▪ 23. jer. 5. 4. rom. ● . ▪ 1 math. 16. 24. acts 14. 21. rom. 8. 28. luk. 23. 31 ▪ dan. 9. 4. rss ▪ prov. 18. 14. mat. 16. 2● ▪ 1 pet. 1 ▪ 1● . luk. 12. 4 ▪ rev. 9. 6. nahu . 1. 9. is . 26 ▪ 9 ▪ 10 , 11 2 chr. 28. 2● ▪ eph. 5. 3. psal . ●4 . ● , 2 ▪ 3 , 4. psal . 66. 9. psal . 40. 3. 1 ●a● . 12. ●4 . ge● . 4. 7. num. 32. 23. lament . 3. ● joh. 3. 16. mat. 4. 7. p●●l . 50. 23. by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the keeping of bartholomew fair, and sturbridge fair england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32613 wing c3543 estc r39953 18571062 ocm 18571062 108045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32613) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108045) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1647:21) by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the keeping of bartholomew fair, and sturbridge fair england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. [2] leaves. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1665. broadside in [2] leaves. "given at our court at salisbury the seventh day of august, 1665. in the seventeenth year of our reign."--leaf [2]. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi ◆ soit ◆ qvi ◆ mal ◆ y ◆ pense diev ◆ et ◆ mon ◆ droit royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the keeping of bartholomew fair , and sturbridge fair. charles r. the kings most excellent majesty , out of his princely and christian care of his loving subjects , that no good means of providence may be neglected to stay the further spreading of the great infection of the plague , doth find it necessary to prevent all occasions of publick concourse of his people for the present , till it shall please almighty god of his goodness to cease the violence of the contagion , which is very far dispersed into many parts of this kingdom already : and therefore remembring that there are at hand two fairs of special note , unto which there is usually extraordinary resort out of all parts of the kingdom ; the one kept in smithfield and saint bartholomews the great , near the city of london , called bartholomew fair ; and the other near cambridge , called sturbridge fair ; the holding whereof at the usual times , would in all likelihood be the occasion of further danger and infection to other parts of the land , which yet , by gods mercy , stands clear and free ; hath , with the advice of his privie council , thought good by this open declaration of his pleasure and necessary commandment , not onely to admonish and require all his loving subjects to forbear to resort for this time to either of the said two fairs kept in smithfield or saint bartholomew the great , and at sturbridge aforesaid , or within the liberties of the university and town of cambridge , or to any other fairs within fifty miles of the said city of london ; but also to enjoyn the lords of the said fairs , and others interessed in them , or any of them , that they all forbear to hold the said fairs , or any thing appertaining to them at the times accustomed , or at any other time , till by gods goodness and mercy the infection of the plague shall cease , or be so much diminished , that his majesty shall give order for holding them , upon pain of such punishment , as for a contempt so much concerning the universal safety of his people , they shall be adjudged to deserve ; which they must expect to be inflicted with all severity . and to that purpose doth hereby further charge and enjoyn under like penalty , all citizens and inhabitants of the said city of london , that none of them shall repair to any fairs held within any part of this kingdom , until it shall please god to cease the infection now reigning amongst them : his majesties intention being , and so hereby declaring himself , that no lord of any fairs , or others interessed in the profits thereof , shall by this necessary and temporary restraint receive any prejudice in the right of his or their fairs , or liberties thereunto belonging ; any thing before mentioned notwithstanding . given at our court at salisbury the seventh day of august , 1665. in the seventeenth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1665. a briefe treatise of the plague vvherein is shewed, the [brace] naturall cause of the plague, preseruations from the infection, way to cure the infected. 1603 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14593 stc 24905.7 estc s123186 24103832 ocm 24103832 27188 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14593) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27188) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1843:18) a briefe treatise of the plague vvherein is shewed, the [brace] naturall cause of the plague, preseruations from the infection, way to cure the infected. i. w. newly corrected [14] p. by valentine si[mmes], printed at london : 1603. dedication signed: i.w. signatures: a⁴(-a1) b⁴. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe treatise of the plague vvherein is shewed , the naturall cause of the plague . preseruations from the infection . way to cure the infected . newly corrected with new additions , and many approoued remedies . printed at london by valen●●●e si●●●● . 1603. to the reader . god most merci●●●ly chastineth his children for their sinnes when they forget him : sometime with warre , sometime with famine , and sometime with the pestilence and other diseases , that they might forsake their sinnes , and flee vnto him for help : but the wicked , to their vtter destruction . yet he neuer sendeth a plague or punishment but he continually preserueth some . yea , and those al●o he preserueth by meanes . therefore they worthily are consumed which neglect that lawfull meanes god hath appointed , euen as they were iustly drowned that would not enter noahs ark . and lots sonnes worthily consumed , because they would not forsake sodome , and they iustly partakers of the plagues of egypt which forsooke the land of goshen , and their first borne deseruedly slaine , which marked not the postes of their dores with the blood of the lambe . and were they not iustly scourged to death , which would not behold the brazen serpent moses set vp ? doth not the whole historie of the bible , both the old and new testament comm●nd ●nto vs the law●ull meanes whereby we are to be preserued from dangers . therfore they are greatly too blame that contemne the good meanes which god hath appointed for their safetie , and doe wilfully , rashly , and foolishly runne themselues into all kinde of dangers , saying , god is able to preserue them if it please him , themselues neither vsing the lawfull meanes god hath appointed , not yet eschewing the danger : which meanes according to the iudgement of the best writers vpon this matter , thou shalt heere finde briefely , which i pray god may be profitable vnto thee , and that he will keepe vs from all plagues and dangers which wee haue iustly deserued . val● . i. w. ¶ of the naturall causes of the infection of the aire , and of the plague . of all the diseases whereunto the body of man is subiect , the plague or pestilence is the most terrible and fearefull , and most contagious , therefore we must séeke all meanes , both naturall and artificiall , to preserue our selues and families from it : therefore first we wil speake of the naturall causes of this infection . there be two especiall causes of the pestilence . the first is , an infected , corrupted and putrified ayre . the second is , euill and corrupt hu●●●● ingendred in the ●●●y . the aire is corrupted and infected diuerse wayes as astronomers say , by the influences , aspects , coniunctions , and opposition of ill planets , the eclipse of the sunne and moone , through the i●●oderate heate of the aire , where the temperature of the aire is turned from his naturall state to excessiue heate and moisture , which is the worst temperament of the aire , 〈◊〉 being drawne vp by the heate of the sunne , remaining vnconsumed , doe rot , putrifie , and corrupt , and so with the veneme ●he aire beco●●eth corrupted and infected . also the ayre is often corrupted by the euaporation of dea● c●rcasses ly●●g ●●●●ried , as it 〈…〉 in the ●●rres , 〈◊〉 also by the euaporation of p●●les , 〈◊〉 marishes , stinking and noysome sinkes and kennells . a man falleth into the pestilence by disordering of himselfe , 〈◊〉 in diet , or wi●h other exercises . therefore , during the time of 〈…〉 sickenesse 〈◊〉 must haue a speciall regard , to kéep● himselfe from all 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 ( to wit ) from all excesse of meate , drinke , sweating , bathes , lechery , and all other things that open the pores of the body , and causeth the bad ayres to enter , which entering , inuenome the liuely spirits of man , and infect , and indanger the whole body . and seeing it is euident , that the plague as pestilence is not caused , but through the breathing in of pestilent and corrupt ayre , there cannot be a more ●a●e and present remedy to preserue one , then by ●ying from that corrupt aire , there is no other meanes to 〈◊〉 pestilent ayre , because , whether 〈…〉 we must draw in such ayre , vnlesse we get vs away into some other place where the ayre is not corrupted nor infected , but pure and good , neither must you returne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from that place 〈◊〉 . obseruations to be vsed , preseruing from the plague . bvt if vpon ●rgent occasio● of bu●●ne●●e you may not 〈◊〉 then haue a speciall care that the hou●e in which you must tarry , be kept clea●● and 〈◊〉 , without 〈…〉 or ●●u●●ishnesse , let the windowes be kept close , and 〈◊〉 especially in clowdy and rainie wether , that the pestilent ayre enter not in , but if you will open them , doe it obout mid-day . you must come abroade as seldome as you can , and not ( if you may ) except the element be cleare and bright , but before you come abroade , you must take 〈◊〉 ●e●icine , which is able to preserue you f●om infections , as the roote of ang●●ca , pimper●ell , &c. chewes in the mouth . chewed in the mouth . also you must make ●ires dayly in your house● , 〈…〉 the corrupt ayre that is in the house , may be the better purged and 〈…〉 of the ayre . also if you iuniper , ta●●●●is●●● , bay lea●●●s , rosemary , and such like are very good to purge the house of ●ll aires , and to 〈…〉 and from ●pon it the p●●●er of rosemary , sage , rew , be●on●e , wormewood , mai●ram , orig●n , iuniper berries , m●●h , frankensence and ma●●●ke , cipres●e barkes , angeli●● the r●●ts or ●ea●●s , lau●nder , 〈◊〉 of aloes , gall●● mus●h●●a , c●oues , any one of all these are very good to aire your house withall . it is best in hote weather to corr●●● and puri●●● the aire with co●● 〈◊〉 , as with ●word : 〈…〉 leaues , and branches of willowes , &c. and to sprinckle the ●l●●re with coldwater mixt with viniger , roses , or 〈◊〉 , &c. it is very good when out goeth abroad to haue something in their hands to 〈◊〉 to , the better to auoide those noysome 〈◊〉 and filthy 〈◊〉 which are in euery corner , therefore it is very good to carry in the hand a branch of rew , rosemary , roses , or camphir● and the smel of viniger is very 〈…〉 something like this . take of , lapdanum , three drachmes . storax calamintae , two drachmes . of each a drachme . cinomon , cloues , nutmegs , wood of aloes , a scruple . spiknard , halfe a scruple . of each halfe a drachme . mirh , mastik , frankencense , of each three graines . muske , amber . make them to powder and ●earce them , and take 〈◊〉 water , and rose viniger , wherein 〈…〉 is dissolued , and so make it vp in a pomander . séeing also , that gluttony , excesse , and drunkennesse , is at al times to be shunned , so at this time of infection is most dangerous , breeding the humors , and corrupting the body : therfore they y t loue their health , let them vse temperance in theyr diet , and choose such meats as engender good blood , and bee not ready to putrifie and rot , but be of easie digestion , and eate with them sharpe sauces , as vinigere , or the iuyces of sharpe things , as veri●yce , iuyce of citrons , lemonds , oringes , &c. also vse for pot-herbs , sage , or otherwise , parcely , maioram , balme , hysops , b●glose , endine , succorie , and lettice . also hee must refraine from eating of much fruite , for it doth bréede corrupt blood , and if he eate any it must be 〈◊〉 . also hee must eate little garlik , onions , or 〈◊〉 , for these cause vnkinde heate . also suffer not thirst greatly , and when thou doest thirst , drinke but measurably , and that but smal and thinne drinke , or barly water , 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 . ano●●er special regard must be had in exercises , vbi , qu●●od● , & 〈◊〉 . the place where , must be in a 〈◊〉 and pure ayre , and 〈◊〉 must ●se them temperately and moderately , and 〈…〉 of violent exercises , as dancing , running , leaping : and wh●●soeuer such like kinde of exercise that causeth after breathing in of ayre , ●e must refraine in the extreame heate of the day , and in places where is much con●●urse of people . as for his sleepe and 〈◊〉 , let them be meane and moderate , onely his sleepe must be sufficient to suffice nature , and in a close chamber , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the windowes and doores , close shut , lest the ill ayre enter into it , and hée must haue regard that his sheetes be cleane and swéete ●agges in chests where they kéepe linnen . it is good also at night afore you goe in bed to ayre the chamber with a good fire , or with a cha●●ng dish of coles , wherein it were good to ●●ro some powder of rew , sage , be●onie , or of iuniper and such like . when you walke in the morning , first empty the body of all super●●uities and excremen●s , and take heed : and beware the body , be not too 〈◊〉 at any time . therefore , if of thy selfe n●●●rally at any time thou canst not voyde out excrements , thou shalt take ●yther a potion of pils , or else a glister o● suppos●●●ry o● 〈…〉 : or el●e take of aloes epatick , two parts , of each one part . amon●ia●●m , mirrh . with white wine or with the water of scabious make pills of them , which minister daylie , if you will one scruple at a time . these pils 〈◊〉 most resist putrifaction , and haue a very great vertue against the infecting of the pestilent ayre . blood-letting also is very wholsome for yong folke , and such as 〈◊〉 great store o● blood , for it doth much coole the state of the body , and bringeth it to a moderate heare , and letteth out the corrupt humors , which doe make the body more subi●ct to infection : bloud-letting is very necessary in the time of infection , and doth much profit , and preserue health . also it is very 〈◊〉 to be too passionate or melancholy : for the passions of sadnesse , anger , hatred , feare , great cares , and heauie thoughts and sighing , do much distemper the body and make it 〈…〉 to withstand the infection : but on the contrary it is very good to vse ioy and mirth with temperance . signes to know the infected . hauing before shewed the natural and original causes of the plague and pestilence , with the best meanes for the preseruation of a mans selfe from it , we wil proceed and shew , first the ●●gnes whereby a man may best iudge of himselfe , whether he be already infected , or not , and the meanes to cure the ●●ck . as concerning the signes that declare one to be already infe●●●● , they are many . first when the outward members are cold , and the inward parts burning hot , when there is a paine and heauinesse of the head , and a great inclination to ●eepe . a wearines , heauines , and difficulty in breathing . a sadnesse and carefulnesse of the minde : a change of countenance , with a frowning looke of the eyes : losse of stomake and appetit● : immoderate thirst and often vomiting : a bitternesse and drienesse of the mouth : the pulse frequent , smal and déepe , the vrine troublous , thicke , and stinking like beasts vrine . the surest token of al to know the infected of the plague , is ▪ if there doe arise and engender botches behind the eares , or vnder the armeholes , or about the share : or also if carbuncles do arise in any member sodainely , for when they doe appeare they betoken strength of nature : which being strong and mighty , doth labour to driue the poyson out of the body , but if botches do not appeare , it is more perillous and daungerous : for it betokeneth that nature is weake and feeble , and not able to expell and driue out the venemous humors , and then you must haue respect to the signes before rehearsed . also 〈◊〉 botches which do appeare , they do declare which members of the body be infected aboue any other , and doe ●●rust out veni●ous humors from them . the infection of the plague entereth into a man in this 〈◊〉 . in a 〈◊〉 are three principall parts ( that i● ) the heart , lyuer , and armes , and each of the●● hath his cleansing place : therefore if they do appeare in the necke , they doe shew the braines to be chiefely vexed : if vnder the arme-holes , the heart , but if they appeare in the share , the lyuer is most infected . for a man hauing taken same venome , it is mingled with the blood , and runnes to the heart , which is the chiefe parte of man : and the heart by kinde putteth the venome to his clensing place which is the arme-holes ▪ and it being stopt , putteth to the next princip●ll part , that is the liuer , and it passeth it to his cleansing place which is the ihigh-holes or share : likewise they b●ing stopt , passe it to the next principall place ( that is ) the armes , and to their clensing places which are vnder the eares , or vnder the throate , and they being stopped , suffer it not to passe out , th●● it is 〈◊〉 xii . houres before it rest in any place , and if it be 〈◊〉 let out within the space of xxiiii . houres by bléeding , it castes a man into an ague , and maketh a bot●● in one of the thrée places , or néere them . the cure of the infected of the plague . the best way to cure the plague is in this , when thou findest thy selfe to be infected , and féelest the bloud flickering , bleed in the first houre , or within sixe houres after drinck not , 〈◊〉 tarry not aboue twelue houres from bleeding , for when thy bloud is so flickering , the venome is then mouing and not yet settled , and after it is to late : those that are fatte may be lette bl●●d , or else not . if the matter be gathered vnder the armeholes , it comes from the heart by the veine cardiall , then bleed on the same side : on the innermost veyne of the arme comonly called b●sollica : but bleed not on both sides , except it be in both armeholes , for that is dangerous , and losse of good bloud . and if the boch doth appeare behind the eares , or aboue the 〈◊〉 , or in any other parts of the face , or neck , you must let blo●d out of veine cephali●a , on the same side let blood with c●pping glasse● for that is the best , or a horse ●each , or horse 〈◊〉 . but if the botch appeare in the share , you must then bleed in the ●●uckle of the same 〈◊〉 , and then in any case bleed not in the arme , for it will draw vp the matter againe . but if there app●●re no botch outwardly , you must then draw bloud out of the same side where is felt the greatest paine and heauines , and out of which veine the paine & griefe of the members aflicted wil declare . for if the members aboue the breast be most grieued and afflicted , cut the cephalica vein . but if the parts about the necke be most grieued , bleed in the basillica , or middle veyne . and if the nether parts be most grieued and vexed bl●●d in the hamme or ankles . and if nature be strong , and other things not letting draw out bloud aboundantly . but if through age or for other causes you may not vse bl●●d letting , then you must fasten cupping glasses and 〈◊〉 them . and if you perceiue the pestilence to infect or inuade you at meate , or vpon a full stomacke , then vomitt straiteway , and when the body and stomack is empty , then take some medicine that can resist poyson as methrydate or triacle . when the patient hath taken som medcines that wil expel the venome , lay him in a warmed bed , being made with soft she●●s , and well couered with cloathes , that there he may sweate well , for the space of foure or fiue houres , or more , according to his strength . but if by this meanes you can scarsly prouoke him to sweate , you may vse some other meanes , as by the heating of tiles , and laying them hote to the feete of the patient , or with stone bottles filled with hot water , and being close stopt with corke , that the water spil not , and so put into the bed to the sick , they wil by their beat prouoke him readily to sweat . and all the time the sicke doth sweate , you must take heed that he neither sleep , eate , nor drinke . and after hee hath sweat , you must wipe diligently off the sweat , with very cleane and fine linnen clothes . then afterward let the sicke rise from his bed , if he either will or can : but let him not come into the open ayre , but eschew it asmuch as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . also let the ayre of the chamber in the which the sicke doth ●ie , be 〈◊〉 and amended and purified with odo●●●ro●● things and wi●h sweet smelling perfumes , such as are before declared . lastly , the principall 〈◊〉 whole body bring cleansed by bleeding , or cupping and sweating , the patient must be very ●ary , and measurable in his diet , for in the 〈…〉 which is accidentall to this sicknes : it is good to eate 〈◊〉 flesh but litle chickens 〈◊〉 with fresh water , but it is best to giue 〈◊〉 him the breath of a chicken two or three houres after he ha●● 〈◊〉 , and often , according to his strength , for the sicke and weake must be norished and refreshed by little and little : if the breath haue in it the iuice of lemons , orenges , ●eriuice , or vineger , it is the better . preseruatiues against the plague or pestilence . take 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 , of each a little , and lay them in a little vineger , then take a spunge and wett it therein , and this you 〈◊〉 carry about you in a 〈◊〉 or any thing else , to smell thereon , and this will preserue you from the infected . another . also take angelli●s roote , and hold in your mouth , for it is excellent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keepe your body that no corrupted ayre came therein : likewise 〈◊〉 pilles is very good to hold in your mouth , or cloues . another . it is good to kéepe the head and stomake cleane p●●ged , and not to ouerlay it with eating and drinking , nor to eate grose meates , but to abstaine from all manner of 〈◊〉 and grose meats , and to purge your self as oft as you can with some gentle purge , as 〈◊〉 pilles , or such like . another excellent preseruatiue . take a figge or a walnut , and in a morning fasting , take a little rew and a corne of bay salt , and eate them together , 〈◊〉 this will preserue you , that you néede not feare the infection . another preseruatiue by purging the blood . take in your pottage , buglase , b●rr●ge , suckory , ●ettyse , and such like hearbs : it shall be also very good at your meate to eate the inside of a ●ytteron , with a little ●nger , at morning , at noone , and at night when you got to bed : and it would be very good to wash your hands , and to bathe your temples & your pulses with vineger rosset , and it would be good to perfume your houses with vineger and rew vpon a tyle stone being heated in the fire : it is very good to hold your head ouer it : it is excellent good to keepe your body that no infected eyre enter therein . a prooued remedie for the plague . take an oinion , and cut him ouerthwart , or a sunder , then make a little hole in each péece , the which ye shall fill with fine treakle and set the peeces together againe , then wrap them in a wet lynnen cloth , cutting it as you would a warden and so roste him in the embers , séeing it be couered with embers , and when it is rosted inough , stra●●e out all the iuice thereof , and giue the patient a spoonefull thereof to drinke , and it wil heale him by the grace of god. take sorrell and lay it in steep in vineger a day , & then 〈…〉 , & when the patient feeleth himselfe 〈◊〉 , giue him a draught therof , and 〈◊〉 he brooke it , two or three houres after giue him more thereof to drinke , and by the grace of god he shal be healed . another for these that feele themselues infected . take card●●s benedictus , the leafe , and dry it , then beate it to powder , and giue the patient to drinke of it , and then let him sweate , and it will heale him by the grace of god. a preseruatiue . take london treakel , which you shall haue ▪ at diuers apoticaries shops , in london , which do make it themselues ▪ londons remembrancer: for the staying of the contagious sicknes of the plague by dauids memoriall. as it vvas follovved in a sermon preached in christs-church in london, the 22. of ianuarie. 1626. vpon occasion of the publique thanksgiuing, enioyned by his maiesties proclamation. by samson price, doctor of diuinitie, one of his majesties chapleins in ordinarie. price, sampson, 1585 or 6-1630. 1626 approx. 87 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10078 stc 20332 estc s114330 99849556 99849556 14710 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10078) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 14710) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1528:06) londons remembrancer: for the staying of the contagious sicknes of the plague by dauids memoriall. as it vvas follovved in a sermon preached in christs-church in london, the 22. of ianuarie. 1626. vpon occasion of the publique thanksgiuing, enioyned by his maiesties proclamation. by samson price, doctor of diuinitie, one of his majesties chapleins in ordinarie. price, sampson, 1585 or 6-1630. [4], 42 p. printed by edward all-de, for thomas harper, at london : 1626. date has been changed in ink to read "the 29. of januarie". british museum catalogue gives this date also.--dfo. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 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and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons remembrancer : for the staying of the contagiovs sicknes of the plagve : by dauids memoriall . as it vvas followed in a sermon preached in christs-church in london , the 22. of ianuarie . 1626. vpon occasion of the publique thanksgiuing , enioyned by his maiesties proclamation . by samson price , doctor of diuinitie , one of his majesties chapleins in ordinarie . psal. 63.6.7 . when i remember thee vpon my bed , and meditate on thee in the night watches , because thou hast beene my helpe : therefore in the shadowe of thy wings will i reioyce . at london : printed by edward all-de , for thomas harper . 1626. to the right honorable sir thomas coventrye , knight , lord keeper of the great seale of england . right honourable , it is the great worke of god , to reclaime from their offences , those whom he loueth , by corrections : to this end as he bestoweth fauours vpon some in anger , as he did quailes vpon the israelites : so striketh he others in mercie , that they may be zealous , and repent . the late pestilence amongst vs of this citie , and the other infected parts of the kingdome , bringing wonderfull plagues , and sore sicknesses : came rushing with such violence , because wee did not serue the lord our god with ioyfulnes , hauing aboundance of all things ; and because we did not feare this glorious name , the lord : yet mercie shewed it selfe stronger then iudgement , and vpon our weake and vnworthy humiliation , the destroying angel hath in a great measure stayed his hand : beautie therefore being giuen vnto vs for ashes , the oyle of ioy for mourning , & the garment of praise for the spirit of heauines , the lord is to be praised . to this end hath our royall zealous annointed soueraigne , sent forth a solemne command : this , to fasten as a memorandum in the eares and hearts of those committed to my poore charge , i endeauoured , by king dauids memoriall , of what god had done for him . a subiect fit for an angell from heauen to comment vpon . a thanksgiving : all the workes of the lord praise him : angels , heauens , sunne , moone , starres , showers , dewe , winde , winter , summer : wels , whales , fowles , beasts : all holy and humble men of heart desire to remember the lord. this is here pressed , wherein my only ayme was to speake what was plaine , profitable , necessarie to the glory of god , and good of the people . this mite i now offer to the treasurie ( talents i haue none ) knowing that in a willing minde , it is accepted according to that a man hath , and not according to that hee hath not , 2. cor. 8.2 . whatsoeuer it is , i am emboldened , by your late noble encouragements , to present it to your honours acceptation , protection , perusall . it is the ioy of many , that god hath giuen you a large , iust , and faithfull heart : a desire rather to be an vmpire of equity , then a decreer of seuerity ; and as god hath exalted you , so you remember by your resolute , yet meeke carriage , that god standeth in the congregation of the mighty , he iudgeth among the gods. i shall still rest a continuall peticioner to the throne of grace , that in these slipperie times , all the foundations of the earth being out of course , you may be kept by the power of god , through faith vnto saluation . new rents 1626. febru . 10. your honours in all dutie to be commanded , samson price . lord iesus begin and end . londons remembrancer by davids memoriall . psal. 42.4 . when i remember these things , i powre out my soule in me . it was the confident profession of royall dauid , when some did striue with him , fight against him , and persecute him : many are the afflictions of the righteous , but the lord deliuereth him out of all . the whole psalme was composed when he came to achimelech the priest , crauing bread and armes : a psalme written ( saith cassiodor ) for the times of christians ; a psalme which athanasius perswaded marcellinus to sing vpon any deliuerance : as dauids afflictions were great ; so were his deliuerances ; consider him a caula ad aulam , from the sheep-coate to the scepter ; being sent to follow the ewes great with young , either by his fathers neglect , or his brothers enuious conspiracie , and plotting against him : the day consuming him with heat , and the night with frosts ; in danger of lyons & beares ; his father in law vnkinde , michal his wife froward ; hauing breaches in his family by his thamar , ammon , absalon ; bruises by the pestilence , brunts by warres , which made him water his couch with his teares , and would haue made him mad indeede , as he but feigned when he was before achish , had not the lord deliuered him : but his soule truly wayted vpon god , because his saluation came from him . a text vrged by st. austin against the donatists : prescribed by basil as an antidote , to euery christian against corrupt passions , that the soule be not made a slaue to lewd affections . euery creature is to obey the creator , and may be enforced ; but a voluntary subiection is expected of the reasonable soule of man , that our will follow gods will , that we desire nothing contrary to his will , that wee encline our hearts to his pleasure . for we are the creatures , hee is the creator ; we but clay , he the potter ; wee captiues , hee the commander ; wee seruants , he the master ; we schollers , he the tutour ; and none but the sonne of belial , that cannot endure the lord , will seeke to breake his bands : the life of christ was a life of subiection ; to his parents , to magistrates , to the law , to the baptisme of iohn ; yea , hee who was lord and master , washed his apostles feete , not onely because the diuell had supplanted adam in his feete : or because they were to be his feete to carrie him through the world , and as beautifull feete vpon the mountaines to publish peace , and bring good tydings of good , publishing saluation ; but to giue them an example of humility ; that seeing he washed their feete , they ought also to wash one anothers feete . hee who was god and man , was subiect , that man might learne to submit himselfe wholy to god. anima is quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a breathing : and the tongue of the soule is the zeale of deuotion : our deuout kingly prophet in all humble submission cried out : vnto thee o lord doe i lift vp my soule . happy is hee onely who can say it with the heart of dauid ; sinne doth not ouer-burthen him ; worldly delight draweth him not backe from the seruice of god ; pleasure boweth him not downe ; couetousnesse doth not make him stoope ; opulencie doth not puffe him vp ; ambition doth not carrie him away . his soule made her boast in the lord ; because confirmed , strengthened , and able to endure so wonderfully from his power , by which he was whatsoeuer he was . he prayed that god would say vnto his soule , i am thy saluation : for gods word is his act , and his dixit a fiat : his soule followed hard after god , because his right hand did vphold him : hee followed not the allurements of the world , which by vices draw men from the loue of god. his soule kept gods testimonies ; neuer did burgensis so iustly entitle his booke scrutinium scripturarum , as dauid might his meditations scrutinium praeceptorum . his soule wayted for the lord , more then they that wayte for the morning : hee that hopeth must hope to the end . hee prayed that his soule might not be gathered with sinners ; that his soule which was his darling , might be rescued from destruction and the lyons . this , hath breath breathed into it by the spirit of god , and therefore is euer ready to breath out sighes , groanes , supplications , thanksgiuing vnto god vpon the remembrance of his workes , his mercies , his iudgements , his prouidence , his deliuerances as heere . when i remember these things , i powre out my soule in me . when word came to the king of niniueh , that god had thundred out a iudgement against that citie , by the voyce of ionah , yet forty dayes and niniueh shall be ouerthrowne : hee caused it to be proclaimed : let neither man nor beast taste any thing : let them crie mightily vnto god ; let them turne euery one from his euill way : and god saw their workes , and god repented of the euill that hee had said he would doe vnto them , and hee did it not . that king was as all great ones should be , carbo & lampas , a coale burning to himselfe , a lamp shining to other men . as hee for niniueh : so our gracious king charles , seeing the lord angry with our citie and kingdome , and sending out a preacher vnto vs of the strongest lines to terrifie vs ; by a pestilence ; sent forth a solemne edict for a publique fast through the whole kingdome : wee haue seene a blessed effect : and therefore now our gracious soueraigne with zealous dauid , willing to haue a memoriall kept of that late , suddaine , miraculous stopping of the vyals of gods wrath amongst vs and others , in staying of the plague ; is this day with his nobles and courtiers , assembled to giue publique thankes in the congregation ; and hath commanded a generall & publique thanksgiuing to god throughout this whole realme , for so great and gracious a deliuerance , acknowledging that they are not worthy of future fauors , who are not truly thankfull for benefits already receaued : to this end wee are met . a king hath commanded vs ; and a prophet is his leader . we haue had sad times , as our dauid in this psalme : as the hart hath panted after the water brookes , so hath our soule panted after god : teares haue beene our meate : the multitudes with whom we vsed to goe to the house of god and keepe holy day , haue beene taken away : our soules haue bin cast downe ; wee haue beene disquieted ; deepe hath called vpon deepe ; waues and billowes haue gone ouer vs : god seemed to forget vs , and therefore haue we mourned . yet againe , wee are come to appeare before god , and therefore let vs praise him , who is the health of our countenance , and our god ; let vs remember what is past : as dauid ; when i remember , &c. my text sheweth vs the two hands of god ; the one with a wound , the other with a plaister : the one casting downe , the other raising vp : the one killing , the other making aliue ; both pile vp a beacon to call vs together , to see what god hath done for vs , and what we are bound to doe vnto god : teaching vs , that though our miseries , troubles , feares , infirmities , plagues , be as the hoast of the aramites , a great hoast , yet more are with vs then against vs. doth god send a sore ? he sends a salue also : sorrow for a night ? ioy in the morning : sobs and lamentations sometimes ? but songs & congratulations afterward : we see it in this psalme , in this memoriall : when i remember these things , i powre out my soule in me . the summe of which words is dauids memoriall , of gods mercies , fauours , deliuerances : you may call it , the oblation of the soule : or hope for the saints : or a forme of thanksgiuing : or the refuge of the afflicted : or the safety of gods children : or londons remembrancer by dauids memoriall : shewing vs mercie in the midst of iudgement , by our deliuerance from the late great plague . wherein obserue 1. a diuine art of memorie : when i remember these things , 2. a zealous act of piety : i powre out my soule in me . in the 1. see his commemoration . 2. his deuotion . when i remember these things . the whole verse is darke , as reuerend caluin obserueth , by reason of the variety of times . it is diuersly rendred : by aug. haec meditatus sum , i haue meditated vpon these things : by st. amb. psalter , haec memoratus sum , i haue remembred , rehearsed , spoken of these things : simmachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : obseruing , or registring , and recalling in my minde . campensis interprets it of gods prouidence shewed , and his promises made for the deliuerance of the fathers before dauid : folengius of gods promises to all his seruants : valentia of his promise concerning the comming of the messiah . but others , that dauid was recounting with himselfe what troubles he was in , when his enemies reproached him in his miseries , as if god had forsaken him , forgotten to be gracious to him ; and in his aduersitie , the abiects gathered themselues together against him to teare him . hee remembreth that god had brought him out of the horrible pit , of the mirie clay , & set a new song in his mouth . memorie is taken either for an intellectuall habit left by some act , or for some thing that stickes to the soule , comprehending things past , making an act of them : it is a resuming of any thing apprehended in the sense or vnderstanding . sense is for things present ; hope , for things to come ; memory , for things past : memorie , is the lieger booke of the braine ; the ianus that hath an eye behinde ; the storehouse of the minde : but there is a three-fold memorie . beneficiorum , this is to be reteined in vs , exemplorum , this is to be exhibited by vs. iniuriarum , this is to be relinquished from vs. there must be a remembrance of gods blessings and benefits : therefore saith the lord to the church by isai : put mee in remembrance ; let vs plead together : remember what i haue done for thee in creation , redemption , preseruation . the best art of memory is to be humbled at gods threatnings , and comforted at his promises : for exceeding griefes or exceeding ioyes leaue great impressions in vs. but this memory is hindred by worldly prosperity : as the chiefe butler forgat ioseph , a right temporizing courtier , who partly for feare to moue the king , partly addicted to his owne profit , and serue his owne turne , would make no mention of ioseph : so the children of israel called iesurun , waxed fat and kicked , and then forsooke god which made him , and lightly esteemed the rocke of his ▪ saluation . dauid remembred god on his bed , and in the night watches ; whiles others slept and snorted in their sinnes . there is a remembrance of examples : moyses was a mercifull man , which found fauour in the sight of all flesh , beloued of god and men ; his memoriall is blessed . there is a remembrance of iniuries , whereas the best remedy of an iniury is forgetting . and at athens it was enacted a decree obliuionis iniuriarum , of forgetting of iniuries , for when thrasibulus had freed the citie of thirty tyrants , and restored it to peace , hee made a law , that none should remember any iniuries past , which the athenians call the law of obliuion : and this we reade of the emperour augustus , who though of a most tenacious and retentiue memory : iniurias tamen cum primis obliuisceretur , could yet forget wrongs as soone as they were offered : to this end is that remembrance : thou shalt not auenge , nor beare any grudge against the children of thy people : that , remember thy end , and let enmity passe : that as when bees fight , the casting of a little dust vpon them endeth their strife : so the remembrance of our end by common mortality in pestilence or otherwise , still toling for the last gaspe , should ring out the death of malice , & burie all wrongs in the graue of obliuion , neuer to rise vp againe : but i must not forget the remembrance of god , the remembrance of vs here . hee remembreth his mercie and truth towards israel : hee remembreth vs , and visiteth vs , and reuengeth vs of our persecutors : hee taketh vs not away in his long suffering . hee being gracious and full of compassion , hath made his wonderfull workes to be remembred . therefore hee commanded that a golden pot of manna should be kept to remember what bread the children of israel had in the wildernes : the sacrament of the lords supper is a remembrance of the death & passion of our blessed sauiour . all the feasts enioyned israel , required of them a memoriall of gods benefits done vnto them . the twelue cakes on the pure table before the lord , were for a memoriall . dauid appointed the leuites to record , and to thanke and praise the lord god of israel . they that escaped of the sword when they were scattered , were to remember him among the nations . the two stones vpon the shoulder of the ephod , were for a memoriall vnto aaron . ieremie remembring his afflictions , miserie , and wormewood and gall , his soule was humbled , yet he hoped . ionas remembred the lord , and his soule fainted , when no doubtfull earthly naturall helpe , could release him : when his father , mother , friend , land , sea , his soule , all had forsaken him : yet the lord tooke him vp , and gaue him better hope . isai made mention of the louing kindnes of the lord , and the praises of the lord , his great goodnesse , and multitude of louing kindnesses . neuer did dauid more truly remember ierusalem : if i forget thee o ierusalem , let my right hand forget her cunning . if i doe not remember thee , let my tongue cleaue to the roofe of my mouth ; a greater torment hee wished not to his enemie in the poet : nec possis captas inde referre manus . sic fit in exitium lingua proterua tuum . god hath plagues in store for them that forget him : they shall bee deliuered into the hands of their enemies , as the israelites forgetting the lord , were sold into the hands of sisera , they wither in their greenesse before any other hearb , their hope being cut of : they forget god , and stretch out their hands to a strange god , and then god searcheth this out : they shall haue their sins set in order before them , and bee torne in pieces , and none shall deliuer them : they haue forgotten god , and trusted in falshood , therefore their skirts shall bee discouered vpon their face , that their shame may appeare : though then thou forget to take bread for a iourney , as the disciples did : or forget thy friend in thy mind , and be vnmindfull of him in thy riches : remember the lord. thy brethren may be put farre from thee , thine acquaintance estranged , thy kinsfolke may faile , and thy familiar friends forget thee ; thy louers may forget thee and not seeke thee , there may be none to plead thy cause : but the lord remembreth vs : prouoke him not therefore ; forget not the euerlasting god that brought you vp ; grieue not ierusalem that nursed you . there are some things that especially affect the memorie , and we shall find all singular in god. assidnum , mirum , cognatum , dulce , decorum . triste , nouum , munus , amor , aetas , spes , timor , auctor . are we mindfull of things frequent and vsuall : in god wee liue , moue , and haue our being . of things wonderfull ? his name is wonderfull ; the mighty god , the euerlasting father . of things neere vs or persons alyed ? wee are all his off-spring . of pleasant things : o taste and see how the lord is good ! doe wee remember faire , beautifull , goodly things ? he is fayrer then the children of men . sadde and sorrowfull things ? behold and see if there be any sorrow like that of the son of god. gifts ? there is a new-yeeres gift : the lord hath created a new thing in the earth : a woman shall compasse a man. loue ? god so loued the world , that he gaue his onely begotten sonne . carry wee in memorie our age ? wee are his deare children ; as new borne babes . any thing we hope for ? no hope to that for the sauiour , who shall change our vile bodies . any thing we feare ? there is one wise and greatly to be feared , the lord sitting vpon his throne . our benefactours ? euery good and perfect gift is from the father of lights . king dauid had infirmities and did beare them , but this was his supporter : i will remember the yeares of the right hand of the most high. i will remember the workes of the lord : surely , i will remember thy wonders of olde . wonderfull are the workes of nature : but more wonderfull are the workes of grace in our iustification . a wonder it was that the dead was raysed : but a greater wonder that a poore fisherman whose hands were practised in his old torne netts , and feete in the slime and mud of the sea , should haue the power on a suddaine of conuerting soules . a wonder that 's aboue all wonders , that the creator should become a creature ; with his bloud restore the lost sheepe from death to life ; yet thus he hath remembred his holy couenant to deliuer vs from our enemies . can a woman forget her sucking child , that she should not haue compassion on the sonne of her wombe ? they may : yet god will not forget vs. he remembreth vs , that wee may remember him . this made those who receiued blessings vnexspected from god , to keepe some speciall memoriall ; as leah conceiuing and bearing a sonne , shee called his name reuben , for shee sayd , the lord hath looked vpon my affliction , now therfore my husband will loue me . she bare another sonne and called him simeon , because the lord hath heard that i was hated , he hath giuen mee this son also . hence the name of immanuel god with vs , isay the helpe of the lord , gabriel the strength of god , gamaliel the reward of god : ieremy the high of the lord ; ioseph the encrease of the lord , israel preuailing in the lord , theodorus the gift of god , nathaniel the gift of god , mathew gods gift , lazarus the helpe of the god , raphael the physicke of god , samuel placed of god , theophylus a louer of god , tobias the lord is good , zachary the memorie of the lord. therefore hagar hauing an angel to come to her by the well , to tell her of ishmael whom shee should bring forth , the name of the well was after beer-lahai-roy . the well of him that liueth and seeth me . by liuing , vnderstanding her selfe , that liued after this glorious sight . by seeing , god who seeth our afflictions . thus abraham called the place of isaacs deliuerance iehouah-ijreh , the lord will see or prouide , which some take to be a prophecie of the temple which should afterward be built at ierusalem , where the lord would manifest and shew himselfe . others collect hence an argument of our confidence : all other meanes fayling ; to cast our care vpon god , as abraham did , who had another sacrifice prouided in stead of his sonne , which he thought not vpon . thus iacob hauing visions of comfort rose in the morning , and set vp the stone that he had vsed as a pillow , for a pillar , calling the place bethel , the house of god ; a pillar not for adoration but commemoration , yet that annointed pillar was a figure of christ , who is so called of his annointing . as now , he testified his thankfulnesse for the vision of the ladder , so afterwards hauing wrastled with an angel , he called a place peniel , the face of god. for , saith he , i haue seene god face to face , and my life is preserued ▪ that his posteritie might remember the place and vision : he spake with him praesens praesentem , he talked with god present , as moses with whom god did speake mouth to mouth , and apparantly , not in darke speeches . thus he being deliuered from esau , erected an altar , and called it el-elohe-israel , god the god of israel ; erecting as it were a chappell vnto god , calling the altar god , the signe by the thing signified ; so the bread in the eucharist is called , the body of christ : so moses built an altar , and called it iehouah nissi , the lord my banner : and dauid here hath his memoriall , when i remember . which is the shame of many in these dayes , and reproueth their dulnesse who are like those cittizens against whom when a great king came and besieged it , and built great bulwarks against it : a poore wise man by his wisedome deliuered that cittie , yet no man remembred that poore man. they are like ioash the king , who remembred not the kindnesse which iehoiada did to him , but slew his sonne zechariah the priest : like syria that forgetting the god of saluation , had a haruest of desperate sorrowe ; like babylon , saying , i shall be a lady for euer , not laying the word to her hart , neither remembring her latter end , and therefore in a moment , had losse of children and widowhood to come vpon her in her perfection ; they drinke and forget the lawe , and peruert the iudgement of any of the afflicted : doe not wee forget the things which our eyes haue seene ? do they not depart from our hearts ? doe we teach them our sonnes ? the righteous perisheth , and no man layeth it to heart . we remember the least wrong of another to vs , and forget the greatest of our sinnes against god. we write iniuries in marble , but benefits in the sand . wee forget our founders , patrons , benefactors . wee remember not the hand , nor the day when we were deliuered from the enemy , from the land of egypt , the house of bondage , the doctrine of rome : the spanish inuasion : wee forget the tossings of the palatinate , bohemia , and those sweet royall princes liuing amongst strangers . euery one may be called manasseh . forgetting . this was the sinne of israel , now of england . wee are like the strange woman that forgat the couenant of her god. it is storied , that in a great battaile , many being slaine , and the bodies vnburied , there followed a great plague ; and this so infected men , that they forgat their fathers names , their childrens , their owne names : i am sure our forgetfulnesse of god , and our idolatrie , brought the last plague among vs. there was a plague in this iland vpon an ecclipse of the sun , anno dom. 644. when the shauing of the clergie , latine , seruice , inuocations of saints , were added ( with other idolatrous corruptions ) to the church : whereupon the death of the emperor constance followed . haue not we made an idoll of this citie , which hath stood 2733. yeares , and being infected with the number of our people dauids sinne : boasted of the multitude of heads , riches , buildings : that this was the imperiall citie of the kingdome , chamber of the king , that with laodicea wee were rich , encreased with goods , and had need of nothing : that with tytus our citie hath beene replenished , the haruest of the time her reuenue , a ioyous citie : her merchants princes , her traffique the honourable of the earth . haue not parents gloried in the number of their children , and set too much their hearts vpon them ? haue wee not ascribed our peace to the strength of our arme , and not to him , who teacheth as he did dauid , our hands to warre , and our fingers to fight ? for this we had a plague , and as a pestilence followed idolatrie , so often a warre followeth . they chose new gods , there was warre in the gates : as warre followeth ; so famine : when the land sinneth , i will breake the staffe of bread , and will send famine vpon it , and cut off man and beast from it . such is that threat : if yee will not be reformed , i will send the pestilence among you , and yee shall be deliuered into the hand of your enemie . a consumption , a feauer , an extreame burning ; the sword , hunger , thirst , nakednesse , want of all things : all these things for forgetting the lord. yet : how many doe lightly esteeme this great token of gods wrath , the plague which made dauid pray ? remoue thy stroke away from me , i am consumed by the blow of thine hand : o lord thine arrowes sticke fast in mee , and thy hand presseth me sore , when he had the plague . it made ezechias complaine , that as a lyon , so the lord did breake his bones ; that like a crane or a swallow , so did hee chatter ; mourne as a doue : that his eye did faile with looking vpward ; for morbi natura indomita erat a medijs naturalibus , and therefore god challengeth the cure of it to himselfe . i haue heard thy prayer , i haue seene thy teares , behold i will heale thee . hezekiah was sicke to the death , and prayed to the lord : isai prayed , the priests prayed , the courtiers , the people ; yet hee must pray himselfe : then god spake and gaue most comfortable signes of his fauours : so hath hee miraculously , suddenly , most graciously , stopped the current of his fury amongst vs. hee hath not dealt so with others . how fearefull was that plague , in phrygia , galatia , capadocia , cilicia , when no one remedie could be found for any infected ? that among the vandals , when according to the prouerb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after a famine the pestilence was so great , that the liuing could not burie the dead , and the high wayes were full of carkasses : that vnder iustinian , when in constantinople , and neere there abouts , there dyed at least fiue thousand , and sometimes ten thousand in one day . that mētioned by euagrius , which ran ouer the whole world , when men might haue cōplained , macies & noua febrium terris in cubuit cohors . it continued 52. yeares : he lost his wife , many of his children , the greatest part of his kindred : whomsoeuer it tooke , it dispatched out of the way . it exceeded all diseases that euer were before . how fearefull was that plague in alexandria described by eusebius ? now all is replenished with lamentations . euery man howleth through the citie : there is no house where a dead carkasse is not found . that in rome , when , saith chronicon fuldense , scarce the tenth man remained aliue ; nay , but ten men in all were preserued , saith chronicon isenacense . i leade you too farre . to keepe in our owne kingdome and neere home . in the reigne of edw. 3. there was a plague in this kingdome that tooke away more then the halfe of men , and in one yeare of this , in the charter house were buried aboue fifty thousand : and it dispeopled almost vtterly a great towne , wallingford in barkshiere , bringing 12. churches to 2. see how much more sparing the lord hath been of vs : your memory may be fresh , in recalling to minde that plague , in the beginning of the reigne of royall king iames , from the 23. of december , anno 1602. to the 23. of decem. anno 1623. wherein there dyed thirty thousand fiue hundreth , seuenty eight ; and this to be stayed , that the next yere there dyed in london & the liberties ; but foure thousand , two hundreth , sixty three of all diseases : and in this late visitation , god so manifested his mercie , that from the 25. of august it decreased , from 3344. to 2550. and then to 1672. and then to 1551. and then to 852. and then to 538. and this last weeke but to three ; and lord let thine angel not strike any one more among vs with the plague . let this remembrance euer be written on the dores of our hearts : say not as babylon , i shall be a lady for euer . dauid fore-saw a curse vpon it for that pride of heart . happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth the little ones against the stones : it was fulfilled , the enemie came , natum ante ora patris , patrem obtruncauit ad aras . let not the merchant burthen his memorie only with his creditours , nor the lawyer with his clyents , nor the landlord with his rents , nor the husbandman with his cattell , nor the captaine with his souldiers , nor the physitian with his patients : but let all keepe a register of this blacke plague in red letters , in the ephemerides of their memory , and the staying of it . it was not the season and coldnesse of the weather that stopped it . posseuinus writes , that when hee was ambassadour for the pope in moscouia , the plague which had scarce euer beene heard of before in that country ( ob intensissima frigora ) by reason of extreame colde , yet killed then many thousands . it was not a popish prayer to saint roche . tu qui deo es tam charus , et in luce valde clarus , sana tuos famulos , et a peste nos defende . god alone is our defense ; forget him not . the wicked shall be turned into hell , and all the nations that forget god study not for a vain-glorious commemoration of thy good workes after thy death . set god as a seale vpon thine heart , as a seale vpon thine arme . hee is as a bundle of myrrhe vnto vs , let him lye all night betwixt our breasts ; neuer breath but remember him ; at morning , noone , and night : at thy lying downe , and rising vp : staying at home , or going a iourney . this remembrance shall put vs in minde of our profession and heauenly countrey . it shall shut the dore to all vncleane actions . it shall comfort vs when we are alone : let him bee the α and ο of our remembrance . when the iewes were building in ierusalem , the nations whom noble asnappar brought and set in the cities of samaria , wrote to artaxerxes , telling him ; if this cittie be builded , then will not the iewes pay tole , tribute , and custome , and so thou shalt endamage the reuenue of the kings : because we haue maintenance from the kings palace ; it was not meete for vs to fee the kings dishonour , therefore haue wee sent and certified the king. the greatest dishonour to god is to forget him : and would we but remember what he hath done for vs , wee would not so suffer his word to be despised , ministers wronged , his holy day to be prophaned ; and other sinnes to out-braue authoritie , which in time will pull another plague downe . it was a graue conclusion of the senatours of troy , concerning helena , the worlds wonder for beautie and excellent parts ; that though shee were such a one and vnmatchable , yet rid her hence , say they , rather then to vs and our posteritie ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : she should abide here for a snare and destruction . the counsell was wise , but indulgence refusing it : it brought forth twentie foure bookes of iliads , & an iliad of miseries . the philosopher elegantly applyeth it to any vice , seeme it neuer so delightfull . o that wee would banish from vs the vice of our kingdome , forgetfulnes of god. o that wee would remember that from him , we haue whatsoeuer good thing wee haue , and deliuerance from all euill . he giueth his angels charge of vs , to keepe vs in all our wayes : which charge is not onely begun to be executed in baptisme , as some would haue it , or when there is the vse of reason manifested , but in the birth , yea in the conception . sure it is , they watch ouer vs , and yet all see it not ; and when they see it , it is by the effect of their ministry : for though their ministry be certaine , yet the manifestation of it is extraordinary . he by the heauens giueth vnto vs influences , least we languish with famine . he feedeth vs with the fruits of the earth . he blessed our land by the gouernment of famous queene elizabeth , who with so long , so great wisedome and felicitie gouerned her kingdomes , as the like hath not beene read or heard of ( sayd learned king iames when he reigned in scotland ) either in our time , or since the daies of the roman emperour augustus . lopez was set on to poyson her by holt the iesuit : so was squire by walpoole the iesuite ; parry was authorized by the pope to murther her , commended by him for intending it , absolued from all his sinnes for pursuing it , and assured of merit for performing it . and when armed for the point , was confronted by her , amated with her presence , and preuented by him that keepeth israel and neuer sleepeth . the same right hand of the lord , deliuered king iames himselfe , of blessed and worthy memory , from the blow by the povvder-plot , a designment like those which he spake of , plus samae apud posteros quam fidei habiturae , which are and shall be rather memorable for the singularitie , then credible for the horror . a deliuerance of our whole state , and while we haue pennes to write , tongues to speake , a generation liuing , or a posteritie succeeding , wee will report it , and repeate it to god with dauids memorandum ; remember o lord the children of edom in the day of ierusalem , who sayd , raze it , raze it , euen to the foundation thereof . edom signifieth red , and he was so called , because he desired and longed for the red pottage of iacob . doe not they thirst after our bloud ? a generation spoken of by obadiah : concerning edom. an ambassadour is sent : by isai , a sword is made fat with the bloud of lambes , and a great slaughter in the land of idumaea . by amos , thus saith the lord , for three transgressions of edom and for foure , i will not turne away the punishment thereof ; because he did pursue his brother with the sword , and did cast off all pittie , and his anger did teare perpetually , and kept his wrath for euer . by ieremy , i haue made esau bare , i haue vncouered his secret places , and he shall not be able to hide himselfe ; his seed is spoyled , and his brethren , and his neighbours , and he is not . by ezekiel , i will lay my vengeance vpon edom by the hand of my people israel , and they shall doe in edom according to mine anger , & according to my fury ; and they shall know my vengeance , saith the lord god. by malachy : whereas edom saith , we are impouerished ; but we will returne and build the desolate places : thus saith the lord of hostes , they shall build , but i will throw downe , and they shall call them , the border of wickednes , and the people against whom the lord hath indignation for euer : and king dauid zealously would haue set vpon it , vvho will leade me into edom ? wilt not thou o god ? wilt not thou o god goe forth with our hostes ? let genebrard interprete it of the church oppressed by the turkes ; it shall bee the endeauour of religious kings against rome : there the edomites , esauites , idumeans lurke . esau came out of the wombe red , betokening his bloody disposition ; and all ouer hayrie which was extraordinry ; for children vsually are borne only with haire on the head , eye-lids and eye-browes , and afterward it groweth on other parts ; and such hairy conceptions are not without much griefe & trouble , causing loathsomnes in the stomacke , heart-burning and such like . esau was a cunning hunter . esau had three names , esau of gnaschah to make , which is passiuely to be taken , comming forth with haire as a perfect man : not actiuely , as though he should be prompt in his businesse . it applieth it selfe , to the romanists , whose bloudy , rough , turbulent , equiuocating dispositions are most apparant : hungry hunters after the true church of god. remember those children of edom ; and remember that god , who hitherto hath preserued vs. let vs say , he is our refuge , and our fortresse , our god ; in him will we trust . he deliuereth thee from the snare of the fowler , and from the noysome pestilence . it is a warrant for gods care , prouidence , help , protection , in any thing that may fall out to the body by naturall causes , wicked men , or our owne corruptions . let vs euer remember this : remember not piles of buildings , pictures , paintings , flowers , and other toyes which cannot help , but take that fourefold remembrance . memento peccati vt doleas . memento mortis vt desinas . memento diuinae iustitiae vt timeas . memento misericordiae ne desperes . sinne , death , iudgement , mercie . i powre out my soule in me . it was a comfort that god had deliuered him , and therefore his soule is ( as it were ) melted into ioy , that he was deliuered . god was pacified . he was very glad , his wits were dispersed , and as it were rauished . hee was enlarged , and scarce can containe himselfe , sorrow being driuen away : as sorrow saith , h. de vict . keepeth in the soule , so ioy powreth it out . therefore ( saith dauid ) trust in him at all times , powre out your heart before him : god is a refuge for vs. the soule is the whole inward man , wherewith this masse of clay is quickned and gouerned , hauing seuerall names according to her seuerall offices in the body . quickening the body it is called the soule : hauing an appetite to any thing , it is called the will : for knowledge , the minde : for recordation , memory : for iudging and discerning reason : for giuing breath spirit : for apprehending outwardly , sence . the soule is the life of the body , god is the life of the soule , and as the body is dead , when not vegetated by the fiue senses of the body ; so the soule is dead , that is not truly humbled to god. but god is good to an humble soule ; he meeteth it , embraceth it , and god ouer all , blessed for euer , marrieth it . an humble soule hath two wings , feare , & hope ; feare in iudgement , hope in mercy : so dauid in his soule powred out in him . hee confessed , thy iudgements are good : to the wicked , crosses are curses ; but to the godly , corrections onely of a father , not to destroy , but to try and purge : and as the rod maketh , the scholler learne : so knowledge by affliction is beaten into vs , by pouerty , sicknesse , and the like : and as a woman that hath fore trauaile , when shee is deliuered , reioyceth that a man-childe is brought into the world : so the seruants of god are in sorrow , till by troubles they are made the children of god. through the sea and wildernesse , we must passe , if we would goe to canaan . herein god is our guide ; hee can make vs as water spilt on the ground , which cannot be gathered vp againe , and expecteth the powring out of our soules in vs. there is a bad effusion , when men no faster receiue the word , but they powre it out againe , as he that earneth wages , & putteth it into a bagge with holes , the brand of ruben : vnstable as water : but there is a good effusion of the soule , by confession , prayer , deuotion , humility , and teares . to this end is the beating of the breast , as we see in the publicane . this was the custome of hilarion , to beate his breast in prayer , as if he desired with his hands to take reuenge vpon his sad thoughts : and surely in the godly , obtritio cordis , tuntio pectoris , the smiting of the breast , is the stamping , beating downe , and brusing of the heart . this hath often teares , as in hannah who was in bitternesse of soule , and prayed vnto the lord , and wept sore : which is the foode of the soule , and which feasted christ more then all the prouision of mary magdalen besides : while we eate the bread of sorrow , drinking the wine of compunction , wee hunger and thirst after heauenly things , and shall be comforted . this is the constant alimonie of the righteous , at dinner and supper , in life and death , in prosperity & aduersity . the prouerb is true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . boni autem valde flebiles viri . in this case was iob , when his life abhorred bread , and his soule dainty meate : when hee complained that his gall was powred out on the ground . thus dauid when his soule was sore vexed , and he cried , thou o lord how long ? when his expectation was not satisfied : how long shall i take counsell in my soule . when hee powred out his complaint before god , and shewed before him his trouble : but now he is deliuered , and his soule is powred out in thanksgiuing . how iustly may this condemne many , who are so foolish and slow of heart , that they neuer stirre vp their soules to the seruice of god , but suffer the body like a thiefe to rob it : the body is deified , but the soule pined and famished : no bread of life is sought to strengthen her : no gospell of peace to comfort her : no deuotion to cherish her . some sell their soules : as couetous & vsurious monsters , who for wealth will commit any rauine , robberie , theft , periurie , false merchandise , simonie . there is not a more wicked thing then a couetous man , for such an one setteth his owne soule to sale . some cast away their soules , as the enuious and furious , for nothing . the couetous man hath wealth : the epicure , pleasure : the ambitious proud vpstart , honour : the glutton , meate and drinke : but the enuious man consumes himselfe in pining , being a thorne-hedge couered with nettels . some lay their soules to pawne to sathan , that they may swimme in the world prosperously and wantonly , running on in sinne so long , being deafe to god , caring neither for words nor iudgements , so soked in sinne , that they cannot redeeme these pawnes , because they can not repent . yet god crieth by his prophets : oh doe not this abominable thing that i hate : but if we encline not our eare to turne from our wickednes , his furie must be powred forth , to cut off man and woman , childe and suckling , and leaue none to remaine . wee may forget : but god remembreth vs , our fathers , our kings , our princes , and the people of the land ; and woe vnto their soule , who declare their sinne as sodome , for they haue rewarded euill vnto themselues . which may teach vs to remember the lord , in powring out our soules in all deuout and humble acknowledgement of his mercies , least our soules abhorring him , his soule loathe vs. it is reported , that at a sermon of vincentius ferr : one was so moued in spirit , that his face shined on the suddaine very glorious . o that when we heare the great workes of the lord , wee would stirre vp the graces of god within vs , that the spirit of god might not be quenched in vs. nothing is more precious , then the soule within vs , which made dauid pray : mine eyes are vnto thee , o god the lord , in thee is my trust . leaue not my soule destitute . arise , o lord , disappoint him , cast him downe : deliuer my soule from the wicked , which is thy sword . o keepe my soule , and deliuer me . let mee not be ashamed , for i put my trust in thee . in a well disposed christian , the body is seruant , the soule is mistris , but in an infected person the body is predominant : take heede of this plague : the body is but the weight and burthen of the soule : while this oppresseth , the soule is in prison . forget not the exhortation which speaketh to you as children . forget not to entertaine strangers , for thereby some haue entertained angels vnawares . if we reiect knowledge , and forget the law of our god , he will also forget our children : o be not as ierusalem , hauing her filthinesse in her skirts ; she remembred not her last end , therefore she came downe wonderfully , she had no comforter , the enemie magnified himselfe . before we be driuen to remember the lord in farre countries : let vs set our heart and our soule to seeke the lord : if we returne to the lord with all our heart , & with all our soule , and pray , our supplications shall bee heard , our cause maintained , and wee shall be forgiuen . remember this late mercy in the midst of iudgement ; extoll the admirable lenity of the lord towards vs , who hath gleaned but some , when all feared to be cut downe . the yeares are not many since the lord with a famine did shake many parts of this land ; a terrible sword , which made iulius caesar in all his warres , to conquer more by famine , then the sword . it made lysimachus in thracia to yeeld himselfe captiue to domitian the emperour ; it brought vp that bloody law amongst the soldiers of cambises , marching toward the aethiopians , that the tenth among themselues should be killed in the army , to asswage hunger : it made the roman mothers eate their owne children : the athenians vexed by sylla , to eat the greene grasse of the fields , and mosse of the walles : alexander to eate his camels , elephants , and other beasts , that carried luggage for the warres : the hymmi to eate their dogges : it made abraham flye from canaan to egypt ; isaack to abimelech king of the philistines ; and all the sonnes of iacob to goe to pharaoh king of egypt : god like the physitian maketh vs fast , to recouer health : vpon famine , haue wee beene so humbled as wee should haue beene ? the yeares are not many therefore , since the the lord threatned vs with another sword ; that of a barbarous nation to deuoure vs ; how soone was it forgotten : this yeare therefore the lord seeing vs wantonly secure , and sleeping , and snorting in our sinnes , drew another sword against many parts of the land , by a plague : this is the snare of the hunter , it catcheth suddenly ; some walking , some feeding , some sporting , some waking , some sleeping : it is the terrour by night , breeding many terrours and feares in the night ; the night being a solitary time , and solitarines increaseth feares ; the night being a time of incendiaries and robbers , which set vpon men vnawares ; a time of feare , in regard of the weaknes of the imagination , or of terrible dreames , or sudden affrights : a time terrible to trauelers , where the least noise amateth them . per noctem metantur agros , sonus omnis , & aura exterrent , pennaque leui commota volucris . it is the arrow that flyeth by day : sagitta angeli mortis quam emittit interdiu , the arrow of the angel of the lord sent forth in the day , cōming swiftly , striking suddenly , wounding deadly : it is the lyon , adder , dragon : no beast for strength cōparable to the lyon ; so no disease so deadly as the plague : such as the aspe biteth , are smitten with a numnes throughout all partes , and there followeth coldnesse , gasping , heauinesse in the head , sometimes heat and burning in the body : are not such symptomes in the plague : a dragon tearing in pieces with all violence , sparing none ; which moued reuerend beza being sicke of the plague at lausanna , not to suffer caluin & viret , those zealous lights to come to him when they offered it freely , least they should bee infected , because hee preferred the benefit of gods church , before his owne particular comforts . the plague is gods hand , iad iehouah , because the might and power of god is more manifested in this then in other punishments . o let not this hand be out of our sight , but as that hand that wrote at balshazars feast ; and thereupon his countenance was changed , his thoughts troubled him , the ioynts of his loyns were loosed , and his knees smote one against another : so let the remembrance of this great late plague humble vs , and make vs mourne ; but vpon the deliuerance , let vs powre out soules in vs , and let vs reioyce . it was a sanctified remedie , which reuerend m. greenham vsed , being often in his publick ministery and priuate conference , troubled with a suddaine failing in his memorie : so as by no means he could recouer himselfe in those things he purposed to speak . he would presently groane in his heart , and humble his soule vnder the holy hand of god. o let vs with groanes lament our dull forgetfulnesse of the great workes of god. socrates complained , that after the vse of letters , the art of memorie decayed ; for the care which before was had in heart and memorie , afterward was put in bookes ; and that which was committed to the minde , was after put in trust in writing . o let that flying rowle of gods iudgement , which lately hath gone ouer the face of the whole earth , and cut off so many , and entred into houses , and remained in the midst of them , and consumed the houses , with the timber and the stones , euer be in our memorie . bookes not vsed gather dust , and memory not imployed , will be dull and heauie . sathan desireth to deale with vs , as heringius did with bamba his predecessour , a king of the gothes ; who gaue him a draught of drinke , whereby he lost his memory . let vs often meditate vpon the workes of god , reade and pray . to reade and not to meditate , is vnfruitfull . to meditate and not to reade , is dangerous for errours . to reade and meditate without prayer , is hurtfull . let vs not be as ephraim , who knew not that god healed them . he it is that hath drawne vs with cords of a man , with bands of loue : hee hath taken off the yoke on our iawes : he hath layde meate vnto vs : he turneth away his anger , is as dew vnto vs : hee maketh israel growe as the lilly : cast forth rootes as lebanon : his branches to spread : his beauty to be as the oliue tree , reuiue as the corne , and growe as the vine . all the wonders he doth , are to confirme our hope , raise vp our faith , and nourish our loue to him . to remember him , is like the delight which the apostles had at the transfiguration of christ . it is sweeter then the hony and the hony-combe . it is sweeter then the remembrance of iosias , which was like the composition of the perfume made by the art of the apothecarie : sweet as musicke at a banquet of wine . if we haue a minde to remember god , comfort will be neere in the mouth and in the heart . nothing is more ready then this remembrance . it is an easie medicine , a speedy cure , a pretious cordiall . it remoueth sadnesse , heauinesse , melancholly , and bringeth with it ioy in the holy ghost . let vs then in the day of our gladnesse offer sacrifices for a memoriall before our god. in the way of gods iudgements , let vs waite for him : let the desire of our soule be to his name , and to the remembrance of him : let vs looke into the perfect law of liberty , and continue therein , not being forgetfull hearers , but doers of the worke , that wee may be blessed in our deedes . and this is the worke of the day , of our whole liues , to powre out our soules in vs. o let vs then enter into a couenant , to seek the lord god of our fathers , with all our heart , and with all our soule . then hee will set his tabernacle among vs , his soule shall not abhorre vs , hee will be our god. then being instructed , his soule shall not depart from vs : wee shall not be left desolate . his soule shall delight in vs : to this end are his mercies offered , and his deliuerances continued . how miraculously hath he of late deliuered many of vs , as he did the three children in the fierie furnace : when some were constrained to flye from this mountaine of moriah , to the little hill of hermon , as dauid , where they could not looke out , but messages of death , and the encrease of the plague in black bills , was brought vnto them : when in this citie the dolefull bell ringing out , there was wringing of hands , & shrieking in the most places : there for a father , here for a mother : there for a husband , here for a wife : there for a master , here for a seruant : there for a mistresse , here for an handmayde : there for children , here for kinred . wee expected triumphes for the coronation , and alas ! in stead of these , had funeralls of dead men , who being weary of the earth , went to triumph in heauen : but behold , men cried vnto the lord in their trouble , and hee brought them out of their distresses ; hee made the storme a calme , and the waters were still . let the redeemed of the lord say so , whom he hath redeemed from the hand of the enemie , and gathered from the east , from the west , from the north , from the south , when they wandred . hath the lord remoued his anger ? let vs remoue that which was , and is the cause of his anger . the plague of the body being ceased , let not sinne the plague of the soule , continue . sweepe your houses from swearing ; auoyd the company of the vngodly ; get the inward marke of gods spirit , by making your election sure : let your selues bloud , of enuie , hatred , malice , couetousnesse , and all vncharitablenesse . beware of dogges : infidels , as christ calleth the gentiles in his speech to the woman which was a syrophenician by nation . it is not meete to take the childrens bread , and to cast it to dogges . beasts without reason , forsaking the creatour to worship the creature . ignorance of the true god , and blindnesse of heart , were in the gentiles the nurses of infidelity , and brochers of idolatry . these make men runne headlong , like the swine of the gergesits , into the maine ocean of all vncleannes , and filthinesse of fornication . beware of contemners of the gospell , called dogges by christ : giue not that which is holy vnto the dogges , such as will fully resist the truth , and barke at the ministers of the word : beware of schismatickes , who though they be not altogether so dangerous as the bloud-hounds of babylon , yet are they very troublesome , tearing the church , and running themselues , & drawing others from the church , and so from christ : neuer goe abroad , but with the pomander of faith , full of the sweet spices of good workes . god hath beene mindfull of vs , and can encrease you more and more , you and your children : the dead praise him not , but the liuing must blesse him : o therefore that men would praise the lord for his goodnes , and for his wonderfull workes to the children of men . an eucharistical song , euer to be repeated for any blessing , as bernard presseth it , speaking of the custodie of angels : o that men would praise the lord for his goodnesse , for dauid repeates it , v. 15.21.31 . let them exalt him in the congregation of the people : not because , as hugo : princes , forget to exalt god , but magnifie themselues : but that all must exalt him , high and lowe , rich and poore , olde and young , princes and subiects : and exalt him with a song in the churches . amongst other songs , take that especially , o giue thankes vnto the lord , for he is good , for his mercie endureth for euer . o giue thankes vnto the god of gods , for his mercie endureth for euer . o giue thankes to the lord of lords , for his mercie endureth for euer . a psalme , which being sung at the consecration of the temple , the fire came downe from heauen , and consumed the burnt offering , and the sacrifices , and the glory of the lord filled the house . a psalme which iehoshaphat appointed singers among the inhabitants of iudah and ierusalem , in the wildernesse of tekoa to sing , and then the lord set ambushments against the children of ammor , moab , and mount seir , which were come against iudah , and they were smitten . let vs not vncharitably censure those that are gone downe into silence , by the arrowe of the plague . learned gesner dyed of the plague ; a little before his death calling for some of his papers in his studie , giuing a charge , that the world should not be depriued of them : he that wrote of stones , gardens , libraries , measures , foure footed beasts , birds , fishes , of hearbs , chirurgerie , measures , medicines . francis iunius , the glory of leyden , the oracle of textuall and schoole diuinitie ; rich in languages , subtill in distinguishing , in argument inuincible , dyed of the plague : a fixed starre in the firmament of that church ; a hammer of heretiques , champion of the truth , the honour of the schooles . i could name some of your owne religious diuines in this citie , who dyed of the plague , for whom the congregation may mourne , and would god the losse could be as easily supplyed , as lamented . resolute camillus , dyed of the plague , hauing saued his vnthankfull country from the veians , and after from the galles . iob had the plague , when he had vl●us ex caliditate , that botch which proceeded from that burning heate in his body ; and as it is probable , beneath the reines , betwixt the thigh , and the belly , or bowels , which is the flanke or graine ; into which place , the confluence of vitious corrupt and malignant humours commonly betake themselues , as being one of natures emunctories , and a part prepared for euacuation of impostumation , by reason of the tendernesse and rarity of the skinne , and other passages : all his body ouer was almost a plague . let vs aboue all sores , fl●● the plague of sinne : it is in vaine to purge our houses , cleanse our streetes , perfume our apparell , vnlesse we beware of the infections of the soule . we haue liued to meete againe our friends ; o let vs not by our corruptions make them gods enemies . wee haue vowed to bee new creatures , in christ iesus , when wee were vnder the rod ; remember that , aegrotus surgit , sed pia vota valent . take this antidote against poyson ; ivstice will strike vs with greater plagues , being deliuered from the former , if we mocke it with broken deuotion . o let our thankfull hearts testifie our contrite spirits . let the house of iudah the royall covrt remember this deliuerance , and acknowledge that god can breake those who will not bowe . let them banish those moaths and mice , of flatterers , epicures , doubling professours , bad counsailours , who clime high to fall foule ; and let not that olde writing vnder the picture of ignatius loyola be forgotten , cauete vobis principes , be wise o yee princes . let moses and aaron , prince and priest , remember that the lord is their helpe and guide : and as the priest hath beene zealous to pray : spare thy people whom thou hast redeemed with thy most pretious bloud , from plague and pestilence ; so now let them sing , glory be to god on high , and in earth peace , good will toward man. let samuel among the prophets , and the young children of the prophets remember this deliuerance ; their buildings haue beene stately , reuenues large , students many ; but they haue beene scared , feared , driuen thence , yet now the voyce of ioy and health is in their dwellings , oxford hath bin visited , and cambridge threatned . let vs of this citie especially remember this : great deliuerances should haue great remembrances . now againe , your ierusalem is as a citie compact againe : now are the tribes come vp againe . now againe , here are the thrones of iudgement , the thrones of the house of dauid ; vpon which , lord let there be euer men of courage , fearing thee , dealing truly , hating couetousnesse , that they may appeare confidently before the great parliament of heauen . let vs all take vp that of our prophet : blessed be the lord , because he hath heard the voyce of our s●pplications . the lord is our strength , and our shield , our heart trusted in him , and we are helped ; therefore our heart greatly reioyceth , and with our song will wee praise him . the lord is our strength , and the sauing strength of his annointed . saue thy people , and blesse thine inheritance : feede them , lift them vp for euer : that so being comforted after our affliction , raised vp after our detection , and cloathed with immortality after this mortality , wee may hereafter with the angels round about his throne worship him , saying amen . blessing , and glorie , and wisedome , and thankesgiuing , and honour , and power , and might be vnto our god , for euer and euer , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10078-e130 re , 3.19 . de. 28.27.58.59 . 2. sa. 24 16. js . 61.3 . amb. de theodosio aequitatis iudex nonpaenae arbiter . ps . 82.1 . notes for div a10078-e870 ps . 34.19 . 1 sa. 21.1 . euseb . bas . ps . 78.71 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gods hand shooke his house from the foundation . bas . 1. sa. 21.13 . ps . 62.1 , 3. co. lit . potil . c. 18. bas . hom . ie. 2.20 . am. l. 1. de sac. c. 1. gre. 18. mor. c. 19. js . 52.7 . jo. 13.14 . bar. se . 45. in c. ps . 25.1 . greg. in ps . vlt. poenit . ps . 34.2 . m. ro● 1. singular . c. 13. ps . 35.3 . ps . 63.8 . hil. ps . 119.129 . ps . 130.6 . aug. ps . 26.9 . ps . 35.17 . jon. 3.4 . gr. in ez. ho. 1 procla . ia. 22. v. 1. 3. 4.5 , v. 7. 9. 11 2. king. 6.14 . euth , niceph. hesych . euseb . bas . theo. amb. aug. ruff. cassiod . psal . 35.15 . psa . 40.2 . gab. biel. d. 27 q. 2. act . 1. l. 1. ar. de mem . 43.26 . ge. 40.23 . musculus . ps . 63.6 . ecc. 45.1 . sen. plut. praec . reip. jer. gutter . de treio in euang. l. 3. ex sueton. le. 19.18 . ecc. 28.6 . pli. l. 11. c. 17. ps . 98.3 . ie. 15.15 . ps . 111.4 . ex. 16.32 . lu. 22.19 . le. 24.7 . 1. chr. 16.4 . ez. 6.9 . ex. 28.12 . la. 3.20 . jo. 2.7 . is . 63.7 . ps . 137.5.6 . on. iulbin . 1. sam. 12.9 . iob. 8.13 . psal . 44.21 . psal . 50.22 . ier. 13.26 . mat. 16.5 . ecc. 37.6 . iob. 19.14 . ier. 30.13 . baruc. 9.8 . hugo in psal . 105.22 . act. 17.28 . isa . 9.6 . ib. 16. psal . 34.8 . psal . 45.2 . lam. 1.12 . ier. 31.22 . ioh. 3.16 . eph. 5.1 . 1. pet. 2.2 . phil. 3.21 . eccl. 1.8 . iam. 1.17 . ps . 77.10.11 hil. 2. de trinit . ruffin . lu. 1.74 . isa . 49.15 . gen. 29 32. vers . 33. philo. gen. 16.14 . gen. 21.14 . chald. par. calu. gen. 28.19 . aug. l. 16. ciu . 38. gen. 32.30 . mercer . num. 12.8 . gen 33.20 . exod. 17.15 . vse 1. eccl. 9.14.15 2. chr. 24.22 isa . 17.11 . isa . 47.9 . pro. 31.5 . deut. 4.9 . is . 57.1 . de. 6.12 . ge. 41.51 . pr. 2.17 . vincentius in speculo . histor . c●●tur . 7. c. 13 since the building of london . re. 3.17 . is . 23.8 . ps . 144.1 . iud. 5.8 . ez. 14.13 . le. 26.25 . de. 28.22.48 . ps . 39.10 . ps . 38.1.2 . is . 38.14 . iun. annot . in 2. re. 20. 2. ki. 20.5 . dr. prideaux in a learned sermon on it before king james . 2. chr. 32.24 . euag. l. 2. c. 6. cent. 5. c. 3. procop. l. 11. de bello perfico . euagr. l. 4 c. 28 hor. l. 1. od. 2. euseb . l. 7 c. 21 anno 1213. sa. dan. anno 1348. cambd. barksh . anno 1602. the red crosse . vse 2. is . 47.9 . ps . 137.9 . virg . en. 2. de rebus moscouieicis fol. 11. dr. rain . de idol . l. 1. c. 6. s . 7. ps . 9.17 . ca : 8.6 . ca : 1.13 . naz. or. 1. de theol. ezra 4.12.14 . homer . iliad . ar. eth. 1. c. 9. ps . 91.11 . or to : 5. in mat. primas . heb. c. 1. mr. greenham in graue couns . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praef : ad lect , quodl . l 1. stow : card : com : his letters . liu : dec. 1. l. 2. ps . 137.7 . ge. 25.30 . obad. 1. is . 34.6 . am. 1.11 . ie. 49.10 . ez. 25.14 . mal. 1.4 . ps . 108.11 . ge. 25.25 . perer. ge. 25.7 . ps . 91.3 . r. salo. l. 3. c. 52. dubiorum . scounda pars . vatablus . gen. note . thom. calu. ianfe genebrard . pintus . ps . 62.8 . aug. de ecles . dogmatibus c. 34. bar. sc . 3. ex minor . id. se , 68. in ca. id. in sent . ps . 119.39 . 2. sa. 14.14 . agg. 1.6 . ge. 49.4 . cyr. lu. 18.13 . hier. in viia. aug. in ps . 31. 1. sa. 1.10 . luctu anima pascitur , cum ad superna gaudia flendo subleuatur . gr. 5 mor. 7. job . 33.20 . iob 16.13 . ps 6.3 . ps . 13.2 . ps . 142.2 . vse 1. ecc. 10.9 . ie. 44.4 . is . 3.9 . vse . zac. 11.8 . lor. in ps . 17.9 ps . 141.8 . ps . 17.13 . ps . 25.20 . se ep. 101. heb. 12.5 . he. 13.2 . os . 4.6 . la. 1.9 . zac. 10.9 . 1 ch. 22.19 . 2. ch. 6.39 . anno 1587. eus . jose . q. curt. anno 1588. &c. psa . 91.3 . ps . 91.5 . metonimia , ab effectu . euthym. rickel . eugub . geneb . r. kim . silius jtal. v. 5. chald. v. 13. pli. 8.15 b. depeste . 2. sa. 24.14 . da. 5. greenh . graue couns . p. 23. zac. 5.4 . sen. os . 11.4 . os . 14.5.6.7 . bar. se . 4. de asc . ecc. 49.1 . nu. 10.10 . is . 26.8 . 2. ch. 15.12 . le. 26.11 . ie. 6.8 . js . 42.1 . application . munster . ps . 107.29 . v. 23.4 . mar. 7.26 . ath. or de idolis . lact. l. 2. di . inst . mat. 7.6 . ansel . ps . 115.12 . ps . 107.8 . bar. se . 12. in ps . ●0 . v. 32. hugo . bas . theod. ps . 136.1 . v. 2.3 . cassiodorus . 2. cb. 7.1.3 . 2. cb. 20.22.23 . thuanus . reuerend bezaes family had the plague foure times . arg in ps . 91. au. 3. ciu c. 17. r. mordechai . gnlen . 1. c. particula . 6. de oculis . chrys . tincae & sorices palatij . d hall. dec. 5. ep. ● . ps . 115.10 . ps . 122.3 . ps . 28.6 . the kings medicines for the plague prescribed for the yeare 1604. by the whole colledge of physitians, both spirituall and temporall. and now most fitting for this dangerous time of infection, to be used all england over. royal college of physicians of london. 1636 approx. 22 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06291) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3096) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 844:24) the kings medicines for the plague prescribed for the yeare 1604. by the whole colledge of physitians, both spirituall and temporall. and now most fitting for this dangerous time of infection, to be used all england over. royal college of physicians of london. [22] p. printed for henry gosson, and are to be sold by f. coules, at his shop in the upper end of the old bayly neere newgate, london : 1636. signatures: a b³. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in 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overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings medicines for the plague , prescribed for the yeare 1604. by the whole colledge of physitians , both spirituall and temporall . and now most fitting for this dangerous time of infection , to be used all england over . london , printed for henry gosson , and are to be sold by f. coules , at his shop in the upper end of the old bayly neere newgate 1636. the kings medicine of the former yeare , against the plague of the body . the first part . take sage of vertue , rue , ( otherwise called herb-grace ) elder-leaves , red bramble leaves , and wormewood , of each of them a good ●andfull , stamp them all together , and then straine them thorow a fine linnen cloth : & put to the juice a quart of perfect good white wine , and a good quantity of white wine vinegar : mingle them all together , and put thereto a quarter of an ounce of white ginger , beaten to smal powder , use todrink this medicine every morning fasting ( for the space of nine dayes together ) the quantity of a spoonfull at a time , and this will ( by gods helpe ) preserve you 〈◊〉 the space of a whole yeare . the kings medicine for this present yeare against the plague of the soule , and the effect thereof . take the herb of uertue , ( the doing of good , psal . 34. 14. ) and the herb of patience ( otherwise called a wayting vpon the lord , psal . 37. 7. ) wherewith possesse your soules , luke 21. 19. in steed of herb-grace , take another , called christs grace : and in the place of elder-leaues , elders examples , following and imitating the elders of israel , 1 chron. 21. prostrating your selues before the maiestie of god. let not two things be the ingredients of this spirituall kings medicine , which are in the corporall , the bramble and the wormewood . leaue out the proud bramble , and his leaves , for he would exalt himselfe above the other trees , iudges 9. 15. secondly leaue out also the hitter wormwood of hate , anger and envie : and according to the counsel of god ( the best physician ) deut. 29. 18. let there not be among you any root of bitternesse and wormewood . in steed of these two , take the humble figgetree and his leaves , who would not exalt himselfe above others , iudges 9. 11. mingle herein the broad figge-leaues of lowlinesse , humbling your selves under the mightie hand of god , 1. peter 5. 6. couering your good works ( as the figtrée his swéet fruit ) with the broad leaves of humility . take of each of those a good quantity , and be aboundant in good works , and in the work of the lord ( as the apostle speaketh ) being filled with all fulnesse of god , ephc. 3. 9. straine these through the fine strainer of uprightnesse and integritie , walking uprightly , psal . 15. avoyding all hypocrisie , and laying aside all guile and dissimulation , 1 pet. 2. 1. in stéed of white ginger , out thereunto the hot ginger of loue towards god & thy neighbour : let it be white and pure , louing without dissimulation , rom. 12. 9. further , hot and feruent . aboue all things , hauing feruent loue among you , i pet. 4. 8. breake with the stamper of obedience and humility , the hardnesse of thy heart : let it smite thée as davids did , make as it were a small powder of it through humility : & if to day thou hearest the voyce of the lord , ●arden not thy heart , heb. 3. in stéed of white wine , put to the iuice of these : the perfect white and pure wine , that is , the blood of iesus christ : and the sowre uinegar of his death and passion : for , onely by the vertue of this , the medicine must operate . use to take in this medicine euery day fasting : sometime outwardly and corporally ( when in publique calamity it is appointed by the superiour power , to reproue a present iudgement ) but alwayes inwardly and spiritually , loosing the hands of wickednesse , taking off the heauie burthens , letting the oppressed goe frée : couering the naked , dealing thy bread to the hungry , esay 5. 8. use this ( i say ) not for the space of nine dayes together , but the whole yeare , yea all the dayes of thy life . so continuing in the lord , phil. 4. 1. and being not weary of well doing , 2 thes . 3. 13. and this will ( by gods helpe ) preserue you from the plague of the soule , and the infection of the world . i say , not a whole yeare ; but all thy life time , till against the future resurrection , both with body and soule , thou mayest liue eternally . the kings bodily me dicine after infection . the second part . if it fortune , that one be striken with the plague before he have taken the former medicines : then take the things rehearsed and put thereto a spoonfull of bettony water , and as much scabious water , and a pretty quantity of fine treacle and temper them well together , and let the patient vse to drinke it often , and it will expell the venome or poyson forthwith . but if the botch doe happen to appeare , then take a good quantity of elder-leaves , red bramble leaves , and mustard-seed : stampe them well together , and make a plaister thereof : apply it to the sore , and it will draw forth all the venome and corruption . the second part of the spirituall medicine . if it fortune , that thou art striken with the plague , before thou hast taken in the former kings medicine of repentance , then take the things afore rehearsed : and lest in thy affliction thou wax impatient , put thereunto , not the balme of gilead , jerem. 46. 11. but the spirituall treacle and mithridate of the consideration of gods will and providence , psal . 39. 9. opening not thy mouth because hee doth it : and holding that , nothing can happen vnto thee without his appointment . further , that thou shouldest not distrust or despaire of the remission of thy sinnes , of the health of thy soule , and of the goodnesse and power of god the physician ; in steed of betony water , put thereunto a good quantity of that aqua benedicta , of that blessed water of gods mercy , praying with david , take away , o lord , the trespasse of thy servant , 2. sam. 24. 10. and wash me that i may be whiter than snow , psal . 51. this will coole the heat of thy conscience , and comfort thy weary bones . adde as much of the water of life , ioh. 4. 10. which is powred into our hearts by the holy ghost , unto everlasting life . fetch it by prayer , of christ the physician and doctor of our soules : for hee doth give it to quench our thirst , john 4. 14. put hereunto thy baptisme water , representing the blood of christ iesus : it is one of the three witnesses 1 iohn 5. assuring thee of the remission of thy sins . leave out scabious water : i meane that scabby-holy-water , with the bulles and indulgences of the anti-christ : for it will make thee to get scabs and sores in thy soule , and bee vnto thee , not the water of life , but the water of death . adde also a good quantity of that comfortable treacle of hope , with the consideration of the future glory , being sure that thy redeemer liveth , and that thou shalt see him with thine eyes , iob 19. 25. mingle and temper thus well together , this patience , faith , confidence and hope , and let the patient that is infected with either of them both , vse to drink this kings medicine often : let all his life ( in health or in sicknesse ) be a continuall repentance and meditation of those things , & it will expell the venome of his sin , of impatience , distrustfulnesse , and immoderate feare . but if the filthy botch of impatience , distrustfulnesse , and immoderate feare doe happen to appeare : then in steed of elder-leaves , take a good quantity of elders examples : the faith of abraham , patience of iob , the hope of david , and take ( my brethren ) the prophets for an example of patience in suffering adversity , sam. 5. 10. further , take also the mustard-seed of gods word , math. 13. 31. with the excellent commandements , admonitions , promises , and comforts contained therein : mingle these together , consider upon them , make a plaister of them , apply it to thy sore , it will draw forth the venome and corruption of impatience , distrustfulnesse , and immoderate feare . the mustard seed , as plinie doth witnesse , is both purgativum , & curativum , it purgeth the body of ill humours , and cureth the venemous biting of a serpent : even so the spirituall mustard seed of the word , purgeth and avoydeth the evill humours of the soule , and healeth the venemous biting of that old serpent the devill . sundry medicines for the plague . those that feare the plague , and are not infected , let them take of this drinke hereafter following , which is twise in every weeke halfe a spoonfull at a time : it hath beene observed , that never any one dyed of the sicknesse , that did take it in time . take three pints of malmesie , a handfull of rue , as much of sage , boyle these to a quart : then strain out the herbs , & then take an ounce of long pepper , vinegar and nutmegs , all beaten small in a morter , and put into the wine , and boyle it a little , then take it off , and put into it one ounce of mithridate , two ounces of the best treacle , and a quarter of a pint of aqita-vitae , and put all into the wine and so keepe it . the vse of it . if any be infected , take one spoonefull of it as soone as the party doth presume himselfe infected , luke-warme , and so goe to bed , and sweat two or thrée houres , and then dry the body well , and keepe warme , and drinke no cold drink , but warme drinke and cawdels , and posset drinke with marigold leaues , and flowers , when the party hath sweat & is well dryed with warme cloathes , and so long as the party is ill , take a spoonfull morning and euening . these things ought duly to be looked unto , viz. it is very conuenient that you keepe your houses , streets , yards , backsides , sinks , and kennels sweet and cleane , from all standing puddels , dunghils , and corrupt moystures , which ingender stinking sauours that may bee noysome , or breed infection : nor suffer no dogges to come running into your houses : neither keepe any ( except it bee backward in same place of open ayre , for they are very dangerous , and not sufferable in time of sicknesse , by reason they runne from place to place , and from one house to another , feeding vpon the vncleanest things that are cast forth in the streets , and are a most apt cattell to take infection of any sicknesse , and then to bring it into the house . for ayring your roomes . ayre your seuerall roomes with charcole-fires , made in stone pans or chasing-dishes , and not in chimneyes : set your pannes in the middle of the roomes : ayre euery roome once a wéeke ( at the least ) and put into your fire a little quantity of francincense , iuniper , dried rosemary , or of bay-leaves . to smell to . the root of enula-campana , steeped in vinegar , and lapped in a handkercher , is a speciall thing to smell vnto , if you come where the sicknesse is . to taste or chew in the mouth . the root of angelica , setwall , gencian , valerian , or sinamon , is a speciall preseruasiue against the plague , being chewed in the mouth . to eat . eat sorrell stéeped in uinegar , in the morning fasting , with a little bread and butter : sorrell sauce is also very holesome against the same . to drinke . take rue , wormewood , and scabius , sleep't in ale a whole night , and drinke it fasting every morning . another . the root of enula-campana , beaten to powder , is a speciall remedie against the plague , being drunke fasting . another . if any feele themselves already infected , take angelica water mixt with mithridatum , drinke it off , then goe to bed and sweat thereon . another speciall preservative . take an egge , make a hole in the top of it , take out the white and the yolke , and fill the shell onely with saffron , rost the shell and saffron together , in embers of charcoles vntill the shell war yellow : then beat shell and all together in a morter , with halfe a spoonefull of mustard-seed : now so soone as any suspition is had of infection dissolue the weight of a french crowne in ten spoonfuls of posset ale , drinke it luke-warme , and sweat vpon it in your naked bed . drinke for ordinary dyet . so neere as you can , let the patients ordinary drinke be good small ale of eight dayes old . for vomiting . vomiting is better than bleeding in this ●ase , and therefore provoke to vomit so neere ●s you can . to provoke vomit . take three leaves of eastrabecca , stamp it , and drinke it in rhenish wine , ale , or posset ale. for purging . if the party be full of grosse humors , let him blood immediately vpon the right arme , on the liuer veine , or on the median veine , in the same arine : so as no sore appeare the first day . a very wholesome water to be distilled . steepe sorrell in vinegar foure and twenty houres , then take it out , and dry it with a linnen cloth , then still it in a limbeck , drink foure spoonfuls with a little sugar , then milke upon it till you sweat , if you may : if not , keepe your bed , and sweat upon it . use this before supper on any evening . if the patient happen to be troubled with any swellings , botches , carbuncles , let him sweat moderately now and then . outward medicines to ripen the sore . take the root of a white lilly , rost it in a good handfull of sorrell , stampe it , and apply it thereto very hot , let it lye foure and twenty houres , and it will breake the sore . another . take a small quantity of leauen , handfull of mallowes , a little quantity of scabias , cut a white onyon into pieces with halfe a dozen heads of garlick , boyl these together in running water , make poultus of it , and then lay it hot to the sore another . take a hot loafe , new taken forth of the oven , apply it to the sore , and it will doubtlesse breake the same : but afterward bury the same loafe deepe enough in the ground for feare of any infection : for if either dogge or any other thing doe feed thereon , it will infect a great many . for ayring apparell . let the apparell of the diseased person be well and often washed , be it linnen or woollen : or let it be ayred in the sunne , or ●uer pans of fire , or ouer a chasingdish of coales , and fume the same with frankin●ense , iuniper , or dried rosemary . to preserve from the infection of the plague . take garlick , and péele it , and mince it ●mall , put it into new milke , and eat it ●asting . to take the infection from a house infected . take large onyons , peele them , and lay three of foure of them upon the ground : let them lie ten dayes , and those peeled onyons will gather all the infection into them that is in one of those roomes : but bury those onyons afterward deepe in the ground . against the new burning feaver . if the patient be in great heat , as most commonly they will : take of faire running water a pretty quantity : put it on a chasingdish of coales , then put thereinto a good ●uantity of sunders beaten to powder , and let it boyle halfe an houre betwéen two dishes : that done , put a couple of soft linnen clothes into a dish , wet the clothes well in water and sunders , and apply the same so hot as you can suffer it to your belly . to procure sleepe to the sick persons that are diseased , either with the plague or the hot feaver . take of womans breast-milke a good quantity , put thereunto of the like quantity of aqua-vitae , stirre them well together , and moysten therewith the temples of the patient , and his nosethrils , lay it on with some feather , or some fine thin ragge . butter-milke in this contagious time is generally holsome to be eaten , and is a good preservative against either the plague or the pestilent feaver . a prayer for those that are not visited . oh most mighty and mercifull lord god , in whose hands are health and sicknesse , who at thy pleasure canst kill and comfort : i doe confesse that my sinnes call lowder for iustice , then i can cry for mercie , and i deserue all plagues and punishments in this life , and the plague of plagues in the life to come , damnation both of body and soule : but oh lord , bée thou more mercifull , then i can be sinfull , and in iesus christ bee reconciled vnto me , and purge mee , and cleanse mee from all my sinnes : and i beséech thée oh heauenly father , at whose commandement the angels passed ouer the houses of the israelites , when it struck the egyptians , ( if it be thy blessed will ) that this present sicknesse may passe ●uer me and my family . we doe confesse , oh lord , that i and others haue deserued the plagues of egypt : but oh lord , howsoeuer kéepe vs from the greatest plague , which is hardnesse of heart : and if it be thy pleasure , with-hold thy heauy hand from vs : doe not correct vs in thine anger , nor yet chastise vs in thy heauy displeasure , but in thy mercy release vs , and if it be good vnto thée , that i and others should taste of this bitter cup , strengthen our faith , encrease our hope , augment our patience , that so wes may rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , and remaine in thy glory , and that for christ iesus sake in whose name we further call vpon thee , our father which art in heaven , &c. a prayer for those that are visited . oh lord god , thou best physitian , both of our soules & bodies , who canst bring to the graue , & pull back againe whom thou ●easest , which wert moued at the prayers of moses for others : of ezekiah for himselfe : oh lord heare me for others , others for me , and all of vs for thy son : and looke with the ●ye of mercy vpon mee whom it hath pleased ●●ée at this time to visit with the plague and sicknesse . o lord , i am held in thy fetters : oh thou which hast bound mée , loose me , and if it tend vnto thy glory and my good , restore my health vnto mée . oh lord , i haue ●éene an vnprofitable seruant all my life time : oh thē let me not then be bereft of the ●●fe of nature , when i begin the life of grace : ●ut if thou hast disposed of mée otherwise , encrease my patience with my paines : shew ●●y strength in sustaining my weakenesse : and be my strong fortresse in this houre of my tryall : giue me grace to apprehend , and apply all the merits and mercies of christ vnto my soule : and oh lord , let thy comforter oppose the tempter , in such a measure , that he may not preuaile against mée , but as thou makest me like lazarus , full of sores , so also let thy angels carry mee into abrahams bosome oh lord , i intreat , let mee obtaine euen for his sake , for whom thou hast promised and bound thy selfe , to heare and helpe the afflicted , euen thy sonne , and my sauiour , christ iesus : to whom with thée and thy blessed spirit , bee all praise , &c. finis . certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83885 of text r209694 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[16]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83885 wing e2791b thomason 669.f.3[16] estc r209694 99868560 99868560 160574 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83885) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160574) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[16]) certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague. england and wales. parliament. house of lords. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. dated at end: die iovis 9. septemb. 1641. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. steele notation: upon 5 perform-. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng plague -prevention -england -early works to 1800. a83885 r209694 (thomason 669.f.3[16]). civilwar no certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague. england and wales. parliament. 1641 583 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certain orders thought meet to be put in execution against the infection of the plague . that the bill , lord have mercy upon us , with a large red crosse be set upon the door of every house visited with the plague . 2 that all the stuffe in the house where any have been visited of the plague be well aired , before they be discharged , or the house opened . 3 the house visited with the plague to be shut up , whether any person therein do die or not : and the persons so shut up to bear their own charge , if they be of abilitie . 4 no person to be removed out of any infected house , but by leave of the magistrate . 5 if any person shall flee out of any house , at the time when the said house shall be infected with the plague , such persons so fleeing to be pursued by hue and cry , and the house where they shall be found to be shut up , and they restrained in some such place as the magistrate of the place where they shall be found shall think fit . 6 that the pavements in the streets be made sufficient , and so continued ; the kenels kept sweet and clean ; the soile of the said streets to be carried away , and all annoyances to be removed : and such inhabitants as shall refuse to pay the reasonable rates assessed on them for payment of the scavingers which shall cleanse and carry away the soile , be distrained by their goods for payment thereof according to law . 7 that if any persons shall turn out of their houses any servant or lodger being sick , power to be given to the magistrate or officer to put them into their said house again , or otherwise the said persons to provide sufficient maintenance for them ; and upon refusing so to do ( being able persons ) to distrain the goods of such persons ( for the charge ) that shall so turn them out of doors . 8 if by order of the magistrate any persons visited be removed out of their house or lodging , to the pest-house or other place , when they be recovered and in perfect health , the said magistrate to have power and full authority to return and settle the said persons in their houses or lodging from whence they were so taken out , without contradiction of their landlords or any other . 9 that all such magistrates or other persons that shall be trusted with this service may be enabled to do all other things necessarie , and pursuing the execution of these orders , as occasion shall require . 10 that all collectors in the severall parishes shall be hereby required to perform their dutie in the collecting of the sums assessed upon the said parishes , according to law ; and such as shall fail in the performance of their duties therein , shall be liable to such penalties as shall be inflicted by parliament . die iovis 9. septemb. 1641. ordered this day by the lords in parliament that the abovesaid orders shall be printed and published . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. consilium anti-pestilentiale, or, seasonable advice concerning sure, safe, specifick, and experimented medicines both for the preservation from, and cure of, this present plague offered for the publick benefit of this afflicted nation by richard barker. barker, richard, sir. 1665 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30931 wing b778 estc r28348 10543607 ocm 10543607 45226 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a30931) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45226) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1395:12) consilium anti-pestilentiale, or, seasonable advice concerning sure, safe, specifick, and experimented medicines both for the preservation from, and cure of, this present plague offered for the publick benefit of this afflicted nation by richard barker. barker, richard, sir. [8], 7 [i.e. 6] p. printed for the author, london : 1665. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -prevention. epidemics -england. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-03 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion consilium anti-pestilentiale : or , seasonable advice , concerning sure , safe , specifick , and experimented medicines , both for the preservation from , and cure of this present plague . offered for the publick benefit of this afflicted nation , by richard barker , med. lond. gloriam da deo pro misericordiâ , & verêre judicia ejus . london , printed for the author , anno 1665. to the right honourable sir john lawrence , knight , lord maior of the city of london : and to the right worshipful , the court of aldermen of the same city . the great abuse of many who pretend the publick good , when as indeed their chief aim is only their private interest , ( multi res suas agunt communium praetextu ) made me for a great while unwilling to appear upon the stage , lest i should incur the censure of some zoilus or other , but that the daily numerous addresses unto me ( for relief not only for the present direful sickness , but also in divers other great distempers ) by those who have been too often frustrated in their expectations from others ; and the love i bear to this famous city , of which i am a member ; as also the late encrease in the weekly bill of mortality , notwithstanding the directions published by the colledge , constrained me at length to cast in this mite , whereby i have been , through the mercy of the almighty , instrumental to many for their recovery . for though those directions , and many other medicines , are reported to have been useful in former days ; yet now failing , there is a general longing and earnest desire for some more powerful and more effectual means ; and if such be not speedily brought forth , a general calamity is seared likely to befall this city . and therefore , spurr'd on by our royal soveraign's most gracious care ; as over all his subjects in general , so especially over this famous city ; as also his majesties princely countenance to all ingenious persons , that are able to lend a helping hand ; and your own ready compliance with his majesties royal care and orders for his majesties subjects health and preservation , i thought good to present this paper to your lordship and worships , out of my tender love and care of the publick welfare , which i did upon mature deliberation and consultation with other very able and understanding physicians , ( plus eni● vident oculi , quà● oculus ) ; for i would not appear before you but with such remedies as are built upon solid grounds of sound reason and manifold experience . i do not intend to enlarge my self in words at this time , the present necessity ( and daily encrease of the sickness , even in the city it self aswell as in the suburbs ) calling rather for deeds and effectual help . it is true , that it is the great judgment of god which afflicts us , our prophaneness and manifold sins , provoking the just indignation of divine justice : however , the lord even in the midst of his anger being not forgetful of his mercy , it behoveth both divines and those of our profession , in the common calamity to stand in the breach , and become instruments to allay his wrath , and procure his mercy , all according to our several stations and sphears of activity ; and that all , of whatever degree , authority or capacity , take heed , that we may not oppress the innocent , lest thereby we exasperate the wrath kindled against us , but rather asswage the same by mercy and mildness . when it shall please god that these afflictions be over , i shall then publish another tract , concerning four diseases predominant in this city , which i indeed intended to be first of all , but that by this present very urgent necessity i am prevented . in the mean time praying for your temporal and eternal bliss , i rest , right honourable and right worshipful , your lordships and worships most faithful humble servant , richard barker . epistle to the reader . loving reader , whereas there hath been a report , that my house is visited , and that divers dyed out of it ; this is to let thee understand that the same is a meer false slander and fiction , maliciously invented by some of my profession , on set-purpose to divert patients from me , and to mar my practice . both my self and family are all in perfect health , ( god be praised for it ) and i hope to live to the comfort of my friends , and conversion of my enemies . in the parish where i live , there hath been as much affliction , by the current epidemical disease , as in other parishes , but that by the use of such medicines as they had from me , they escaped , the almighty in his mercy giving his blessing thereunto . according to the compute of the last weeks bill of mortality there died no more but seven out of it , and all the time before but four ; which i do not doubt but that by the help of god they might have also escaped , if they had not been frighted from coming to my house by that groundless aspersion . it is true , that medicines formerly used , and now prescribed again in the printed directions , have been beneficial in those dayes ; but now a certain malignity , like a furious lion , infesting in the present calamity , will not be curbed by such usual directions , but requireth other helps more astral and powerful , such as those were which the patients in this parish , and divers in the city besides , had from me . variatto temporis ▪ & circumstantiarum indicat variationem remediorum . there have been strange and various faces of the heavens of late years , especially this last , wherein three blazing-stars , or comets , appeared ; the fashion of their appearance i need not describe , it having been obvious unto , and noted by many thousands ; only , it is generally agreed on , that plagues and such like judgments use to follow upon such signs . i have made many observations of the heavens , since i understood something of that learning , and could wish there were more frequent observations made by better understandings than my own , and that the enemies of that learning would be more moderate , and forbear to condemn what they are not skill'd in . for according to the opinion of our physicians if there be any contagion in the air , the same naturally springeth forth from the configuration of the heavens ; which i will not discourse of at this time , nor trouble thy head , when thy heart should mind the one thing necessary . let them that flee from the city , not think themselves the safer from the judgment ; nor let those in the country flatter themselves with vain hopes : for i fear they will taste as deeply of the cup of this indignation , as those in the city . it is a strange time , people are afraid one of another ; yea , even the best friends keep themselves aloof from one another . yea , such a spirit reigns all over the country , that they could be contented to block up all the citizens , and rather let them perish than come forth into the air to refresh themselves . and therefore you which are remaining in the city , have great reason to love one another as you are neighbours , and to make provision of convenient places , where no body can resist you ; as also of fit means , and able men , that may make it their business to study your preservation . you plainly see , that this grievous disease not only endangereth your lives , but also your repute and trading , and marreth your fortunes , insomuch that you lose that esteem and courtship which you were wont to have from those that wanted your goods and moneys ; yea , those that flattered you , do now frown upon you and scarce own you . all which might be easily remedied , and your reputation and trading preserved , if you pleased but to consider of it , and love one another , and take counsel of such as are able to advise . for which end i could wish , that there might be chosen a select number of persons , to advise and direct to the best means conducing to this purpose , in regard that the old and ordinary courses fall far short of what may be devised and advised . i make no question but that having been a practitioner in physick in this city these fifteen years , i may be credited concerning the things i propose ; for , whoever tryeth my medicines , will find them speak for themselves , and need no further commendation from my self or any one else . the ingredients of the medicines here offered are no minerals , though chymically prepared , and i do assure thee that they are very safe even before they are prepared . chymical medicines have been ever , and especially now at this time , found so necessary , and beyond the ordinary usual medicines , that the physicians of the colledge themselves have given order for preparing of a chymical medicine to johnson their chymist in amen-corner . in the next book which i do intend to put forth , i shall give an account of my rise and pedigree , and how i came to the atchievment of these things which i now profess , the late infortunate times obstructing me from aspiring to variety of languages and other acquirements , which else i might have enjoyed . how-ever , as to my abilities in what i profess , my practice and successes upon my patients will speak sufficiently on my behalf . and i would have thee take notice , that my medicines proved very beneficial to divers that came out of prison this last winter , where i suppose ( as my observations upon the said persons induce me to believe ) this plague had its first rise . thus wishing thee health and happiness , i remain , thine ready to serve . r. b. directions to be observed , to prevent this of all most terrible sickness . 1. in the morning do not go forth with an empty stomach , but first refresh your self by breaking your fast , and filling your stomach ( so far as you can endure it ) with any convenient food , drinking after it a draught of small beer , mixt with two or three drops of true oyle of sulphur , such as is not sophisticated , or else six drops to twelve of the true spirit of salt. 2. carry about you a ball , made of tobacco-leaf , roll'd up and tyed in some tiffiny or lawn , and so dipt in vinegar : smell often to it , and sometimes clap it to the temples for some few minutes of time . 3. those that use to smoke tobacco , let them mix it with its fourth part of flower of sulphur , and seven or eight drops of oyl of amber for one pipe , and take three such pipes every day , viz. in the morning , in the afternoon , and at night . 4. at night , take one scruple of flower of brimstone , in a glass of canary , perfumed with the smoak of brimstone , which is to be done as followeth : take flower of brimstone , melt it in an earthen pan , dip therein some pieces of packthred , or small wooden sticks , that they be covered over with the brimstone , which reserve for use . then take a glass-bottle , holding a quart , or pottle , or gallon , according as you will prepare more or less of the canary , turn it with the nozel downwards : light your match or piece of packthred , or wooden stick covered over with brimstone , and thrust it up into the nozel , that the smoak may ascend up into the bottle ; and when the same is filled with smoak , so that it will receive no more ( the sign whereof is when it bloweth out the fire of the match ) ; then take out your match , and thrust up a funnel , and turn the glass , and fill it half full of canary , and having taken out the funnel , quickly stop the orifice of the glass with your hand , and shake it up and down until it hath drunk up the smoak . then stop the glass close , and keep it for your use as above directed . 5. be sure to smoke all the rooms of your house every day twice or thrice with brimstone , using half an ounce of it at a time , more or less , according to the bigness of the house , and as far as you can endure it , keeping the brimstone burning with coals kindled in an earthen chafing-dish or pan , or with a red-hot iron ; for this cleareth the air from infection above any thing else : and though by some pretenders the brimstone be altered by the addition of something else , yet the sulphur ( as it is of it self ) being best , that alteration signifieth nothing else but to conceal it from the vulgar , and to make them pay dear for that which they may have at a cheap rate ; for they shall certainly find the brimstone alone of it self to do as well , yea rather better than the other . further direction for preservation , fit for all , as well children as old folks , especially such as are of a weak nature . let them take of the elixir vitae every morning , from half a spoonful to a whole spoonful , which being of a very balsamick nature , will as it were embalm and preserve all the vitals from corruption and infection , and from all other distempers that may give occasion thereunto . note . if this preservative be diligently taken , and yet the party chance to be over-powered by an extraordinary force of the pestilent disease now reigning , they will then be so much the easier cured by the medicine following . directions for the cure of those that are infected . you may know the coming of the disease upon you by a squeamishness of the stomach , faintings , giddiness in the head , yea an universal consternation of all the faculties and functions of your body . which when you perceive , take in hand these medicines following , and you will be infallibly cured ( by the blessing of god ) with two doses , yea sometimes with one ( as it hath often hapned with many ) unless there be an extraordinary commission from divine vengeance to the contrary , which is in no medicines power to resist . 1. so soon as you find your self ill , take of the clear white liquor so much as is contained in one glass , sealed up with a red thred , and the letters r. b. pour it out in a silver or earthen dish , or in a drinking-glass , and drink it off leisurely , and then lay your self down , and within a quarter or half an hour you will find its operation either by stool , urine , sweat , vomit , bleeding at the nose ; sometimes by most , and sometimes by all these : which operations either by all , or one , or some of them , are a certain sign of your cure. this proportion is for a man or woman at age , but to one of twelve years old give but half a glass ; to a child but a quarter , and so proportionably according to their several ages . note , that when you have taken this medicine , and suspect that it may come up again , then hold in your mouth a bit of sugar-candy , or any other thing you like best . 2. three hours after the operation , let them take half a spoonful , or one spoonful of the above-mentioned elixir vitae ; which though it be mark'd with the same letters , and sealed up after the fashion of the former medicine , yet you may know it by the colour , it being towards an orange . 3. twelve hours after the taking of the first dose of the white liquor , let him ●●ke the second half ; and again twelve hours after , another 〈…〉 ; which in all will be two whole doses . 4. when the patient hath a drowth , let him take some small beer warm'd , in his mouth , and spit it out again . but in case necessity forceth him to drink , let him take posset-drink wherein dandelion hath been boyled , with two or three drops of spirit of sulphur , or six of spirit of salt put into it . and let him be sure to keep himself warm , not only for that day , but also the dayes following ; for its operation will hold on divers dayes after , till he find himself well . 5. in case he should throw up the medicine presently , or before a quarter of an hour ( after the taking of it ) be past , let him take another dose presently . and in case you judge , that it be not all come up , then give him but half another glass or dose , and twelve hours after the other half . these medicines being so rare and infallible in their effects , all masters of families will do well to provide some quantity of them in time , that they may have them in readiness , and be not to seek for it in time of need ; for they are such jewels for the recovery and preservation of health , as there can be no better ; and all circumstances well considered ; they are the cheapest medicines they can buy for this purpose . the spirit of salt ( not that dropsical one , ushe●'d in under the specious names of [ philosophick , and of the world ] instar asini sub pelle leonis , but the true and genuine ) as also the spirit or oyl of sulphur per campanam , are likewise to be had in the same places where the other medicines are . both of them mightily resist putrifaction . the spirit of salt is diuretick and very balsamick , and of excellent use in most diseases . the spirit of sulphur is the soboles of a most pure vitriol contained in the sulphur , which the same robb'd from the venerial marcasite or oar , when it was melted and severed from it . it is both diuretick and diaphoretick , and mightily strentheneth the stomach ; and as it resisteth all putrifaction , and what ariseth therefrom , so it killeth the worms , preserveth from the scurvy , and all other diseases that have their rise from putrifaction , and so causeth life to hold on to a great age , the party living temperately , and using it two drops twice a day in a little draught of small beer . many other occasions there are , in which the said spirits are very useful ; but being unwilling to be too prolix at present , i forbear , reserving the further speaking of them to another time . whereas there hath been enquiry made by many worthy persons of this city for dr. trigg's medicine ; whereby the said doctor did great cures in the last great plague in london , and preserved himself and his family from it , and continued also thereby free from all sorts of diseases , ( notwithstanding his sedentary life ) to his dying-day , which he spun out to a very great age , to the wonder of all men . i do give you to understand , that the same medicine ( marked and sealed up as the former , onely with this difference , that dr. trigg's hath blue thred , and the others red ) may also be had in those places whither you are directed unto for the former medicines . the said doctor was a man of singular parts and endowments , and greater worth than any man was aware of , or his enemies believed in his life-time . virtutem incolumem odimus , sublatam ex oculis quaerimus invidi — there hath been lately set forth a book , under the name of dr. trigg's secrets , arcana's , and panacaea's ; but let the reader be advertised by me , that they are all wrongfully fathered upon him , not one of them all being his ( as pretended ) nor in the least deserving those glorious names . and that they are none of the doctors , his kinsman timothy woodfield ( to whom he imparted all his secrets ) can testifie , who living now with me , is preparing the said doctor 's medicines , which i intend for the service of the publick when there shall be occasion . the use of dr. trigg's great cordial , or medicine against the plague . for preservation , take half a spoonful of it in the morning before you go forth , and as much at night going to bed . for cure ; so soon as you imagine to be surprized by the malignity of this infection , take two spoonfuls of the said medicine , and go into your warm bed , and sweat upon it , and continue sweating for the space of two hours . and this you may repeat once or twice more ( keeping twelve hours distance betwixt the times of sweating ) according as you shall see occasion . the places where these medicines are to be had . 1. at the author 's own house in barbican , next door to the three crowns . 2. at mr. hutchinsons , upholster , in birchin-lane , at that end of the lane which is near the royal exchange . 3. at mr. devonshires the chyrurgeans house in drury-lane ( next to the earl of clare ) at the sign of the chyrurgean . the price of 〈◊〉 medicines .   l. s. d. a glass of the white liquor , containing two ounces 0 3 0 a glass of the elixir vitae , containing two ounces 0 3 0 a little glass of spirit of sulphur , containing half an ounce 0 2 6 a little glass of the spirit of salt , containing one ounce 0 1 6 note . there are that sell the spirits of salt , and of sulphur , at lower rates , but such as are adulterated ; but these which i do expose to sale , are genuine and true . finis . the run-awyaes [sic] answer to a booke called, a rodde for runne-awayes. in vvhich are set downe a defense for their running, with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe. the vsage of londoners by the countrey people; drawne in a picture, artificially looking two waies, (foorth-right, and a-squint:) with an other picture done in lant-skipp, in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together. lastly, a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies, arming them to meete death within the listes, and not to shunne him. 1625 approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14249 stc 24562 estc s104644 99840377 99840377 4877 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4877) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 862:08) the run-awyaes [sic] answer to a booke called, a rodde for runne-awayes. in vvhich are set downe a defense for their running, with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe. the vsage of londoners by the countrey people; drawne in a picture, artificially looking two waies, (foorth-right, and a-squint:) with an other picture done in lant-skipp, in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together. lastly, a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies, arming them to meete death within the listes, and not to shunne him. b. v., fl. 1625. [24] p. a. mathewes], [london : printed mdccxxv. [1625] dedication signed: b.v. s.o t.o. a.l. v.s. the first word in the title is printed xylographically. place of publication and printer's name from stc. answers: dekker, thomas. a rod for run-awayes (stc 6520). signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. -a rod for run awayes -early works to 1800. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. england -social conditions -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-07 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the run-awyaes answer , to a booke called , a rodde for runne-awayes . in vvhich are set downe a defence for their running , with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe . the vsage of londoners by the countrey ▪ people ; drawne in a picture , artificially looking two waies , ( foorth-right , and a-squint : ) with an other picture done in lant-skipp , in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together . lastly , a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies , arming them to meete death within the listes , and not to shunne him . printed mdcxxv . to ovr mvch respected and very worthy friend , mr. h. condell at his countrey-house in fvllam . sir , at our parting from london to vndertake our sadde peregrination into the countrey , ( amongst our friends who are hard to be found ) it pleased you to bestow vpon vs a free and noble farewell . we remember it with thanks , which cuts off the sinne of ingratitude ; yet because thankes , is but one word , and that your loue cannot receiue a requitall but in many , wee send you a little bundle of papers , full . for being abusde in a booke printed at london , in which we were called runne-awayes , wee in this our defence request you to be an arbiter , to iudge , whether we haue not iust cause , to stand then promisde . bid him therefore send all his paper-kites flying from his stall , quite through the citie , and from one eude to th' other to giue notice of this our answere . bid him likewise to tell all stationers , who haue any of those bookes ( called a rodde for run-awayes ) that it were good for 'em to sell them away as fast as they can , for when wee come to towne , they shall be all callde in . farewell . the runn-awayes answere . there hath of late come foorth a three-sheete-printed-pamphlet ( as if the rodde had but three twigges only ) written ( as the title seemes to promise ) by some schoole-maister , for he calles it , a rod for rvnne-awaies . but we , vpon whom those poore and wretched names are pinned , no way enduring so to be lash'd ouer the face in scorne , snatch the rodde out of his hand ; and to make him smart a little , thus print wee our answere to those bold affronts , by which he does challenge vs , vtterly disdayning to be called runne-awaies : and vtterly disclayming those offences , for which that london whipper is so ready to punish vs. first then for the name . hee is a runne-away , who rather then he will learne a trade ( with some paynes ) vnder a carefull maister , turnes roague , runnes into the countrey a padding ▪ keepes company with gipseys , and strowling pedlers , fatting himselfe with the lazy bread of sommer , tumbling ( during that season ) in a hay-cock with his dell ; and in winter , lying snug in a brick-k●ll with his doxy : if you wonder how we came by this language ? you must thinke , that in our trauailes we could not choose but meete with canters . agen : he is a runne-away , that being prest for a soldier , runnes away from his captaine ere he be sent a ship-bord , or from his cullors , before he comes to the fight . he is a runne-away , who hauing got loose from a sergeant , takes his heeles , and runnes away from him . they are runne-awaies , who in a tauerne roaring in for more wine then they are able to pay , giue a slippe out at the back doore , and so pawne a drawer to the barre for the reckoning . lastly , they are runne-awaies , who lay the key vnder the doore , and cry , good night land-lord . none of these base ginges are wee : wee scorne to sayle in such stinking dung-boates . so much therefore for the name of runne-awaies . now for the matter . the very beginning of the booke is able to make any coward runne away , for ther 's a sett-battaile , a field appoynted , the van comming vp , and london leading it : then shires and counties prest to martch in the reare ; the generall busy , trompets sounding the alarum , our enemies about vs , and the weapons brandished ouer our heads , which threaten to cutte our throates . hee would make vs beleeue he has been a soldado by his termes of warre : in the field dialect wee tell him , that true it is , when the armada of gods anger was preparing against vs , when the pestilence beate at our citty gates , and the arrowes of infection flew into our howses , when in the heate of the day the mayne-battayle gaue ground , and that many ( or most ) of our commanders left the field ; what should wee doe but flye ? it was not out of base feare , but safety : it was not out of a desire to safety only , but feare , least so many dropping downe euery hower before our faces , there would be found not officers nor ministers enow to fetch off the wounded , or bury the dead : had we not reason to flye ? before this tempestious weather beate vs , o! what glorious sun-beames of exultations , reioycings , hopes , and comforts were rising to shine vpon vs ? we swallowed vp nothing but the east and west-indies in our imaginations ; the golden-age was comming in agen : our english almanacks seem'd to speake of none but holy-daies : great-brittaine stood on the toppe of her white cliffes triumphing ; london on tiptoe , ouerlooking all other cities in the swelling pride of her approaching fortunes : for no sooner was the old king dead , but our gloomy noone was changed into the cleerest euening that euer our liuing eyes beheld . a golden sunne ( within a few howers ) lifted vp his head to reuiue vs ; a new king was proclaymed , a iames was lost , but a charles was found : a queene was to come from france , and that queene arriued in england : a parliament was at hand , the terme not farre off , triumphes approaching , pageants setting forward to meet our king and queene going to their coronation . no people could be fuller of ioy , no city prowder of happinesse : when loe ! a volley of thunder shootes , and batters down all these sumptuous buildings : and was it not time to flye ? heauen saw vs boasting in our owne strengths , and growing angry at it , hath turnd it into weakenesse : mirth hath shaken handes with mourning , riches with misery , brauery with a winding sheete , prosperity with the pestilence , health with sicknesse , and life with death : and what is he would encounter with these ? hereupon , the city fledde the city , and shun'd that enemy which fallowed her , and hath since mette her in euery corner : london was great with childe , and ( with a fright ) falling in labor ( her owne time being misreckoned ) was deliuered of none but still-borne children . neuer was such a sudden ioy changed into so sudden a lamentation : those belles which were ready to cleane the ayre with echoes at king charles his coronation , did nothing presently but ring out knelles for his subiects ; by which meanes , as there is no musicke so sweet as that of the churches , none for daies and nightes together hath bin so iarring , so that in 13 weekes more then 33000. haue falne dead to the ground at their dolefull tunes : and who would ( if he could choose ) make one in such dangerous peales ? had wee not iust cause therefore giuen vs to flye ? be not you then ( good maister runne-away-beater ) so sharpe , spare your rodde a little , and whippe vs not for going to see our * freinds in the countrey , we doe not thinke but you yourselfe ( could you haue gotte a horse ) would haue bin one of the tribe of gad , with one of your comerades ; for ther 's no dancing now to your theatrian poeticall piping : neither your frierians , nor cock pitterians , can for loue or money helpe you to a plaudity , we wish for their owne sakes ( and yours ) they could : but many of them ( that could get winges ) haue kept company with vs in our flight ; neyther are wee or they to be condemned ; flesh and bloud naturally abhorres dissolution : all desire to begett children , but none loue to see them buried : so mortally doe we hate the name of death , that though we lye in our last sheete , saue one ( which must winde vs , ) we hardly endure the name of dying . the very scriuener who makes our willes , as he is cunning in other thinges , so is he crafty in that conueyance , and knowing what word will fright vs , he goes about the bush , and writes thus : when it shall please god to call vs out of this transitory life : we must heere the string twang out life still , albeit deaths cold fingers pull vs by the noses . agen , ( to adde one handfull more of corne to this sheafe of defence , made vp by the run-awayes , ) know , that many of vs that haue shut vp shoppes & are gon , are yonger-brothers ; and are assur'de , that euen owne fathers , ( knightes by degrees , and great men in possessions , ) haue for sixe or seuen yeares together , suffred ( nay at this very hower doe suffer ) their owne sonnes , ( yea their only and eldest sonnes ) miserably to languish in coumpters , and other prisons , vpon two shillings a weeke maintenance : this is good pollicy to tame an vnthrift , but little charity to murder a man 's owne childe : it 's a safe locke to tye to a runne-awayes legge , but ther 's too much iron in 't : at this ward wee haue no great stomacks to lye ; wee find our fathers hard enough here , and are loath to tempt their affections , whether they will come to london , and cry to a iaylor , fellow turne the key , let me see in what nasty chamber lyes my sonne . wee are better as we are , and therfore fling away your rodde , and doe not whippe vs for flying . besides , had we all tarried at home that are fledde , in what miserable cases ( according to humane reason , not diuing into the deepe and insearchable iudgements of god ) had we all bin ? if the country loues vs not now that are amongst them in perfect health , how would they haue hated the city in her populous thronges , when ( perhaps ) foure times the number now departed , had then bin smitten downe by the contagion ? what markets would you haue had then ? where had meate bin found to fill so many millions of mouthes ? the casting out sometimes of merchandize into the sea in a storme saues the rich venture , and our being driuen from the fleete in so hideous a tempest , hath ( we hope ) giuen the rest of the wether-beaten nauy more sea-roome , and so aduantage to meete lesse danger . was it not hie time to take our heeles and be gon , when the doctors themselues playd the runne-awayes ? doctors for the soule , and doctors for the body , they both fledde : many of them that stood the battaile , ( and being worthy commanders , fought brauely , ) we heare are falne , and in their places ( who were to looke to the sicke and wounded souldier , ) are crept into your city , a crew of prating emperickes , cogging mowntibanckes , and cheating quacksaluers , who if they cure one , kill twenty ; it being more danger for an infected man to fall into their handes , then for a sound person to liue two dayes fasting in an infected house . but what talke we of the flight of these ? for phisick and chirurgery , ( those two diuine sisters sent from heauen ) are both of them puzzelld in their readings , and driuen a to stand in their owne practise . this sicknes turnes knowledge into ignorance , for experimented salues and medicines forfet their wonted vertues to astonishment and admiration . our flight then you see is warranted by ecclesiasticall , martiall , polyticall , and phisicall authority : let vs not therefore here-after be termed runne-awayes ; for though many of our fellow londoners are in our absence turned into pine-trees , our hopes are at our comming home , to begett a new and prosperous plantation . well did the rodde-maker indeed condemne vs for not leauing our armor behind vs when we ran from the army , ( some peeces of siluer to mainteyne the poore : ) but whole troupes of vs haue bin so beaten in this country-leaguer , that we haue siluer little enough to mainteyne our selues : beside , numbers ( we are in feare ) will be so blind with the country dust flying vp into their eyes , they will hardly finde the right key-hole whilst they liue ( as they should doe ) to open shoppes agen ; the wardes of the lockes ( if not well oyld before ) will by that time ( t' is thought ) grow rusty . let the rich miserly runne-awaies , who fl●do● to saue their liues for their moneys sake , and to saue their golden idolls for their owne sake , let them ( in gods name ) pay soundly for their horse race ; who haue too much iuice may endure a squesing . if we left our houses , and no body to keepe them , t' is but the fashion of great-men , who reare vp huge buildings , in which well rattes and spiders more often then hospitable tennants . now whereas your qui mihi discipulus , ( with his birchen septer in his hand ) ●hreatens to fetch blood from vs , by telling what terrible frightes we are like to be put into at our comming back : alas ! he drawes a bowe too big for his strength , and shootes that arrow without any ayme . what did iob , who had seuen sonnes and three daughters , 7000. sheepe , and 3000. camells , 500. yoke of oxen , and 500 shee asses : to him one messenger came , and told him the sabaeans had tooke away his oxen from the plough , and the asses , killing his seruants : an other came and sayd , that fire from heauen had burned vp his sheepe and shepheards : an other that the caldeans had seizd vpon his cammells , and slew the men : an other that all his children were slayne by the fall of the house , as they were banqueting at their eldest brothers . but what sayd job ? naked i came , and naked i must hence : the lord hath giuen , and the lord hath taken . doe you thinke we are cast-awaies , because counted run-awaies ? what should we feare ? say at our returne to london , our friends be departed , our kindred lost , or seruants dead , and our goods spent vpon whores in tauernes ; or say , that comming out of the fresh ayre , and falling sicke , none of you will come neere vs , because we fled from you : nay , say that ludgate or the compters must be our innes , where if infection setts her markes vpon vs , neither creditor , phisition , surgion nor apothecary will resort to comfort vs : yet haue we a helpe in all this extremity ; there is one anchor to ride at in the fowlest weather : one friend hath promised to stick to vs all ; and that friend , is the deere , louing and beloued earth : when sonne nor daughter will come neere our coffin , but shun our carcas as loathsome carion , yet euen then , that good grandame ( the aged earth ) will open her armes and hugge vs , and lay vs in beddes , to take our euerlasting sleepes , and shall we be affrayd to come back to london ? no : for albeit your whip-deedle was so bold to tell vs , that londoners in the en● of the last great s●cknes , comming nere the city , looked pale , like men going to execution , that comparison frights not vs ; we , ●n plaine & merry english bid the twigger , not ●o be in such feare of our comming backe : for an order will bee taken for some of vs , neuer to call at the counter for a freemans horse , to carry him on foot to ludgate . a many of our iouiall fraternitie are glad they haue this vnpolitike aduantage . they must haue been driuen to studie for a cleanly excuse , which heer● of it selfe ( without teaching ) is growne very mannerly . there bee men that dare eate spiders : monkeyes swallow them , and by them get sweet breaths ; why then should not many limbes of our estates bee made the sounder by this infectious fracture ? there is an ireland to flie to , and a low-countries to roare in , and a wales , to keepe the winde of lawyers from vs with her mountaines : wee can bee bankerupts on this side , and gentlemen of a company beyond-sea : bee burst at london , and piec'd vp in rotterdam . the sea is a purger , and at sea must our fortunes take phisicke . amongst many other euils , which might terrifie men from repayring to london , the griping hands of clarkes of churches , and their sextons , and the villanous doggednesse of vncharitable bearers , are two maine ones . too many crie out vpon their crueltie ; they flea the liuing , and dishonor the dead , by tearing money out of poore peoples throats , at the buriall of husbands , wiues , or children , when it were greater almes , to abate from such vulturous deuourers ( those currish coffin-tossers ) their vnconscionable racking demands , and to giue it to the suruiuing distressed creatures . wee fare better in the countrey ; for there wee pay neither for belles nor bearers , neither minister , vicar , sir domine , nor his clarke will take a penie for any of vs. and they deale noblier , then wee heare a citizen was dealt with , in a towne not aboue two miles from london , whose mayd-seruant there ending her life , the hatches of a ship are not so close , as the doores and windowes of that infidelian village were ; not one durst for money , digge a graue , no reward bribe the clunnicors to carry the body to church : insomuch that the master of this seruant was compelled with sixteene shillings ( for vnder they would not goe ) to hire foure london-bearers , to carry her to her graue , whose casting vp likewise cost a price extraordinary . this dreadfull season of so many gastly apparitions , should ( as wee thinke ) fright all wickednesse out of the citie : but wee heare it does not . for all the distance of miles betweene you and vs , the swearing and cursing amongst some of you , leaues a tingling in our eares . for , one woman hauing left egges in a roome at her going foorth , and missing them ( as forgetting where shee layd them ) at her comming in , wished that the plague might consume them that eate them . yet after her anger was past , and forgetting her curse , they were drest , and eaten by her children , all of them dying the next day after . you know this better then wee , and are neere to blacke-friers where the curse fell ; if you haue a minde to examine the truth . this was a rod for a curser : but this that is held vp next , was a rod to whip presumption . a young man hauing some place in a parish church in london , being ( as to vs it was reported ) to locke vp the church-yard , called to a man , who stood amazed at the deepe graues ; and looking into one that was not filled vp , the other called to him to come away , and ( after a scoffing manner ) told him , he were best stay there all night , and take vp his lodging . no , quoth the other , you may lye heere ( for ought i know ) before mee . i lye heere ( said hee : ) see , i can lye heere at my pleasure ; and so leaping into the graue , and spreading his body vpon the dead , out hee came presently in a iesting manner : but going home , sickened that night , and lay there the next day in earnest . we haue no such foule-mouthed women neere the villages wee incampe in : no such desperate youths so to tempt fate . no , no , giue the countrey people their due , and there are none like them liuing vpon the face of the earth . the true picture of the countrey people . it is reported , that the gates of innes , and doores of victualling-houses are lock'd against vs , and that we are vsed like dogges . wee stand vp for the countrey : this is false : t is an arrant lye : for all the countrey people take their houses of purpose for londoners : and for vsage , they make more of vs , then they can of their owne kinne . most deare are they to the worst citizen that comes within their doores : marry wee must tell you , those are not very many ; and the reason is , they will not ( in a dangerous time ) pester men together . so well-giuen are they , that continually they pray for vs : and when ( in the open fieldes , for ayre sake , or vnder a hedge for coolenesse ) wee sit downe to eate or drinke , they ( good soules ) will not touch so much as a bit of our bread ; it shall not be said , they turned vs out like staruelings . so mannerly are they ( now ) growne , that if two or three citizens walke through a towne , all the countrey people step presently in at doores , onely in modestie to giue them the wall. and so cleanly are they in euery paltry village , that if there bee but ten stragling houses , you shall not for your heart see a foule paire of sheets in any one of ' em . t is reported in london , that wee are lodged in barnes , in hay-lofts , hay-cocks , and stackes of straw : t is true , but why ? alas ! when londoners that haue trauaild hard , scramble to a towne ( all faint and weary ) the honest country people , point to such places , to the ende they may there lye soft , till their chambers bee prouiding . o! they are the louingest wormes earth euer sent forth : offer them money , they scorne to touch it : neither ( hauing so many gold-smiths amongst them ) doe they weigh gold. reach to take 'em by the hand , they will not doe it for an hundred pound . and why ? shall they and we be haile-fellow well met ? how grossely doe they wrong them , that report , how they stop their noses at vs , & would make bonfires in their townes to bee ridd of vs ? this is another lye : they neuer come neere any of vs , but they are ready ( kinde whorsons ) to fall downe at our feet : and for ridding vs away ; why , take your leaue of them neuer so often , any townesman thinkes himselfe halfe vndone , if he but see a londoner departing . much more could wee speake in their praises , but wee are afraid they le bee angry at this ; for they loue not to haue their good deedes proclaimed to the world. wee will therefore conceale , what they would haue hidden . and albeit wee cannot glew vp mens lippes , we know what we know of these people , and a good many of vs are sure to be bound to them for euer . leaue them , and now to our selues . now shall you vnderstand what we doe , and how we liue ▪ or , though your beadle who whippes runne-awaies saies , that we are merry in our countrey houses , and sitte safe ( as we thinke ) from the gun-shotte of this contagion , in our orchards and gardens : yet we would haue him know , that we looke back vpon our disconsolate mother ( the city , ) we sigh at her sorrowes , weepe for her distresse , and are heauy in soule , but to remember her lamentations . farre though she be from vs , yet doe her miseries flye into our bosomes : and albeit ( out of humane frailety ) we left her hoping thereby not to fall into deaths handes , ( o wretched and deceiaued men that we are ! ) death hath with his long arme , reacht vs and our families ; and therefore , scithence there is no corner in the kingdome ( were it as vast as the world ) to hide vs from his face , thus doe we arme one an other against him . in these and the like speeches ( now following ) doe's the absent londoner giue his fellow citizen a little consolation . a run-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies , arming them ( though flying from death ) to meete death brauely , and face to face . o my deere brothers , and copartners in misery ! death is a cruell creditor , and will haue all that we owe him . man is an imperfect garden , and to keepe it from being ouer-run with weedes , it must be turn'd into a graue . as our birth brings the beginning of all things , so our death shewes vs the end of all things : for if thou hast liued but one day , thou hast seen all that all men before in the world euer saw ; the same light , the same night ; they came in as thou did'st , and went out as thou must . death then being a part of our selues , why should we flye our selues ? men , nor their liues are measur'd by the ell , but by the spanne : no matter how long life is , but how good : no matter how short , so the end be sweet : it is but once , and what happens but once can not be grieuous . nothing makes death dreadfull , but that which followes death : the after-reckoning troubles all our arithmetick how to cast it vp : if nothing were to be hoped for after this life , the basest creature were more happy then man. one intreated caesar that he might be put to death , because he was old ▪ and lame and c●●zed : but ( quoth caesar ) ar't sure to be dead then ? let vs all be caesars : whether we liue or dye , lett vs be like belles which at coronations and funeralls are one and the same ring : in health or sicknes , crosses or comforts , calmes or tempests , in countrey or in city , so tune our soules , that all the notes may be sett for heauen . for death hath his a b. c. printed on euery thing we looke vpon . to behold sheetes turnd downe ( at bedde-time ) puts vs in minde , that that 's the last garment which we shall euer weare . if a cloath be but layd on a table , thinke on a coarse , and ( in feeding ) say to thy selfe ; i fatten this body for wormes , which one day ( how soone j know not ) will fatten themselues on mee . our last day is the maister-day , looke to that well , and the calender of thy life goes well . as thus we were fortifying our selues against the batteries of death , into our company rushes a londoner , ( ore that fights vnder our countrey cullors , ) and hee in a passionate exclamation , cryes out , are you sending an answere to the rodde for runne-awayes ? and haue you written so fully in praise of our countrey-landlords ; i am a tennant as you are , let me pay them my rent too , and so intreated that in our packet , his letters of commendations might be inclosed , which begin thus . an other manner of picture , drawne in lant-skip , of the countrey , shewing as well as the other , and ( as some say that are trauaild into those places ) trewer . vt que erat impatiens irae — o ( quoth he ! ) wee that haue left london , ran from a storme to fall vpon a ship-wrack ; to saue our throates from cutting amongst lambes , we haue been bitten by serpents , stung by adders , worried by wolues , and sett vpon by lyons . that name ( of londoner ) which had wont to draw out a whole towne to stare vpon him , and a church-yeard full of people ( after seruice ) to gape vpon his fine cloathes , spruce silke-stockins , and neate steeletto-fied beard : that name , to be called by which , all the land ( from one end to the other ) sends her sonnes , here to sow their clownary , and to reape witte , out of that witte , to thrash wealth , and by that wealth to climbe to honor : that name is now so ill , that he is halfe hanged in the countrey that has it : as spanish women ( in sir francis drakes time ) had wont to still their ninnios ( their little children , ) with crying out , hush , the drake comes : so now , men , women and children , cry out , away , flye , a londoner comes . in rufus his reigne , an english-man durst not in his owne countrey say he was an english-man ; a londoner now is at the same passe . be a londoner neuer so reuerend for age , neuer so gallant , neuer so full of gold and siluer , neuer so sweet in behauiour , so bewitching in language , and but once come to be examined by ( those russet images of authority ) the countrey bill-men , he speakes to the north wind , courts a porpose at sea , seekes to soften a rocke , and stroakes a beare in the bayting : euery one of these tytiries is a case of rapiers to a single ponyard . it is no tickling thē like troutes , to make 'em turne vp their bellies ; no , he that makes himselfe a lambe amongst them is worried : feed a foole so long as he will cramme , and he bursts his belly : the more you fawne on them , the sooner they flye in your face : as heate makes a flea to skippe , so the warme breath of a londoners mouth is able to make a hay-gee gentleman ready to leape out of his skinne through feare . silly creatures ! their countrey spirits goe but with wherries , oares would drowne them ; but miserable animals are they to be so cowardly , for feare is a terrible hangman , and his halters doe they tye about their owne neckes . what can be more noble then to doe good ? and what more good then not to doe ill ? but here in the countrey ( amongst the barbarous sort ) he is counted a varlet that dares be mercifull , and he a good townse-man that dares turne diuell . to goe braue here , and for a clowne not to care a straw for you : nay , in a drincking-schoole to haue him in his sweate sitte aboue you , and giue you base language , which you dare not for your guttes but put vppe , is no more disgrace then to stand bare to a constable in england , goe lowzy in ireland , or to fare hard in spayne . to stand and ieere a londoner in scorne , as he passes along , is the countrey posture : to walke by , with an insinuating face , lifting vp the beauer , and crindging to a carter is our city-posture . if now you demand how amongst these heluetians , we weare out our wearisome time ; here 's one of the bottoms . of the kinges of macedon , who succeeded alexander the great , some were afterwards glad to become ioyners , scriueners , painters and such like : so dionisius king of sicily , kept a schoole in corinth : so aelfrede a saxon , king of england , was forced in extremity to dwell with a cow-herd in summerset-shire : and so , many citizens that haue been brauer fellowes then whifflers on simon and iudes day , are fayne ( in a number of shires through england ) to turne hay-makers , cock barley , and sweat with pitching the cart with corne , thereby to win the hearts of those , whose loues by no alurements can be won to them : for as pitty amongst the stoickes was held a vitious passion ; so our countrey gnoffes ( hob , dick , and hick ) are turnd stoickes , and hate pitty worse then a lawyer does a clyent in forma-pauperis , these are the sower plummes with which we haue bene fed in the countrey ; we send them to you for samples ; but if you should after dinner haue all these sorts of raw fruict set before you , which were gathred for vs , and that you were constrayned to eate them , as we were , it is impossible but to driue you into consumptions , for many of vs here are falne into that languishing disease and we feare it will follow vs to london . to london ! o best-beloued of cities , what sorrowes doe feele when we name thee , because euen then we can not see thee ? as children long banished from parents , at their first sight of them , teares on eythers side ( of ioy ) will seale vp all vtterance of language , so will it fare with vs when we behold thee . astonished shall we stand , too heare thee relate the tragicall ouerthrowes of thy sonnes and daughters , ( our brothers and sisters : ) and as sadly wilt thou sitte , listning to the stories of our peregrinations , in this wildernes of english wilde-men . nightes and dayes hast thou opened thy gates to receiue them into thy buildings : how often hast thou nourished them with the milke of thy brestes ? how often hast thou emptied thy coffers , to furnish them with money ? how many of their sonnes hast thou taken from the plough , and from their poore and rusticall parents , and plac'd those sonnes ( after thou hadst tutord them ) on the pinacles of honor ? not only to stand there with commanding eyes ouer thy inhabitants ( o now deiected london ! ) but from thence , thou hast prefer'd them , to ride in more glorious chariots , and to attend as councellors , on many of our english kinges . yet ( ingratefull as they are ! ) vs haue they in our sorest extremities , thrust out of doores , denyed vs house-roome , euen in their stables amongst their horses , refuzde for money to throw vs meate , ( as hunters doe to their dogges : ) and vsing vs , our wiues and children , ( numbers of vs being their owne naturall children ) with a more then turkish crueltie ; as if none els in this kingdome had deserued punishment from heauen , but thou only ( deerest mother , ) and that god were the god of a city alone , and not of the countrey . but stay , whither are wee caried ? why does this torrent of mourning and complaining breake in to ouerwhelme vs , when an arme from heauen hath stucke vp a land-marke to saue vs from drowning ? the weekely bills are come downe ( like the doue out of noahs arke , with her oliue-branch , a blessed signe that the waters are fallen ! ) o excellent musicke ! see fellow-citizens , death hath not cut off so many as he did in his foure last battails , by 3000. persons and odde . god begins to repent him of his anger , albeit numbers of vs repent not of our sinnes . celestiall harmony played vpon 3000 strings ; the bells haue à desire to lessen their consort , they haue wearied themselues with playing sad lessons , and deafned the ayre to stay day and night to heare them . these are bankets vnlookt for ( therefore the sweeter ; these are comforts vndeserued , ( and therefore the welcomer . ) our hearts being not a little ( but wonderfully ) reuiued , we will with some tales of our owne misfortunes here in the countrey , bestow vpon you one half houres recreation . a londoner of great estate , riding at the beginning of the contagion , with his wife and two onely children ( hauing no more ) was for his money well receiud into a town , lodged in a faire house , the country-neighbors resorted to him , and were glad of welcomes , for their stomackes were not so subiect to qualmes , and watry spittings , as since they are fallen into . but in the end , god ( to shew how far-soeuer we flie , hath wings to ouer-take vs ) laid his hand vpon this londoners two children , strucke them with sicknesse first , and in a few dayes after with death . being dead , the londoner ( struck in yeares ) fell into consideration of his leauing the citie , & ( full of sorrow ) much lamented his departing from it , most peremptorily condemning him selfe , as guilty of pulling downe the wrath of heauen vpon his two sweet babes , for his hastie flying ( like adam ) out of gods reach , when at the holding vp of a finger , hee would finde him out . this added some heauy weights to his sorrow , yet this seemed nothing , to what was layd vpon him afterwards . for his two children lying dead vpon a table , the minister would not come neere him to bury them ; no clarke ( to get a parsons liuing ) would venture to church with them ; there was none to dig a graue for as much ground as the whole town stood vpon ; and for coffins ! had he bin owner of coffers filld with gold , hee could not with them haue hired a fellowe to make one . then came into his mind the happinesse of londoners at home : for all their miseries , for all the tedious marchings of threescore or fourscore in a day to one churchyard , yet there was a comfort , a blessing , a reioycing , to see those bodies receiue decent christian buriall . had his children bin snatchd from him in london , i could , said he ( his heart-strings being ready to crack with sighing ) haue had friends and kinred , to accompany them to their graues : no ceremonies should haue beene wanting due to the dead : but now ! and then he brake off ; recollecting his spirits , and resoluing to make a vertue of necessitie , he determined ( seeing no other remedy ) to bury his children himselfe . a graue herevpon he digged in the handsomest fashion he could , & then fetching first one child , and after , the other ( his wife being a partner in this tragicall passage ) he read seruice ouer them ; the mother , when he came to these words , earth to earth , ashes to ashes , performing that dutie . this is too sad ; here 's one more merry . a prentice of london being handsomly attired in one faire sute , and carrying another down with him , went to see his mother in the country 45 miles from london ; with fetching a compasse ( for he knew what danger it was to fall into the hands of that english-spanish inquisition , ( the muster of billmen ) he gat into the backside of his mothers house ; to her , notice being giuen , that her sonne was come from london , shee was ready to fall into a swound ; shee could not hold a ioynt ; her cheekes lookd pale , & her eyes with feare almost setled in her head : in the end , affection conquering passion , she ventur'd to see him . he , as she was approching , falling on his knees for her blessing , the first word she vttered was this , god blesse thee , & god blesse me from comming neere thy company . and so charging him as yet not to come into the house , but to keepe himselfe in an out wood-pile , whither a bed should be sent him , with which the yong man was content , only it grieued him , that his mother ( all the time that shee talked with him ) stood not onely a great distance from him , but held her nose betweene her fingers . my yong master had brought a comrade with him , who was to leaue him the next morning : that night therfore they would be merry : good drinke was sent them by a mayd , who set it a farre off , and they must fetch it : then had they a ioynt of meat laid to the fire , which was likewise sent them , but with this cōdition , they were to eat it vp euery bit ; for not so much as the bones they left , should bee giuen to any dogge in the house or towne . night being come , & our trauailing caualiers hauing a desire to drinke tobacco , which they brought with them : a clowne of the house ( when the mother was in bed ) pluckt vp a good heart , rubbd his cheekes and forehead , gaue halfe a score hemmes , to fetch vp his spirit , which ran to his heeles , and lighting a candle , swore , come life , come death , he would to his yong master , he had but a breath to lose , knew he was grasse and hay ; but ( how mortall soeuer ) he would to master iohn , and drinke a whiffe with him . the valiant desper-view did so : but the watch walking the round ( when the pipes were discharging ) the candle plaid the tel-tale , & told them ; two londoners were there . vpon this , the towne was instantly in a hoobbub , the house beset with browne-bills , and authority in a base-organ-pipe-voice commanded the two dangerous londoners to bee tredging , there was no staying for them there . the mother arose , cursd tobacco that ere it came to light , stood stoutly for her son awhile ; yet the town-bullets of threats & perswasions thumping about her eares , in th' end she yeelded , they shold raise the siege , and depart with bag and baggage the next morning . in shew they did so , and marchd both away with small dishonor ; but the sonne secretly returnd agen at night , was lodged in some remote roome ( good for nothing but a londoner ) & there kept till a new suit was made him ; which done , hee was washed naked twice or thrice , his other clothes ayrd in a ouen , yet being smelt out , his mothers house was shut vp for a month after . in another place , a poore man dying in the fields ( as hundreds round about the country haue done the like ) none would come neere the body , none giue it christian ( nay any ) buriall : so that it lay so long aboue ground , that hounds or hoggs had eaten out his bowels , and so was left that beasts might end as they had begun , to make their bellies serue for his graue . and this hapned within few miles of kiddermaster . we could tel you 500 dismal euents hapning in the country , & put by the people vpon vs , & all others that trauell : so wretchedly haue they handled men in some places , that when a shilling has bin offred for a can of faire water , it could not be had for money , because they durst not come neere the parties ; and in one poore village , a horse-smith , who neuer in his life was worth halfe a barre of iron , swore he would not shooe a londoners horse for ten pound . we could giue you a full picture of many others , drawn with infinite absurdities about them of their owne naturall committing . but in doing so , we shall but disgrace our owne nation , and leaue a discouery to the world how weakely mann'd their soules are with faith , and a confident resolution , in the omnipotent mercy of god. it is fitt to fly , and withstand this pestiferous enemy by all faire and lawful meanes , but these countrey people run backward ( with too much feare , but no wit ) so that at euery footes remouing , they are in danger to breake their owne neckes . o london ! how we hunger & thirst to be within thy walles : would to heauen the citie and countrey were diuorc'd , and we parted from them , away we determine to come , yet with many arguments are frighted from setting forward : wee lay seuerall plots , but build vpon none : sound euery little creeke , and riuer , and finde the water in some places too shallow , and in some too deepe , therefore too perrillous . scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus . we londoners a thousand questions make , which way to goe , yet know not which to take . if we put not in at london , god prosper vs in our next voyage , which is , that we may all meet in heauen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14249-e290 who are run-awaies . a run-away from his maister . a run-away from his captaine . a run-away from a sergeant . roaring run-awayes . good night land-lord run-awayes . he has seene finsbury fields mustering . flight not for feare , but safety , nor for safty , but on pollicy . a rough march turnd to a weeping aprill . all these castles were built in the ayre . earth leuels out the groūd , but heauen deuides the acres . folly to runne from that we can not shun . church-musick , best and worst . * they were gon abroad ere we came . if there were , you would giue ouer your trade of pamphletts . to flatter sick mens bodies may foole away their soules . young cockes loue no coopes . the more that run away whē a field is lost , the fewer fall . whē the leaders flye , shall the soldiers stand ▪ phisick and surgerie at a non plus in this sicknesse . if there fall good showers of money , els not . all our money in the cuntry is turnd into quick siluer . if the poore pine for all , let the rich pay for all . great-men , little-house-keepers . iobs estate . his losses . his patience . no cast-awaies , though run-awaies . well fare an old freind in a corner . we haue set vp our staffe already . o for a good winde ! t is but changing our copy these bearers are worse then beare-wards . a londoners money in the countrey is brasse . 16 . s for foure london bearers . badd egges hatch no good chickens . a curse rebounded . no iesting with god. none but doues i' th countrey . we londoners dare sweare so much . and peepe out at loope-holes . haue they not reason ? exceeding deare . to bee gone . for feare it chokes ' em . a murren on their manners when they haue any . nor cleanes ones neither . can any man wish more ? t is pity they should . neuer , vnlesse it be at foot-ball . nay halfe-hangd . who can proclaime them ? we should be sorry else . where the treasure is the heart dwels . death is a nimble footeman and hath ouertaken vs. a run-awaies armour to be worne against death . an old souldiers sute to caesar . men should be like bells . death's a. b. c. the last scaene crownes the play. a hot-spurre londoner . here the morris begins here 's plaine dealing . the name of londoner hatefull , ninnio in spanish is a boy . a londoner a bugbeare . to bayte one of these beares in smithfield would make good sport . suttle gudgeons . a hay-gee gentleman . no disgrace in the country to haue a horse-fly play with your nose . this fashion will not hold long we trow . one king a a schoole-maister , an other a cow-heard . he must needs goe whom the diuell driues . we hope for better winter-fruite . we will st●ale in by owle-light but we 'le see her . and they reward thee well for it . the bills decreasing , are ioyes increasing . a caueat for run-awayes . a rich father sexton to his own children . a mother and her sonne . the conditions had bene good in a deare yeare . a valiant coward . more feard then hurt . a mans bowels eaten out by doggs or hoggs . a mite cast into the treasury of the famous city of london being a brief and methodical discourse of the nature, causes, symptomes, remedies and preservation from the plague, in this calamitous year, 1665 : digested into aphorismes / by theophilvs garencieres ... garencières, theophilus, 1610-1680. 1665 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42397 wing g255 estc r16663 13364554 ocm 13364554 99271 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42397) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99271) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 456:1) a mite cast into the treasury of the famous city of london being a brief and methodical discourse of the nature, causes, symptomes, remedies and preservation from the plague, in this calamitous year, 1665 : digested into aphorismes / by theophilvs garencieres ... garencières, theophilus, 1610-1680. [47], 11 p. printed by thomas ratcliffe, london : 1665. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-06 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a mite cast into the treasury of the famous city of london ; being a brief and methodical discourse of the nature , causes , symptomes , remedies and preservation from the plague , in this calamitous year , 1665. digested into aphorismes , by theophilvs garencieres doctor in physick . london printed by thomas ratcliffe , 1665. to the right honourable sir john lawrence knight , lord maior of the city of london : with the right worshipfull the aldermen his brethren . my lord , it shall not be said of me , that i worship the rising sunne , for this sheet of paper cometh to kisse your hands upon your declination . and as for ye , right worshipfull , my respect hath been alwayes such to your honourable court in general , and to all the worthy members of it in particular , that the truth is , i would have done it sooner , but that i expected god almighty would have been pleased to remember his mercy , and to stay his avenging hand , and that people would have been more carefull of their own preservation ; but seeing the calamity to continue , and the infatuation of the vulgar to be such still , as to suffer themselves to be deluded by every frivolous praescriptions of physick , and perswasion of ignorant men , i have here undertaken to rectifie their understanding , and to shem them , there is means in nature both for the cure , and praeservation from this disease ; and to this purpose i have forced my self to appear upon the stage , and to do that , which no body hath yet attempted , which is , to give some fea , short and perspicuous rules , whereby every one may know how to cure himself , and his family with a small charge . my lord , and right worshipfull , you shall find nothing but truth in this paper , neither would i have been so impudent , as to praefixe so many honourable names to a thing that were illusory , and of this consequence : the only aim i have in it , is the publick good , and that ye may know i am your most humble , and affectionate servant , garencieres . a mite cast into the treasury of the famous city of london , &c. aphorisme i. the plague is an acute , contagious , epidemical and poisonous feaver , accompanied with either a botch , a carbuncle , or red-spotts , like flea-bites , vulgarly called the tokens . ii. that it is acute , is seen by the effects ; for it killeth within foure or five days , at the most ; it is contagious , because its poison is easily imparted , and communicated from one to another ; it is epidemical , because it seazeth upon all kind of people indifferently ; it is poisonous , because it slighteth all remedies by which other diseases are cured , that proceed either from intempery obstruction , or putrefaction . iii. thoughthe plague cometh unawares , and seaseth upon a man on a sudden , yet such is the infinite mercy of god , and the providence of nature , that it giveth alwayes warning enough to any one that will be curious to observe it . iv. the warnings are either a sudden head-ache , or a vomiting , or a faintnesse , with a chilnesse , or a loosenesse . v. each of these symptomes sheweth , what part of the body hath been first infected ; the head-ache indicates the braines ; the vomiting the liver , because of its proximity to the stomach ; the faintnesse , the heart ; and the loosenesse , the stomach and the gutts . vi. when therefore any one upon a sudden , and without evident cause , findeth himself seised with either of these foure symptomes , let him conclude he is in infected , and fly to remedies without the losse of a moment of time , nèserò sapiant phryges . vii . the plague is one of the easiest diseases in the world to be cured , if it be taken within four hours after the first invasion , otherwayes , and for the most part mortal . this is the chief , and principal cause of so many mens losse . if people would observe this rule , i would undertake by the grace of the almighty , and without bragging ( i believe most men that know me , will believe me ) to cure nineteen of twenty ; and therefore i say , that people perish not so much by the difficulty of the cure , as because god almighty hath taken away their judgment , that they should not see , nor believe the means he hath appointed for them : quos perdere vult jupiter , priùs dementat . viii . the causes why so few escape are these . the scarcity of able physitians willing to attend that disease , the inefficacy of common remedies , the want of accommodation , as cloaths , fire , room , dyet , attendants , the wilfullnesse of the patient , his poverty , his neglecting the first invasion , and trifling away the time till it be too late ; a vapouring chymist with his drops , an ignorant apothecary with his blistering plasters , a wilfull surgeon , an impudent mountebanke , an intruding gossip , and a carelesse nurse . ix . is it not a strange infatuation for people so to flight their lives , as to cast them credulously upon the trial of a drop of i know not what ; of a water of i know not whom , and to neglect those remedies , which for the space of 1600 or 1700 years , have been found grounded upon reason , authorised by the best physitians in all ages , and approved certain by a constant experience ? x. let every one beware of those that set up bills for the curing of this and other diseases ; good wine needs no bush ; the wonders they promise , lay an ambush to your purses , and their care of your health , is lesse then that of your wealth . xi . let no body think that the causes of the plague proceed from any intempery in the elementary qualities of humane bodies , or from any ordinary putrefaction : it is either the immediate will of god , who sendeth us that scourge for the punishment of our sins , as appeareth in the holy scripture , by the aegyptians and the jews ; or from a peculiar and mediate disposition , and configuration of the starrs and planets . xii . he that shall consider that the seasons of the year are not always equal , but some summers are cool , others hot , others moist , and so of the rest of the seasons ; that some years bring forth one kind of vermine , others another ; some a peculiar murrain to horses , others to sheep , which will not hurt mankind ; will not deny but that also some diseases may happen to mankind , which will not be hurtful to beasts ; and that some position of planets and starrs , may bring warrs , others inundations , others pestilences , &c. which changes are most commonly preceded and forewarned by some extraordinary meteor , as this sad plague hath been by the last unhappy comet . xiii . if the starres and planets being in a benigne position do cheer up and preserve the life of all things , why then being in a malignant aspect , shall they not produce and send forth things that are enemies to our lifes ? therefore let it be concluded , that from whence comes first the safety and preservation of all things , from thence also proceeds their death and destruction . xiv . as there is a peculiar disposition in the heavens , which causeth , and sendeth forth the seeds of pestilence ; so there must also be a special preparation in countries , and bodies to receive it . hence it is that some are more apt to receive the infection then others . the causes of both these dispositions , are above the knowledge of humane understanding . xv. this malignant and occult quality of the plague , lieth chiefly in the spirits , or spiritual parts of the blood ; hence it is that the patients are neither thirsty , nor their urine altered , unlesse there be some other distempers joined with it . xvi . in a pestilential constitution of the air , there is scarce any other disease raigneth , but the plague , or some few others that will turn into it , by reason of the contagion and infection : therefore most part of the diseases mentioned in the bills of mortality , as feavers either simple or spotted , griping of the gutts , surfeits , toothaches , and wormes in children , loosenesse , bloody fluxes , &c. let them be accounted pestilential , and so be proceeded against accordingly . xvii . this pestilential feaver being of different nature from all others , and killing only by its malignity , and poisonous quality , and not by any preternatural heat , or intempery ; requireth also a peculiar way of cure , which is by cordials , sudorifick antidotes , all other evacuations , as purging , bleeding , vomiting , clystering , &c. either procured by art , or accidentally happening being mortal . the reason of it is , that the intention of nature for the cure of this disease ( as of all others , which proceed from poisonous qualities ) is to thrust , and expell the disease from the center to the circumference , and so to preserve the heart , which is the fountain of life . what can therefore a physitian ( who is but a minister , and servant of nature ) answer for himself , if while she is busied about her work , he goeth by his revulsions of purging , bleeding , clystering , &c. to disturb her , and take her away from her intention , and so to compell her in a manner , to bring the disease back again from the circumference to the center ? doth not even common experience teach us , that if you broach a barrel of beer whilest it is working , you destroy the intention of nature , and the beer will never be good for any thing ? what i say of the plague , let it be said also of the small pox . xviii . therefore assoon as any one findeth himself stricken with any one of the foresaid symptomes , viz. a head-ake , vomiting , faintnesse , or loosenesse , ( now that the times are contagious ) let him presently repair to a clean and warm roome , and let a light fire of wood be kindled in the chimney , to consume and destroy all the infectious vapours , that proceed both from the air , and the infected party . let the patient be presently put into a warm bed , himself wrapped in a sheet and blanket , having first put off his shirt ; that when he cometh to be dried , you may not be put to the trouble of pulling of his we t shirt , then give him one dragme of our antidote dissolved in four ounces of carduus posset , and covering him with cloaths very warme all over , leaving only his respiration free , and putting a warm brick to the soles of his feet , and another to his knees , let him sweat as long as he is able , or at least for the space of three or four houres , and be not afraid he should faint , if he hath breath enough . xix . if it should happen , as it doth commonly to those that are first taken by a vomiting , that the patient should cast up the antidote , you must give him another dose , and if he should cast this also , give him a third , and so continue still , till he keepeth it once ; for he will never cast it up afterwards , and though he should , yet by having taken it so often , some of the qualities of it will remain behind , that will work their effect . xx. children , that cannot , or will not take the remedy , must be compelled to it by powring it into their throat , with an instrument called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a kind of a spoon with a cover having a spout to put into the mouth , and powre it down . xxi . the patient having sweated three or four hours , ( the more the better ) you must give him a little more breath , and begin to take off the cloaths by degrees , and when you have dried him very well with warme cloths ( which all this while must hang by the fire with his shirt ) then pull away the wet sheet and blanket from under him , then give him his shirt , and after that drie his head , and take heed by all means , that any cold air should come into the room . after you have dried his head sufficiently , and that the party begins to cool , give him to drink leasurely two ounces of our cordial water , which is of an admirable vertue in this case , and also in all faintnesses , surfettings and poisons . this will refresh him so speedily and wonderfully , that he will presently forget the tiresomnesse of his sweating . xxii . when he is quite cold , give him to eat any thing he hath a mind too , so that it be of good juice , and easie digestion . let his drink be strong beer lukewarm , or some generous claret-wine ; for as we have said before , this feaver differeth from all others , and whereas in others we substract meat , and strong drink as much as we can , we must in this allow them , it being only a malignant quality , in which good meat and drink cannot hurt , but rather allay it ; as also because the patient would not be able to sweat twice a day in this manner ( which of necessiry he must do if he will save his life ) unlesse his strength be repaired with good nutriment . xxiii . this course of sweating twice a day , must be continued for four days together , or five at the most , in which space of times all the pestilential poison will expire , and if this be carefully done , and attended , there is no plague so stubborn of any kind whatsoever , but must yeild . xxiv . seeing therefore that this way of cure is so easy , so cheap , and so quick : i cannot but wonder at the impudence of many , qui impune ladentes de corio humano , promise the cure with a few chymical drops , mineral bezoart , and such like trumperies , and at the credulity of those that believe them . xxv . but because in reprehending others we our selves should not be found faulty , and thought in this publick calamity to seek our own interrest , by concealing what our antidote is , we do ingeniously and publickly declare , that it is nothing but the treacle of andromachus , vulgarly called venice treacle , so much celebrated by galen , and so much authorised by the constant experience of all subsequent ages , to which we have added a little of the tincture of saffron , for their sakes chiefly that have contracted the plague by a fright , and whom we have alwayes found the hardest to be cured , because of the sudden and deep impression it maketh upon the vitals . saffron being one of the most noble cordials , and of the most quick and sudden dilatation . xxvi . this noble remedy , called venice-treacle , being taken in time , is the only antidote against all plagues , poisons , bitings , and stingings of venemous beasts , a present help to the falling-sicknesse , and apoplectical fits , to the palsy , tissick , spitting of blood , jaundies , dropsy , colick , and all kind of melancholy , the gout , madnesse , &c. it procureth the natural courses in women , openeth obstructions , expelleth dead children out of the womb , strengthneth the braines , the liver , the stomack , the heart , and ( in a word ) the whole body , and preserveth it from all contagion and putrefaction . xxvii . our cordial and miraculous water is thus made . take of venice-treacle one pound , of the roots of cypress , tormentill , enula campana , dictamnum , of each one ounce , angelica , and carduus-benedictus , leaves of each one handfull , of the four cordial-flowers , of each a quarter of an ounce , of saffron a quarter of an ounce , cut the roots and leaves small , and dissolve your treacle in a pint of rose-water , then add to all that four quarts and a pint of the best and strongest claret-wine you can get . steepall in a vessel close stopped a whole night , in the morning still it in balneo , and draw two quarts of the first water and keep it for your use ; you may draw the rest of the liquour too if you will , but keep it by it self , and sweeten the first pottle of water with half a pound of loaf sugar , and keep it in a glass well stopped for your use . xxviii . whereas we have said before that the pestilential feaver was alwaies , or most commonly accompanied with either of these three symptomes , to wit , a botch , a carbuncle , or the tokens : we say now , that for the tokens , they require no particular cure , but only the general one of sweating ; but the other two must have a peculiar one for themselves , besides that of sweating ; and therefore first concerning the botch . xxix . a pestilent botch , is a swelling or tumour growing most commonly in the emunctories of the bodie , as behind the ears , in the arm-pits , but most frequently in the groin . it s figure in the beginning is oblong , with ( as it were ) a string or a sinew along in the middle of it , but by degrees it groweth round , and of the breadth of some times 2. or 3. or 4. fingers . the cure of it is first with a cupping-glass to draw it forth as much as you can , and then bring it to maturitie and suppuration , with either a drawing pultis or plaster . xxx . the pultis is thus made . take of roots of cumfrey and lilies , and of onions , of each one ounce , of the leaves of sorrell one handfull , fry them tender with sweet butter , then stamp them altogether , and add some oil of lilies , hoggs grease , mithridate , and yest , and make a pultis to be applied warm upon the botch , and to be renewed once every twelve hours . it will speedily draw forth , maturate , and break the botch . as for a plaster , you shall find none better then that which is made of equal portions , of pitch , galbanum , and diachylon cum gummi , melted together upon a soft fire . the botch being broken , the common ointment called basilicon will suffice for the cure and cicatrization of it , dressing it twice a day , till it be quite whole . xxxi . a pestilential carbuncle appeareth at first like a tumour or pustule , as if the flesh had been burnt in that place , and is at first about the bignesse of a pins head , or a little pease , but sometimes groweth to a fearfull bignesse ; it is of a round and sharp-pointed figure , and sticketh so fast to the part , where it groweth , that the skin cannot be loosened from the flesh . there is a great heat , burning and pain , as if the part was pricked with needles , with an unsufferable itching . when the tumour groweth bigger , there appeareth in the middle of it a pustule , like those that appear where the flesh hath been burnt ; any body would think there is some matter in it , but when it is open no matter cometh out , but the flesh under looketh black and crustie , as if it had been burnt with a hot iron . round about it the flesh is of several colours , as the rain-bow , red , purple , black , and alwaies shining as pitch or seacoles in every carbuncle there is a feeling as it were , of a great weight , as if the part was crushed with a heavie lump of lead , and tied too hard with a string . those that go back again into the bodie after they have appeared , or being brought to suppuration do grow drie on a sudden , are mortal . these carbuncles proceed from an adust ▪ cholerick and melancholick blood , and are more frequent in hot countries , as the botches are in the cold ones . xxxii . the cure of a carbuncle is to bring it to a softnesse and suppur●tion : therefore first take mallowes and violet leafs , the roots of lilies , linseed in powder , figgs sliced , plantain , hemlock and housleeke , boil all in a sufficient quantity of running water , and make a fomentation to be used four or five times a day , and after the fomentation apply this pultis lukewarm ; take of mallowes and violet leafs , sorrell , housleeke , of each two handfulls , fry them in sweet butter , and stamp them afterwards with the yolks of five eggs and and four ounces of honie of roses and make a pultis to be renewed every 12. hours . pultises in this case are alwayes to be preferred before plaisters ; because plaisters stop the pores of the bodie , and hinder the expiration of the pestilential venome . xxxiii . let it be observed for a most material thing , that the pulse in the plague is always quick , small , obscure and intermittent . xxxiv . having now in a few lines expressed the nature and cure of the plague , and its symptomes , it remaineth also we should give some praeservative against it . therefore take of sage , rue , angelica , and carduus benedictus , of each one good handfull , stamp all , and boil them gently in a close pipkin with three quarts of very good claret , till it cometh to two , adding to it three penny waight of long pepper , three quarters of an ounce of ginger , half an ounce of nutmeggs beaten in powder ; when the liquour is boiled , strain it , and dissolve in it half an ounce of mithridate , and as much of venice treacle , and one dragme of good saffron , and keep it all in a close glasse for your use . the dose is two spoonfulls in a morning , fasting one hour after , and then go to breakfast , which is never to be omitted in infectious times . xxxv . the short compasse of two sheets of paper admitting no more , i shall conclude , assuring all the readers , that i have said nothing here , but what is most true , and i am able to justifie by reason and experience , as those will find , who shall be pleased to employ me . from my house in clerkenwell close , near the church , the 14. day of septemb. 1665. gakencieres . finis . the charitable pestmaster, or, the cure of the plague conteining a few short and necessary instructions how to preserve the body from infection of the plagve as also to cure those that are infected : together with a little treatise concerning the cure of the small pox : published for the benefit of the poore of this city and not unmeet for the rich / by thomas shervvood ... sherwood, thomas, practitioner in physick. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a59949 of text r6113 in the english short title catalog (wing s3416). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a59949 wing s3416 estc r6113 12798514 ocm 12798514 94025 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59949) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94025) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 256:e176, no 10) the charitable pestmaster, or, the cure of the plague conteining a few short and necessary instructions how to preserve the body from infection of the plagve as also to cure those that are infected : together with a little treatise concerning the cure of the small pox : published for the benefit of the poore of this city and not unmeet for the rich / by thomas shervvood ... sherwood, thomas, practitioner in physick. [6], 13, [3] p. printed by a.n. for john francklin ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng smallpox -england -early works to 1800. plague -england. a59949 r6113 (wing s3416). civilwar no the charitable pestmaster, or, the cure of the plague, conteining a few short and necessary instructions how to preserve the body from infec sherwood, thomas, practitioner in physick 1641 5442 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the charitable pestmaster , or , the cure of the plague , conteining a few short and necessary instructions how to preserve the body from infection of the plagve , as also to cure those that are infected . together with a little treatise concerning the cure of the small pox . published for the benefit of the poore of this city and not unmeet for the rich , by thomas shervvood practitioner in physick . 2 kings 20. 7. and isaiah said , take a lump of figs , and they tooke , and laid it upon the boil , and he recovered . london printed by a. n. for iohn francklin , and are to be sold at his shop in lothbury , neer the windmill . 1641. to the vvorshipfull alexander read , doctor of physick and chirurgery , one of the societie of the colledge of physicians for the citie of london . sir , having finished this treatise , i considered what entertainment it might find in the world ; and fearing that it would be envied , for the good that it offereth unto this kingdome , as i the author have been for my practice , i bethought my selfe that it might safely hover under your wings , whereupon i am bold to thrust it into your protection , that it may the better be defended from the calumnies of these times . the subject of it is , that which i have practised and proved by experience , so that if there bee occasion , i believe i shall bee able to render sufficient reasons to prove it , from the most authentique rules in physick . and if there be any errors escaped in it , i shall rather desire that they may be corrected by the discretiō of you or any of the colledg of physicians , then disputed upon by new beginners in the practice of physick , who have but small experience . as for those medicines published at the latter end of this booke , i shall not desire your protection for them , because i never made you , nor any man acquainted with them , for i intended that they should be protectors for themselves : but however i hope that my endeavours in this small treatise will not be unpleasant , but acceptable to you , for the good which i believe it will do in the world ; and so for this time i rest in some measure of assurance of your worships favour . your servant , tho: shervvood . to the friendly reader . having considered with my selfe in these dangerous times the great distresses of the poore of this city , by reason of the contagious disease of the pestilence , now reigning amongst them ; and seeing them to be altogether ignorant , in the use of those meanes that are convenient for their cure , as purging , vomiting , bleeding , sweating , and the like : therefore considering what good these few rules ( experimented by my selfe ) may do unto many , i was thereby moved to print them , for the benefit of such who want the helpe of the skilfull and faithfull physician . for the understanding and memory of those that shall have occasion to use them , i have divided them into three chapters , with contents . as for the medicines prescribed , they are sold by apothecaries , who may afford them reasonably to the poore : the others adjoyned i shall give to the poore for gods sake , and the rich shall have them for competent satisfaction ; but i shall esteeme it my greatest reward , if any shall receive good and benefit by my small labours and endevours . thine t. s. chap. 1. 1. what are the causes of the pestilence . 2. how they are avoided . 3. meanes to preserve the body from infection . there are divers causes of this disease . the first is sin , which ought to be repented of . the second an infected and corrupted air , which should be avoided . the third an evill diet , which should be amended . the fourth are evill humours heaped together in the body , being apt to putrifie , and beget a fever , which must be taken away by convenient medicines . therefore whosoever would preserve their bodies from infection , let them first make their peace with god , in whose hand is the power of life and death . then let them use the meanes , and shun all those things that are able to beget this disease , as all infected and corrupted aire , all fogges and mists that do arise from the earth or water , and all stinking smels that do arise from dunghills , sinks , graves , carrion , snuffs of candles , or rotten fruits , or any thing else that doth putrifie and stink . abstain from all meats and drinks that beget rottennesse and filthinesse in the body ( & so consequently a fever or the plague ) as excessive eating of fruits , especially those that are unripe . also forbear all sorts of fish that have neither scales nor shels , as eels , lampreys , and the like . lastly , take heed of over-charging the stomacke with meats , or drinks , or hot wines ; but especially your unripe medium wines . if any shall find themselves oppressed with gross & corrupt humors , so that they are in danger of this disease they shall be cleansed , by taking one ounce and half , or two ounces , of the infusion crocus metallorum , ( which is to be bought at every apothecaries ) & put to it oximel half an ounce , this shall give them five or six vomits , and almost as many stooles . and after every vomit , let them drinke some warme posset drinke ; so let them keepe themselves warme that day : one houre after it hath done working let them eat a messe of warm broth made with a neck of mutton , or with such fresh meat as the sick are best able to buy ; of which meat let them eat sparingly for the present . those that are so tender or weakly that they cannot brook this vomit , they may be very well purged from corrupt humours , by taking one or two drams of pilulae pestilentiales : but the poorer sort that cannot goe to this charge , may take instead thereof aloes one dram in the pap of an apple , stewed prunes , or else in a little ale or beere . this pill , and this aloes , are excellent remedies for women and children , and they are so safe that women with child may take them . after the bodie is purged , it shall be necessary to draw six or eight ounces of bloud from the liver or middle vein of the arme , if the partie be able to sustain the losse of it . such as have lived temperatly and sparingly , and so consequently are not oppressed with corrupted humours , such shall not need any the asoresaid evacuations or purgations ; but let them shun , as much as they can , all infectious and corrupted aire : but seeing it is a thing almost impossible in the citie of london ; therefore they that are timorous and fearefull may carry about them the roots of enula campana , and angelica , dried or candied , of which they may bite now and then . also the waters of scabies , angelica , or pimpernell , are great preservations for children against the plague , if two spoonfuls thereof be taken in a morning fasting . chap. 2. 1 by what signes you may know whether the sick be infected with the pestilence . 2 how those signes doe encrease or decrease every day ; 3 whether life or death be likely to ensue ; 4 a caveat not to tamper with those that begin to amend of themselves . those that are infected with the pestilence , in the beginning or first day thereof , are taken with an extraordinary cold outwardly , and a burning heate inwardly , a great paine and girding about the stomacke , a sluggishnesse and drousinesse of the whole body , a losse of appetite , a bitternesse in the throat , with a desire to vomit , & sometimes they do vomit . the disease continuing unto the second and third day , the heate breaketh outwardly , stronger , and stronger , so that there followeth a great paine in the head , and a difficulty of breathing , superfluous sleeps , and sometimes superfluous watchings , they grow frantike and light-headed , and they looke very staringly : and if there doth any swelling appear under the eares , armes , cheeks , or groines , and that these signes aforenamed doe begin to cease , then shall the sick recover immediatly without any medicine , onely give him a plaster or pultesse to ripen the tumour , which must be applyed the next day after the swelling appeareth ; but give him nothing inwardly , except it be a warme caudle , or ale-brue , or broth ; for for if you give him a vomit or purge , you shall strike the swelling into the noble parts , and the sick shall be in danger of his life : and if you let him bloud , you shall draw the venemous humour from the soare into the veins , and disperse it with the bloud through the whole body , and thereby destroy the health of the patient , and shorten his life ; as it came to passe with a good friend of mine . also if you give him any medicine to provoke sweat , you shall restore the fever again , and so the sicke shall die without redemption ; yea , and more miserably , then those that never amended , unlesse god be more mercifull unto him ; whereof i have had a sorrowfull experience . therefore bee carefull that you doe not tamper with those that do begin to amend : for those very medicines that are excellently available against any fevers in the beginning or encrease of them , being given in the declination or recovery , will bring the patient into a relapse , which is worse then the former disease , and which shall greatly endanger life . for how many have died by the unseasonable taking of treacle , mithridate , and other good medicines ? wherefore i have often said , that a skilfull physician by watching his time shall doe more with à cup of warme drinke in the cure of the plague , or any fever , then the ignorant shall do with all the excellent medicines that are in the apothecaries shop . now if the rising doe appear , & that the symptoms or signes aforenamed doe not begin to cease , but rather encrease , then shortly after there will appeare some blains or spots , & so death ensueth , unlesse you draw ten or twelve ounces of bloud ( according to the strength of the sick ) from the liver or middle vein of the arme , on that side where the rising is . but if so be that the sicknesse continueth unto the third and fourth day , and the symptomes remaine in their full vigour , then shortly will the spots come forth ; and then i know no medicine that can deliver from death , except god be more mercifull to the sick : but only on the third day before the spots appear it shall be greatly available to give him one of the cordial sweats prescribed in the ensuing chapter . chap. 3. 1 here are prescribed certain approved remedies for the cure of the pestilence , 2 the order and manner how to use them . whosoever shal perceive their bodies infected with the plague , let them take on the first day of the sicknesse the vomit , in that order and manner as it is laid down in the first chapter . and after it hath done working with them , they shal find themselves as well as ever they were in their lives : for it clenseth the stomack and bowels from al corrupt humours , which is one of the chiefest causes of the sicknes . but if the sick be weak and cannot bear a vomit , it shall be good to give him one dram of the foresaid pillulae pestilentiales , or instead thereof one dram of aloes , you may give it either in pill or in potion , according as the sick can best take it , and in the workking of it let him drink some warm broth . but if it be so , that this course hath been neglected the first day , or beyond the time of 24 houres , it will bee in vaine to use it the second day : yea , it will bee dangerous , seeing that the infection is dispersed by the bloud throughout all the veines of the bodie . therefore on the second day of visitation it shall bee good to draw from the median veine of the arme so much bloud as the patient can endure to bleed : and if the sicke hath not gone to the stoole during the time of his sicknesse , you shall give him either before or after bleeding this clyster . take of beets , violet leaves , burrage , buglosse , scabios , of each one handfull , french barley one ounce ; boyle all these in a sufficient quantitie of water untill it be halfe consumed , then strain it , and take three quarters of a pint of the decoction , and put to it of the electuary of hierapicra five or sixe drams , oile of rue one dram , red sugar one ounce , the yolk of an egge , and a little salt ; so make you a clyster thereof , and administer it bloud warme . also you may administer to the sick this clyster . boyle an handfull of rue , in a pint of posset drinke , and put to it a piece of sweet butter , a little honey , the yolke of an egge , and a thimble full of salt ; make a clyster and administer it bloud warme . but if that the sick amend not upon this course taken the second day , or that this means hath not been used , but that hee continueth sick untill the third and fourth day , so that the infection hath taken hold of the vitall spirits , then keeping him warme in his bed , you shall use this cordiall to sweat with all . take of the water of scabios , burrage , buglosse , and angelica , of each halfe an ounce , the electuary of egges two scruples , or one dram , of bole armoniak one scruple , syrrup of roses halfe an ounce , make it into a potion , and let the sick drink it up at once or twice : two or three spoonfuls hereof is sufficient for a child . or the poorer sort may take two peny-worth of treacle or mithridate , in a quarter of a pint of dragon water . with either of these medicines you may sweat the sick , untill some tumour doth appeare , or that he commeth to know himselfe amended . for this is the last medicinall refuge we have in the cure of the plague . if you can , keep the sick from drinking and sleeping for the space of three houres untill the medicine hath done workking . but if you cannot , let the patient drinke a little limon posset , made with some marigold flowers , and harts horn . and if signes of amendment doe appeare , doe not take him out of his bed , or let him coole suddenly : but let him sweat on gently of his own accord , for it is natures sweat following the medicine , which will doe him more good than a kingdome . in this last sweat you may give him some caudle or alebrue : & when the sweats begin to cease of themselves , & his skin grows dry and warme , then let him sit up by a good fire ; aire his cloathes , and so let him give god thanks for his life . adde , if any tumour appeare you may ripen it with this emplaster . take six figs , raisins of the sun stoned half an ounce , salt two drams , honey one ounce , beat them all together , and heat it well with some oile of camomill upon the fire , so spread it upon some cloth , and lay it warm to the tumour , shifting it every twelve houres untill it look with a white head : and when it is ripe , if it be difficult to break , lay to it some goose dung made warme with some sweet butter or sallet oile ; also the root of a white lilly rosted , with some sorrell , to which put a piece of sweet butter , & apply it very warm to the soare , but if it will not break with this means , then you must open it with a penknife or lancet ; else the corruption will rot the flesh , even to the very bone , and when you have opened it , squeeze out the corruption with your hands , and put into the soare , a tent made with unguentum basilicon , or aegyptiacum , & mel rosarum , and lay upon the tent a plaster made with diachilon : continue your tents untill all the corruption be drawn out , then the plaster of diachilon will cure it perfectly . if any that are ancient or weak shall be infected with the pestilence , it shall not be necessary to give them any purge , vomit , or sweat , or to let them bloud ; because they cannot beare the losse of so many spirits as are spent by such evacuations . therefore you may lay upon the pit of the stomack of the sicke a young live puppy , and if the sick can but sleep the space of three or foure houres , they shall recover presently , and the dog shall die of the plague . this i have known approved ; and i do believe that it will be a cure for all leane , spare , and weake bodies both yong and old : provided , that the dog be yonger then the sick . certaine instructions for the cure of the small pox . the nature of the smal pox dispersed this yeer throughout many parts of this kingdome , i have found to bee more malignant , then any that have reigned in my remembrance ; so that many of all ages and sexes , but especially children have miserably died of them : because for the most part , the pestilence is joyned with them , as it doth plainly appeare by those spots , blains , and risings , that follow them . i have likewise observed that those medicines , as mithridate , treacle , safforn and the like , that formerly have cured the small pox , now availe nothing : yea , they are dangerous , if inwardly taken ( especially if the patient hath been long sick ) but if they be outwardly applyed , as i shall shew eft-soons , they will prove good remedies at this time . but how many a tender hearted mother have i seen that , out of an unhappie care of her sicke childe , hath by rash counsel & the unseasonable giving to it hot cordiall medicines , encreased the fever , multiplyed the matter of the small pox , and inflamed the spirits , so that the pestilence hath many times followed ? but howsoever the child hath beene uncurable , which otherwise if nothing at all , or else some small thing of little strength , had been administred , might have recovered ; whereupon i observed the sundry ways and meanes practised by physitians , women , and my selfe , and seeing the diverse events of them , i laboured to find out a certain and secure way for the cure of this disease ; which having found by experience i have ( together with this treatise of the plague ) sent it to the presse , hoping that no man will either hate mee , or envie mee , for doing good , and that those that find benefit by it will thank me for it . the primitive or externall causes of the small pox are all one with those which are of the plague , as an evill and corrupted aire , a disorderly dyet , that begets surfets ; as also for the antecedent causes which are corrupt humours heaped together in the body : therefore those meanes that i have prescribed in the first chapter to preserve the bodie from the infection of the plague , they will also bee a meanes to preserve from the small pox . those that are taken sick this yeere with the small pox are affected after the same manner as those that are infected with the pestilence , & in the beginning it can scarcely be discerned by an expert physitian from it , but only by these signes . those that are infected by the small pox are not so violently affected with heat and cold , nor pains in the stomack and head , as those that are sick with the pestilence , moreover , those that will have the small pox their skin is puft up , and blown like a bladder , so that their face and eyes doe shine : they have a great itching in many parts of their bodies , but chiefly about their nose ; they yawn much , also they finde a great paine and heavinesse in their back bone . now if you shall perceive by these signes , that the sick will have the small pox , keep him warm , but not too hot ; neither let him take cold ; but give him breathing room enough , as he lyeth in his bed : then lay a plaster of mithridate or treacle to the pit of his stomack , and if hee be at mans estate , let him drinke up all this cordiall by two or three spoonfuls at a time every houre ; but if it be a child , the one halfe will be sufficient . take of the waters of roses , burrage , buglosse , and treacle-water , of each an ounce & half , of the syrrup of limons , and clove-gilly-flowers of each one ounce , mix them together , and make thereof a potion : also the poorer sort may take roses , burrage , carduus , marigold flowers , and harts horn , of each a like quantitie , and boyle them in posset drinke , turned with a limon , or white wine : for one above twenty yeers of age let him drink three quarters of a pint at severall times , sweetned with sugar ; and for a child halfe the quantitie will suffice . let the sick sweat gently with either of these medicines so long as hee can well endure it : for the longer the better ; seeing the medicines of themselves are no violent sweats ; & during the sweat you may give him now and then to quench his thirst a very little limon posset-drink by it self . if he can you may let him sleep whilst he sweateth . and if hee lie quiet during the sweat , by gods blessing , within the space of eight or ten houres at the most , he shall find himself finely recovered of his sicknesse . then give him no more of his cordial or sweating posset drink , but only of his limō-posset drink , if he be thirsty ; but let him lie warm in his bed til his skin grow dry , then shortly after the pox will begin to shew themselves . but they will not bee many although every one of them will be far greater then the small pox do use to be ; yet none of them will pit except they be much tampered withal , or picked with the nails . but if so be that those which have white heads do burn and rage extreamly , you may prick their heads with a needle and let out the corruption : there is nothing else to be done with those upon whom they are come out , and the fever abated but that they keepe themselves warm , sit still and be quiet . but if that the sick hath not gone to stool in a long time : before you give him this cordiall to sweat , you shall cause him to goe to stoole by a clyster , or else which is better by a suppositor made with honey and salt , or a violet comfit . and if the sicke bee yong , strong , and full of bloud , you shall without danger doe very well , if you draw from him eight or ten ounces of bloud before you lay him to sweat ; for then the cordiall will have more power , room , and liberty , to play upon the disease , and will the sooner and better drive out the pox . if the quintessentia vitae be given in the waters of roses , burrage , or buglosse , it will drive out the small pox without sweating , and cure the sick immediatly . but if the small pox be come forth , and that the fever continue in his full vigour still , so that the sick doth not amend , but grow worse and worse , then you shall not give them any hot medicines inwardly , nor any thing that doth provoke sweat ; for now hot cordiall medicines will encrease the fever ( and in the beginning they would have quenched the fever ) and turn all the humours of the body into the matter of the small pox ; so that there is nothing but a miserable death likely to follow , oftentimes accompanied with the pestilence . this evill is much practised by those women that pretēd they wil drive the smal pox further out , when they are come out already . wherefore they do but beget the fever again , and where there are but ten they will make a thousand . therefore be carefull in this case , what you do , and give to the sick every hower nothing else but two or three spoonefulls of rose water , sweetened with a little sugar . this will coole the body , quench the fever , cause rest , and then a stoole , and thereby the sick shall recover presently . by these meanes i have cured many very suddenly that have been dangerously sick in all mens sight even to death , as many in the city can beare mee witnesse . as i have warned you not to give many hot things when the small pox are come forth , so i would have you beware of giving those that are very cold , as the waters of plantane , letice , purslane , poppy , and the like ; which ( as i have knowne ) have relieved many for the present , and wrought an admirable cure in the sight of the common people ; but by their cold qualities , they have so congealed and setled the humours in the body , that the sick will never be healthfull all the daies of their lives , as i could instance in many . those that desire further information concerning any particulars not expressed at larg in this brief treatise , they shall be fully satisfied , if they repaire to the author living in hony-suckle court in grubstreet ▪ where he hath by chimicall art prepared six catholicall medicines , with which hee cureth the pestilence , small pox , and most curable diseases whatsoever . 1 vomitivum benedictum . this medicine being taken from five graines to eight , in some convenient distilled water or wine , or else with some conserve or pill , doth safely purge upwards and downwards , so that it may be given to a childe , of three or foure yeeres of age : it cureth all diseases that arise from the foulnesse of the stomack , and is good in the beginning of the pestilence , small pox , or any fever , or ague . 2 catharticum catholicum . the dose of it is from ten grains to twenty , it purgeth gently by stoole , and clenseth the lower belly from all offensive humours , & cureth the french pox , scurvy , jaundis , and dropsie , also it freeth children from worms . 3 diureticum aperitivum . this openeth all obstructions of the body , but chiefly of the liver , spleen , reines , and bladder , it cureth the jaundis and the rickets in children , also it helpeth those that cannot make water . 4 diaphoreticum cordiale . this being given in a small dose doth gently provoke sweat , expelleth all venomous humours from the heart outwardly , and driveth out the small pox , thrusteth out the tumours in the pestilence , and some it cureth without bringing forth a rising . 5 quinta essentia vitae . this reviveth the vitall spirits , and hath an admirable vertue in fortifying the heart against all infectious , & venemous vapours ; so that it is good for those that have occasiō to visit sick people . if ten or twelve drops thereof be taken in a mornings draught it preserveth the body from infection , and if twenty or thirty drops of it bee given to the sicke of the pestilence , within the space of sixe houres after they are infected , they shall be cured in one hour , as i have often proved : it driveth out the small pox , and cureth the sick without sweating . 6 iulapium restaurativum . by the vertue this medicine hath in resisting the putrifaction of humours , it doth cure all sorts of fevers and agues , it may be given in any time of the disease , but especially in the latter end of the sicknesse , when no other medicine can be administred without danger . with it i have cured the hectick fever , and those that have faln into the relapse of the small pox , and such as have been nigh unto death , by reason of violent fevers . any of the aforesaid medicines , the author administreth both outwardly and inwardly in many severall wayes and manners , according to the age , temperature , complexion , and disposition , of the bodie ; and according to the nature , degrees , and time of the disease . artis apollineae vis sola est numen olympi , quo sine languenti pharmaca frustra dabis . if that our art from god receive not strength , in vain we seek mans life for to prolength . finis . by the king. a proclamation for proroguing the parliament proclamations. 1607-09-30 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1607 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22039 stc 8405 estc s117198 99852413 99852413 17734 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22039) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17734) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1136:19) by the king. a proclamation for proroguing the parliament proclamations. 1607-09-30 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. 1607. plague precautions. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. england -proclamations -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for proroguing the parliament . whereas at the rising of the late session of our parliament , wee prorogued the same vntill the sixteenth day of nouember now next ensuing , for as much as the infection of the plague is now in some parts of our citie of london , so that it is to bee feared that if the terme and parliament should meete together , and thereby draw a double concourse of people from all parts of the realme thither , it might giue occasion both to increase the saide sickenesse thereabouts ( where our most abode is ) and to disperse it into other parts of the realme , wee haue therefore thought it fit to prorogue it further into the winter , that is to say , to the tenth day of february next , at which day our purpose is , god willing , to hold the same ; and doe hereby giue notice to all whom it concerneth , that they may frame their affaires accordingly , and attend at the said tenth day of february to that seruice . giuen at our honour of hampton court the last day of september , in the fifth yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. 1607. by the king, a proclamation for a generall fast throughout this realm of england england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32412 wing c3301 estc r30891 11681928 ocm 11681928 48114 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32412) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48114) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1481:26) by the king, a proclamation for a generall fast throughout this realm of england england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 2 sheets. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1665. "given at our court at st. james's this sixth day of july, in the seventeenth year of our reign." printed as broadside, now in 2 sheets. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng proclamations -great britain. plague -england -london. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for a generall fast throughout this realm of england . charles r. whereas it hath pleased almighty god , after many years of health , and many great and miraculous mercies afforded to this kingdom , to visit the cities of london and westminster , and places adjacent with the plague and pestilence , which by the spreading thereof into several parishes , & other the more remote parts of this kingdom , seems to threaten a general and most dreadful visitation : to the end therefore that prayers and supplications may every where be offered up unto almighty god for the removal of this heavy iudgement , and that some solemn days and times may be set apart for the performance of these and other religious duties ; his majesty is pleased , by the advice of his privy council , to declare , and doth hereby publish and declare his royal will and pleasure , that wednesday next being the twelfth day of this instant july , shall be observed and kept within the cities of london and westminster , and places adjacent , as a day of fasting and humiliation ; and wednesday three weeks after being the second day of august , shall be observed and kept in like manner in all parts of this realm ; and so from thence forward every first wednesday of every moneth successively , until it shall please god to withdraw this plague and grievous sickness . and that the solemnization of these days may be with such order and decency as is requisite , his majesty by the advice of his reverend bishops hath directed to be composed , printed and published the form of such prayers as his majesty thinks fit to be used in all churches and chappels at these publick meetings , and also upon wednesdays in every week ; and hath given charge to his bishops to disperse the same through the whole kingdom . all which his majesty doth expresly charge and command shall be reverently and devoutly performed by all his loving subjects , as they will answer to god for the neglect of so great a duty and service , and upon pain of being proceeded against as wilful breakers and contemners of this his royal will and command . and his majesty doth further declare , that upon all and every the said days of fasting and humiliation , there shall be a collection made of the alms and charitable benevolence of the several persons in the respective churches and chappels then assembled : which collections shall be paid in to the bishops of the several dioceses wherein such collection shall be made , or to such persons as the bishops shall appoint to receive the same . and the bishops shall take care , that the moneys so collected and paid in , be in the first place applyed to the relief of such places as shall be visited with the plague within the diocese wherein such collections shall be made . and the overplus , if any be , shall be paid in to the bishop of london , or such as he shall appoint to receive the same , and be applyed to the poor who are sick and visited with the plague in london or westminster , or the parts adjacent . and lastly , his majesty doth command , that the respective preachers on the said fast-days do earnestly exhort the people in the several parishes to a free and chearful contribution towards the relief of their christian brethren , whom it hath pleased god to visit with sickness . given at our court at st. james's this sixth day of july , in the seventeenth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1665. a learned treatise of the plague wherein the two questions, whether the plague be infectious or no, and , whether and how farr it may be shunned of christians by going aside, are resolved / written in latine by the famous theodore beza vezelian. bèze, théodore de, 1519-1605. 1665 approx. 60 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27641 wing b2196 estc r31585 12170937 ocm 12170937 55401 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27641) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55401) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1495:16) a learned treatise of the plague wherein the two questions, whether the plague be infectious or no, and , whether and how farr it may be shunned of christians by going aside, are resolved / written in latine by the famous theodore beza vezelian. bèze, théodore de, 1519-1605. [4], 19 p. printed by thomas ratcliffe and are to be sold by edward thomas ..., london : 1665. imperfect: pages torn and cropped with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a learned treatise of the plague : wherein , the two questions : whether the plague be infectious , or no : and whether , and how farr it may be shunned of christians , by going aside ? are resolved . written in latine by the famous theodore beza vezelian . london , printed by thomas ratcliffe , and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little britain 1665 to the honorable sir john robinson , lieutenant of his majestie 's principal fortress , the tower of london . honourable sir , the confidence of a stranger will ( i hope ) easily meet your pardon , when the worth of the author , and the occasional subject of the discourse ( in these contagious and calamitous times ) have given me too sad an opportunity of presenting it to your honour , whose concerns for the publick welfare , ( even in this great city ) are as eminently great as any others . the matter of the discourse is a confutation , and reconciling the onely two destructive opinions , that in all ages ( in contagious and infectious times ) have ever proved fatal to the world : the one too much presuming and relying upon this bold opinion , that the plague is not infectious : and the other , tum pavor sapientiam omnem mihi ex animo expectorat : out of a weak and unspirited precipitation , without exception , flye away from it ; both of which are so contrarie to humanity ; that as they are utter enemies to each other , so ( like the dis-agreeing brothers ) they are both in opposition to christian community and charity . to say more , were too great a wrong to the judicious beza , and to anticipate your honours judgement ; to whose noble approbation i commend the author ; and hope from your noble candour , you will easily censure this presumption in , honourable sir , your honours ( though unknown ) most devoted , and most humble servant , edward percivall . a learned treatise of the plague : wherein the two questions : whether the plague be infectious or no ? and whether , and how far it may be shunned of christians , by going aside ? are resolved . i confess my self to have been so unacquainted with this question , whether the plague be to be reckoned amongst infectious diseases ? that untill within these few years , i am of belief , that it was never doubted ; but that this sicknesse alone , amongst all others , was to be judged contagious ; for testimony whereof , before any man that is not given to quarrel , i refer my self to the judgement of * writers of all countries , who have treated of these things . but now in our times men have taken in hand to dispute this question upon this occasion , that many do so greatly fear this disease , and death which commonly followeth the same ▪ that forsaking all duties , not onely of christians , but also of humanity , they have greatly increased the very wrath of god , which is the chief cause of this sicknesse : and there hath in a manner been no * stay or lett in them ; but where this great misery hath happened , the bonds of man's fellowships being once broken , it is much to be wondered at , that all mankinde hath not perished and been destroyed . and these men being demanded what they can alledge for so impious a crime , for that they commonly bring nothing else for their excuse , but the fear of infection , wherof it hath come to pa●s , that those in whom there is a greater boldness , do think that they can no way more certainly finde a remedy for this evil , than by teaching that this sickness is falsly supposed to be infectious . but i , because i think that this paradox or strange opinion can no more be proved by good reason , then if a man with anaxagoras should hold the snow to be black , or out of the hypothesis of copernicus , labour to prove , that the earth doth really move , and the sun stand still , as the center of the world , do judge , that this so great fear , which bringeth with it a forgetfulness of all duty , both may , and also ought otherwise to be put away : neither will i believe this disease not to be infectious , untill some man shall teach me , either out of the word of god , or by evident and good reasons to the contrary ; for there are in the very course of nature certain and most sure grounds and proofs of this verity , so long as the order of necessary causes agree with themselves . for i deny , although it be agreed upon , that the plague , of all other diseases , is most infectious ; yea , and that unavoidable death for the most part doth presently follow : that therefore the standing , in which god hath placed every man , is to be forsaken . i deny , i say , that therefore that thing is not to be preferred before life it self , which we owe unto god , to our country , and which we owe unto men , either for some publick or private respect . and i had much more rather they would bestow their endeavours in perswasive disputes , to restrain mens flying away for fear of the plague , than that they should labor to prove their strange opinion of the plague not to be contagious . indeed , i had rather have the consequent ( according to the school-phrase ) in that same enthymeme to be denied , than the antecedent ; for by that means something might be brought to pass , not only by probable , but also by necessary arguments , according to their own desire , namely , that those do very greatly offend , who , for fear of any peril do offend against god , or against their neighbour . for what christian man dareth to call these things into controveisie ? or if he dare do it , shall not be reproved by the restimony of his own conscience , though all the world should be silent ? for i do not think that there are any , which do hold , that with a good conscience , the plague by all means without exception is to be fled from ; which notwithstanding , i see by some in such sort disputed against , as if it were by others maintained . yet , if there be any of that minde , i do no more favour their errour , than i allow of those men , which of a clean contrary opinion do think , that the plague is not to be fled from . but surely it is the part of a wise man to follow the golden mean , so that he fly not when he should tarry , neither when he should go aside ( for the term of flying away in this argument seemeth to me to be very improper ) by his rash tarrying , offend against the self-same charity , which seemed to counsel him to stay . these things i thought good in manner of a preface to set down , before i come to the handling of the matter : to the end , that all men at the first entrance may perceive , what i have undertaken to defend , and what to disprove . then for as much as there are some not wanting , which do think that this discourse of the plague to be fled from , or not to be fled from , doth depend upon the first question , whether the plague be infectious or no ? let us examine with what reasons and arguments they so boldly deny the plague to be infectious ; a thing which hitherto of all men without controversie hath been believed . for the better determining of this question , they would have it to be considered what the plague is , from whence it commeth , what is the cause of it , by what means it is sent unto us , what is the nature of it , and what the end ? i take their proposals , for it is most lawful and reasonable : but how shall we come to the knowledge of these things ? by no means ( say they ) from any reasons out of physick , but only by the word of god. then let all things disputed by physicians be blotted out ; and instead of the books of hypocrates , galen , and others , let physicians read only the bible ; and let there be no difference between them , and divines ; between the physick of the body , and the minde . nay , god forbid , will they say ; for we condemn no other reasons of physick , than such as are against the word of god. let us enquire then ( forasmuch as infection hath its beginning from natural causes , and therefore proceedeth from them , ) whether concerning natural causes of the plague , there be any thing taught in the word of god , contrary to the rules and judgement of physicians . they say that the plague is caled by the hebritians dener , of the word daner , which also signifieth to destroy , by sentence given by god : and that the grecians do render it thanaton , that is to say , death . be it so , it is not much to the matter ; ●or hereof it followeth not , that the plague proceedeth not of natural ●auses coming between , because it is sent by god , unless that we will ●ave therefore all natural causes of diseases taken away , because no man di●th , but god decreeing of what kinde and manner of death soever it be that he die . nay , ( say they ) it is a folly to call the sentence of god , whereby he appointeth unto every man , not only death it self , but also the kinde of death , and second causes , infections . but who i pray ever doted so much as to call the sentence it self , of god , infectious ? but that which we say is far otherwise , namely , that the infection it self is to be reckoned amongst second causes ; for who can deny that many diseases are gotten by handling and touching ? of the which some are deadly , and other some are less dangerous ; unless they will also contend that the sun shineth not at noon day ? sinne indeed , wherewith we are all born infected , and from which all this dying cometh , by a certain spiritual infection , not without the decree of god , it is conveyed and spread into all the posterity of adam : therefore there is no substance at all in this reason . but they also demand , if infection be reckoned amongst second causes appointed by god , how we can avoid that which is ordeined by god ? that hence they might gather , that if the plague be granted to be infectious , that in vain a remedy is sought against it , by flying away . but this is also a very dull reason ; for if this reason be good , shall it not be lawful to affirm the same of all second causes of death ? if so , let us neither eat , nor drink , nor seek any remedy against any diseases ; let souldiers go unarmed to battel , because death ordained by god cannot be avoided . but thus the case standeth , doubtless neither death , nor the time , or any kinde of death appointed by god , can be avoided : neither do we eat , or use remedies against diseases , or put on armor against our enemies , as if we meant to withstand god. but leaving those things , which god would have kept secret from us , we must use those things which god himself going before , nature telleth us to be ordained by him to prolong our life so long as it shall please him ; which if we do not , we shall worthily be deemed to tempt and most grievously to offend god ; so far off is it , that using the means set down by him to avoid death , we should sinne against him , although that sometimes we use them in vain , that is to say , when as the end doth plainly shew , that even then we must die , when as we thought our life should yet for a time have been prolonged . so is asa rebuked , not for that he sent for physicians , but for that he put his hope of life in the physicians : so that when experience hath taught us , that infection creepeth rather into things near , than afar off ; he is not to be accused , who leaving no part of christian duty undone , withdraweth himself and his family : nay , he shall be greatly blamed , who rashly casteth himself and his into the danger of infection ; when as the apostle beareth witness , he is worse than an infidel which hath not so great care over his , as with a pious safety and charity he ought to have . now let us see whether this following reason be of any more force . by those names , say they , which in the holy scripture are attributed to the plague , is sufficiently and thorowly expressed , what the quality and manner of the same is . now the plague is called the hand of god , 2 sam. 24. the word of god , 1 chron. 21. and is also signified by the name of arrows , ps . 31. & 90. therefore it cometh not of infection : when asneither hand , nor sword , nor arrow , woundeth by infection . but besides that , peradventure i might worthily call into doubt , whether all these testimonies alledged deny this argument also ; for in another place , as psalm 17. david calleth his enemies the hand of god , who by natural means assaulted him . and when as the hand of god is said to have made us , natural generation is not left out ; and it is manifest , that in the scripture all evils , and punishments whatsoever god sendeth unto mankinde , using either ordinary laws of nature only , or else using the service of angels , are called arrows . i demand moreover , what they call the quality and manner of the disease ? they will say , the nature thereof it self : but i say by those metaphorical terms of hand , sword , arrow , is no more signified of what manner or quality this disease is in it self , than what is hail or the scabb , when god is said with a stretched out hand to have smitten aegypt : and to be short , what is the force and nature of every disease , when as in the additions of the law , they are reckoned up amongst the curses which god would send upon them ? what then ? surely then it belongeth unto the physicians to search out the nature of diseases , so far as they depend upon the laws of nature ; which we often see by them performed with such good success and certainty , that they can foreshew both them , and what issue they are likely to come unto . but concerning supernatural and divine causes of sickness and other miseries , those do divines declare , teaching , that we must mount far above nature , and all things appertaining unto nature , when with our prayers we deal about the avoiding and removing of them far away from us ; for the true and principal cause of them is our sins , wherewith god being provoked , doth raise and stir up against us all these inferiour causes , to be revenged on mankinde with just punishments . i therefore say , that it is an absurd and fond thing , to confound these things , so far severed asunder , and distinguished by their most diverse , yet not contrary ends , but onely such as are placed , the one under the other . and because that in this argument they contend , that the plague therefore is not infectious , for that it is often called the hand , and sword , and arrow of god , i demand of them , whether the leprosie were not the hand of god ? and whether it were not therefore infectious ; and the rather , because it was infectious whether therefore the leprous were not commanded to depart aside from the rest that were clean ? i demand this also , if there be no evil in the city , which the lord doth not , whether at this day , notwithstanding , the foul black sporty and scurvy leprosie called the elephantiasis be not accounted infectious . and i would gladly ask of them which finde fault with our going aside in the plague time , whether they think that those which are infected with it , are to be suffered in the common company and society of men ? and if they suppose that they are to be suffered , why they declaim not , and cry out against them also by whom they are shut out ? if not , and think them to be avoided for fear of the infection , why without all exceptions do they blame those that shun the infections of the plague , as the most hurtful to all persons ? but they will peradventure deny that kinde of leprosie to be the hand of god : let us speak of the pox , whether it be the french , or the spanish , i would to god it were not also the english , that it is a punishment sent of god for whoredom , which in these times is accounted as a sportive recreation ; i think there is no man which dareth to deny that it is indeed the hand , sword , or arrow of god , which striketh whoremongers . but is it not therefore infectious ? and doth not a whore even infect many with this disease , who again bewray one another ? so that this most filthy sickness is gotten , not onely with lying together , but also by breathing and handling , and is sucked out by infants from their nurses breasts ; and the nurses get this disease by giving suck unto the infant , which is is either conceived by an unclean father , or born of an unclean mother : thsoe arguments also are therefore such , as do indeed need no confutation . without all question it is absurd and against all reason to think , that there are immediately ( as they say ) rather sent unto every several man so many several plagues , than the kinde it self of the disease , by the which one corrupteth another by infection : for whether god kill at one stroak , or whether , as it fell out unto the midianites , he strike them down by one wounding another , whomsoever he hath appointed to die , what difference is there ? neither concerning what we have in hand is there any difference , whether any man be slain with the dart of god himself , or the infection of another . let us now come unto that which they alledge concerning second causes , which they deny to be any certain placing of the stars , or corruption of the aire : neither will the physicians have any plague or infection to grow of those causes . but if we grant this , and imagine that all natural causes of the plague are by them rehearsed , they must tell me , why they shut out all these at once , insomuch that they will have them to have but small skill in scriptures , who impute the plague ( next after god ) to these causes ? because , say they , that the holy scriptures bear record , that the plague is sent by angels , as psalm 88. 1. 1 chron 21. ezech. 9. also in the history of zennacherib , and in the revelation , where there is mention made of a most noysom ulcer ; for , say they , that which god sendeth by angels is not of natural causes . i grant that , so far as concerneth the angels themselves , who i yield are not reckoned among natural instruments : but what hinders , god so commanding , the natural causes themselves to be stirred up by the angels ? for surely it cannot be doubted that they , borh the good and the bad , do stir up the minde of man after a certain sort , what kinde of moving soever it be , when as satan is said to have entred into the heart of judas , ( unless we shall peradventure say , that the good angels have somewhat less power than the bad ) and that also is manifest by the story of achab , and by the efficacy and power of the spirits of errour . and who can deny that the will of man is to be reckoned amongst the very chiefest causes of mens actions ? but if the will of man be not debarred from the ministery of angels , why shall we think that other natural causes must needs by the same be taken away ? moses stretching forth his rod , raised up lice , and innumerable sorts of flyes , brought out upon the suddain fearful hayl , and struck the aegyptians with most noysom boyles and botches . and this ministry of moses was doubtless altogether as extraordinary , as the ministry of angels . but did not therefore the lice and flies come of rottenness , the hayl of vapours growing together on the sudden by restraint of the contrary , and the boyles and botches also of corruptions of the humors ? satan receiving a grant from god , by a suddain raising of the winde , and by throwing abroad the fire from heaven overthrew , and burnt the house of job , together with all his children . but doth it therefore follow that this came to pass without any natural causes stepping in between ? or shall we not rather say , that those princes of the air ( as the apostle , not without cause , calleth them ) made in a moment , those indeed natural impressions of the air ? the devil sendeth the godly to prison , revel . 2. 10. but by tyrants and persecutors of the church . in the same book , cap. 6. vers . 8. the pale horse on whom death the rider sitteth , receiveth power to kill with the sword , famine , and pestilence , and sending of wilde beasts : here , if we shall by that rider understand an angel , why shall we not aswell say , that he used natural matter to cause the plague and famine , as a sword and wilde beasts , when themselves are also natural instruments ? and afterterwards , cap. 9. v. 1. the angels are commanded to stand in the four quarters of the earth , and to keep back the windes , that they hurt not the sea and the land with blowing . whereof followeth , that at the commandment of god , the windes are in like manner sent forth by them ; from the which doubtless it is manifest , that many infections of the air , and chiefly infection , doth proceed . so that natural causes , whether they be moved by little and little of their own force planted in them by nature , or otherwise beyond order , god so commanding , they be in a moment carried to their effects , they are natural , and so far forth are their effects also worthily judged natural , which no man of reason can deny . for if there come in no natural causes in the plague , those whom the plague hath touched , doubtless they cannot be at all eased , much less be healed by natural remedies . and to prove this to be most false , experience and very sense doth demonstrate ; yet i profess my self to be one of those which doe so far detest the superstitious judicious astrology , of casters of nativities , and all other such like predictions , that i could wish the old statures of princes concerning those things were renewed , and streightly to be observed . but to take from the divers concourses of the stars , the natural constitutions of the air , and such effects as depend thereupon in our bodies ; as if the stars were onely placed in their spheres to be looked upon , or for difference of times , i think to be no sign of judgement , but rather of a perverse stubbornness , when as the husbandmen have a daily knowledge of this , and the tempests do speak the same ; and that the thing it self doth prove , that the temperature and distemperature , and even infection it self in some measure may before told by skilfull astrologers . but now should we grant , that those plagues , the example whereof are taken out of holy scripture , were sent by angels , and therefore to have been without infection ; why should it be less absurd and against reason to conjecture and resolve , that no plague is sent by angels , than to hold that no hayl , no showres , no lightning is made by the course of nature ? because that in many places of the scriptures we read , that by the ministry of angels it hath both hayled , and that most rough and blustring windes have blown , and that it hath horribly thundred . but , say they , those examples of the plague by angels are set forth unto us for example , that thereby we may learn rightly to judge of middle causes , and of the original of the plague . verily who will deny , that what things soever are written , are therefore written that by them we should be instructed , and that all things which are mentioned in the holy scriptures , of the ministry of angels not onely of the plague , but also of famine and other calamities , both to destroy the wicked , and also to correct and exercise the good , doth bring unto us great profit , that we may learn both to fear and love god , who is not tyed unto the laws of nature , as the sto●ck philosophers have thought and hath certain instruments of his judgements more fearful even that those which are perceived by our senses . but hereby is not concluded that which thou wouldst have , namely , that thus we are taught , that there are no natural causes used by angels in the performance of the commandments of god. the scripture affordeth us examples of plague sent upon men , making no mention of angels ; and those agains● whom i dispute , do grant , that it was the plague of which ezekias wa● sick , yet is he not said to have been stricken by angels . god doth ofte● by moses and other prophets threaten the plague unto sinners neither 〈◊〉 there any doubt but that these threatnings were not in vain ; yet doth he 〈◊〉 where recite that he will alwayes send them by angels . the psalmist seemeth in certain psalmes to shew that he was taken with the plague , whom notwithstanding we never read to have smitten with any sore , or wound given by the angels . all these things therefore , unless i be very much deceived , make nothing at all to the taking away of the contagious air , the second cause of this sickness . but this also which they set down , upon what reason i know not how grounded : they say , that the plague is sent unto men by the singular and especial providence of god ; and what is here which may not be affirmed of every thing which cometh to passe in the world ? for , as he saith , not so much as a sparrow falleth to the earth without the providence of god , and the hairs of our head are numbred ; which providence , if it be stretched unto singular things , doubtless it is in such sort universal in the general , that it is also singular in the singular . they say moreover , that so often as the plague reigneth in the world , that all those are kept from this infection whom god hath appointed to preserve alive ; and that unto the others all places are infectious , though they be never so far from those which are sick of the plague . and they adde further and say , why then do we fear infection ? is it not a fond thing to sear that which is not ? i for my part cannot d●scern how these things can hang together ; for how can all places be infectious to any man , if there be no infection ? unless peradventure they out it to be the case . but it cannot by any means be truly gathered by certainty of gods providence that the plague is not infectious ; therefore this argument runneth beyond the question propounded . besides , shall we think that the number of those which shall dye , is more certain as often as god sendeth the plague , than when he casteth other darts ? now if they offend not against the providence of god , ( who leaving , as it is meet , things unknown unto us , to the good will and pleasure of himself ) who do use remedies of physick both preservative and sanative , to keep away sickness , and also to heal when it cometh ; why shall we do the like also in the heat of the plague ? as therefore god hath appointed some which shall not die of the plague , so also hath he appointed remedies , by which , so far as in them lieth , men may avoid the plague . and it is one and the same providence of god in all kind of diseases with which he hath ordained by an unchangeable decree what shall come to pass , although the natures of the diseases differ never so much in themselves . now among the chief remedies and provisions in physick against infection , tha going aside in due season is worthily reckoned , the very nature and signification of the word contagion doth declare : although neither all be save which fly , neither all die which tarry . god without all doubt when h 〈◊〉 sent a famine into aegypt and the regions thereabouts , had determine 〈◊〉 who should die in that scarcity ; yet for all this joseph ceaseth not with 〈◊〉 best diligence and most wise counsel to provide for the aegyptians : the which things the churches in the time of claudius the emperour also did , when as they understood by agabus the prophet that a famine should shortly come . the lord also knew who should dye in that most cruel war of the assyrians in the dayes of ezekias , and yet both ezekias and the prophet esay himself secure themselves within the walls of the city : what should i say more ? when as paul knew assuredly , that neither he himself , neither any of those which were with him should perish in the shipwrack , yet said he to the mariners who were preparing to fly out of the ship , ye cannot be saved unless these tarry . christ also , though he well knew that his hour was not yet come , yet did he more than once withdraw himself when the jews sought to kill him . finally , that which they take for most certain , namely , that happening or chance is repugnant unto the sure and stedfast decree of god ; which notwithstanding it maketh not much to the matter , yet who will grant it them ? we call those happening or chancing causes , which of their own nature may fall out unto either part ; if any man should take them out of the nature of things , i know not whether he should have any man of a right judgment to hold with him . they say out of st. augustine , that the will of god is the necessity of things ; i grant so far as pertaineth unto the end and effects of the causes themselves : but as st. augustine saith very well , it followeth not , that though all things which god hath decreed shall come to pass , must needs come to pass , that therefore they come to pass of necessary causes ; like as the stoicks did falsely conclude , and the same may be proved by most certain and most plain examples : for do we not believe that christ had indeed man's bones ; and therefore such as of their own nature might at any time have been broken ; and yet indeed they could not be broken , for that it was otherwise decreed by god : therefore by hap and chance , concerning their own nature they were not broken ; when as notwithstanding they were such as might have been broken , and yet by god's decree they remained of necessity unbroken . again , that christ from the very time that he took upon him our human nature was indued with a mortal body , all christians do confesse ; therefore of his own nature he might have been slain by herod , with the other little children ; but by god's decree he could not : therefore that he was not then slain , fell out by hap and chance , if you consider the nature of his body , when as it might have chanced otherwise : but , by god's decree , he could no more be slain by herod , than the will of god could be changed . christ when he was carried to be crucified , was then undoubtedly of such health , that he needed not at that time to have died ; he died therefore by chance , if you do consider the cause of his natural death ; and yet be died of necessity , if you look to the unchangeable appointment of his father , because his hour was come : and withall he died willingly , because he laid down his life for us . thus far therefore is neither chance nor will repugnant unto the most certain decree of god. there remaineth one argument taken from experience , which in shew seemeth very strong , yet is it of no force to take away infection , i mean to prove the plague not to be infectious . if , say they , the plague come of natural causes , or of some certain constellation , or of corrupt air , then should all they doubtless be infected which dwell under the same constellation , or breath in the same corrupt air ; which is found to be false ; for even reason it self doth prove the falshood of this argument : for who is so unskilfull that knoweth not , that one and the same cause doth not always operate alike , much less equally ; nay , that the effects are divers , according unto the diversity ▪ of the matter it worketh upon ? one and the self-same north-winde doth not equally annoy men with cold ; every man therefore seeth how weak this reason is . but let us grant , that in some place every man of himself is apt to receive the corrupt air , yet may many things happen why the same effect in all would not follow ; as for example , one man taketh a preservative medicine , another doth not ; one forthwith useth a good medicine , another very late , or never . lastly , that which is the principal point is to be considered ; that almighty god doth govern natural causes and their effects , as it pleaseth him ; so that hence it cometh to pass , that infection toucheth not every one which is in danger of it , as it is written psal . 91. 6. neither yet is it deadly unto every one that it hath infected ; like as poyson also drunken is not , as it is written mark 16. 18. therefore this argument also is not of force to prove there is no infection in the plague , because that many which keep company with those that are sick of the plague are not taken ; and contrariwise , they that are absent are infected : as if the poyson of a viper were not deadly , because that paul being bitten of one felt no harm at all , acts 28. 5. and thus far concerning infection . now we must treat of going aside ; for so i had rather call it , than flying ; though i think it the part of a wise-man to fly peril with reason . there are some therefore , which do without exception finde fault with going aside for the plague , that they count it a very heynous offence , though they think that those which tarry ought not to use rashness . there are on the other side which hold that every man , so soon as the plague cometh , ought to provide for himself , having no regard , or but very small of the fellowship and duties which christian charity doth command . now i for my part do dissent from both these ▪ and especially from the latter , as having most lawful causes : but ere i set down my own judgement in this controversie , let us hear these disputing the one against the other . thus therefore they which think it not lawful to fly , do first of all philosophically dispute against those that hold it not lawfull to tarry at all , they alledge out of plato his gorgias , that it is foolishnesse to fear death ; and that he cannot seem to be a temperate person which flyeth death , because it proceedeth of too much delight in life ; nor yet to be a just man , for that he which in the time of the plague provideth for himself by running away , doth yield neither to god nor man his due . to these reasons they set down others taken out of the holy scriptures , as that they think not well of the providence of god , by whose unchangeable decree the course of man's life is limitted : that they distrust god , and believe not his promise , i will be thy god , and the god of thy seed : that they are void of all charity , nay , and more , of all natural pitty and affection : that they tempt god after the example of the israelites , exod. 17. 3. & psal . 78. 18. appointing god by what manner , time , and place , and by what means he may save them : that they love not god from their hearts ; for being enamoured and in love with earthly goods , they neglect and are careless of the heavenly : that they fear death too much , for that they set themselves against the will of god , which is always good : that they think themselves stronger than god , and that they can escape his hand : that they do openly break the law of christ , and of nature ; by which they are commanded to do unto others as they would be done unto themselves : that they do , and teach that which no christian hath done , but that which hath often been done by the heathens . and thus much say the first : unto whom these later have nothing to answer , who under pretence of saving their lives , perswade flying away without exception . wherefore if these things alledged against those which do in such sort fly the plague , so that they in any thing swerve from the rules and laws of godlinesse and charity ; i hold with their adversaries , and count them worthy of all blame , which fly from thence whither they should rather run , if they had but the least spark of humanity . but if these reasons be wrested against those , who being moved with just causes go aside , and keep that mean by which they let passe no part of their duty either towards god or their neighbours , ( which we say may oftentimes be done , ) we affirm , that all these arguments , in shew never so plausible and strong , to be of no force or value , if the matter it self be diligently weighed and considered . for answer to their first reason , albeit the decree of god be unchangeable , and that his eternal providence hath set the unremovable bounds of our lives ; yet doth not this take away the ordinary and lawful means to save our lives ; no , not although a man have received an answer from god of prolonging his life , as we have shewed by the manifest example of saint paul , acts 27. 14. and 31. much lesse that we may not use these means , when it is yet hid from us , what god from everlasting hath decreed concerning the prolonging and ending of our life . moreover , why should he be said to distrust the promises of god , who doth follow the wayes appointed by god , to avoid evils , that notwithstanding he dependeth wholly upon god ; unlesse peradventure we can any where finde in the holy scriptures this commandment expresly written , when the plague rageth , flye not away . and amongst them , preservative remedies are to be reckoned ; and amongst these , going aside in due time ; the like also , as the very name of contagion doth manifest . and this also is plain , that he doth not onely not offend against christian charity , neither yet tempt god , who in such manner by going aside doth avoid the plague , so that in the mean time he let passe no act of piety towards god , or of charity towards his neighbour ; that on the contrary , unlesse he perform these duties , he may be thought to provoke the wrath of god against himself , and to be worse than an infidel , as being one that rashly puts himself in danger of deadly infection , without any care of himself , or his . the fifth and sixth allegation is not any whit truer , they love not god , say they ; and , gaping after earthly things , they care not for heavenly ; because they which love god desire nothing more than to be with him , which falleth out unto us by death ; but they on the contrary fear nothing more . then truly he , who in loving hath onely his last end before another , for his own profit-sake to enjoy the thing he loveth , by what means soever it be , shall worthily be judged to love himself rather than his friends . therefore the self-same person which desireth to be loosed and to be with christ , wisheth also , for his brethrens sake , to be separated as a thing accursed , acts 9. 3. neither doth he deliver up his life into the hands of them that lay in wait for him , appealing unto caesar , acts 25. 11. and giveth thanks for his health restored unto him , 2 cor. 1. 11. that david also doth not so much flye saul and absalon , as death , being notwithstanding a worshipper of god ; that he and ezekias do expresly pray against death ; therefore whosoever flyeth death is not rashly to be judged or censured not to love god : as contrariwise , whosoever desireth death is not to be thought to love god ; but he onely , who lawfully and with a good conscience , obeying the will of god , prepareth himself either to suffer or avoid death . the like also is to be judged of the fear of death , that is , if it be grounded upon good reason and moderately , it is not onely not to be condemned , but also to be allowed as a preserver of life grafted in us by god ; therefore that fear of evil is condemned by philosophers , which is contrary to fortitude , and calleth us from that which every one of us oweth unto each other , and out of holy scripture , that fear which is against faith and charity : for it is one thing to take clean away natural affections , ( which no man could ever possibly do ) and another to moderate and rule them ; the which the philosophers very well teach ought to be done , but how it may bedone , the word of god , by the holy ghost , doth onely declare . and concerning those things which they cite out of tertullian , they shoot partly beyond his mark , when as he speaketh of flying onely in persecution , and partly with the great consent of the church ▪ are reckoned amongst his blemishes , as one that in this argument was carried beyond the butt . no man questionless that is godly , and of right understanding , ever condemned the going aside of jacob ; no man ever condemned david flying the fury of saul , and conspiracy of absolon ; nor elias avoiding by his flight the rage of jezabel ; no man ever condemned the going aside of athanasius more than once : neither do we here fly either unto the agonie of christ , or unto that of matthew 10. 23. if they persecute you in one city , fly unto another : which places i confesse are of some not fitly alledged ; for as touching the fears of christ , they are grounded upon a peculiar consideration , and are not to be drawn into example ; when as there is handled of the mysterie of our salvation , the parts whereof christ alone both could and did take upon him , in the which he did see that fearful wrath of his father , and indeed felt it , bearing the punishment due unto our sins : we contrariwise are not at our death 's tryed with the same fears , because we have the father appeased with us , and , through faith , behold life in death it self . and that saying of christ is doubtlesse no command of flying away ; but on the contrary , admonisheth faithful pastors , that being feared with no threatnings , if they be driven out of one place , they hasten unto another ; the which afterwards we see diligently to have been done by the apostles . but let us hear something else of more weight peradventure ; there can be nothing sent of god ( say they ) but that which is good ; nay ; there is nothing good , but that which cometh of god : but the plague is sent of god , therefore it is good ; if not of its own nature , yet in respect of the good end ; namely , to punish our sins , to try our faith , to drive us to repentance , and to bring forth hypocrites to light . who therefore ( say they ) can deny , but that they fly the thing that is good , which fly the plague , by the which god bringeth all these things to passe ? again , that which god sendeth upon all , that is to say , upon any one church or kingdom ; as for example , the plague , the same he will have born of all ; how is it to be fled from ? therefore they set themselves against the will of god , which fly the plague ; nay , they fly in vain , because it is in vain to strive against the will of god ; but what could have been more vainly said than these things ; for to let passe the falshood that lieth in these words , good and evil , in this argument , to what end i pray you should they enter into this disputation concerning the nature of things ? there is no evil ( that is to say , no calamitie or punishment ) in the city , which the lord hath not done , saith the prophet . why therefore shall we call famine , pestilence , war , and such like , good ? because , say they , they fall out unto the good of the godly . i grant it , because the lord fetcheth light out of darkness : yea , but the godly are instructed by sinne it self . are sinnes i pray you therefore good , and doth he which resisteth them resist god ? to be short , who seeth not , that to pray unto god against things which of their own nature are hurtful unto us , and withall to use just and lawful remedies to avoid them , if it may be ; so that we commit the end to god , to be a far other thing than it is , or that we should hope to withstand god , or by any means to escape his judgements ? abraham himself , isaac and jacob did fly hunger , the which notwithstanding was sent of god ; who yet cannot be said to have fled the thing that was good , or to have sinned : as for that which they so greatly stand upon , namely , that those which fly the plague do break that immoveable precept which humanitie it self teacheth , whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye the same unto them ; as it is worthily turned upon them which do in such sort fly the plague , or any other danger , that then neglect the duties of a christian : so doth it in no case make against them who shun the plague by going aside , unlesse they may be judged to have neglected to perform those duties which they owe both unto their country and to their neighbour . and truly , i do marvel that those who without exception do condemn going aside , as being of it self repugnant unto charity , doe not consider , that charity doth less require that we provide for the whole , than that we help those that are taken with that sickness . finally , they say that as many as fly the plague , do that which no christian ever did , when as there is no example thereof in the holy histories . i answer , that this is too deceitful an argument , when as it is apparent that in the holy scriptures is not fet down what every one hath done ; and that in many the general rules of doctrine , there is sufficient to determine those things whereof we have no commandment , nor any particular example ; and that it is without doubt that it is not set down how often the people hath been visited with the plague , neither yet how every man behaved himself in the plague . but they say they have altogether contrarie counsel in the holy scriptures ; for that david doth call us back unto the tabernacle of the most highest , psal . 91. as though he fled not unto god , which lawfully useth going aside : but yet , say they , david did not fly that very sore plague whereof mention is made , 2 sam. 24. neither removed his hcushold unto any other place . i grant this ; but how many peculiar circumstances do forbid us to make of that a general conclusion ? for he himself was the cause of that plague , and deservedly so far forth troubled , that he is ready even with his own destruction to redeem the publick calamitie ; further , when as this plague continued not above three daies at the most , what place was there left him to take advice or to fly unto ? whither should he have fled , when the plague was hot in all his dominion , and yet is said not at all , or very little , to have touched the chief citie it self ? again , they say esaias fled not from ezekias being sick of the plague : as if we held , that the shepherds with a good conscience , might willingly , and of their own accord , leave their sheep ; yea , and what if i should take exception that esaias came not to ezekias but by the special command of god ? for so doth the historie bear record . but , say they , jeremiah also and baruch , with other godly men , fled not out of the citie being besiedged of the chaldees , though a great part of the people died aswell of the plague as of famine ; neither do we say that we may worthily shun the plague by going aside , if we depart from that which we owe unto god , our country , and every of our neighbours : but i cannot but wonder , that those which alledge this example of jeremiah have forgotten that he was taken at the gate of the citie , when he assayed to get out , jer. 37. 12. last of all , they bring a notable example of the church of alexandria , out of the seventh book of eusebius , cap. 20. as though we did allow the going aside either of all , or in all places , and times , or do not teach that such constancy and charitie ought both to be praysed , and also followed , so that a general rule be not made thereof ; for eusebius doth not say that every one , but that very many of the christians did it . therefore to conclude these things , there hath been nothing yet alledged whereby the plague hath been proved either not to be infectious , or that going aside to avoid infection is without exception to be condemned ; for that going aside is one of the chief among natural remedies and provisions in infectious diseases , reason and experience it self doth teach ; for doubtlesse the word contagion in it self doth aloud speak this ▪ that those things which are less far off are more in danger of it ; and it is daily to be seen , that by removing in due time unto more healthful places , many have been preserved ; which if any man will except against , should have been saved if they had tarried still at home , because god had so decreed : what then shall he say , who agreeth not also unto the other shunnings and remedies of all perils ? therefore we ought to laugh at , as needless , not only physick , but also all prudence and wisedome , which is used in avoiding dangers of all sorts ; neither should there be any difference between rashness and discretion , between fortitude and boldness . but the matter is far otherwise , because like as god by his everlasting and unchangeable decree hath appointed the course of our life , so hath he also ordained middle causes , which we should use to preserve our lives withall . it now remaineth that i shew you when it may be convenient to go aaside ; for as in other indifferent things , so also may a man use going aside both well and ill : and so far am i from perswading the same to every man without exception , that on the contrary i confesse that they offend much lesse , who when they might otherwise , with a good conscience , withdraw themselves , had rather yet tarry ; and to venture and endanger their lives , rather than that they might seem to have forsaken their neighbour , or family . i confesse , i say , that these offend much lesse than those , who being carried away with too much distrust , or with unmeasurable fear of death , forgetting and neglecting all duties of humanitie , have this only before their eyes , away quickly , a far off , long ere you return again . men surely most worthy to be thrust out of all company of men , the bonds whereof they break all to pieces . now what in this point may be observed , i think may this way be determined . first of all i think it is to be proivded , that every man do summon himself unto the judgement ▪ seat of god , unto the plague as the coming of news of the wrath of god , condemning himself , that he may be acquitted by him , and that withall he weigh with himself , that he is called to stand forth and plead his own cause , and that this rod cannot be avoided by change of place , but of manners ; and that if he must die , that this is decreed for the good of them which die , forasmuch as they are blessed which die in the lord. another point is , that no man either go aside , or tarry with a doubtful conscience : but when as he shall have learned out of the word of god what his dutie is ; that commending himself unto god , he continue constantly therein . and although that in so great varietie of circumstances , rules for every singular thing cannot be set down ; yet is it no hard matter to give certain general precepts agreeable unto the word of god , by the which , as by a certain rule , singular cases may afterwards ( as they say ) be tried ; let them therefore which think to tarry , know , that it is the commandment of god , thou shalt not kill , and that therefore neither their own , nor the lives of any belonging or depending on them , are rashly to be put in danger of deadly infection . let them on the other side , which think to go away , know , that no man ought to have so great regard either of himself , or of his family , that he forget what one oweth unto his countrie , and fellow citizens . to be brief , what he oweth unto another , whether they be bound by the common bond of humanitie and societie , of by any other kinde of friendship ; for love seeketh not the things which are her own : wherefore , i confess , that i cannot see by what reason at all any man is forbid to depart , which either by reason of age , or of sickness , past hope of recovery , cannot help others ; and if they tarry , they may therefore seem onely to be stayed , that they may die , to the great losse of the common-wealth ; for as their crueltie can never enough be blamed , which thrust them out of their cities , especially if they be of the poor●● sort ; so both the pious natures of parents in time providing for the preservation and life of theirs , without prejudice or hurt to any man , seemeth unto me to be greatly commended ; and also the providence of the magistrates is much to be praysed , where their care shall be extended ( without dammage to the common-welfare ) to see that those weak ones , as seed-plots of citizens , be well looked unto . and here cometh in the way that general bond , wherewith man is especially bound unto man , and that without taking away of humanitie it self , cannot be broken ; there is also another bond binding every citizen unto his country and citie but both these bonds i affirm to be natural and universal , that every one must have regard of his estate , and calling ; for some serve in publick offices , either civil , or the ministry ; the rest are private persons ; and the bonds of private persons between themselves are manifold , the which nature it self knitteth , and christian godliness bindeth ; the which , unlesse they be discerned asunder , that every man may know what his dutie is in all things , it must needs follow that confusion shall bear the sway in all things , under a shew of order ; therefore let man help man ; citizen citizen , that needeth his help , according to his power , and let him not think of going aside , by which it may justly appear likely unto him to come to pass , that by this means some bodie shall be ill looked unto ; much more that through contempt of any man , or of an overthwart fear of death , he depart not any whit from the dutie of humanitie , but when as without the neglect of his dutie and publick offence , he may be careful both for himself , and his , by going aside . i see no cause why he may not onely not do it , but also why he is not bound to do it ; yet , lest in this case , any man by flattering of himself , might sinne against his neighbour , it is the dutie of a christian magistrate to provide , that those things which either breed or nourish the plague , so far as they may , be taken away , and that regard may be had of those that be visited with this sickness , that a●l benot driven to be careful for all. but how they that serve in any publick civil office may leave their charge in the time of the plague , i do not see ; and for faithful pastors to forsake but one poor sheep at that time when he most of all needeth heavenly comfort , it were too shameful , nay too wicked a part . as touching private persons , their bonds of f●iendship and amitie are divers and manifold ; among these , this is the chiefest , unto which also natural conjunction of blood ( as god witnesseth ) must g●ve place , i mean the bond and tye of wedlock ; so that in my judgement the husband cannot with a good conscience go 〈…〉 or the wife from the husband , especially if one of them be 〈…〉 the plague : and how much parents do owe unto their children , and children to their parents , kinsmen to kinsmen , the verie laws of nature declares , the which christian charitie is so far off from letting loose , that contrariwise it draweth them more and harder together : yea , and for servants to forsake their masters , or masters to look slenderly to their servants being sick ( which cometh too often to pass ) who have made use of their service when they were well , is crueltie . yet is not the bond of all these friendships alike or equal , and therefore that which is not so near must give place to the nearer , forasmuch as many cannot be discharged at once . furthermore , as there is place also for forsaking amongst those which are present , unless they which tarry do their dutie ; so heed is to be taken both of those that are sick , that they abuse not the love of their kindred and friends , whilst they are desirous to have themselves provided for : and also of those which continue in doing their duties , that they cast not themselves rashly into the danger of infection , which is used to be done by some of desperate boldness , rather than of true and christian judgement , who being wont to contemn those that are sick of other diseases , doe visit those that are taken with the plague , that they may seem to despise death . and this conrempt of god's judgements , i should less bear withall , than with the too much weakness of the fearful . but how others are affected and disposed in the craving of the presence of their friends i know not , when as my self being visited with the plague , and that divers of my friends offered unto me all kinde of courtesie , i suffered none to come unto me , lest i might have been thought to have provided for my self with the loss of my friends . but if in such calamities the magistrate do not in time provide , as much as may be , both by such lawful means as are not repugnant unto christian charitie , that the infection may be prevented , and also that the sick of the plague want nothing ; he shall doubtless do very well both for the sick & the whole , and shall take away many questions which in this argument are wont to be raised : but this especially must be agreed upon , that as our sinnes are the chief and true cause of the plague , so that this is the onely proper remedie against the same ; if the ministers dispute not of the infection ( which belongeth to physicians ) but by their life and doctrine stir up the people to earnest repentance , and love , and charitie one towards another . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27641-e320 * the plague is judged to be infectious by all that have written of the same . * the unnatural discourtesie of some towards their neighbors visited with the plague . answer to the former reasons if simply alledged against such who upon any manner of occasion go aside . by the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1630 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06248 stc 16731 estc s3729 33150863 ocm 33150863 28788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06248) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28788) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:11) by the mayor the right honourable the lord mayor, and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london, considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in divers and sundry places neere about this city, doe ... command all manner of persons ... to take notice of, and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing ... city of london (england). lord mayor. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by robert young, printer to the honourable citie of london, [london] : 1630. at head of sheet, royal arms, and shield. "guildhall london this xxii. of april. 1630." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the mayor . the right honourable the lord mayor , and his brethren the aldermen of the city of london , considering how the infection of the plague is dispersed in diuers and sundry places neere about this city , doe for the better preuention of the increase thereof within the said city , ( so far as it shall please god to blesse mans endeauours ) hereby streightly charge , and in his maiesties name command all manner of persons within the said city and liberties thereof , to take notice of , and obserue these seuerall articles ensuing , viz. first , that all the seuerall inhabitants within this city and liberties thereof , doe from hence forth daily cause their houses to be kept sweet , the streets and lanes before their doores to bee paued , and cleansed of all manner of soile , dung , and noisome things whatsoeuer , and the channels thereof to be kept cleane , and washt , by water to be poured down , or let running into the same . that no vagrants or beggars doe presume to come , or presse together in multitudes to any buriall , or lectures , or other publike meetings , whereby to seeke or gaine reliefe as hath beene lately vsed , but that they and euery of them vpon euery buriall , doe repaire to such places to receiue the almes , charity or reliefe , as they shall haue notice giuen them by the officers of the parish , wherein they doe reside . that no idle vagaband , and vagrant persons doe presume to come , wander or remaine in and about this citie and liberties thereof , either to begge reliefe or otherwise . and if any of them shall be found , or taken to offend therein , then they and euery of them to be apprehended by the constables and warders within this citie , and being punished , to be passed away according to the lawes and statutes of this realme , in that case made and prouided for . that the feasts and meetings at hals , tauernes , or other places within this citie or liberties , vsed to be made by the countrimen of any shire , or other place within this realme , wrastlings , and fencers prises , shewes , or the like , which hath been a cause of gathering multitudes together , be now forborne , and not attempted to be made by any person or persons whatsoeuer , vntill the city and the places adiacent shall bee cleare of the present infection ( which god of his mercy grant . ) that no fruiterer or other seller of fruite , cabbages , rootes or herbes , doe keepe or lay vp in any their houses , warehouses , or other place within this city of liberties thereof , any apples , herbes , roots , cabbages , or other fruite whatsoeuer , other than in the warehouses anciently vsed for such purpose , lying in or about thamestreet , or the places thereunto adioyning . and for the better and more due performance of all and euery the premisses , the said lord mayor and aldermen doe hereby straightly charge and command all constables , scauengers , beadles , and other officers within this citie and liberties thereof , whom these may any way concerne , to vse all possible care and diligence they may , for the due and carefull execution and performance of all and euery the said articles according to the true intent and meaning thereof , & to acquaint the lord mayor of this city , or some other his maiesties iustices of peace within the same of all & euery the parties as shall be found to offend therein , whereby they & euery of them may be punished , & dealt withall according to the qualitie of the offence as the law in such case shall require , as they and euery of them will answer to the contrary at their perils . guildhall london this xxii . of april . 1630. god saue the king. printed by robert young , printer to the honourable citie of london , 1630. londoners their entertainment in the countrie. or the whipping of runnawayes wherein is described, londons miserie. the countries crueltie. and mans inhumanitie. petowe, henry. 1604 approx. 42 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09527 stc 19807.7 estc s112686 99847932 99847932 13001 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09527) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 13001) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1146:6) londoners their entertainment in the countrie. or the whipping of runnawayes wherein is described, londons miserie. the countries crueltie. and mans inhumanitie. petowe, henry. [32] p. printed by h[umphrey] l[ownes] for c[utbert] b[urby], at london : 1604. by henry petowe. misattributed to richard milton. on the plague. includes "londons welcome home to her citizens", in verse. printer's and publisher's names from stc. signatures: a-d⁴. identified as stc 17938 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-05 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-03 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-03 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londoners their entertainment in the countrie . or the whipping of runnawayes . wherein is described , londons miserie . the covntries crveltie . and mans inhvmanitie . os homini svblime dedit at london printed by h. l. for c. b. 1604. london to thy citizens , especially to such right honourable , right worshipfull , and others , as were thy true-borne ministring comfort to thee , in time of visitation . health , peace , and plentie . that london hath beene honorable for her state , admired for her wealth , and famous for her nurcerie , what liuing soule hath not heard or seene . that she is now most miserable , and ouer-whelmed with sorrowes deluge ; witnesse these lines of lamentation : oh time of heauines ! that such royaltie should be prest with miserie . but of her miserie i haue writ at large ; the iudgement whereof ( right honorable , right worshipfull , and wise ) relieth on your fauourable censures , who haue both aucthoritie to conuict , and knowledge to commend . if therfore out of this poesie of greene hearbs , gathered out of a spacious country garden , you make your seuerall choices of some ( though but of few ) to your contents , i shall thinke my trauailes richly guerdoned : suruay them curiouslie , and you shall find much varietie , but especially of rue , wormwood , and tyme : but indeede wee may rue the time that euer that bitter weede wormewood became so sweete a nosegay . my labour is past , my booke newly come from the presse , and it is in your hands to be censured ; if therefore it passe with your good likings , my desires are accomplished , and my expectation satisfied . in hope wherof i rest . the vvhipping of runnawayes . euen then when peace & plenty , like a paire of true borne twins kissed , & most louingly embraced one another , not onlie in the middle center , but also in euery priuate angle and skirt of this stourishing iland-euen then at that swéetest instant of loue and amitie , when the thought of man could not haue comprehended a more blessed time , then , then i say ( note but the suddaine alteration of fortune ) was transformed our so happy and prosperous estate . but alas why should i exclaime against fortune , which is nothing else but the idle fantasie of ignorant men , when indéede the repentant returning from our intollerable sinnes , might haue continued our blisse and happines . what should i say ? what should i write ? but that our summum bonum became our omnimoda miseria , our good , our worse , by that vnexpected change , such is the reward of sinne . no sooner was the lady of felicity ( the diuine eliza ) departed from this chaos of iniquitie , as one too worthy the gouernment of so wicked a people , by reason of her gentle chasticements , but in the selfe same houre of her departure , did our almightie father not leaue vs destitute , but gaue in place of our deceased soueraigne , a royall king of an excellent and princelike substance , moulded with a diuine spirit , ordained before for the full felicitie of this languishing realme , to the end that our disobedience may blush at the sight of his so gratious respecting vs ; such a prince i say that one wrincle seated in his browe , should dart such terror to the heart of sinne , that not one of vs should dare to offende the sacred deitie of the almightie . but alas , such and so great was the root of wickednes grafted in our hardened hearts , that as before so still do the forward branches of horrible sinne spring vp in vs , wherwith we make vs arborss to shadowe our lasciuious desires , vayling one sinne vnder another , without either respect or feare . the king of kings , the almightie glorious essence , noting the stubbornes of so stiffnecked a people , and séeing that notwithstanding all his threatnings , thundred into our eares , by his prophets , the holy ministers of his word , we would not repent , but still perseuer in our abhominable wickednesse ; euen then when wee thought our selues most secure , and shadowed euen vnder the wings of happines : did the god of iustice , the high almighty one , commaund his angell to vnsheath his sword , which séemed euen to haue rusted in the scabberd , by meanes of his long suffering , and much patience , and with that rod of his seuere correction , to lay on heauy load vpon the burthened backs of sinners : oh how vnwillingly did hee procéede to this deadly medicine , like a carefull phisitian , trying all salues for cure , before he put his patient to extreamest paine : yea he hath often tolde vs so , by the tongs of his prophets , and like a louing father sull many times intreated vs wicked and sinfull people , euen at our owne dores , to abstaine from the filthy desires of the flesh , but we regarded them not , neither was there any , no not one that feared the iudgments of the highest . wherefore béeing ouercome w●th the intollerablenes of our sins , at last as it were breaking forth into such like words , since they so slightly regard those whom i haue sent with the tongs of fathers , kindely intreating them to refraine from sinne , and they like disobedient children respect them not , neither him that sent them , he gaue this charge to the angell of his iudgment . let them féele in full measure the iudgments of the highest : therefore sinite them with the plague and pestilence , that they may know , that i the true and liuing god can bridle the lofty heads of the wicked . and forthwith was his power by his iust iudgment of plague and pestilence showen vnto vs , when after we had felt his scourge heauy vpon vs , we could then cry out and say , we haue sinned lord , wee haue sinned , oh forbeare thy rod &c. you know ( most kinde respected readers ) that the first stroke of visitation lighted on the very heart of this realme , london the mother of cities , and the nurce of countries , euen in the prime , and on the neck of englands new borne happines , when the swéets of flora began to diaper the deasie spangled pauement of the earth , vpon the high pinacles of which admired city , the messenger of god ( as i may say ) sitting ready to strike at the commandement of the lord , those , and in such places as his masters should giue him in chardge . at length ( but yet alas too soone ) fell the reward of sinne gently on the skirts which we terme the subburbs of the city . the reason why it pleased god to strike the exteriour members , before the interiour parts : i meane the subburbs before the body of the city , may demonstrate vnto vs , that the lord would yet looke downe in mercy on the body , if that the perishing of some loose members may cause repentance . for as in a faire and costly garment , after it is framed by the labor of the workeman , and through his negligence , or mistaking , it chance to bee made somewhat vnfit , or with some other fault , and therefore dooth displease the owner , yet if it may bee mended by altering the skirts , or extremest parts , without taking asunder of the whole , he will be drawn to a better liking of it : so the lord , that euer taketh delight in sparing and shewing pitty , and doth seeke to recall manie into the way , by the punishment of sewe , in the first breaking forth of his wrath , began to punish the skirts and subburbs of the city , that the city it selfe séeing the rod so neere , should feare betimes . and indéed the action of god so distributing and dispiercing his iudgments , may seeme besides this , to haue had another cause , namely , the excessiue abhomination of filthines practised in those places , more then the rest of the city . that as in a body , all the superfluity of extremities , are by the power of a vegetatiue heate , wronght to the extremetie of the body : so this filthy froth of sensuall beastlinesse , beeing by the force of good gouerment , ( such is the benefit of good lawes put in vse ) expelled from the inner part , and as i may say , the hart of the city , did residence in the vtmost skirts and appendent members thereunto , and became a fit matter for the first burning of gods reuengefull wrath . afterwards , partly by the vicinitie of place , and partly by the vnrespectiuenes of the infected , and the want of care of the sound , but especially the conformity of vnrepented sinnes , kindled the like flame in the inmost places of the city it selfe . and so ere long after it so came to passe , that not only the skirts , but also the whole body of the city was in such sort infected , that the very choice , and speciall members of the body deuided themselues . i make no question ( iudiciall readers ) but you conceaue me rightly ; for this i endeuour to let you know , that i goe not about to diminish the power and might of god , but this only i infer , that the visitation of the body of the city , came likewise by the poisure of the hand of god , rather then by the disorder of any one infected member , for god is almightie , al powerful , and can sooner visit those that are free from affliction , then the visited themselues are able to infect : therefore the only salue to cure affliction , is to make vse of the ancient saying of the wise phisitian the euangelist , luke in his 13. chapter and 3. verse . except you amend your liues you shall all likewise perish . so that if we arme our selues with heartie repentance , we may be sure that no infection can haue power to harme vs. so likewise saith dauid in his lxxxi . psalme . 7. 10. and 11 , verses , a thousand shall fall beside thee , and tenne thousand at thy right hand , but it shall not come nigh thee . there shal no euil happen vnto thee , neither shal any plague come nigh thy dwelling , for he shal giue his angels charge ouer thee to keepe thee in all thy waies . but to procéede to the miserable estate of the city , which god for his mercy cease , and inuest a new the royalll estate thereof . long had not the hand of the almighty scourged the deserued sinners of the city , to the great terror of the residue not afflicted , but london , that deare fostering mother of many thousand soules , grew into such a general contempt , that shee waxed lothsome and vglie , not onlie in the sight of her owne , borne of her owne wombe , but of aliens and strangers well may you say , no maruell if strangers hate her whom her owne flesh and blood loued not . how many thousand citizens , or rather euill sonnes , as i may rightly tearme them , fled from their mother london , which might better both haue unployed their care in propulsing the infection from the vntainted parts , by establishing a good order , and also their money in reléeiuing y e distressed state of those whō god singled out , to beare publique misery : then thus to haue renounced both these their duties : for though a worthy phisitian prescribeth this as a soueraigne medecine against this contagion . cito fugere , longe abesse , tarde redire . yet feare to forsake their station , and to fly from the performance of their charitable duties , shewes a distrustfull flying from god , flying from god do i say ? oh whither could they flie ? into what countrey ? what towne ? what citie ? to liue secure , and to hide themselues from him that is all almighty . flyest thou to the vtmost bownds of europe , nay to any priuate angle of the world , why there iehouah is : dost thou delue into the center of the earth ? why there is god also . and as the prophet dauid saith in his cxxxix psalme . whither shall i fly from thy spirit , or whether shall i go from thy presence , if i clime vp into heauen , thou art there ; if i goe down into hell , thou art there also . if i take the winges of the morning , and remaine in the vttermost parts of the sea , euen there also shall thy hand leade mee , and thy right hand shall hold mee . is the lord of this might ? of such power ? and such wonderfull omnipotencie : and doest thou thinke thou art frée from his anger and punishment , by flying twentie miles from the place of his visitation : no surely , nay , thou knowest it thy selfe for truth : hath he not strucken thée ? or in sparing thy selfe , hath hee not visited thy wife or children ? i knowe it is true , yea , to thy griefe thou hast found it true . héereupon runnes the terrible mouthie rumour through the country , that this vniuersall plague comes by the meanes of thée , by thy meanes distressed londoner , for those of the country not iudging a right of the cause of this contagious disease , which is indéede the sinfulnes of all sorts , and degrées of this land : and onely looking on the outward meanes of encreasing , and propagating the same , can philosophize about this infection , and say , it was not so much meruaile that london ( in which an infinite nomber of people are compact in so narrowe a roome ) be tainted therewith . but the country being spacious , and the aire cleare , and the houses seated in a well distant vicinitie , might be kept vntouched , without the carelesnes of some amongst them that trading with londoners ; some rather to respect their priuate gaine , then the safetie of many , and also the vaine tymiditie of the citizens , who dispersing themselues in the country , and with themselues , that deadly and pestifferous poyson , drew many into the lamentable participation of their miseries . therefore woe worth thée londoner , saith the country , hadst not thou béene , we had béene frée . i answere no : for assure thy selfe thou country-man , or townes man , whosoeuer thou be , that if thou be visited , it is thy sinne that causeth visitation , for else thou shouldest accuse god of iniustice , and improuidence . of improuidence , by thinking that this thy affliction commeth not to thée , by the determinate purpose of god , but onely by such accidentalll and outward casualties . of iniustice , by not obseruing , how thy sinnes haue deserued this scourge , and that it is the iust hand of god striking . but thou looking no further then the externall occasion , frettest against thy afflicted brothers , callest into question the iustice of god , and so doest hazard loosing of that benefit , might else redownd vnto thée , by this thy visitation . but that the iustice of god , in punishing thée also with this sore affliction , may better appeare , doe but thus reason with thy selfe : if i commit an offence , or if another offend , is an innocent and guiltlesse man called in question ? or doth the iudge condemne thée for my offence ? no. and shall the righteous iudge of the world shew lesse iustice , be it farre from our thought . certainly as the husbandman doth not set his sickle to the corne , but where it is ripe : so god doth not inflict so gréeuous a iudgement , but when our mellow sinnes doe call downe the same . wilt thou auoide this pestilence ? scare thy sinne more then the citie ; if thou remoue thy sinne from the face of the lord , the cities contagion shal not hurt thée : but if thy sinnes remaine vnrepented , the countries wholesomnes cannot help thée . although i say not , that all those which escape are without sinne , or all those which perish , are most defiled there-with . yet this , i say , that thou which dwellest in the country , shouldst not in this thy visitation , blame onely the distressed of the citie , which being as willing to saue their liues as thou art , desire to draw the vntainted aire of the country : and so forget the true cause , which is sinne : but thou saist this it is hath so tainted the country . truly i cannot denie , but that this meanes hath béene subordained to the will of god , in bringing to passe this iudgement ; but how many thousand others hath god preserued to the ioy and comfort of their friends . and i cannot tell whether the inhumanitie of such as thou art , be not a cause of the wrath of god towards thée . but is this the onely cause ? nay , is it the chiefe cause ? i know the contrary , for of my knowledge many haue themselues fetched the fire , by which their owne , and others houses haue béene inflamed : to be short , i cannot excuse many of the londoners vnconscionable flight ; yet also i cannot but accuse thine vncharitable discurtesie . it is not long since one of the simple held argu ment against me touching that point . that had not london béene infected , the country had béene frée , i am sure you will all hold with me , that instéede of prouing this assertion , he proues him selfe ignorant , and he that amongst you thinks otherwise , i pronounce him one of the same sect and fraternitie . for approbation whereof , note this reason gathered from your selues , doe any of you that are carefull farmers , or tyllers of ground ( after you haue sowen your graine , and that it appeareth faire aboue the ground ) suffer anie cockle or wéede to ouer-peare it , for hindering the growth of your séede ? no more wil the eternall carefull and louing husband-man , suffer any vnsauorie wéede , i meane any sinne to ouer-pere , or ouer-sway his good séede , which are his graces , offered by the meanes of saluation he hath vouchsafed , insomuch that when he beholds sinne in his pride , and growne euen to his head of ripenes , he will suffer him no longer , but suddainly cut him off , without any further respect . and thinkest thou , that by dwelling in the healthfull aire of the country , thou art shrouded from the punishments of god. doth hee onely hate sinne in the citie , and not in the country ? or will he punish it in the citie , and not in the country ? no. where it is , there god will punish it , & all meanes are his : thou maist ( as thou hast practised ) kéepe out londoners , but not the iudgment of god. séeing therefore thine iniquities be ripe , the time of gods for bearing is likewise out , that whether london had béene visited or no , thy sinne surely had caused thy destruction . therefore let not the country thinke , that londons sinnes are the cause of the countries punishment , but that their owne wickednes is their owne affliction . but london , now do i speake to thine , i meane thy inhabitants , thy children , how disobedient and vnnaturall they haue béen towards thee : shall a mother bring vp her children with much care , great respect , and greater loue , till they be of sufficient ability to helpe and maintaine themselues , and in her distresse shall they flie from her , oh vnnaturall children . why did you so disobedient and vnkinde londoners ; you , when you saw your mother in miserie , and many of her little ones , your younger brethren in distresse , you tooke you to your héeles , and plaide the runnawayes , when you should haue succoured them , and lent them comfort in their necessitie . hast thou any thing thou hadst not from her , or by her meanes ? hast thou not suckt life from her teate , and wealth from her stocke , and in her extremitie didst thou leaue her ? if thou hadst lent her but a little reliefe now in her want , thou hadst then shewed thy gratitude in that extremitie , and she would haue repaid thée trebble for it héereafter . nay ( which is more ) thy prouident care might haue contained the rage of the infection , and the god of loue séeing thy mercifulnes to the afflicted , might haue béene moued to mercy : but before thou wouldst lend her or hers any comfort , thou wouldst spend prodigally on the country . but i prethie examine thy selfe , and tell mee truly , what kindnes didst thou finde of the country , hadst thou entertainment ? hardly : hadst thou lodging ? if any , thou payedst well for a bad one , and yet wert forced to dissemble thy dwelling , before thou couldest obtaine it : for indéede wert thou known to be a londoner , thy patrimonie could not procure thée a bed , and yet thou wouldest flie from her that gaue thée both lodging , and meate for nothing . nay further , let vs come more néerer to the vncharitable country , hadst thou a brother dwelling in the countrie , whose habilitie by his large reuenewes , might aide thée in that thy extremitie , and didst thou find a brotherlike intertainment at his hands ? it may be hee had more kind nature in him , then thy mother had at thy hands , but my opinion will not beare it . for experience in mine owne trauell hath shown the contrary . i know where a man of thy stature , proportion , & comelie personage , whose exteriour demeanour hath béene admired for courtlike complement , whose tongue hath pleaded more like a learned lawyer , then an vnskilfull citizen , to a man more simple then himselfe , yea to his owne brother , and yet hath found no remorce , no comfort , hardly any meate vpon extreame request , and for lodging a wad of straw , or a réeke of haie , which he hath béene as iocand with , as a bed of downe , when hee hath had all mortall felicitie to attend him . moreouer , i came to another place of the countrie , to a towne of an excellent scituation , vppon whose battlemēts the wholsome winds whistles melodious notes , as if their aire warbling did not at al feare anie infection , at whose northerne gate my horse and i made entrance , no sooner had i gotten part of the gate ouer my head , but a winter-weather-beaten clowne repaires vnto me , with an old rustie bill on his necke , stand , saith he , from whence came you ? the absurd fellowes rusticke behauiour , forced me to spend a little time idelie , by answering rudelie as his demandes were simple : stand , saide i ? why art thou a good fellow , that thou bidst me stand , yea , that i am , saide hee : why then thou wouldest haue my purse , wouldest thou not ? your purse , quoth he ? why do you think that i stand here to kéepe shéepe ? why no , said i , but i thinke rather to take purses : sir , saith he , i haue taken as good a mans purse as yours before now : by my saith not vnlike , said i : why then , saide he , neuer tickle me in the teeth with taking a purse , but tell mée who you are , thou séest who i am , saide i , but i pray thée tel me wherefore doost thou stand here ? why , ( quoth he ) to kéepe out rogues , rascols , and londoners . then by your leaue sir rogue , saide i : and let an honest londoner passe by . no sooner had he heard the name of londoner , but the simple clowne presentlie giues way , and standing a loofe farre from mée , waues his rustie bill to and fro with these words reitterated twice or thrice . you must go that way : you must not come this way . with that , laughing heartelie at the silly hinde , to sée into what a tunerous extacie , the verie name of londoner had changed him , i set spurres to my horse , and rode quite through the towne , without farther molestation . within the space of twenty miles distant from the towne aforesaide , i had gotten another towne ouer my head , the scituation i néed not to stand vpon , only the nature of the people , and the inhabitants thereof . the blacke shadowe of night hauing canopeide the splendant eie of day , and twilight being past , making entrance into the towne , i inquired for lodging at an inne , an inne it had béen , and an iune it was , but that indéed the bush or signe was taken down , for all the people told me the iustices of the countrey , had caused them to be taken awaie , and withall that they should lodge no strangers , which commandement indéede was verie stri●…e obserued , for i could neither get lodging , normeate for any money , being driuen to such extremitie , and séeing my horse very wearie , and that i was destitute of any kinde of prouender , i knew not what shift to make , till at length this refuge i found : within halfe a mile there was a very faire meadowe cut but the day before , and the hay newly made , so that wanting all other meanes , i made repaire to one of the cockes , and slipping the snaffle out of my horses mouth , tied the end of his bridle to my legge , so that my horse well refreshed him , whilst my selfe betooke mee to a little slumbering repose . no sooner had the harbinger of light opened the windowes of the new-borne day , but ( as the necessitie of my busines required ) i went forward on my iourney . i had not rode sixe miles further from those vncharitable people , but an honest plaine fearefull swaine méeting me , gaue me the good time of the day , and withall , saith he , sir , if you loue your life , ride not that way , but ride vp by yonder hedge , it is not a quarter of a mile out of your way , otherwise i assure you , you will ride in great danger : i prethie honest fellow , saide i , why doest thou wish mee to leaue the way , are there any that want money , which make their stand there : no ( quoth hee ) but a worse matter , for there lies a gentleman starke dead : god-a-mercy good fellow , said ●s but if that be the worst , i will not ( god willing ) leaue the way ; whereupon ( arming my selfe with a faithfull resolution ) i made towards the body , where i saw the most lamentablest spectacle that euer mine eyes were guilty of . for in the high-way close by a hedges side , there lay a very proper gentleman suted all in blacke , a faire scarffe about his neck , with a siluer hatched short sword hanging in it , a dagger sutable ; and dead he was , but how long before he died , i could not learne , nor how hee died ; but those that inhebited nearest to the place , tolde me , that trauailers suspected it was the plague hee died of , and i could not otherwise imagine my selfe , for the cause that shewed the likeliest probability , was this ; that as the gentleman lay dead booted and spurd , so his horse ( a most lamentable sight ) went grasing hard by sadled and bridled . what became of him i know not , nor how they buried him , i could not since learne , but no doubt , after the ordinarie course of the country , like a dogge ; for in my trauaile i saw another dead in the like sort , but he séemed to be a country husbandman , with a sustian doublet , a round paire of cloath hose , and a pitchforke by him , he lay ( as i was told ) two or thrée dayes vnburied , vncouered i may say , for god knowes his buriall was simple . if the birds did sing him to the ditch his graue , why then hee had a knell , otherwise a dogge had a more honest buriall . for the manner of his funerall was this , euen tumbled into the ditch , and couered with a little earth , this was all his buriall , and all his funerall . oh where is christianitie become ? charitie long since was key cold , but at this present , i thinke christianitie in the country be starke dead . yet london , london , notwithstanding all thy masse of deadly sinne which thou art burthened with , thou yieldest christian buriall for thy sinfull people , yea , albeit thy receipt for dead bodies be but a spanne , in comparison of the spacious country , yet thou hast with honest respect performed thy last obsequios and dutie to thy dead , and hast interred the liuelesse bodies , of almost fortie thousand of thy deceased inhabitants , yea , and brought thy yonger children more liker to a bridall bed , then to an earthly grane , decked with odoriserous flowers and garlands , and hundreds of people with mournfull hearts attending on them . which speciall instance of christianitie , no doubt but the lord will reward in mercie . therefore thou poore remainder of that famous citie , nowe at the last remember thy sinnes , and while thou hast time call for grace , the lord is readie euerie minute of an houre to heare thée , he hath lent thée longer daies then thy deceased brethren , to sée if thou wilt yet turne vnto him , and leaue to sinne . but without all question , if thou be stubborne , and wilt still persist in thy wickednes , as the fall of them hath beene great , thine will be greater . wherefore while thou hast time , now in thy most miserie call to the lord for mercie ; repent thée of thy former sinnes , and perswade thy selfe , the lord will not onely heare thée , but relieue thée , and send thée comfort in thy extremitie , for hee reioyceth more in the conuersion of one sinfull soule , then in all the glories of the greatest potentate of the world . experience hath euer taught vs , that if but the least member of the body be distempered , the whole body is out of quiet , much more if the head ( being the principall member ) be neuer so little troubled . so fares it with the body of this land england , the admired iland of the world , whose head thou art london . distressed london , whose very eye thou art to illuminate , and lighten the darke members of the same : yea , whose sunne thou art , which ( kéeping thy diurnall course through englands element ) doest dart such comfortable influence from thy horison , that soke vp all distilling teares of sorrowe . but now alas , for so much as that head of ours aketh , that eye of ours winketh , and that sunne of ours setteth , howe can that body of ours choose but perish ? what resteth then , but that each seuerall member according to his place , lament the heads distemperature , endeuouring and labouring by all possible meanes , for some precious balme to cure that same deadly headake . that balme must be the mercie and compassion of the highest , which is to be obtained onelie by prayer , with a hartie repentance of our wicked sinnes . know wee the meanes , yet will not séeke redresse : know we a salue ? yet suffer the sore to ranckle : no meruaile then if the pace of death lie so heauie vpon vs. why should nature haue so little féeling in vs , that wee the inferiour members , should suffer our head to perish , when that a little , little harty sorrow , would salue a thousand wounds . wéepe therefore , o thou country-man , wéepe not onely with vs , but for vs , i meane for wofull london thy head , who is nowe visited for sinne : let not her affliction be thy securitie , let not her plagues flatter thée , and make thée thinke that thou art frée from sinne , because thy visitation is the lesse : for well maist thou perceaue , that the selfe same scourge ( though not in such terrible manner ) yet in some measure , it stealeth vpon thy townes and uillages . therfore perswade thy selfe , vnlesse londons affliction enforce thy speedie reformation , it is to be feared that thou wilt taste the like miserie . wherefore with london doe thou ioyne in heartie prayers , that the lord in mercie would looks downe vpon vs , that not onely the remainder of the citie , but also the body of the country may be so vnited together in his feare and loue , that so long as they haue any being héere in this world , his name by them may be glorified , & they glorified by him in the world to come . but to procéed , no sooner had i mounted the vsuall walks for shepheards , the downes of buckingham , but i might heare a swayne tuning on his harsh pipe such notes ofsorrow , and withall singing to the same so sad an aelegie , that his pretie ewes lest grazing , and would not séede for mourning : the effect whereof followeth . an aelegie . no wonder though i waile , my sheepe are poore , yet sorrowes naught auaile , for all my store . the sommers prime is winter vnto mee , my flocks are gaunt , no wonder though they be . my ioy and comfort dies , drown'd vp in woe : ny lambes by my moist eies , my sorrowes know . they scorne to liue , since they my liuing feare , and pyne to see their masters pining cheere . hust silence , leaue thy caue , thy caue obscur'd : and deigne my woes a graue , woes long endur'd . though thou leaue me , yet take my sorrows to thee , or leauing them , alas thou doost vndoe mee . silence mou'd to pitty , sy , wherefore vndon : shep. wayling for a city , woeful london . whil'st london smyl'd , my stocks did feede them ful skipping for ioy , that london had their wull . woe is mee , they die now , cause they feede not , shepheard , swaynes must flie nowe , cause they speed not . yet when i pipe and sing that london smileth , my sheep reuiue againe and death beguileth . wherefore silence pittie , my lambes mourning : ioine in our sad dittie , till woes turning . ( weepe by you sy. mourne swaynes , mourne sheep , and silence wil and as you weepe for mercie , shepeheards cry you . this passionate dittie was no sooner ended , but i drewe néere the place , whence i heard that vnexpected lamentation , where on a banck of mosse i found a true loue knot of shepheards all woe begun , euen all strooken into an extacie , of whom i demaunded the cause of sorrowe , one of them more free of spirit then the rest , willing to satisfie my demaund , to the intent i might mourne with them , brake into these termes of exclamation . oh spring of sorrowes , sommer of lamentations , autumne of woes , winter of heauines , oh times of miserie , when will your contagion haue an end , your seuerall aires haue béen infectious , whereby manie thòusands haue perished . neuer since i knew the contented life of a slvaine , did i so long sucke on the sower dug of infelicitie , for wee were wont to smile howeuer fortune frowned , but now alas as much subiect to passion as discontent it selfe , wherefore kind stranger ( saide he ) perswade thy selfe , that it is some extraordinarie affliction that forceth such distilling teares from shepheards sunne dried eies . oh london : and there made a colon , whereuppon all the rest of the shepheards ioyntlie with him did beare seuerall parts in this sad following eglogue . the aeglogue . burst , burst poore harts , you haue no longer hope , captiue our eies vnto eternall sleepe : let all our sences haue no further scope , let death be lord of vs and all our sheepe . or if we liue , thus ( liuing ) let vs crie , ( die , ' heauens blesse faire london , or poore shepheards cry , cry aloude , as they that heare our crying , may crie with vs , and fainting , fall a dying . finis . to discribe the particular sorrowes of euery griened soule , were as impossible as to number calice sands ( as the prouerb goes ) the lamentation is so generall . and that not only amongst the swaines , but the whole countrie , and especiallie amongst clothiers , and their poore seruiceable people , for since the memorie of man , almost there hath not béene knowne she like . he that was woont to emploie manie hundreds in his worke , cannot now help twenty poore , insomuch that it procures such emulation and malice twixt them that are wrought , and the rest wanting worke , that it euen brings a confusion amongst them . and in this case what should the clothier doo , some come to him on their knées , some with wringing hands , some crying with infants in their armes , but all of them with such pittifull lamentation , that it pitties the amazed clothier in such sort , that he is weary of life . at length thinking to giue them reasonable satisfaction , he pleadeth , that the want of sale for cloth at london , is the cause he hath so little imployment . but alas this woulde not satisfie the poore multitude , so great is their distresse , and such an vnanswerable argument is importunate necessitie . and thus i may tell you , neuer was cloth better cheape amongst clothiers , yet seldome hath wooll béene known more déere vnto them , and of money i dare say that most of them neuer knew the like want , though they haue money foorth to great value , and the cause of this , saie they , is only londons visitation : if then the mittigation of the pestilent affliction laide vppon that citie , would relieue the want of many thousand poore soules , ( as it is well knowne to euery one of vs it would ) why then let vs vse the meanes to take away the effect , that is , praier to lessen sinne , that god in mercie would pittie londons miserie . and now london , once more doe i speake to thée , thou nurse of people , so louing and kind a mother , doost thou alwaies shew thy selfe vnto thine owne , how disobedient so euer they bée , that thy armes are howerly open to receaue with ioy thy strangling children . they like idle wanderers , haue plaide the runnawaies from thee , yet thou with teares of comfort art readie to entertaine them . and albeit , they haue trewanted long in the country , yet thou must be their refuge , thou art their foster-mother , none will entertaine them but thou : why then did they flie from thée ? onely because thou wert touched with calamitic ; and albeit thou art not yet frée , yet they are now forced to séeke shelter vnder thy wings , and notwithstanding thy aduersitie , like poore prodigals they returne of méere necessitie . thou diddest euer loue them , though they hated thée , so were they hated euen of them to whom they fled . they fled from london to haue harbour in the country , but woe the time that euer london knew such extremitie . will it not be a most lamentable record to our posteritie , to reade this index of the vncharitable nature of the country ? it cannot choose : therefore that londons aduersitie may now turne to prosperitie , that the rude and inhumane country , may tast the wholsome comfort of the citie , let vs all pray for londons health and libertie . which the god of all mercie , power , and consolation graunt , for the loue of that immaculate lambe christ iesus , our onely sauiour and redéemer . finis . londons welcome home to her citizens . are you return'd ? oh wherefore did you flie me , leauing me naked , weeping , and forlorne : how many thousand infants here lie by me , ceaz'd on by death since first i began to mourne : did they want comfort ? wherefore did they die ? i doe not say for want of charitie . you fed them full , but it was full of woe , they had enough ; god wot enough of care , indeede you were to blame , you prest them so , with more then their weake natures could well beare : ill was that well , well bearing had been good , i would haue borne you all , though drown'd in blood . and yet you ranne from me , oh whither then ? into the iawes of inhumanitie , vnto the people that were worse then men , now catalogue in lasting infamie : there were your hopes blasted , being crost , in strange aduentures where your hope was most . haue i beene thus long mother ( wondrous tyme ) vnder whose wings millions of people lie ; hath this child-bearing fruitfull wombe of mine , brought forth so many : ( oh securitie why do'st thou lull my young ones thus a sleepe , slumbring in peace when i their mother weepe . ) oh let them see my teares how fast they trill , am i their mother ? mother to my griefe : are they my children ? children to their will : are they come home againe to seeke reliefe ? oh bid them welcome , for i long to heare their pilgrimage in this same wondrous yeare . welcome poore pilgrimes : what so ragg'd and torne ? haue you not skirmisht with proud pouertie ? i feare you haue ; oh wherfore doe you mourne ? and hang the head ? heere 's russet miserie : indeede it is ; say therefore which is better , a russet banck'rout , or a sattine debter . i am too lauish , yet but heare me speake , i speake in loue , and loue doth make me weepe , should i not weepe , then my heart would breake , and in such passion , who a meane can keepe : i weepe for you , and weeping will not lin , till i am sure that you are purg'd of sin . sinne was the cause of woe , oh welcome then , if thou hast left that sinne of thine behind ? the scourge of heauen is past . oh citizen , or sonne of me poore london , be not blind with squint-ey'd error ; now redeeme my same , which sinne hath pawn'd by an adult'rate name . set pride to sale , let auarice goe bie , enuie's a deuill , gluttonie a fiend , on want on strumpets doe not cast thine eie , abandon sinne , and thus with teares i end : teares that all teares of passion shall surmount , till londons sinne giue vp her last account . finis . by the lords and other his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague. england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39483 of text r43145 in the english short title catalog (wing e929). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39483 wing e929 estc r43145 26912156 ocm 26912156 109848 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109848) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1715:11) by the lords and other his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague. england and wales. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1645. signed at end: ed. littleton c.s. cottington. hertford. dorchester. dorset. hen. dover. chichester. f. seymour. edw. nicholas. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng plague -england -17th century. public welfare -law and legislation -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a39483 r43145 (wing e929). civilwar no by the lords and other his majesties commissioners an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliefe and orderin england and wales 1645 946 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the lords and other his majesties commissioners . ¶ an order for the observance and execution of the statute made for the reliese and ordering of persons infected with the plague . whereas by an act of parliament in the first yeare of the raigne of our late soveraigne lord king james , severall good and necessary provisions were made and ordeined , touching those that be or shall be infected with the plague : by which act , power is given to justices of peace of counties , majors , bayliffes , head-officers , or justices of peace in cities , borroughes , townes corporate , and places priviledged , and to the vice-chancellor of either of the vniversities , and to the bishop and deane of every cathedrall church respectively , within their severall and respective precincts and jurisdictions , to taxe and assesse all inhabitants , and all houses of habitation , lands , tenements , and hereditaments , at such reasonable taxes and payments as they shall think fit for the reasonable reliefe of persons infected , and to levy the same of the goods of such as shall refuse or neglect to pay , and in default thereof , to commit them to the goale without baile or mainprize untill payment ; and also to appoynt searchers , watch-men , examiners , keepers , and buriers , for the persons and places infected , and to minister oathes unto them for the performing of their offices , and to give them other directions as shall seeme good unto them in their discretions , for the present necessity . and it is thereby farther provided and enacted , that if any person or persons infected , or being , or dwelli●g in any houses infected , shall be commanded or appointed to keep his or their house , for avoyding of farther infection , and shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously disobey such direction and appointment , offering or attempting to break or goe abroad , and to resist such keepers or watch-men , as shall be appoynted to see them kept in : that then it shall be lawfull for such watch-men with violence to inforce them to keep their houses : and if any hurt come thereby , that the keepers , watch-men , and their assistants shall not be impeached therefore ; and farther , that if any infected persons being commanded to keep house , shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously goe abroad , and converse with company , having any infectious sore about him uncured , such person shall be taken and adjudged as a felon , and suffer death as in case of felony : but if they shall have no sore found about them , neverthelesse for such offence , they shall be punished as vagabonds in all respects , and also be bound to his or their good behaviour for one whole yeare , as by the said act may more fully appeare . the lords and others intrusted and authorized by his majesty , by his commission under his great seale of england , for and concerning the safety , preservation , and well ordering of this vniversity and city of oxford , and the county of oxford , and other counties and places adjoyning , in his majesties absence , taking into their consideration , that the due observance and execution of the said law , may ( by gods blessing ) be a good meanes to prevent the farther spreading of this present infection , and that the neglect of the observance of the same law , hath been , and may be , in probability , an occasion of the increase thereof , doe therefore hereby in his majesties name , by vertue of his majesties said commission , straitly charge and require , the vice-chancellor of this vniversity , and the major , justices of peace , bayliffes , and other officers of this city of oxford , and the justices of peace of the county of oxford , and all others whom it may concerne , that with all possible care and diligence , they cause the said law to be duely and effectually put in execution , as well for the helpe and reliefe , as for the governing and keeping in of infected persons , as they will answer their neglect and remisnesse therein at their perills . and they doe likewise in his majesties name , straitly charge and command all persons whatsoever , as well souldiers as others , upon whom it hath pleased , or shall please god to lay this his visitation , that they submit and yeeld obedience to the said law , letting them know , that a strict and severe proceeding shall be had , for punishing of all such as shall wilfully or contemptuously offend against the same , to the endangering of others : and that a very strict account will be required of all , who are , or shall be any way concerned in this just and necessary command , tending so much to the health and preservation of this vniversity and city , and all that are resident therein , or resort thereunto . dated at oxford , the 12th day of may , in the one and twentieth yeare of his majesties raigne . 1645. ed. littleton c. s. cottington . hertford . dorchester . dorset . hen. dover . chichester . f. seymour . edw. nicholas . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield printer to the university . 1645. by the king, a proclamation concerning the prorogation of the parliament england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32388 wing c3271 estc r30888 11681654 ocm 11681654 48111 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32388) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48111) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1481:23) by the king, a proclamation concerning the prorogation of the parliament england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1665. "given at our court at salisbury the thirtieth day of august, in the seventeenth year of our reign, 1665." reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation concerning the prorogation of the parliament . charles r. whereas since our last session of parliament the same was prorogued by vs until the third day of october then next coming and now near at hand , at which time we did fully intend to have held our next session of parliament at westminster , if it had pleased god to remove the infection of the plague from the cities of london and westminster , or to abate it in such measure that the parliament might have met there , without the manifest peril of the lords spiritual and temporal , and the commons : and whereas the increase of the plague is now become so dreadful , and the infection thereof so generally dispersed in , and about our cities of london and westminster , that we have great reason to fear we shall not be able to assemble our parliament there where we chiefly desired : we have therefore with the advice of our privy council thought fit , and do hereby declare and publish our royal will and pleasure , that the same parliament shall be again prorogued from the third of october unto the ninth day of the same october , and from the city of westminster unto the city of oxford , where we have taken care that good accommodation be made and kept for the several members of both our houses of parliament , to be there holden upon the said ninth of october . whereof the lords spiritual and temporal , and all and every the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the house of commons , and all others whom it doth or may concern , are to take notice , and to order their affairs accordingly ; we letting them know , that although we shall not require any of their attendance at westminster upon the said third of october ( except such only who may conveniently be present at the making of the said prorogation in the usual manner ) nebertheless we do expect , and do hereby require and strictly charge and command them , and every of them personally to appear at our said city of oxford upon the said ninth of october , then and there to proceed in those weighty and vrgent affairs which shall be there handled , and shall be most expedient for the general good of vs and our kingdoms . given at our court at salisbury the thirtieth day of august , in the seventeenth year of our reign . 1665. god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1665. by the king a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1635 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22597 stc 9049 estc s122972 33150579 ocm 33150579 28663 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22597) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28663) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:23) by the king a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1635. caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at hampton-court, the first day of nouember, in the eleuenth yeere of his maiesties reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -great britain -prevention. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev ◆ eta ◆ mon ◆ droit honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense ❀ royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation to restraine the landing of men , or goods , out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france , or the low-countries now infected with the plague , till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes . the kings maiestie being informed , that the infection of the plague is at this present time dispersed into diuers townes and places , both of france , and the low-countries : and weighing the danger that may ensue to his owne kingdomes and people , by the resort of persons , from any infected parts , or the landing of their goods here : hath thought fit , ( with the aduice of his priuie councell ) out of his princely care of the safety of his subiects , and by all prouident meanes to preuent the perill and inconueniences that may arise thereby , to declare and publish his royall will and pleasure in that behalfe : and doth therefore hereby straightly charge and command , that during the time of the infection in those or any other parts , no ships or vessels whatsoeuer , ariuing in any parts of this kingdome , shall land any passenger , or person , or any apparell , houshould-stuffe , wares , or merchandises , vntill such time as they shall haue licence from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes , or some of them , vpon due consideration by them first taken of the parts and places from whence such shipping shall come : vpon paine of imprisonment of euery person so landing , or otherwise vnlading or sending a shore any such wares or goods , and to be further proceeded against , as high contemners of his maiesties royall commands . and for such ships or vessels , as ( comming from any infected parts ) shall arriue here , his maiesties pleasure is , that the officers and farmours of his customes take speciall care that no licence or warrant be giuen for the comming a shore of any person , or the landing or vnlading of any goods therein , vntill twenty dayes after the arriuall of such ship or vessell here ; whereby it may be knowne , whether the men in such ship shall stand in health or no : and if in such vessell there shall be brought apparell , houshould-stuffe , or wares , that may bee thought fit to bee ayred , that then the same bee conueighed to some conuenient place , neere the water-side , remote from the citie of london , or any other towne or place of much resort . and for the better effecting of his maiesties royall pleasure in the premisses , his maiesties farmours of his customes are hereby required , vpon the arriuall of any ship , barke , or vessell in any part of this kingdome , to send a board one or more waiters or guardians , the better to restraine the landing of goods , or comming a shore of men out of such shipping , vntill due tryall shall bee had , that the same may bee done without perill or danger of infection . and lastly , his maiestie doth hereby require and command all iustices of peace , maiors , bailiffes , sheriffes , constables , headboroughs , and all other his officers and ministers whatsoeuer , to be aiding and assisting in the full accomplishment and execution of his maiesties royall pleasure herein declared , which so much importeth the common good and safety of his kingdomes and people . giuen at the court at hampton-court , the first day of nouember , in the eleuenth yeere of his maiesties reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1635. london's deliverance predicted in a short discourse shewing the cause of plagues in general, and the probable time (god not contradicting the course of second causes) when the present pest may abate, &c. / by john gadbury. gadbury, john, 1627-1704. 1665 approx. 104 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a42850 wing g86 estc r24344 08149307 ocm 08149307 40937 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a42850) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40937) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1230:4) london's deliverance predicted in a short discourse shewing the cause of plagues in general, and the probable time (god not contradicting the course of second causes) when the present pest may abate, &c. / by john gadbury. gadbury, john, 1627-1704. [7], 40 p. printed by j.c. for e. calvert, london : 1665. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. plague. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london's deliverance predicted : in a short discourse shewing the causes of plagues in general ; and the probable time ( god not contradicting the course of second causes ) when this present pest may abate , &c. by john gadbury , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 sam. 24. 25. so the lord was intreated for the land , and the plague was stayed from israel . london , printed by j. c. for e. calvert , at the black spread-eagle , at the west-end of st. pauls , 1665. to the worthily accomplished , my singularly approved good friend , mr. luke cropley of st. michaels bassishaw london ; the author , for many eminent ( and never to be forgotten ) favours , in the stead of a better acknowlegdement , humbly presents the following discourse . to the friendly reader . although many in these days , have but an indifferent opinion of astrology , some out of interest , but most out of ignorance , damning and reprobating it . for ignorance we know it is , mater devotionis ; and interest what is it but filius diaboli , the son and he●r of falshood ! and it is no wonder that the best of sciences sit , and suffer under the censure of such malicious and uncapable judges . yet , when the world doth plainly see how far short all other arts fall of giving satisfaction to mankind in the causes and limits of this most terrible pest , that we at present groan under , in comparison of what is afforded by astrology ; me thinks it should abandon and cashier its darling errors , and cease to be at odds with , ei●●er the art , or its honest and able professors any longer . we see apparently , that the science of physick ( next unto astrology i grant the most excellent of all natural knowledge , joyned with it , the most worthy of all ! but alone , ) is much too short to acquaint us , either when such great and terrible plagues shall come ; or when come , at what time they shall cease . the pulse of the times deceives them herein ; the excellent temperature of the season this year we see hath failed all their common prognosticks ; and told them plainly , the true and certain causes of such astonishing effects , are else where lodged ; nor can a crisis or indication thereof , any where be found , but in the study of celestial influences ; unless it please god to vouchsafe an immediate revelation thereof unto any ! in this sence , i and every man must acknowledge the meanest peasant may assoon as the mightiest prince , come to a prevision of the greatest alterations . in matter of miracle , we must be content to submit ; although we are masters of the most demonstrable arts in the world . but among all the noble science wherein a man may argue from the cause to its effect , there is not one by which this pest could be foretold , but astrology . nay , the learned serarius himself ( though a physician ) pretends not to predict the plague by the art of physick , but takes for his subject the stars , and other celestial phaenomena ( as may be seen in his discourse of all the planets meeting in sagittary , december 1662. ) as thereby allowing greater certainty in these things , to the axiomes of astrology , then he could hope to find in that worthy study of medicine . howbeit , physick is a study i exceedingly love and honor , and its learned and legal professors ( whether galenists or chymists ) i truely reverence . but i must be excused if i detest and protest against the unworthy practices of many , who ( under pretence of that worthy knowledge ) so impudently and falsly boast of their success and skill in physick ; painting both posts and walls with their lying oracles in print : every one crying up his own stuffe , for the elixir , or panacaea , &c. and all but to delude the credulous multitude ! who ( as one wittily and truly observ●s ) find their medicines dear enough , when in taking they cost them their lives . some of them pretend to cure the most malignant and inveterate diseases in six hours time , others in twelve hours , or a day or two , at the furthest , if you will believe them . and this they are so impudent as to promise ( by their prints ) infallibly to perform . an artifice the wise and prudent physician disdains , as knowing the success of a cure to depend on his hand that first gave the wound , viz. gods. but notwithstanding all this their pretended skill , and shameless boastings , we find but few good effects ; they all work great cures , and yet the weekly bills increase . certainly god almighty ( as if angry at such a presumptuous and shameless sort of men ) is pleased ( in opposition to their ●●ctitious pretences ) to suffer this great sickness to destroy the more , and devour the greater numbers . it was ●ronically and truly sung of old , saul hath slain his thousands , and david his ten thousands ! but it may ●e truly and without irony sung of this great city ; that be neglect of the people in sickness ; their ill looking uno , penury , and nastiness , &c. have slain their thou●nds ; but the ignorant and confident practices of il●erate and impudent pretenders to physick , have ●urthered their ten thousands ! it is impossible for any ●t the eminently learned , truly to consider and be acquaind with the noble subject of physick ; which is man ! ●e microcosm and the lord of the creation ! gods image ! and yet every bayard does now adays confidently run upon so great a practice , and attempts things out of his reach , with as little remorse , as a carnifex doth the execution of such as the law hath condemned to death . there are such nodi in physick , that the best of physicians many times are to seek of what is proper to unty them . nonest in medico semper relevatur ut aeger : interdum docta , plus valet arte malum . if then , the ablest of physicians , at sometimes are at a stand or non-plus ; how miserably must your pittiful quacks be gravel'd at all times ? if men of parts and learning , are sometimes apt to be at a loss , in the curative part of physick ; how strangely ( and always ) must they be mistaken , that are not able to write true english ? nay scarce able to speak sence ? for some such there are , that take on them the glorious titles of doctors , to my knowledge . and yet they must ( forsooth ) be squirting out their filth and shame against the learned colledge of physicians . the suffering , nay permitting of which , is a scandal upon government at large ; for , by the same rule , any sort of men would destroy or cut off a part of government ; let them but have liberty to go on and they will make but little conscience in destroying the whole . but it is but to add folly to misery , to complain ; and seeing it is so , i 'll resolve to let these cypres● trees alone ; and if men will be any longer contented an● born down with fair and glozing pretences , leaves , instead of fruit ; let master emperick be their doctor ! they 'll find their folly soon enough , i doubt not though perhaps too late for remedy . but a word or two of the book , and i have done ▪ have in the ensuing discourse touched upon several subjects ; yet none but what i adjudged necessary ; and if therein i have unmasked any vulgar errors ( i. e. ) shewn the face of truth without a vizor ; i hope the ingenious will accept my endeavors kindly , and not be ashamed or affraid to behold her brightness and glory . when i speak of the causes of the plague , you are to understand that i tacitly acknowledge , god the chief and supreme cause of all things ! and that it is in his power to alter or suspend second causes , even as he pleaseth ; but this he seldom , nay never doth , but by miracle , as in the days of joshua and good king hezekiah . and when i justly censure persons , that out of a slavish fear leave their habitations , thereby hoping to fly from the judgements of god , i would not be understood as if i condemned all that leave the city . for many have done it rather out of custom and for pleasure , then any fear really ; and many more out of a prudent care , rather then from a servile fear ; as judging it better to be subject to the ●●ll of a slate or tyle , then a whole house ; to the fate of a little village , then to the destiny of so great a city ! and although i believe that the plague is sent , not so much to afflict the city , as the citizens ; the houses , as the owners of them : yet i am perswaded that it is the greatest plague to the city , that so many have run out of it . we know the famousest edifices have a time to flourish , and another to decay ; and as the poeth saith , quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata fepulchris . even tombs themselves are subject unto fate . and that it is a fate most cruel to this great city , to have her children so subject to fear , that by their leaving her , all trading is at an ebb , and she in summer forced to undergo a dismall , dreadful winter of evil ; there is no one that hath any sence of humane sufferings , but must truly and sorrowfully acknowledge . to conclude , i shall not apologize for my present attempt ; it is sufficient that i saw this great city wanted encouragement , and knew that god ( in mercy ) had enabled me to present them with this celestial cordial ; and to be a messenger of good news unto them . now , that god would graciously vouchsafe to protect this great city and the nations from so great a scourge for the future : bless and defend his sacred majesty , &c. settle us in peace , and preserve the government both of state and church ! is the cordial fervent prayer of the earnest implorer of englands happiness , from my house in jewen garden against the sun in jewen-street , neer aldersgate-street . john gadbury . these few escapes of the press : be pleased thus to correct . page . 2. l. 11. r. apodictical , p. 8. l. 2. r. and as these , l. 21. r. cause or causes , p. 29. l. 10. dele the , p. 35. l. 1. r. from a sickness , p. 37. l. 35. for with r. of . licensed aug. 25. 1665. roger l'estrange . prooeme . whether the doctrine of democritus and his followers ( who maintain that by the worlds which perish without this , and by the strange bodies which from that infinity of worlds run into this , there arise many times the beginnings of plague and pestilence , and of other extraordinary accidents ) be true , i will not take on me here to dispute ; because there would many eminent questions , hard to be resolved ( at least to the satisfaction of many ) arise from such enquiries , and possibly of little emolument unto the readers . or whether the particular corruptions which happen in divers countries , either by earthquakes , excessive droughts , extreme heats , and unusual rains , &c. do infect , disease , and alter the winds and rivers , which arise out of the earth , and consequently the humors of man ; or whether the alteration of drinks and dyet , and other customes , &c. be not the proper and immediate causes of the pestilence in mankind , [ both which are very likely ] is not my present intention to discuss . my design is , not to trouble or consult either physicks or metaphysicks ; but as the stars and their influences have been my study for many years , and are ( sub deo ) the causes of all action and passion in this inferiour world ( which is a physical science too , i must acknowledge , though few physicians understand , and fewer make use of it ) so i shall make it my business at this time , thence to discover the cause and continuance of this great pest ; being assured in this learning to meet with demonstration , whereas all others afford but likelihoods of proof , grounding things upon false hypotheses . in astrology ( god not altering the course of second causes , as in joshua's and hezekia's time he did ) there is an apodyctical proof of the matter in question , without being beholden to the poor shifts and effeminate evasions , that other arts ( not in conjunction with this ) are constantly compell'd to lay hold on . my method then shall be to consider , 1. the causes of the plague in general ▪ 2. how long a pestilence may naturally last ? 3. of the several plagues that happened anno 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636. and how they increased and abated . 4. of this present plague , when ( according to natural causes ) it may abate . 5. whether the plague be catching ? 6. the folly of people in flying from their habitations for fear of the plague , evinced . 7. that this present plague was foretold by astrology ▪ 8. the air unjustly suspected to lodge the contagion . 9. conclusion . chap. i. the causes of the plague in general . it is an axiome agreed unto by all philosophers , that a cause is that , whereupon dependeth , or whence issueth an effect , or that by which any thing happeneth . some hold that there are four causes of every thing , viz. causa essentialis , materialis , formalis , and finalis . plato mentioneth three kinds of causes , and distinguisheth them by these three terms , by which , of which , and for which ; but taketh the most principal to be that , by which , it being the efficient cause . and that the heavens are the efficient and essential causes of plagues , or other contagious diseases , we need not doubt , it being so congruent to reason to believe . physicians tell us , that the plague is a disease most malignant and pestilential ; a fever in the highest degree , which doth suddenly putrifie and corrupt , both the solid and fluid parts of the body ; which having done , by an ( almost ) uncontrolable and unrepellable siecity , dries up and destroys the natural powers , then seizeth or preyeth upon the vitals , and so lets in the everlasting enemy , death . and sith by divine logick we are able to prove , that all effects have suitable and corresponding causes [ men do not gather grapes of thornes , or figgs of thistles ! ] it is most rational to believe , that this so terrible disease , must proceed from some cause or causes , most illustrious , eminent and celestial ; it being so remarkably terrifying wheresoever it settles , or makes its abode . and for men to hope to find out a cause [ i mean of energy and honor sufficient ] here below , is to befool themselves with a vain , empty , and idle enquiry . for we know there is nothing sublunary but is its fellow effect ; and ( though in a different manner ) hath a dependancy on celestial influences with it : and for an effect to produce an effect , is all out as improbable and unlikely , as for a child to beget a child . therefore the true and certain causes of this astonishing adversary [ the plague ] are no where to be found but in the heavens . qualis effectus , talis causa ; if the effect be eminent , so must the cause . all astrologers with good reason affirm , that all popular diseases are irritated by mars and saturn their influences ; and indeed the skilful in the sydereal science , may readily read those dismal effects in their natures . mars is a planet fiery , hot and dry , cholerick ; and therefore author of all pestilential diseases : saturn is a planet earthy , cold and dry , and author of all tedious and durable infirmities . and it is observable that mars ( though his effects are violent , like his nature ) never hurteth so cruelly , or causeth so raging a pestilence , as when in configuration of saturn . nor do their conjunctions and aspects in every part or place of heaven produce such malignant and cruel effects , but only when they are conjoyned or configurated in earthy , fiery or humane signs or asterisms , and receive some assistance from the conjunctional , opposite , or quadrantal rays of jupiter , who ( according to astrologers ) is significator sanguinis . then , i say , and at such times , mars by his cholerick intemperate nature , causeth not onely the plague , but the raging sury of it ; and saturn , by reason of his destructive temper , and inimical qualities to all natural existencies , portends the diuturnity and continuance thereof , and the sweeping away of multitudes thereby . and both these planets natures being so pernicious to mankind , and indeed all other generable and corruptible things , they possessing the two extremes of a mischievous temperature , is ( perhaps ) one main reason why we have seldom any plagues or pestilences , that are not accompanied , of at least attended in the sequel with wars and famine . hear the learned anton how ingeniously he expresseth their natures and qualities , in his philosophical satyrs . thus of saturn , — saturns sullen face , pale and of ashy colour , male-content , a catiline to mortal temperament , that would blow up the capitol of man with envious influence ! — and if there hate be in a heav'nly brest , this planet with that fury is possest . and of mars he saith , blood , death , and tragick stories , mars doth yeild , a golgotha of graves , whose purple-field dy'd crimson with his fatal massacres , craves bloody inke and scarlet characters ; a pen that like a bullets force would reel a marble conscience — other co-operating causes there are of the pestilence , as comets , eclipses of the luminaries , and grand satellitiums of the planets , &c. which as they happen to be more or less in number , so the plague is either intended or remitted . and hence it is , that all plagues are not alike mischievous in their devourings ; their causes being sometimes more or less forcible then at others . aristotle ( that great master of reason ) acknowledgeth , that there is neither generation nor corruption , but is effected by the heavenly motions . and any man though but meanly conversant in history , may find , that there never happened any eminent plague , or other prodigious accidents , as war , famine , &c. but there were either great conjunctions , or aspects of the superior celestial bodies , terrible comets , eclipses of the luminaries , and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or appeatances , as the certain causes and precursors of them . take a few instances . anno 1348. there happened a plague so great in england ( and indeed in other parts also ) that the chronicles tell us , there were buried thereof in the charter-house-yard london , 50000 people . nay , mr. cambden saith , that in that little town of yarmouth , there ( then ) dyed about 7000 persons . it is observable , a little before this great pestilence , there happened a very great comet in taurus an earthly sign , as is witnessed by leovitius ; and also a great conjunction of saturn and jupiter , and mars , in aquarius . so terrible were the effects of these celestial appearances then , that it is dismal to mention : god of his mercy grant , that onely the plague be our portion at this time , we laboring ( now ) under the like cruel influences , if not greater . anno 1527. that great plague , called the sweating sickness began to rage : a great and terrible comet , of a bloody colour , appeared but a little before in the heavens . they then laboured also under the weighty effects of a conjunction of saturn , jupiter , and mars in risces , a watery sign , perhaps a main reason why that pestilence was attended with a sweat. anno 1593. anno regni elizab. 35. there was another very great plague , the celestial causes of which were the two conjunctions and oppositions of saturn and mars from and in capricorn and cancer , tropical signs ; and an opposition of saturn and jupiter from the same signs ; besides three great eclipses of the luminaries of heaven . anno 1603. when the great plague happened then , we may remember that there was a conjunction of saturn and jupiter in sagittarius . and a little before that , a great eclipse of the sun ; and a comet also of great magnitude appeared . anno 1625. that contagion was the consequence of a great conjunction of saturn , jupiter , and mars , in the celestial sign leo , a sign of the fiery triplicity , and representing the heart in the microcosme , ergo , the more dangerous . anno 1636. there happened another plague in london , but not so great as any the former : there were then two conjunctions , &c. of saturn and mars ; and two invisible eclipses ( i mean as to us ) of the sun ; the first on january 27. the other on july 22. one happening in aquarius , the other in leo , the greatest dignities of the sun. i purposely omit an infinite of instances more of this kind , as the conjunction of saturn and jupiter in pisces , anno 1643. and other concomitant configurations ; under the effects whereof , we then laboring , ●●ri●ok of the rage of a cruel civil war ; and not onely so , but a plague brake forth very violently , in all the south and southwest parts in this kingdom of england ▪ and in the northwest likewise . thus then we see , that immediately upon eclipses , great conjunctions , the apparitions of comets , &c. the pestilence , &c. hath constantly followed ; and these celestial causes have been more or fewer in number , or greater or l●sser in nature ( for great conjunctions have the preh●minence from meaner conjunctions , aspects , eclipses , &c. and they from comets or other apparitions ) so hath the pestilence been more or less durable and raging : ergo , we may with good ground assert , that the configurations of the planets , eclipses of the luminaries , and other celestial apparitions , as comets ▪ &c. are the most certain efficient causes of such effects . to conclude , if the pestilence be not an effect of the before mentioned causes , it must be an effect of some other causes , more powerful then they ; but there is nothing in nature of equal energy with the heavens : ergo. if it could rationally be presumed to depend on other causes , we might ( for our conviction ) happily have a plague when no such causes are apparent ; but there is never any pestilence , but when either comets , eclipses , or great conjunctions , &c. happen : it therefore roundly ( and without obstruction ) follows , that plagues are caused by celestial influences . for further confirmation of this truth ( if what i have concisely spoken be not enough ) read origanus de effecti●us stellarum , p. 517. peucer de astrolog . haly pars 8. p. 398. cardan in p●ol . guido bonatus , cummultis alii● . foelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas . chap. ii. how long a pestilence may naturally last ? many there are , who hold an opinion that the plague or pestilence may last eight years ; some others believe it may endure fifteen years ; and others opinionate , it may continue a longer or lesser time . nay , there is one that hath lately printed ( but i confess with small shew of probable reason ) that this great city london , hath not been free from the plague since the year 1636. which is now twenty nine years agone compleat . nor is it usual , with those that determine thus positively of the duration of plagues , &c. to give any satisfactory reason wherefore they so conclude ; so that we are left at liberty either to believe what they assert , or examine whether their assertions be true . if by the plague , they mean onely a fever in the highest degree , as in the definition formerly set down ; i am perswaded they say most true : for it will be very difficult to prove , not onely that a plague may not remain and continue eight or fifteen years in that sence ; but that we are at any time free from a plague : or that we ( indeed ) ever shall be , either more or less , as long as the erratick stars have motion , or whilst the earthly globe endureth ; for , while the nature and influence of saturn and mars ▪ &c. continue , the diseases they signifie , shall never totally abate : for , should once their energy for corruption be presumed to cease , their power for generation must suffer a deliquium likewise ; it being as essentially necessary for the heavenly bodies to spend their influences in order to a corruption and destruction of the forms of things ( there being nothing else really subject to a mutation ) as to employ their powers in the generation or preservation of them . a plague is ( as it were ) a broom in the hand of the almighty ! with which he sweepeth , the most nasty and uncomely corners of the universe , that the more noble parts of it , may remain secure and safe . but if by the duration of the pestilence , for so many years , they mean an enumeration of fevers exalted to the highest degree ( i. e. ) when a great number of particular fates unite forcibly to make up the general calamities [ as in all those plagues which happened in the years 1348 , 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636. and now this 1665. ] i say then , they are most grossly mistaken . for a plague in this later sence , cannot last above four years ; neither did any of the plagues , in the years before mentioned last longer , many of them not so long . and of this opinion is the learned cardanus , seg. 7. aphor. 121. where he saith , pestem 4. annis durare nunquam posse ; and origanus ecchoing to him , p. 518. faith , that experience sufficiently proveth , that the plague never remaineth in one place above four years ; but in that space of time , the contagion removeth ( as it were ) from one place to another ; as lately we know ( by woful experience ) that it came out of turky into germany , out of germany into italy , out of italy into holland , and out of holland into england , where now it rageth ; and all this in less then four or five years time . and in this sence ( faith origanus ) cardanus is to be understood . we know also that an eclipse of the sun , &c. cannot operate longer then four years , scarcely so long . and it is sufficiently known unto artists , that the raging effects of a conjunction of saturn , mars , or jupiter , &c. lasts not longer , then while saturn is transiting one twelfth part of the zodiack ; for in that time the fury of their influences is either wholly abated , or taken off , by configurations and appearances of a contrary nature and quality ; or else they are for some certain time suspended ; as in a conjunction of saturn and jupiter , &c. they may be ; such conjunctions happening but seldom in comparison of other configurations . and how opposite to reason it is for us to presume the effects should remain in force when the cause is removed , i submit to the judgements of the ingenious . thus then we see , the several opinions of the plagues duration , either of eight years , fifteen years , &c. is groundless and uncertain ; since it is proved that no pestilence can last longer then four years time at the most , unless the authors of such appointments will say they are to be understood according to the first part of the distinction ; which if they do , then i aver ( as before ) that the world cannot onely be afflicted with the plague , for eight or fifteen years at a time , but must be content to be united unto it for ever . the angel is gold , as truely as the five pound piece , and endures the touch as boldly ; so the single violent fever ( which it is impossible for the world to be a day freed from ) is as truely the pestilence , as the great united numbers of fevers are ; and it differs no more in nature and essence from it , then the light which appears at seven or eight of the clock in the morning doth , from that which shines at mid-day . and it is an illustrious truth , that single bullets kill as certainly as case●●ot : and it is not the great numbers that dye in war , should make a private man ( if right in his wits ) think a duel less dangerous . chap. iii. of the several plagues that happened anno 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636. and how they increased and abated . having already declared the efficient causes of the pestilence , and shewn how long it is probable for one to last ( viz. to rage at one time ) i shall in the next place consider of the four last several great plagues which happened anno 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636. together with the natural and true causes of their increase and abatement ; thereby evincing to my reader , that what i shall in the next chapter write concerning this present pestilence , and its decrease , shall be upon grounds most rational and safe to be built on . first then it is meetly requisite , that i exhibit briefly , table-wise , the true increase and decrease of the pestilence , in those four years , which take as followeth . a table shewing the increase and abatement of the plague in the years 1593 , 1603 , 1625 , 1636. moneths names . week 1593 1603 1625 1636 march. 17 3 3 4   24 31 2 8   31 29 6 11   april . 7 27 4 10 2 14 33 4 24 4 21 37 8 25 14 28 41 10 26 17 may. 5 29 11 30 10 12 38 18 45 55 19 42 22 71 35 26 58 32 78 62 june . 2 62 30 69 67 9 81 43 91 87 16 99 59 165 103 23 108 72 239 79 30 118 158 390 104 july . 7 927 262 593 81 14 893 424 1004 104 21 258 917 1819 120 28 852 1396 24●1 15● august . 4 983 1922 3659 206 11 797 1745 4115 283 18 651 2713 4463 321 25 449 2539 4218 429 september . 1 507 3035 3344 638 8 563 2724 2550 650 15 451 2818 1672 865 22 349 2195 1561 775 29 330 1732 852 928 october . 6 327 1641 538 921 13 323 1149 511 752 20 308 642 331 555 27 302 580 134 458 november . 3 301 554 89 838 10 209 442 92 715 17 107 251 48 573 24 93 105 27 476 december . 1 94 102 15 312 8 86 52 15 167 15 71 96 6 85 22 39 74 1 76 by this table you may observe how the sickness increased and decreased in the four several years mentioned ; give me leave now to shew you the celestial cause of its augmentation and diminution , &c. 1. in anna 1593 ▪ by the table ( you see ) th● pestilence but meanly increased , untill the moneth 〈◊〉 june , and then there began to dye above an hundred week thereof ; the envious planet saturn then cam● to the opposite point of the ascendent of the figur● of the world that year . and in july when it bega● to rage , the fiery planet mars passed the quadrat● place of the moon ; and the sun the opposition 〈◊〉 mars and jupiter , and conjunctional place of saturn . in august , when venus was stationary , in loco saturni , you see it abated from almost a thousand a week to under five hundred . and in september , when the same fortunate planet came to the trine of both the luminaries , the plague constantly grew less tyrannous and prevailing . and when in october she came to the trine of the ascendent of the figure ; and in november that the benigne planet jupiter came to the ascendent it self , it vanished by degrees to almost nothing ; there being in the later week of december but 39 dying thereof . 2. in the year 1603. the pestilence was inconsiderable in its increase , untill the last week in june , and the moneth of july , at which times the fiery planet mars came to the opposite point of the ascendant of the revolution , and also passed the place of the moon . and in august , september , and october , when it raged most , the cruel planet saturn was on the ascendant ●ll the time , and that in a manner stationary to do mischief . but in november when venus came to the trine of the moon , and jupiter to the ascendant and 〈◊〉 the trine of the sun , and venus also to the ascen●ant , &c. the plague began to cease its fury , insomuch ●hat in the last week of december , there dyed thereof ●ut seventy four ; there having in one week in septem●er before , dyed above 3000 persons . 3. anno 1625. the sickness began to increase in may , when mars came to the opposite place of the moon in the vernal figure . in june and july it en●reased greatly ; then mars came to the quadrate of ●he ascendant , and to the cauda draconis , thereby ●dding an envenom'd fury to the plague ; and the sun then came also to the opposite point of mars , and gave it the greater cause to rage . in august , when it raged most of all , that there dyed most of that month above 4000 a week ; mars came to the place of the sun , jupiter to his opposite point , and saturn in quadrate of the ascendant , and in opposition to the lord thereof ; transits and stations most prodigious and very naturally shewed the height of this grea● sickness . in september , when jupiter came to the trin● place of venus , and venus to the trine of the sun , and place of the moon , this potent adversary began to loose its force . and in october , when the sun came to the sextile place of the moon , and when jupiter cam● to the same aspect , by gods blessing , this terribl● pest abated apace ; and there being not one cruel aspect to encrease it , but what was counterpoised with two of auspicious import , by the last week in december there dyed but one of that contagion . 4. in the year 1636. toward the later end of april when the sun came to the opposite point of mars i● the figure of the world , the plague then first began in may and june , when the sun came to the opposit● point of the ascendant , venus to the opposite point o saturn , and afterwards to the dragons tail , it increased but not much . in july , when the sun passed the opposite point of saturn , and after that the quadrate pla●● of mars , it increased more ; and more without doub● it had , but that venus and jupiter both , came then t the moons place . in august , there happened two eclipses , and mars came to the ascendant of the world figure , it now increased greatly . in september an october ( the months this sickness most of all increased ) mars was in the ascendant upon the quadra●● place of the moon , and afterwards passed the quadrate place of the sun , & conjunctional place of saturn ; and the sun likewise passed the place of mars . all which were eminent causes of that great encrease , the sickness then had . in november , jupiter comes to the sextile of the ascendant and the sun in trine to his own place , and then the pestilence began to grow less raging , and by degrees decreased to ( almost ) nothing . by this short examen , we find that the furious and bostile beams of the fiery planet mars for the most part gives beginning to the pestilence , and is the eminent cause of its raging ; and saturn gives it continuance . we find likewise , that the friendly rays of the fortunate stars , do not onely abate the pestilence in conclusion ; but when ( by reason of the most violent transits and aspects of mars and saturn ) the plague most of all rageth , they lessen the fury , and make it as it were stationary . it is plain also , that saturns transits , &c. are of longer duration , and kill more then mars's , though mars's for the time they last , are most violent , as by the table foregoing , compared with my observations thereon , most plainly appears . and so i come to consider in — chap. iv. of this present plague , and when ( according to natural causes ) it may abate . in the first chapter i have acquainted you with the causes of plagues in general ; and here i am to inform you of the causes of this particular great pest we now labor under ; and they are these several following . 1. the great conjunction of saturn and jupiter october 10. 1663. in the celestial sign sagittary . 2. a conjunction of saturn and mars , november 12. 1664. in sagittary . 3. an opposition of the sun and saturn , june 5. 1664. from sagittary and gemini . 4. a quadrate of saturn and mars , june 27. 1664. from sagittary and virgo . 5. the apparition of three comets in the later end of 1664. and beginning of 1665. 6. the transit of saturn through sagittary unto his greatest dignities , there to continue for above five years together . all which are causes so powerfully impelling , that it is to be feared the pestilence we now partake of , will not be the one moiety of the effects thence to issue , or thereon depending . by this connexion of causes , it is somewhat apparent that this pest should have took its beginning at the later end of 1664. and truly had not the winter then been so extreamly sharp ( it having a frost of almost ten weeks continuance together ) to have kept it back , as we know it did ; it had beyond all question broke forth then . nay , and break forth it did then too , as my self can experimentally testifie ; having been personally visited with it at christmas that year . and my good friend mr. josias westwood the chirurgeon ( whose assistance i then craved , and advice i followed ( i bless god ) to my preservation ) hath told me since , that many of his patients at that time were afflicted with the same distemper , and yet obtained cure against it , the air being then so friendly to nature , and an enemy unto the pestilence . and besides , it was but prudence in people to keep it from the knowledge of the world ( since few or none dyed thereof ) as long as they could ; for we find that it came to a discovery soon enough , to amaze and terrifie the whole nation ; and hath bid fair for the ruine of trade of all kinds in this great ( and once populous ) city . put now let us consider its progress and increase , with the causes thereof , and the possibility of its abatement , with the time when . in this matter i shall consult , but not trouble you with the figure of the suns ingress into the equinoctial sign aries for the year 1655. it being in almost every almanack to be seen ; and thence draw down the several arguments of encrease and abatement : and because the pestilence was hardly perceptible untill the month of june , i will begin there . and in that month ( as if god and nature had appointed this sickness to be ominous in earnest to these nations ) we may observe two most fatal transits to usher it in , viz. mars his then coming to the opposite point of the ascendant , and the sun to the opposite point of saturn . ( malum principium , malus finis sequitur . ) a beginning of a sickness so mischievous , that greater can hardly be ; god grant the end be not as inauspicious : and although ( i presume ) it will not be of many months continuance to this great city , yet we are not to suppose a pestilence ended , when it seemingly acquits one place . in the month of july the pestilence began to encrease considerably ; especially toward the later end thereof : there were then fix oppositions of the erratick stars ▪ and two eclip●es ; and to add to these , mars , venus , and mercury ( then ) came to the quadrate place of the sun , and to the opposite point of saturn by transit ; and the sun then came to the opposition of jupiter both by transit and aspect . all which were very great arguments of its encrease . in the mon●th of august , saturn comes to the quadrate place of the sun , and will be stationary upon it all the moneth ; and the two eclipses last moneth , do now begin to operate , which are testimonies of very great a●gmenta●ion ; howbe●t , the fortunate planer venus coming to the sex●ile of her own place , and of the moons , at the beginning of the moneth ; and coming to a trine of the sun , the later end thereof , and jupiter his then being stationary in trine of the sun also , may so happily contemper the fury of it , that it may not [ now ] encrease or augment to any exceeding great height . a part of september is likely to prove somewhat dangerous , because saturn is in a manner still stationary , and the sun and saturn then come to a quadrate aspect , and this in ill points of the vernal figure ; mars and jupiter ( who is dominus ascendentis ) then also come to an opposition , and both in square of luna's place ; whence it is probable , that in the second and last weeks of this moneth , the pestilence may admit of an abarement ; but indeed i much fear about the middle of the moneth an encrease considerable : nevertheless , i hope , and rationally believe ( favente deo ) that this pestilence cannot ascend to any higher degree , then it may at that time reach unto . the moneth of october seems to promise well , and the pestilence therein , cannot meet with any eminent cause for augmentation : yet i suppose the second and last week will make some s●ight offers at an encrease , because then the sun comes to the opposite place of the moon ; and venus hath a progressional motion to the opposition of the sun , and quartile of saturns places . november and december in this respect ( god not ●●us●rating the course of second causes , or taking advantage of us for our sins ) i question not will prove very kindly ; and the city of london will begin to be in a better heart , then in many moneths before . how●eit , it cannot be supposed that this pestilence should in so short a time totally vanish ; or that so great a sickness should not leave some unkind impressions behind it ; but in comparison of what it hath been , i dare assert , that we shall [ then ] be ( in a manner ) wholly acquitted from it , and its violent , raging , destructive qualities and company . to conclude , london hath at present been the patient , and hath felt the force of the almighties scourge to purpose ; while most other places of england have escaped the ●ash . o utinam ▪ i wish with all my soul , that london might be the scape-goat for them all ! but ah ! i fear , i fear , before the planet saturn be gotten quite out of capricorn , that those other parts of this nation will drink deep of the same cup. god and nature punish none by proxy . it will not be this cities sufferings , that can excuse other towns and cities , from the violent stroaks of so insatiate an enemy . chap. v. whether the plague be infectious or catching . i shall not here stand to discourse largely of atoms , nor yet too strictly enquire into the sympathies and antipathies of things . nor yet shall i trouble my self to enquire whether there are spirits ( in nature ) of so active and subtile a faculty ▪ that can penetrate the pores of the body insensibly , and as easily as lightning is said to me●● the sword ▪ and never singe the s●●bberd : or whether there be a commanding quality in the body of man , of power and ability sufficient to send forth infectious and dangerous spirits or atoms , as powder doth a bullet out of the mouth of a canon , musquet , or pistoll ; which shall admit of no reverberation or repulse , from the body or butt it aims at : or whether the body of one man be a trench or channel , capable of receiving the pretended noxious esfl●viums of another ; or whether cables can be made of cobwebbs ! all such enquiries i shall leave to those that have leisure , and take pleasure to disport themselves with words , and the names and noises of things onely . that which i here aim at , is to examine whether the pestilence be infectious or catching ? if it be infectious and really catching in it self ; it must be so equally to all persons that approach it , or that it approacheth ; and this , either to some degree of danger , or else unto death ; or else it must be infectious to some particular persons onely if it be infectious to all persons , or catching to all alike ; then all persons that come into the sight , or within the scent o● it , must necessarily be subject unto i● ; and this either unto death , or other lesser degree of danger . there cannot be a person , either man , woman , or child , that is either shut up in a house with persons infected , or that shall talk with any of them so shut up , though but at a window , or through a wicket ▪ but m●st be supposed to pa●take of the infection ; ●o●●he t●lo●s of a contagion in this sence lay hold on them all . but how wide this is of the truth , i leave to the judgements of any , that have their five sences free from infection , and their reason from depravation . in every great pest , experience convinceth this opinion of error ; for in this great city we know ( and see it daily now ) that there are divers persons , that have had ( and yet have ) the sickness , the very next door unto them ; on both sides of them ; before and behind them ; and yet their persons , houses , and families not so much as concerned in it , or touched with it . many also are constantly visiting their friends and relations that are visited ; yet ( by gods blessing ) they remain safe and sound . and many that i know ( whose hard hap it hath been to be shut up ( with others ) in an infected house , out of which there have been several buried ) yet , their good fortune hath been such ▪ that they have not only been freed from it , but have not had so much as a head-ach all that time ; or in any considerable time afterward . in this present pestilence , in thames street a poor woman dyed of it , having her childsucking at her br●st at the same time ; yet was the infant preserved from it , and was put unto a nurse , where it yet remains healthful ( as i am credibly informed ) and never had the least of prejudice ( of that kind ) attend it . nay some there are ( on my knowledge i speak it ) that have lyen in the same bed with those that have had the soars upon them , and have nevertheless escaped free from all manner of detriment and danger thereby ▪ how many are there of physicians , chirurgeons , apothecaries , nurses , &c. that are daily among them , and yet escape not onely death , but the disease it self ? if any shall reply , that they may possibly have taken and do take antidotes , and thereby they escape ; i then demand , if there be such a preserving vertue in any anti●●te that can be made use of ; what is the reason that any that take antidotes and preservatives ( as they are called ) at any time are infected , or do dye ? of which i could give many instances . some we know , have fates attending them so strenuous , that ( s●lamander like ) they can bid defiance to the flames of the greatest pestilence ; as others we have known to be safe in the heat of a battle , when men have fallen by the sword or bullets on every side of them . he that hath powerful stars , is not onely shot-free , but plague-free ; and a good nativity , is the certainest am●let or antidote , that a man can have , or be blessed with . i need not labor to be more perspicuous in this , which is so plain and cleer of it self . every parish where the vi●itation hath come , affords instances more then enough ; and therefore it will be but a blotting of paper to endeavor a further eviction of this so obvious and sun-like truth , that the plague is not equally infectious ; nor are all persons in danger of catching it . secondly , if the plague be presumed not infectious unto all , but unto some particular persons onely ; i say then , it ought not to be deemed or esteemed infectious at all , at least not any more infectious , then are all other diseases , viz. small pocks , scurvey , pleuresie , ague , gout , palsey , tooth-ach , &c. since ( though the notion of infection be laid aside ) there is not a person born into the world , that hath not at some time or other in his life ( as his nativity shall truly shew ) some one disease or other . as persons genitures are either mild and quiet , or ragged and violent , so accordingly do they partake of diseases in the course of their lives . never was any person subject to violent diseases , as the plague , &c. but had a violent nativity to shew it , and è contra . and he that hath the sun , moon , or ascendant in his radix , directed to the hostile beams or body of mars , in dangerous places of the heavens ( as the books of astrologie will truely inform you ) shall never escape the plague , although the kingdom he lives in ( at that time ) be free from it . and that the pestilence can be otherways ( in this later sence ) catching , i deny : all persons must grant that to the first person in a pestilence it comes ●x aftris ; if not , i would fain know , from what other cause ? then , if it be possible for the first person to meet with the plague without infection from another ; why is it not so for a second , or for a third , or for a thousand ? a million , & c ? do we think that god and nature cannot suit effects to their proper causes , without being beholding to an infection , from so filly a worm as man ? is it not as easie for heaven to strike thousands of millions of persons with the pestilence at once , as to afflict one poor individual mortal therewith ? poor man ! that hath hardly breath enough to help himself , must vainly suppose he hath some to spare , to hurt , and offend others . we blaspheme one of the greatest attributes of the almighty , when we restrain his power : it is not we that can or are able to infect one another ; but it is god by his power over us that afflicts us all ! and indeed the plague carrieth not in it so much of infection , as it doth of affliction , and so we mortals find it . beyond all peradventure , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) small pox , lues venerea , &c. are diseases in all respects as loathsome and dangerous , as the pestilence ; yet how few is the number , that dread infection or contagion from them , in comparison of the vast multitudes of men and women , that bow the knee of their reason to this ! nay i dare aver and maintain , that although the plague be a disease principally known by the spo●s , yet compared to those other vile , noxious , and prodigiously-fcul distempers , it is immaculate , and a companion of far less dangerous tendency . i cannot but smile to think how many there are , that look askew , and hold their noses at the sight of a door with a red cross , and a lord have mercy upon us , on it ; and yet never so much as grutch to eat and drink with their relations , that indeed are onely fit company for an hospital ; or once grumble , or think evilly of lying with a husband or wife many years together , whose breaths or issues ( for wholsomness ) are many degrees below carion , a jakes , or charnel-house . if any diseases be infectious or contagious , to any person or persons ; it is their fear and imagination that makes it so unto them . thus many persons ( who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a slavish nature and temper ) come to fight with their own shaddows , and are often ( beyond cure ) wounded in the imaginary encounter ; and others , yeilding obedience to the same tyrant , meet distraction ; as o●estes in euripides , and theoclymenus in homer . stultum facit ●ortuna quem v●lt perdere . the fates first fool the wight , they mean to foil . there are none so apt to catch a contagion , as they that suffer their reason and belief to wander in danger of a captivity ▪ ●en must be resolute , and demur to their impelling fate , if they would avoid being victored by their adversary . crede quod habes , & habes . if thou believest the pestilence cannot escape thee , thou shalt assuredly have it ; thy faith and fancy will be certainly answered : whereas another of a generous confidence , and cleer resolution ( though in the very midst of it ) shall be free , and triumph over fear . philosophers affirm , that the imagination doth work that within , in the understanding , which the object doth without in the sence . we find experimentally , that our reason and understanding , and all our noblest faculties , are led captive by our imagination ad libitum ; and we are slaved by it in ignoble sort , and yet remain such fools as to indulge our injurer : mistake me not , i mean by imagination , onely that truckling passion , fear , which may very well and properly be termed , the reverse of imagination , rather then the thing it self . it being an indiscreet , strange , and ( as a learned author aptly terms it ) inconsiderate passion ; and as it hath its ●ise from terrors , so it many times casteth us into very emine●t hazards . it is a tyrant that hoodwinks reason , and layes the understanding in fetters , and then torments us with masks and vizors of danger ; as we use to affright children with bugbears . how many have fallen into most grieuous diseases , and other mischiefs of all kinds , onely by imagining or fearing them ? the thing that i feared is fallen on me , saith holy job . to conclude then , the infection is in our affections , and keeps court in our minds ; we imagine great dangers from without us , when they have their rise and original within us . it is a sure presage of danger , to be slavishly affected with a sence of danger . the timorous-troubled-yielding-mind , brings a contagion upon the whole body , although it inhabit the fields , and live from the sight or hearing of persons infected . albeit , wisdom inviteth us sometimes to a reasonable doubting , and prudence directs us to shun apparent evils ; but it is an argument of super-insaniated folly in any man to dread any thing to servility , or to conceit or coyn dangers ▪ where none really are to be found . chap. vi. evinceth the folly of people in flying from their habitations for fear of the plague . the reason why many persons , so willingly sacrifice to their fears , in flying from their habitations in the time of a pestilence , proceeds 1. from the customary advice of physicians . 2. from a principle of cowardise in themselves . first , physicians in most knotty distempers of a chronick nature , advise their patients to a change of their air , which ( sine dubio ) is very necessary , that being one of the six non naturales ; for they cannot take too much care of that patient , who groans under the ty● anny of sickness . but to prescribe ( unto persons that a●l nothing ) a necessity of removing , because more persons then ordinary dye about them , i see no clear reason for . that ancient , but questionable oracle of hippocrates , — cito , longe , t●rde ; should it with other oracles cease , i prefume would be no injury , but advantage to the humane race ; since it may truly be deemed ▪ that the observation thereof hath destroyed many more persons , then it hath preserved . if flying could preserve men from the pestilence , it were an easie matter for a man to wrestle with the almighty , and prevent divine vengeance ; the creature might frustrate the intention and resolution of his creator , and earth might out-plot heaven . but impossible it is , for the wisest of mortals to contrive so securely agai●●t the decrees of eternity ! or baffle celestial destiny ▪ if fates decrees are sure , in vain we fly them ; if they are not , in vain we fear to try them . how many are there , that by flying from dangers , have fallen into the middest of dangers ? when men plot to save themselves , their contrivances often procure their ruine . in the year 1348. when that great and terrible pest happened , many people by their physicians advice , and many more , by their example , not onely changed their habitation , but their nation also , in hopes to avoid it . but behold ! they that refused to trust god at land , were overtaken by that his judgement at sea , and were forced to make their graves in the bellies of fishes . de●s est abique . god is every where , therefore flye quickly , go far off , or what thou wilt , thou canst not fly from his presence . it is a more witty , then true distinction for any man to flatter himself in , by saying , he flies not from god , but from his plague . for gods judgements are never separate from him ; the rod of his anger is of such a longitude , that it can reach us every where . men may flye from their houses , their families , their companions friends , and relations , and thereby become examples of fear and terror to others ; but t●ey cannot fly from god. in vain they at all attempt it . 't is vain to flee , 't is neither here nor there , can scape that hand , untill that hand forbear ; ah me ! where is he not , that 's every where ? 't is vain to flee , till g●●tle mercy shew her better eye , the further off we go , the swing of justice deals the mightier blow . no advice is prosperous against heaven : the physician himself cannot escape by flying . he that shall undertake to prescribe against the god of nature , shall be proscribed by the god of nature . secondly , men are not onely retrograded in their reasons , by their physicians counfel or advice , more then they are from a principle of cowardice within them . they fear , and therefore they fly . cowards hoping to avoid dangers , rush ignorantly into them . a bullet may sooner kill him that runs from the battle , then him that stoutly and resolutely joyns therewith ; the truly valiant often escape untoucht . a mans own wit ( when bridled by fear ) hunts him into those snares , that above all things he would gladly shun . cowardice throws contempt upon the great creator of all things , as arguing a distrust unworthy of his power . can god preserve daniel in the lions den , and not secure thee from the plague , thinkest thou ? is it harder for him to keep thee sound among the sick , then it was to protect the three children in the oven from the devouring flames , and consuming heat thereof ? in a coward not onely religion , but reason endures the rack ; and where a generous confidence is wanting , the faculties of the soul are frozen . but a well-poyz'd resolution , is a bulwark against the most imminent dangers . audaces fortuna juvat . — the gods befriend the nobly confident . — and valour ( as one well observes ) casts a kind of honor upon god , in that we shew , that we believe his goodness , while we trust our selves in danger upon his care onely ; whereas the coward eclipses his sufficiency ▪ by unworthily doubting that god will not bring him off . sinful adam can't hide himself so closely , but god can easily find him ; and if distrustful jonah will flee to tarshish , god can raise a tempest to overtake him . if god have appointed the pestilence for thy portion , thy flying from it , but throws thee into its embraces . hence it is , that the countries round about us , come to be so suddenly seized with this sickness ; the fears of the heartless fugitives , being as so many nimble chariots , to convey it unto the places , whither they fly or travel . if men will be afraid to trust god , it is no wonder that he refuses to protect them . let us consider , how small a number of worthy generous persons this pest preys upon , in comparison of the vast multitudes of the vulgar that are swept away by it . there hath not been six persons of eminent note and consideration , known to dye in this great and populous city since the plague began . it feeds chiefly upon those people that fear hath slain to its hand . persons of narrow souls & understandings , of confused intellects , and aguish constitutions , are they that principally fall sacrifices unto this great devourer ; when those of a more refined reason and understanding ( as if supported by more noble stars ) remain secure from it . so we see , a vertuous confidence is a security against the worst of evils , and a slavish timidity onely a herauld or harbinger to them . lucan tells us ; — fortunaque perdat , opposita virtute , minas — fates greatest threats be lost , where vertue rules the rost . i read in a book lately printed upon occasion of this great pestilence ▪ that in the time of that raging sickness , anno 1348. many people kept themselves up close in their houses as in castles ; and many retired into deserts and solitary places to secure and preserve themselves from its violence . but the pest ( as if it knew no limits ; nor could be contrould in its rage and fury , untill the hand that scatter'd it , restrained it ) pursues those poor souls into their close corners , and there destroys great numbers of them . and at the last , when they saw , they had ( like a bird in a net ) by striving , entangled and endangered themselves the more ; they assumed a christian and man like boldness ; and ( resolving to welcome death in that terrible habit , if it fell to their lot , they ) went promiscuously together ▪ and became serviceable to each other , in administring to one anothers necessities ; and to crown this happy magnanimity and fearless resolution ; it so pleased god , the plague stayed . and it is ingeniously observed by mr. kemp in his treatise lately published , pag ▪ 39. that in the ending 〈◊〉 great sickness 1625. the people went promiscuously 〈◊〉 another , and the houses were quickly filled with 〈◊〉 and fresh commers out of the country , and yet 〈◊〉 infection followed . thus we see the conceit of 〈◊〉 hurts more then the thing it self : minus afficit 〈◊〉 ●●tigatio , quam cogitatio . and since peoples 〈◊〉 from their habitations , doth rather betray them 〈◊〉 the arms of danger , then any way secure them 〈◊〉 the thing they fear , it argues professed folly in any 〈◊〉 for men may as well abscond from the 〈◊〉 presence , as to hope to hide themselves from his 〈◊〉 . chap. vii . 〈◊〉 this present plague was foretold by astrology . 〈◊〉 to say much of that impertinent and worthless scoffer , whose mouth satan hath lately opened , not only against most honorable and learned society of men in the world 〈◊〉 the colledge of physicians ! ] but against the 〈◊〉 of the stars and heavens , and the augures coeli ( as 〈◊〉 pleased to term astrologers ) because i 〈◊〉 the flux of his pen , he understandeth the starry 〈◊〉 a little ; ( if at all : ) in that he [ vainly ] goeth about to 〈◊〉 and eclipse them . the man by his writing , seems 〈◊〉 of that number , who for fear of giving that honor 〈◊〉 coelestial bodies is their due , are not ashamed of 〈◊〉 more and greater energy to a dunghill , or unto a 〈◊〉 lake or pond , or a close sluttish ally , &c. then unto 〈◊〉 and ever-busied creatures ; whom god hath over us , that as secondary causes , they might guide ●●ve●n all things in this inferior world . but these are 〈◊〉 prefer a hog to venus , embrace a cloud for juno ! 〈◊〉 aesops ape , they cannot be content to hugg their own ethiopian fancies , &c. but must be idly adventurin● 〈◊〉 corrupt and poyson the better-informed judgements of others . nor yet to examine his frivolous supposition of the plague its taking beginning from the disease called the scorbu●e ; or the lues venerea its rise from a souldier copulating with a foul mare ; as holy helmont and himself dream : a most beastly and unsavory suggestion ! and bespeaks the author and broacher thereof , to be sordidu● in co●tu ; as astrologers say those are , that have sa●urn and venus in their nativities , in quadrate or opposite aspect from beas●ial signs . not , i say , to take further or other notice of the author o● these and many other insolent and unworthy passages in tha● defiled pamphlet , he calls a consolatory advice , &c. it being ( a● i hear ) under the examination of a better hand : i shall in thi● chapter acquaint the world , that this great pest was predicted by astrology , and that not by one astrologer alone , but by several ; as by these several passages cited from several of thei● works is apparent . 1. mr. john booker in his telescopium uranicum , 1665 mentioning a text of haly de judiciis astrorum , of the effect of a □ ♄ and ♂ ( such an aspect happening in the vernal figure thence predicts , that one part of the people of that clyma● ( meaning our own ) shall be destroyed , consumed and wast away 2. william andrews in his almanack for 1665. in the judicials of the aestival figure thereof , hath these words : a● in regard he ( that is , saturn ) is in the eighth house [ viz. the hou● of death and mortality ] he doth seem thereby to prenote mortality , which will destroy and bring many to the● graves . 3. thomas trigge in his calendarium astrologicum , 〈◊〉 in his junes observation thereof , hath these words : i 〈◊〉 much fear a sickly season in earnest ; from which evil god of 〈◊〉 mercy protect this great and populous city , for mars possesse● gemini , the ascendant of london . and it 's observable that th● sickness then began to encrease . 4. in my own ephemeris for the present year 1665. in th● moneth april , at what time the pestilence first began to she● it self , i had these poetical observations . if england keep but from sickness free ; then england may a happy kingdom be . ●hereby you see , i feared not onely the pestilence , but the ●eat damage that thereby this nation hath sustained , and i● like yet to undergo thereby . 5. and in my discourse of the comets or blazing stars , pag. 47. thereof ; after a consideration of the natural port●nts of the two first comets , i subjoyn these words ; when we consider these several dreadful significations ( which i there at large mention , a● any that list may read ) it may put us all to our ●●●tany , from war , plague and famine , libera nos do●●ine ! good lord deliver us . and in pag. 51. of the same book , as having a sufficient 〈◊〉 vision of the present pest , from the apparition of those ●●lestial monitor's the comets , and other eminent occurring causes ; i bewail the world by reason of the many and terrible afflictions they denounce unto it , thus : the sword is an enemy , that by the sword , a man of resolution and magnanimity , may contend with , and be in hopes of a victory ; but the plague and famine are adversaries there is no fence for , or defence against . they are so sure an ambush , that the subtilty of all the machiavils in the world cannot enervate or destroy ; enemies , that the stoutest of men cannot take a revenge upon , although they see their dearest friends murdred by them before their faces . and in pag. 53. and 54. in my catalogue of places that were by those comets , &c. designed to suffer and become passive ; i name england and london . and although these predictions be particular enough as to the thing in question , yet had it not been , that i was lo●th to affright folks too much with the sence or thought of danger before it came , i could have been much plainer ; and much plainer i was also , in this very particular pest ( some years before it came ) to many of my peculiar and better knowing friends , as are yet in the city ; ( some of them by my encouragement only ; ) and i am confident are both ready and willing to a●●est the truth hereof , if occasion required it ; or if that , that i have now said from divers others , as well as my self , in print , do not satisfie in this matter . let this therefore ( in this place ) suffice , to prove to the ingenious , that by astrology , this present pest was foretold ; even as hippocrates ( that prince of physicians ) by the same art , was also enabled to predict that raging plague which happened in his time ; for the which curious skill , he is so honorably remembred by sir christopher heydon , in his unanswerable defence of astrology , as also by many other eminent and worthy writers . chap. viii . that the air is unjustly suspected to lodge the contagion . it is received generally for a truth , that the noble element of air doth harbor and lodge the contagion , and that men , &c. sucke in a kind of venesick poisonous matter therewith ▪ and so come to be infected with the pestilence . which i● true , it proves custome a most terrible tyrant , in following whereof , the magistrates shut up people infected in houses or rooms , to prevent the spreading thereof : for , if the air be at such a time infected , and doth really harbor the contagion ; the hotter it is , the more infectious it needs must be , and consequently the plague in far greater danger of encreasing , by this customary care , then if it were wholly omitted . nay , were the air the palace of the pestilence , in a time of sickness , it would be even dangerous for persons to assemble either in churches , or courts of justice ; nay for many to talk together in a street , since the uniting of breaths must make an addition of heat , unto that which was too hot and pestilential before : but we accuse the air unjustly to lodge the contagion , and that for these reasons . 1. the air is that element , whose office it is to preserve all things , and without which nothing can remain alive ; and can we reasonably suppose it should be able to estrange it self so much from its native quality , as to lodge within its bosom so destructive an enemy as infection ? the air being a pure element , is attracted by the lungs into mans body , and without it ( saith dr. brown ) there is no durable continuation of life . it preserves the body by ventilation , and by its power alone , the natural flame or torch of life , is kept from extinction . that therefore which by its natural vertue , is the preserver of every thing that hath life , cannot be presumed to entertain so unhappy and cruel an inmate , as infection , it being supposed the grand enemy to , and destroyer of life . 2. anaximenes the milesian , in plutarch , maintaineth that air is the principle of the world ; and as our soul ( saith he ) which is air , keepeth us alive ; so spirit and air maintain the being of the whole world . and we know it is for want of air that the earth refuseth to bring forth its fruits ; and it is for the aires sake we remove some plants , and open the roots of others ; or else they either dye , or bring forth nothing worthy . nay , fishes ( as one ingeniously observes ) though they breath not perceptibly ; yet we see the want of air kills them : as when a long and tedious frost , imprisons a pond in ice . it cannot therefore be , that that element which hath all these noble and preserving qualities , should lodge so foul a guest as the contagion . 3. the air ( saith learned feltham ) is not corruptible ; we speak falsely , when we say the air infecteth ; the air it self ever clarifies , and is always working out that taint , which would mix with it . every breath we take , it goes unto our heart to cool it . our veins , arteries , nerves , and in most marrow , are all vivified by their participation of air ; and so indeed is every thing that the world holds ; as if this were the soul that gave it livelihood . it were therefore great presumption , for so defiled and unclean a companion as the contagion , to attempt the taking up of so fair and pure quarters , as the air affords : and however the air is come to be charged , it is below reason , to think that pure and impure can at all agree . the air therefore cannot lodge the contagion . 4. if the contagion should keep its court in the air , as the air it self altered , so should the contagion : but we see the contrary is true , therefore the air hath nothing to do in lodging with the contagion . the learned sir c. h. saith , in a general mortality , we cannot impute an infection to the air , or to the operations of the elements , as to intensive or excessive heat or cold ( which we must do , did the contagion truely lodge there ) sith it is evident even by aristotle himself , that the elements are altered , and have their qualities from ▪ heaven . and besides , the long continuance or duration of a pestilence , as sometimes a whole year , somtimes two or three , doth sufficiently prove , that it cannot be reasonably thought to proceed from the air , or the intention of heat and cold , or any other elementary qualities , because they vary many times in the same day , and much more in succession of seasons : and we know , that the state of the air , &c. is of a quite different and contrary disposition in winter to that which it is in summer ; therefore the contagion cannot remain in the air. nay , in that great pestilence in germany which happened in the years 1598. and 1599. the learned physicians of vienna themselves acknowledge ( at the instance and request of the archduke matthias ) t●at although they might presume some neer cause thereof in the air , yet the true and certain causes of it were in the heavens , the planets and their aspects , as is testified by asuerus in iatromathematicis , p. 206. my author yet goes further ▪ and says , that they mentioned a preceding comet in the earthly sign taurus ( such a one as happened with us at christmas 1664. ) and some notable conjunctions of the planets , to be ( post deum ) the true and absolute causes thereof . now , if these learned persons had been fully satisfied , that the air had lodged the contagion , or that the infection had inhabited there ; they needed not to have climed to heaven to find a more noble cause thereof . if any shall ask me ( now ) whence cometh the pestilence ? since i deny it to inhabit the air ; i answer , that it comes from the heavens ; as in the first chapter i have already sufficiently p●oved , and it were but actum agere , to do it here again . but if then any shall enquire further , how it comes ? i answer , by that magnetick power of the heavens , by which all things in nature , and natures self is preserved . as a needle will work toward a loadstone , though thorow a board of considerable thickness ; so our bodies bend to the influences of the heavenly bodies , by whose power and vertue , they are attracted higher or tower , in and through all the changes and chances of this mortal life . for ▪ as my worthy friend dr. ed. bolnest , in his med. inst . ● . ●4 . hath truly urged it , there is nothing above , but hath its lik●●ess below ; and whatever is below , hath the same vertue with 〈◊〉 which is above . heaven and earth , the things above , and things below , are like two lutes equally strung ; the one being touched , the other answers it , with a like sound . conclusion . from what hath been said in the preceding discourse , these several conclusions naturally emerge . 1. that the true and proper natural causes of the pestilence , are the aspects and influences of the heavens ; and when we attribute so great an effect to other less and inconsiderable causes , we strangely erre : and make the gates too big for the ●i●y : the building too ponderous for the foundation . a mouse can't cast a shaddow like an elephant , nor a molehill like the alpine mountaines . if the effect be great , so must the cause , else nature knew not geometry . 2. that the pestilence cannot last above four years ( i. e. ) in one place or country ; for in that time , it either abateth of it self , o● is removed unto some other country , &c. as celestial causes please to pre-appoint . and therefore , they that assert plagues to continue , sometimes eight , sometimes fifteen years , or more [ i mean , in its raging effects ] are wrong in their conclusions , and not to be believed . he that by second causes appoints beginnings to pestilences , proportionates unto them proper mediums and periods . 3. that the several plagues which happened anno 1593 , 1603 , 1625 ▪ and 1636. received their beginnings , increase , abatements , and periods , proportionate to the energy of celestial influences ; and that the stations , transits , and ill aspects of saturn and mars , in a time of sickness , are the ●ugmentors thereof ; and the transits , aspects and station● of jupiter and venus , the alleviators . 4. that this present plague ( god not a●●ering or suspending the power he hath given to second ca●ses ) will abate about the later end of september 1665. and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 less apace . 5. that the pestilence of it self● is not catching : that it is the timidity of our affections , which occasions the ( supposed ) infection . 6. that those persons which flye from the plague , are the most subject unto it ; by seeking to ●hu● dangers , we often rush into them . god hath not a con●roversie ●o much with wood and stones , as with men ▪ and the rod of his anger , is not so much for punishment of cities and houses , as their inhabitants . god can find us o●t ▪ though we hide our selves behind rocks and mountains . 7. that this present plague was fore●old by astrology ; and that no other art whatsoever , is capable of predictions of this kind . 8. that the air is unjustly suspected to lodge the contagion : it being so noble an element , and so advantagious , that without it we cannot live or move ▪ it is the only preserver of mankind ; and the causa sine qua ●on , of the vivification of all things . which seriously considered , whispers unto us , this great truth : that th● shutting up of people in a time of sickne●s , and d●nying them the advantage of the air , is no small propinquate cause ( at least ) of the increase of the co●●agion . for by how much the more men are abridged their customary liberty , by so much the more are they subject to fear ; and the greater their fear is , th● seener do they meet the ill they dread . but see more of this in the sixth chapter of the forego●ng d●s●curse . in the time of the levitical law , men were not to be shut up above seven days , and then on●ly the uncl●an pe●son ▪ and this after the priest had seen good reason for it ; and if he amended either before , or at the seven days end , then the priest pronounced him clean . but we in this age , shut up not onely the unclean ▪ but the sound and sick together ; ( the onely way to be rid of all ; if at the least 〈◊〉 be such a thing as infection ) and i● in a family of ten or more , one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though all the rest be sound and healthy , we shut up the living , for the sake of ●he dead ; and debar them the benefit of ( those great and known preservers of health ) the air , and exercise , a month at least together . a custome strangely tyrannous ! and i am afraid savors more of barbarism then christian●ty ; and as it is 〈◊〉 to the laws of old , and to charity ; so beyond question it is , a●●●ath been considerably detrimental , and injurious to the lives of very many thousands in this great city ▪ whose only ●lory is in her numerous inhabitants . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a42850-e17780 quarles present remedies against the plague shewing sundrye preseruatiues for the same, by wholsome fumes, drinkes, vomits and other inward receits; as also the perfect cure (by implaisture) of any that are therewith infected. now necessary to be obserued of euery housholder, to auoide the infection, lately begun in some places of this cittie. written by a learned physition, for the health of his countrey. good councell against the plague learned phisition. 1603 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19448) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23412) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1332:6) present remedies against the plague shewing sundrye preseruatiues for the same, by wholsome fumes, drinkes, vomits and other inward receits; as also the perfect cure (by implaisture) of any that are therewith infected. now necessary to be obserued of euery housholder, to auoide the infection, lately begun in some places of this cittie. written by a learned physition, for the health of his countrey. good councell against the plague learned phisition. [16] p. printed [by william jaggard?] for thomas pauyer, and are to be sold at his shop at the entrance into the exchange, [london] : 1603. originally published in 1592 as: good councell against the plague. printer's name conjectured by stc. signatures: a-b⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". running title reads: good counsell against the plague. identified as stc 20868 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -early works to 1800. plague -treatment -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion present remedies against the plague . shewing sundrye preseruatiues for the same , by wholsome fumes , drinkes , vomits and other inward receits ; as also the perfect cure ( by implaisture ) of any that are therewith insected . now necessary to be obserued of euery housholder , to auoide the infection , lately begun in some places of this cittie . written by a learned physition , for the health of his countrey . printed for thomas pauyer , and are to be sold at his shop at the entrance into the exchange . 1603 to the reader . for as much as the force and infection of the ordinary diseas called the plague or pestilence , hath heretofore beene too well knowne and felt in sundrie places of this realme : and considering that it hath of late begun to increase in many chiefe citties and populous places ; i thought it good to publish to you in time , sundry preseruatiues against the said disease , the better to defende those that are in health , from the infection of the diseased : and also to cure those that are any way infected , grieued , or troubled with the same . and to this i was imboldened , the rather for that it was written by a very learned and approoued phisition of our time , who desireth more the health of his country , than by discouering his name seeme vaine glorious to the world . accept the same i pray you in good part , and thanke god for the phisitions paines , who hath his desire if it may doe but that which he wisheth : namely expel sickenes , and increase health to this land. which god for his mercie sake , prosper and preserue from all plagues and dangers for euermore , amen . these things ought duely to be looked vnto . ( viz. ) right necessary and conuenient it were , that you kéep your houses , streets , yardes , backesides , sinks , and kennels , swéet and cleane from all standing puddles , dunghils , and corrupt maystures which ingender stincking sauours that may be noysome , or bréede infection : nor suffer no dogs to come running into your houses , neither kéep any ( except it be backeward , in some place of open ayre , for they are verie dangerous , & not sufferable in time of sickenesse , by reason they runne from place to place , and from one house to another , féeding vpon the vncleanest thinges that are cast forth into the streetes , and are a most apt cattell to take infection of any sickenes , & then to bring it into the house . for ayring your roomes . ayre your seueral taimes with charcōle fiers , made in stone pans or chasingdishes , and not in chimneys : set your pans in the middle of the roomes : ayre euery roome once a wéeke ( at the least ) and put into your fire a little quantity of frankinsence , iuniper , dryed rosemary , or of bay-leaues . a fume of great experience . take rosemary , and put it into strong vineger , steepe it in a bason or bowle heat foure or fiue fl●ntstones red hot and cast them into the vineger and so let the fume ascend into the middle of euery roome . another . ayre your apparrell in the same sort , and with the same fume : & beare in your hands some handkercher , spunge , or cloth , wetted in the iuyce of wormwood , hearbegrace , and red rose-vineger , mixt together . to smell to . the roote of enula campna stéeped in vineger & lapped in a handkercher , is a speciall thing to smel vnto , if you come where the sickenes is . another . hearbgrace , and wormewood stéeped in vineger , in some powter péece close slopt , is to be vsed in like sort . to tast or chewe in the mouth . the roote of angelica , setwall , gencian , valerian , or sinamond , is aspeciall preseruatiue against the plague , being chewed in the mouth . to eate . eate sorrell steeped in vineger , in the morning fasting , with a litle bread and butter , sorrell sauce is also very holsome against the same . another . take the kernell of a walnut , mince it with thrée or foure leaues of hearbgrace , and a corne or two of salt : then put it into a figge , warme it and eate it fasting : fast thrée houres after , and take it twice a wéek . a speciall thing to eate , found very comfortable . take strong red rose-vineger , sprinkle it vpon a tost of white bread , spreade butter thereon , and then cast y e powder of cinamond vpon it , & eate it fasting : or eate bread and butter with hearbgrace . another . giue to the diseased for their ordinary foode , some broth made with a neck of mutton : boyled with a good quantity of burridge , sorrell , and buglosse . to comfort the stomacke . aleberries are very comfortable , made with cloues , mace , nutmegs , saunders , ginney grains , and such like . to drinke . take rue , wormewood , and scabias , stéepe it in ale a whole night , & drinke it fasting euery morning . another . take the water of carduns benedictus , or angelica , and mixe it with methridatum , another . the roote of enula campana , beaten to powder , is a speciall remedy against the plague , being drunke fasting . another . drinke the powder of turmentill , in sorrell or scabias water . another . if any féele themseules already infected , take angelica-water mixt with methridatum , drinke it off , then goe to bed and sweat thereon . another to drinke . take a spooneful of bayberries , and huske them before they be dry , heat them to powder , and drinke it in good stale ale or béere , or in white wine : then sweat vpon it , and forbeare to sleepe . to procure sweat. take posset-ale sodden with sorrell , and burridge , mixt with triacle of diatesseron and get you to your naked bed . a speciall preseruatiue against the plague . take of the roote of great valerian , a quarter of an ounce : of sorrell a handfull : an ounce of the roote of butter-bur : boyle them in running water , frō a quart to a pint , two spoonefulls of vineger to it , and let the patient drinke it so hot as hee may , and then sweat vpon it . an other speciall preseruatiue . take an egge , make a hole in the top of it , take out the white and the yolke , and fill the shell onelye with saffron , rost the shel and saffron togither , in embers of charcoales , vntil the shell waxe yeallow : then beat shell and altogether in a marter , with halfe a spooneful of mustard-séed : now so soone as any suspition is had of infection , dissolue the weight of a french crown in ten spoonefuls of posset-ale , drinke it luke warme , and sweat vpon it in your naked bed . an other preseruatiue to be distilled . take halfe a hundred gréene walnuts beeing new taken off as they hang gréene on the trée , and a pound of the inner barke of an ash-trée : then take petimortell , housleeke , scabias , & veruin , of each a handfull saffron halfe an ounce , and mince al these smal together : then put a pottle of the strongest vineger on thē boile them ouer a soft fire in a close pot , and after distill them in a limbecke : keep the distilled water , and giue the patient two ounces to drinke therof , foure times in four & twenty-houres , when he is in his naked bed , & let him be prouoked to sweat , and he shall finde great ease thereby . if the patient be bound in the body . take a suppositor made with a little boiled hunny , & a litle powder of salt : let this be put vp at the fundament with a litle butter vntill it moue him to y e stoole . drinke for ordinary dyet . so néere as you can let the patients ordinary drinke be good finall ale of eight daies olde . for vomitting . vomitting is better then bleeding in this case and therefore prouoke to vomit so neere as you can . to prouoke vomit . take thrée leaues of castrabecca , stampe it , and drinke it in rennish wine , ale , or posset ale . another . a litle quantity of 〈◊〉 helibor , grated and drunke in the like fort procureth vomit . a speciall vomit . take two ounces of oyle of walunts , a spoonefull of the iuyce of celandine , and halfe a spoonefull of the iuyce of reddish rootes : let not the party sleep for two houres after , and in so dooing it is better then any purging . for purging . if the party be full of grosse humors , let him blood , immediately vpon the right arme , on the liuer vein or on the median veyn , in the same arm : so as no sore appeare the first day . a very wholsome purge . put into the pap of an apple , a sixepennie weight of aloes , and so take it : or the pils of rufus . a wholsome water to be distilled . steep sorrell in vineger , foure and twentie houres , then take it out and drie it with a linen doth , then still it in a limbecke , drinke foure spoonfuls with a little sugar , then walke vpon it till you sweat if you may : if not , keep your bed and sweat vpon it . vse this before supper on anie euening . if the patient happen to be troubled with any swellings , botches , carbuncles , or gods tokens : let him sweat moderatelie now and then . outward medicines to ripen the sore . take the roote of a white lillie , roast it in a good handfull of sorrell , stampe it and applie it thereto very hot , let it lie four and twentie houres , and it wil break the sore , another . take of old swines-grease salted , two ounces , with the yolke of an egge , and two handfulles of scabias , stampe them togither , and laie it warme to the sore . another . take a small quantitie of leauen , a handful of mallowes , a little quantitie of scabias , cut a white onion into pieces , with halfe a dozen heads of garlicke , boile these together in running water , make a poullus of it and then lay it hot to the sore . another . the like may be made of two handfuls of valerian , three rootes of danwort , and a handfull of smalledge , seeth them in shéepes suet and rose water , with a few crums of bread , and apply it hot to the sore . another . take a hot loafe , new taken forth of the ouen , apply it to the sore , and it will doubtlesse breake the same but afterward bury the same loafe déep inough in the ground , for feare of any infection : for if either dog or amy other thing do féede thereon it , will infect a great many . other obseruations . let the sicke and infected persons bee seperated and kept from the whole , vntill the sore be healed : but generally let them be kept within the space of a month . for a fume . take a new burnt bricke , & heate it red hote , then put it into a bason of vineger , and let the fume therof ascend into your houses . for ayring apparrell . let the apparrel of the diseased persons , be wel and often washed , be it linnen or wollen : or let it be ayred in the sunne , or ouer pans of fire , or ouer a chasing-dish of coales , & fume the same with frankensence iuniper , or dryed rose-mary . a perfect good plaister for the cure of the sore after it is broken . take vnwróght waxe , white turpentine , the yolke of an egge , a little fresh butter , & a quantity of english honny , boile all these together to a salue , and apply it to the sore , béeing thin spread vpon a cloth , in manner of an ordinarie playster . additions . to preserue from the infection of the plague . take garlicke péele it and mince it small , put it into new milke and eate it fasting . to take the infection from a house infected . take large oynions , péele them , and lay thrée or foure of them vpon the ground , let them lie ten daies , & those pieled oynions will gather all the infection into them that is one of those roomes : but burie these oynions afterward déepe in the ground . another . take new milke and set it in a bason in the middle of the infected roomes , and the milke will draw the infectious vapour into it , letting it stand two daies in the saide roome , against the new burning feuer . if the patient be in a great heat as most commonly they wil , take of faire running water a prety quantity put it on a chasingdish of coles , then put thereinto a good quantity of saunders beaten to powder : and let it boyle halfe an houre betwene two dishes : that done put a couple of soft linnen clothes into the dish , wet the clothes well in water and saunders , and apply the same so hote as you can suffer it to your bely . to drinke for the whot feuer . take two handfull of sorrell , and a handfull of violet leaues with a bunch of sowre graps , beat them together stalkes and all : then straine it into butter-milke , then make a posset of the same butter-milke , and let the patient drinke thereof so much as he will. to procuresleepe to the sicke persons that are diseased either with the plague or the hote feuer . take of a womans breast-milke a good quantiti , put therunto of the like quantity of aqua-vite , stir them well together , and moysten therewith the temples of the patient and his nosthrils , lay it on with some feather , or some fine thin ragge . butter-milke in this contagious time is generally holsome to be eaten , and is a good preseruatiue against either the plague or the pestilent feuer . finis . the vvonderfull yeare. 1603 wherein is shewed the picture of london, lying sicke of the plague. at the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. the wonderfull yeare dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1603 approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20094 stc 6535.5 estc s105274 99841003 99841003 5559 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20094) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5559) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 780:05) the vvonderfull yeare. 1603 wherein is shewed the picture of london, lying sicke of the plague. at the ende of all (like a mery epilogue to a dull play) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions, of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights, that lye watching in the darke for vs. 1603. the wonderfull yeare dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [48] p. printed by thomas creede, and are to be solde in saint donstones church-yarde in fleet-streete [by n. ling, j. smethwick, and j. browne, london : 1603?] by thomas dekker. another edition of "1603. the wonderfull yeare", originally published in 1603. booksellers' names supplied and publication date conjectured by stc. signatures: a-f⁴. in this edition the last line of a4v has "farewell" in italic. identified as stc 6535a on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded 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available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-01 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vvonderfull yeare . 1603. wherein is shewed the picture of london , lying sicke of the plague . at the ende of all ( like a mery epilogue to a dull play ) certaine tales are cut out in sundry fashions , of purpose to shorten the liues of long winters nights , that lye watching in the darke for vs. et me rigidi legant catones . london printed by thomas creede , and are to be solde in saint donstones church-yarde in fleet-streete . to his vvelrespected good friend , m. cutbert thuresby , vvater bayliffe of london . bookes are but poore gifts , yet kings receiue them : vpō which i presume , you will not turne this out of doores . yet cannot for shame but bid it welcome , because it bringes to you a great quantitie of my loue : which , if it be worth litle , ( and no maruell if loue be solde vnder-foote , when the god of loue himselfe goes naked ) yet i hope you will not say you haue a hard bargaine , sithēce you may take as much of it as you please for nothing . i haue clapt the cognizance of your name , on these scribled papers , it is their liuery : so that now they are yours : being free frō any vile imputation , saue only , that they thrust themselues into your acquaintance . but gene●all errors , haue generall pardons : for the title of other mens names , is the common heraldry which all those laie claime too , whose crest is a pen-and-inckhorne . if you read , you may happilie laugh ; t is my desire you should , because mirth is both phisicall , and wholesome against the plague : with which sicknes , ( to tell truth ) this booke is , ( though not sorely ) yet somewhat infected . i pray , driue it not out of your companie for all that ; for ( assure your soule ) i am so iealous of your health , that if you did but once imagine , there were gall in mine incke , i would cast away the standish , and forsweare medling with anie more muses . to the reader . and why to the reader ? oh good sir ! there 's as sound law to make you giue good words to the reader , as to a constable when hee carries his watch about him to tell how the night goes , tho ( perhaps ) the one ( oftentimes ) may be serued in for a goose , and the other very fitly furnish the same messe : yet to maintaine the scuruy fashion , and to keepe custome in reparations , he must be honyed , and come-ouer with gentle reader , courteous reader , and learned reader , though he haue no more gentilitie in him than adam had ( that was but a gardner ) no more ciuili●ie than a tartar , and no more learning than the most errand stinkard , that ( except his owne name ) could neuer finde any thing in the horne-booke . how notoriously therfore do good wits dishonor , not only their calling , but euen their creation , that worship glow-wormes ( in stead of the sun ) because of a litle false glistering ? in the name of phoebus what madnesse leades them vnto it ? for he that dares hazard a pressing to death ( that 's to say , to be a man in print ) must make account that he shall stand ( like the olde weathercock ouer powles steeple ) to be beaten with all stormes . neither the stinking tabacco●breath of a sattingull , the aconited sting of a narrow-eyde critick , the faces of a phantastick stage-monkey , nor the ind●ede-la of a puritanicall citizen , must once shake him . no , but desperately resolue ( like a french post ) to ride through thick & thin : indure to see his lines torne pittifully on the rack : suffer his muse to take the bastoone , yea the very stab , & himselfe like a new stake to be a marke for euery hagler , and ●herefore ( setting vp all ●hese rests ) why shuld he regard what fooles bolt is shot at him ? besides , if that which he presents vpon the stage of the world be good , why should he basely cry out ( with that old poeticall mad-cap in his amphitruo ) iouis summi causa clarè plaudite , beg a plaudite for god-sake ! if bad , who ( but an asse ) would intreate ( as players do in a cogging epilogue at the end of a filthie comedy ) that , be it neuer such wicked stuffe , they would forbeare to hisse , or to dam it perpetually to lye on a stationers stall . eor he that can so cosen himselfe , as to pocket vp praise in that silly sort , makes his braines fat with his owne folly . but hinc pudor ! or rather hinc dolor , heere 's the diuell ! it is not the ratling of all this former haile-shot , that can terrisie our band of castalian pen-men from entring into the field : no , no , the murdring artillery indeede lyes in the roaring mouthes of a company that looke big as if they were the sole and singular commanders ouer the maine army of poesy , yet ( if hermes muster-booke were searcht ouer ) thei le be found to ●e most pitifull pure fresh-water souldiers : they giue out , that they are heires-apparent to helicon , but an easy herald may make them meere yonger brothers , or ( to say troth ) not so much . beare witnes all you whose wits make you able to be witnesses in this cause , that here i meddle not with your good poets , nam tales , nusquàm sunt hîc ampliüs , if you should rake hell , or ( as aristophanes in his frog sayes ) in any celler deeper than hell , it is hard to finde spirits of that fashion . but those goblins whom i now am cōiuring vp , haue bladder-cheekes puft out like a swizzers breeches ( yet being prickt , there comes out nothing but wind ) thin-headed fellowes that liue vpon the scraps of inuention , and trauell with such vagrant soules , and so like ghosts in white sheetes of paper , that the statute of rogues may worthily be sued vpon them , because their wits haue no abiding place , and yet wander without a passe-port . alas , poore wenches ( the nine muses ! ) how much are you wrongd , to haue such a number of bastards lying vpō your hands ? but turne them out a begging ; or if you cannot be rid of their riming company ( as i thinke it will be very hard ) then lay your heauie and immortall curse vpon them , that what●oeuer they weaue ( in the motley-loome of their rustie pates ) may like a beggers cloake , be full of stolne patches , and yet neuer a patch like one another , that it may be such true lamentable stuffe , that any honest christian may be sory to see it . banish these word-pirates , ( you sacred mistresses of learning ) into the gulfe of barbarisme : doome them euerlastingly to liue among dunces : let them not once lick their lips at the thespian bowle , but onely be glad ( and thanke apollo for it too ) if hereafter ( as hitherto they haue alwayes ) they may quench their poeticall thirst with small beere . or if they will needes be stealing your heliconian nectar , let them ( like the dogs of nylus , onely lap and away . for this goatish swarme are those ( that where for these many thousand yeares you went for pure maides ) haue taken away your good nemes , these are they that de●lowre your beauties . these are those ranck-riders of art , that haue so spur-gald your lustie winged pegasus , that now he begins to be out of flesh , and ( euen only for prouander sake ) is glad to shew tricks like bancks his curtall . o you bookes-sellers ( that are factors to the liberall sciences ) ouer whose stalles these drones do dayly flye humming ; let homer , hesiod , euripid●s , and some other mad greekes with a band of the latines , lye like musket-shot in their way , when these gothes and getes set vpon you in your paper fortifications ; it is the only canon , vpon whose mouth they dare not venture , none but the english will take their parts , therefore feare them not , for such a strong breath haue thesee chese-eaters , that if they do but blowvpon a booke they imagine straight t is blasted : quod supra nos , nihil ad nos , ( they say ) that which is aboue our capacitie , shall not passe vnder our commendation . yet would i haue these zoilists ( of all other ) to reade me , if euer i should write any thing worthily : for the blame that knowne-fooles heape vpon a deseruing labour , does not discredit the same , but makes wise men more perfectly in loue with it . into such a ones hands therefore if i fortune to fall , i will not shrinke an inch , but euen when his teeth are sharpest , and most ready to bite , i will stop his mouth only with this , haec mala sunt , sed tu , non meliora facis . reader . whereas there stands in the rere-ward of this booke a certaine mingled troope of straunge discourses , fashioned into tales , know , that the intelligence which first brought them to light , was onely slying report : whose tongue ( as it often does ) if in spreading them it haue tript in any materiall point , and either slipt too farre , or falne too short , beare with the error : and the rather , because it is not wilfully committed . neither let any one ( whom those reports shall seeme to touch ) cauill , or complaine of iniury , sithence nothing is set downe by a malitious hand . farewell . the vvonderfull yeare . vertumnus being attired in his accustomed habit of changeable silke , had newly passed through the first and principall court-gate of heauen : to whom for a farewell , and to shewe how dutifull he was in his office , ianus ( that beares two faces vnder one hood ) made a very mannerly lowe legge , and ( because he was the onely porter at that gate ) presented vnto this king of the moneths , all the new-yeares gifts , which were more in number , and more worth then those that are giuen to the great turke , or the emperour of persia : on went vertumnus in his lustie progresse , priapus , flora , the dryades , and ha●●adryades , with all the woodden rabble of those that drest orchards & gardens , perfuming all the wayes that he went , with the swéete odours that breathed from flowers ; hearbes and trées , which now began to péepe out of prison : by vertue of which excellent aires , the skie got a most cleare completion ; lookte s●●g and smoothe , and had not so much as a wart st●●king on her face : the sunne likewise was freshly and very richly apparelled in cloth of gold like a bridegroome , and in stead of gilded rosemary , the hornes of the ramme , ( being the signe of that celestiall bride house where he lay , to be marryed to the spring ) were not like your common hornes parcell gilt , but double double-gilt , with the liquid gold that melted from his beames , for ioy wereof the larke sung at his windowe euery morning , the nightingale euery nighte the cuckooe ( like a single sole fidler , that réeles from tauerne to tauerne ) plide it all the day long : lambes friskte vp and downe in the vallies , kids and goates leapt too and fro on the mountaines : shepheards sat piping , country wenches singing : louers made sonnets for their lasses , whilest they made garlands for their louers : and as the country was frolike , so was the citie mery : oliue trées ( which grow no where but in the garden of peace ) stood ( as common as béech does at midsomer ) at euery mans doore , braunches of palme were in euery mans hand : stréetes were full of people , people full of ioy : euery house séemde to haue a lorde of misrule in it , in euery house there was so much ●ollity : no scritch-owle frighted the silly countryman at midnight , nor any drum the citizen at noone-day ; but all was more calme than a still water , all husht , as if the spheres had bene playing in consort : in conclusion , heauen lookt like a pallace , and the great hall of the earth , like a paradice . but o the short liu'de felicitie of man ! o world of what slight and thin stuffe is thy happinesse ! iust in the midst of this iocund holy-day , a storme rises in the west : westward ( from the toppe of a ritch-mount ) descended a hidious tempest , that shooke cedars , terrified the tallest pines , and cleft in sunder euen the hardest hearts of oake : and if such great trées were shaken , what thinke you became of the tender eglantine , and humble hawthorne ; they could not ( doubtlesse ) but droope , they could not choose but die with the terror . the element ( taking the destinies part , who indéed set abroach this mischiefe ) scowled on the earth , and filling her hie forehead full of blacke wrinckles , tumbling long vp and downe ( like a great bellyed wife ) her sighes being whirlewindes , and her grones thunder , at length she fell in labour , and was deliuered of a pale , meagry , weake child , named sicknesse , whom death ( with a pestilence ) would néedes take vpon him to nurse , and did so . this starueling being come to his full growth , had an office giuen him for nothing ( and that 's a wonder in this age ) death made him his herauld : attirde him like a courtier , and ( in his name ) chargde him to goe into the priuie chamber of the english quéene , to sommon her to appeare in the star-chamber of heauen . the sommons made her start , but ( hauing an inuincible spirit ) did not amaze her : yet whom would not the certaine newes of parting from a king●ome amaze ! but she knewe where to finde a richer , and therefore lightlie regarded the losse of this , and thereupon made readie for that heauenlie coronation , being ( which was most strange ) most dutifull to obay , that had so many yeares so powrefully commaunded . she obayed deaths messenger , and yéelded her body to the hands of death himselfe . she dyed , res●gning her scepter to posteritie , and her soule to immortalitie . to report of her death ( like a thunder-clap ) was able to kill thousands , it tooke away hearts from millions : for hauing brought vp ( euen vnder her wing ) a nation that was almost begotten and borne vnder her ; that neuer shouted any other aue than for her name , neuer sawe the face of any prince but her selfe , neuer vnderstoode what that strange out-landish word change signified : how was it possible , but that her sicknes should throw abroad an vniuersall feare , and her death an astonishment ? she was the courtiers treasure , therefore he had cause to mourne : the lawyers sword of iustice , he might well faint : the merchants patronesse , he had reason to looke pale : the citizens mother , he might best lament : the sepheards goddesse , and should not he droope ? onely the souldier , who had walkt a long time vpon wodden legs , and was not able to giue armes , though he were a gentleman , had brisseld vp the quills of his stiffe porcupine mustachio , and swore by no beggers that now was the houre come for him to be●●irre his stumps : usurers and brokers ( that are the diuels ingles , and dwell in the long-lane of hell ) quak● like aspen leaues at his oathes : those that before were the onely cut-throates in london , now stoode in feare of no other death : but my signior soldado was deceiued , the tragedie went not forward . neuer did the english nation behold so much black worne as there was at her funerall : it was then but put on , to try if it were ●it , for the great day of mourning was set downe ( in the booke of heauen ) to be held afterwards : that was but the dumb shew , the tragicall act hath bene playing ●uer since . her herse ( as it was●borne ) s●emed to be an iland swimming in water , for round about it there rayned showers of teares , about her death-bed none : for her departure was so sudden and so strange , that men knew not how to wéepe , because they had neuer bin taught to shed teares of that making . they that durst not speake their sorrowes , whisperd them : they that durst not whisper , sent them foorth in sighes . oh what an earth-quake is the alteration of a state ! looke from the chamber of presence , to the farmers cottage , and you shall finde nothing but distraction : the whole kingdome s●emes a wildernes , and the people in it are transformed to wild men . the may of a countrey so pitifullie distracted by the horor of a change , if you desire perfectlie to behold , cast your eyes then on this that followes , which being heretofore in priuate presented to the king , i thinke may very worthily shew it selfe before you : and because you shall sée them attirde in the same fashion that they wore before his maiesity , let these fewe lines ( which stood then as prologue to the rest ) enter first into your eares . not for applauses , shallow fooles aduenture , i plunge my verse into a sea of censure , but with a liuer drest in gall , to see so many rookes , catch-polls of poesy , that feede vpon the fallings of hye wit , and put on cast inuentions , most vnfit , for such am i prest forth in shops and stalls , pasted in powles , and on the lawyers walls , for euery basilisk-eyde criticks bait , to kill my verse , or poison my conceit : or some smoakt gallant , who at wit repines , to dry tabacco with my holesome lines , and in one paper sacrifice more braine , than all his ignorant scull could ere containe : but merit dreads no martyrdome , nor stroke , my lines shall liue ▪ when he shall be all smoke . thus farre the prologne , who leauing the stage cléer● , the feares that are bred in th● wombe of this al●ring kingdome do next step vp , acting thus . the great impostume of the realme was draw●e euen to a head : the multitudino●s spawne was the corruption , which did make it swell with hop'd sedition ( the burnt seed of hell . ) who did expect but ruine , blood , and death , to share our kingdome , and diuide our breath . religions without religion , to let each other blood , confusion to be next queene of england , and this yeere the ciuill warres of france to be plaid heere by english-men , ruffians , and pandering slaues , that faine would dig vp gowtie vsurers graues : at such a time , villaines their hopes do honey , and rich men looke as pale as their white money : now they remoue , and make their siluer sweate , casting themselues into a couetous heate , and then ( vnseene ) in the confederate darke , bury their gold , without or priest , or clarke . and say no prayers ouer that dead pelfe , true : gold 's no christian , but an indian elfe . did not the very kingdome seeme to shake her precious massie limbes ? did she not make all english cities ( like her pulses ) beate with people in their veines ? the feare so great , that had it not bene phisickt with rare peace , our populous power had lessend her increase . the spring-time that was dry , had sprung in blood , a greater dearth of men , than e're of foode : in such a panting time , and gasping yeare , victuals are cheapest , only men are deare . now each wise-acred landlord did dispaire , fearing some villaine should become his heire , or that his sonne and heire before his time , should now turne villaine , and with violence clime vp to his life saying father you haue seene king he●ry , edward , mary , and the queene , i wonder you 'le liue longer ! then he tells him hee s loth to see him kild , therfore he kills him , and each vast landlord dyes lyke a poore slaue , their thousand acres makes them but a graue , at such a time great men conuey their treasure into the trusty citie : wayts the leisure of bloud and insurrection , which warre clips , when euery gate shutts vp her iron lips , imagine now a mighty man of dust , standeth in doubt , what seruant he may trust , with plate worth thousands : iewels worth farre more ▪ if he proue false , then his rich lord proues poore : he calls forth one by one , to note their graces , whilst they make legs he copies out their faces , examines their eye-browe , consters their beard , singles their nose out , still he rests afeard : the first that comes by no meanes hee le alow , has spyed three hares starting betweene his brow , quite turnes the word , names it celeritie , for hares do run away , and so may he : a second shewne : him he will scarce behold , his beard 's too red , the colour of his gold : a third may please him , but t is hard to say , a rich man 's pleasde , when his goods part away . and now do cherrup by , fine golden nests of well hatcht bowles : such as do breed in feasts , for warre and death cupboords of plate downe pulls , then bacchus drinkes not in gilt-bowles , but sculls . let me descend and stoope my verse a while , to make the comicke cheeke of poesie smile ; ranck peny-fathers scud ( with their halfe hammes , shadowing their calues ) to saue their siluer dammes , at euery gun they start , tilt from the ground , one drum can make a thousand vsurers sound . in vnsought allies and vnholesome places , back-wayes and by-lanes , where appeare fewe faces , in shamble-smelling roomes , loathsome prospects , and penny-lattice-windowes , which reiects all popularitie : there the rich cubs lurke , when in great houses ruffians are at worke , not dreaming that such glorious booties lye vnder those nasty roofes : such they passe by without a search , crying there 's nought for vs , and wealthie men deceiue poore villaines thus : tongue-trauelling lawyers faint at such a day , lye speechlesse , for they haue no words to say . phisitions turne to patients , their arts dry , for then our fat men without phisick die . and to conclude , against all art and good , warre taints the doctor , le ts the surgion blood . such was the fashion of this land , when the great land-lady thereof left it : shée came in with the fall of the leafe , and went away in the spring : her life ( which was dedicated to uirginitie , both beginning & closing vp a miraculous mayden circle : for she was borne vpon a lady eue , and died vpon a lady eue : her natiuitie & death being memorable by this wonder : the first and last yeares of her raigne by this , that a lee was lords maior when she came to the crowne , and a lee lorde maior when she departed from it . thrée places are made famous by her for thrée things , greenewich for her birth , richmount for her death , white-hall for her funerall : vpon her remouing from whence , ( to lend our tiring prose a breathing time ) stay , and looke vpon these epigrams , being composed , 1. vpon the queenes last remoue being dead . the queene 's remou'de in solemne sort , yet this was strange , and seldome seene ; the queene vsde to remoue the court , but now the court remou'de the queene . 2. vpon her bringing by water to white hall. the queene was brought by water to white hall , at euery stroake , the oares ●eares let fall . more clung about the barge : fish vnder water wept out their eyes of pearle , and swom blind after . i thinke the barge-men might with easier thyes haue rowde her thither in her peoples eyes : for howsoe're , thus much my thoughts haue skand , s'had come by water , had she come by land . 3. vpon her lying dead at white hall. the queene lyes now at white hall dead , and now at white hall liuing , to make this rough obiection euen , dead at white hall at westminster , but liuing at white hall in heauen . thus you sée that both in her life and her death shée was appointed to bee the mirror of her time : and surely , if since the first stone that was layd for the foundation of this great house of the world , there was euer a yeare ordained to be wondred at , it is only this : the sibils , octogesimus , octauus annus , that same terrible 88. which came sayling hither in the spanish armado , and made mens hearts colder then the frozen zone , when they heard but an inckling of it : that 88. by whose horrible predictions , almanack-makers stood in bodily feare their trade would bée vtterly ouerthrowne , and poore erra pater was threatned ( because he was a iew ) to be put to ●aser offices , than the stopping of mustard●pots : that same 88. which had more prophecies waiting at his héeles , thā euer merlin the magitian had in his head , was a yeare o● iubile to this . platoes mirabilis annu● , ( whether it be past alreadie , or to come within these foure yeares ) may throwe platoes cap at mirabilis , for that title of wonderfull is bestowed vpon 1603. if that sacred aromatically persumed fire of wit ( out of whose flames phoenix poesie doth arise ) were burning in any brest , i would féede it with no other stuffe for a twelue-moneth and a day than with kindling papers full of lines , that should tell only of the chances , changes , and strange shapes that this protean climactericall yeare hath metamorphosed himselfe into . it is able to finde ten chroniclers a competent liuing , and to set twentie printers at worke . you shall perceiue i lye not , if ( with peter bales ) you will take the paines to drawe the whole volume of it into the compasse of a pennie . as first , to begin with the quéenes death , then the kingdomes falling into an ague vpon that . next , followes the curing of that feauer by the holesome receipt of a proclaymed king. that wonder begat more , for in an houre , two mightie nations were made one : wilde ireland became tame on the sudden , and some english great ones that before séemed tame , on the sudden turned wilde : the same parke which great iulius caesar inclosed , to hold in that déere whome they before hunted , being now circled ( by a second caesar ) with stronger pales to kéepe them from leaping ouer . and last of all ( if that wonder be the last and shut vp the yeare ) a most dreadfull plague . this is the abstract , and yet ( like stowes chronicle of decimo sexto to huge hollinshead ) these small pricks in this set-card of ours , represent mightie countreys ; whilst i haue the quill in my hand , let me blow them bigger . the quéene being honoured with a diademe of starres , france , spaine , and belg●a , lift vp their heads , preparing to do as much for england by giuing ayme , whilst she shot arrowes at her owne brest ( as they imagined ) as she had done ( many a yeare together ) for them : and her owne nation betted on their sides , looking with distracted countenance for no better guests than ciuill sedition , uprores , rapes , murders , and massacres . but the whéele of fate turned , a better lottery was drawne , pro troia stabat apol●o , god stuck valiantlie to vs. for behold , vp rises a comfortable sun out of the north , whose glorious beames ( like a fan ) dispersed all thick and contagious clowdes . the losse of a quéene , was paid with the double interest of a king and quéene . the cedar of her gouernment which stood alone and bare no fruit , is changed now to an oliue , vpon whose spreading branches grow both kings and quéenes , oh it were able to still a hundred paire of writing tables with notes , but to sée the parts plaid in the compasse of one houre on the stage of this new-found world ! upon thursday it was treason to cry god saue king iames king of england , and vppon friday hy● treason not to cry so . in the morning no voice heard but murmures and lamentation , at noone nothing but shoutes of gladnes & triumpe . s. george and s. andrew that many hundred yeares had de●●●d one another , were now sworne brothers : england and scotland ( being parted only with a narrow riuer , and the people of both empires speaking a language lesse differing than english within it selfe , as the prouidence had enacted , that one day those two nations should marry one another ) are now made sure together , and king iames his coronation , is the solemne wedding day . happiest of all thy ancestors ( thou mirror of all princes that euer were or are ) that at seauen of the clock wert a king but ouer a péece of a little iland , and before eleuen the greatest monarch in christendome . now — siluer crowds of blisfull angels and tryed marytrs tread on the star-●eeling ouer englands head : now heauen broke into a wonder , and brought forth our omne bonum from the holesome north ( our fruitfull souereigne ) iamns , at whose dread name rebellion swounded , and ( ere since ) became groueling and nerue-lesse , wanting blo●d to nourish , for ruine gnawes her selfe when kingdomes flourish , nor are our hopes planted in regall springs , neuer to wither , for our aire breedes kings : and in all ages ( from this soueraigne time ) england shall still be calde the royall clime . most blisfull monarch of all earthen powers , seru'd with a messe of kingdomes , foure such bowers ( for prosperous hiues , and rare industrious swarmes ) the world containes not in her solid armes . o thou that art the meeter of our dayes , poets apollo ! deale thy daphnean bayes to those whose wits are bay-trees , euer greene , vpon whose hye tops , poesie chirps vnseene : such are most fit , t'apparell kings in rimes , whose siluer numbers are the muses chimes , whose spritely caracters ( being once wrought on ) out-liue the marble th' are insculpt vpon : let such men chaunt thy vertue , then they flye on learnings wings vp to eternitie . as for the rest , that limp ( in cold desert ) hauing small wit , lesse iudgement , and least art : their verse ! t is almost heresie to heare , banish their lines some furlong , from thine eare : for t is held dang'rous ( by apolloes signe ) to be infected with a leaprous line ▪ o make some adamant act ( n'ere to be worne ) that none may write but those that are true-borne : so when the worlds old cheekes shall race and peele , thy acts shall breath in epitaphs of steele . by these comments it appeares that by this time ling iames is proclaimed : now does fresh blood leape into the chéekes of the courtier : the souldier now hangs vp his armor , and is glad that he shall féede vpon the blessed fruites of peace : the scholler sings hymnes in honor of the muses , assuring himselfe now that helicon will bée kept pure , because apollo himselfe drinkes of it . now the thriftie citizen casts beyond the moone , and séeing the golden age returned into the world againe , resolues to worship no saint but money . trades that lay dead & rotten , and were in all mens opinion vtterly dambd , started out of their trance , as though they had drunke of aqua caelestis , or unicornes horne , and swore to fall to their olde occupations . taylors meant no more to be called merchant-taylors , but merchants , for their shops were all lead foorth in leases to be turned into ships , and with their sheares ( in stead of a rudder ) would they haue cut the seas ( like leuant taffaty ) and sayld to the west indies for no worse stuffe to make hose and doublets of , than beaten gold : or if the necessitie of the time ( which was likely to stand altogether vpon brauery ) should presse them to serue with their iron and spanish weapons vpon their stalls , then was there a sharpe law made amongst them , that no workman should handle any néedle but that which had a pearle in his eye , nor any copper thimble , vnlesse it were linde quite through , or bumbasted with siluer . what mechanicall hardhanded uulcanist ( séeing the dice of fortune run so swéetly , and resoluing to strike whilst the iron was hote ) but perswaded himselfe to bée maister or head warden of the company ere halfe a yeare went about ? the worst players boy stood vpon his good parts , swearing tragicall and busking oathes , that how vilainously soeuer he randed , or what bad and vnlawfull action soeuer he entred into , he would in despite of his honest audience , be halfe a sharer ( at least ) at home , or else strowle ( that 's to say trauell ) with some notorious wicked sloundring company abroad . and good reason had these time-catchers to be led into this fooles paradice , for they sawe mirth in euery mans face , the stréetes were plumd with gallants , tabacconists fild vp whole tauernes : uintners hung our spicke and span new iuy bushes ( because they wanted good wine ) and their old raine-beaten lattices marcht vnder other cullors , hauing lost both company and cullors before . london was neuer in the high way to preferment till now ; now she resolued to stand vpon her pantoffles : now ( and neuer till now ) did she laugh to scorne that worme-eaten prouerbe of lincolne was , london is , & yorke shall bée , for she saw her selfe in better state then ierusalem , she went more gallant then euer did antwerp , was more courted by amorous and lustie suiters then venice ( the minion of italy ) more loftie towers stood ( like a coronet , or a spangled head-tire ) about her temples , then euer did about the beautifull forehead of rome : tyrus and sydon to her were like two thatcht houses , to theobals : y e grand cayr but a hogsty . hinc illae lachrimae , she wept her belly full for all this . whilst troy was swilling sack and sugar , and mowsing ●at venison , the made gréekes made bonefires of their houses : old priam was drinking a health ●o the wooden horse , and before it could be pledgd had his throat cut . corne is no sooner ripe , but for all the pricking vp of his eares hée is pard off by the shins , and made to goe vpon stumps . flowers no sooner budded , but they are pluckt vp and dye . night walks at the héeles of the day , and sorrow enters ( like a tauerne-bill ) at the taile of our pleasures : for in the appenine heigth of this immoderate ioy and securitie ( that like powles stéeple ouer lookt the whole citie ) behold , that miracle-worker , who in one minute ●urnd our generall mourning to a generall mirth , does nowe againe in a moment alter tha● gladnes to shrikes & lamentation . here would i faine make a full point , because posteritie should not be frighted with those miserable tragedies , which now my muse ( as chorus ) stands ready to present . time would thou hadst neuer bene made wretched by bringing them forth : obliuion would in all the graues and sepulchres , whose ranke iawes thou hast already closo vp , or shalt yet hereafter burst open , thou couldst likewise bury them for euer . a stiffe and fréezing horror sucks vp the riuers of my blood : my haire stands an ende with the panting of my braines : mine eye balls are ready to start out , being beaten with the billowes of my teares : out of my wéeping pen does the inck mournefully and more bitterly than gall drop on the pale●ac'd paper , euen when i do but thinke how the bowels of my sicke country haue bene torne , apollo therefore and you bewitching siluer-tongd muses , get you gone , inuocate none of your names : sorrow & truth , sit you on each side of me , whilst i am deliuered of this deadly burden : prompt me that i may vtter ruthfull and passionate condolement : arme my trembling hand , that it may boldly rip vp and anotimize the v●cerous body of this anthropophagized plague : lend me art ( without any counterfeit shadowing ) to paint and delineate to the life the whole story of this mortall and pestifero●s battaile , & you the ghosts of those more ( by many ) then 40000. that with the vir●lent poison of infection haue bene driuen out of your earthly dwellings : you desolate hand-wringing widowes , that beate your bosomes ouer your departing husbands : you wofully distracted mothers that with disheueld haire falne into swounds , whilst you lye kissing the insensible cold lips of your breathlesse infants : you out-cast and downe-troden orphanes , that shall many a yeare hence remember more freshly to mourne , when your mourning garments shall looke olde and be for gotten ; and you the genij of all those emptyed families , whose habitations are now among the antipodes : ioyne all your hands together , and with your bodies cast a ring about me : let me behold your ghastly vizages , that my paper may receiue their true pictures : eccho forth your grones through the hollow truncke of my pen , and raine downe your gummy teares into mine incke , that euen marble bosomes may be shaken with terrour , and hearts of adamant melt into compassion . what an vnmatchable torment were it for a man to be ●ard vp euery night in a vast silent charnell-house ? hung ( to make it more hideous ) with lamps dimly & slowly burning , in hollow and glimmer●ng corners : where all the pauement should in stead of gréene rushes , be strewde with blasted rosemary : withered hyacinthes , fatall cipresse and ewe , thickly mingled with heapes of dead mens bones : the bare ribbes of a father that begat him , lying there : here the chaplesse hollow scull of a mother that bore him : round about him a thousand coarses , some standing bolt vpright in their knotted winding shéetes : others halfe mouldred in rotten coffins , that should suddenly yawne wide open , filling his nosthrils with noysome stench , and his eyes with the sight of nothing but crawling wormes . and to kéepe such a poore wretch waking , he should heare no noise but of toads croaking , screech-owles howling , mandrakes shriking : were not this an infernall prison ? would not the strongest , harted man ( beset with such a ghastly horror ) looke wilde ? and runne madde ? and die ? and euen such a formidable shape did the diseased citie appeare in : for he that durst ( in the dead houre of gloomy midnight ) haue bene so valiant , as to haue walkt through the still and melancholy stréets , what thinke you should haue bene his musicke ? surely the loude grones of rauing sicke men : the strugling panges of soules departing : in euery house griefe striking vp an allarum : seruants crying out for maisters : wiues for husbands , parents for children , children for their mothers : here he should haue met some frantickly running to knock vp sextons ; there , others fearfully sweating with coffins , to steale forth dead bodies , least the fatall hand-writing of death should seale vp their doores . and to make this dismall consort more full , round about him bells heauily folling in one place , and ringing out in another : the dreadfulnesse of such an houre , is in vtterable : let vs goe further . if some poore man , suddeinly starting out of a swéete and golden slumber , should behold his house flaming about his eares , all his family destroied in their sléepes by the mercilesse fire ; himselfe in the very midst of it , wofully and like a madde man calling for helpe : would not the misery of such a distressed soule , appeare the greater , if the rich usurer dwelling next doore to him , should not stirre , ( though he felt part of the danger ) but suffer him to perish , when the thrusting out of an arme might haue saued him ? o how many thousands of wretched people ha●e acted this poore mans part ? how often hath the amazed husband waking , ●ound the comfort of his bedde lying breathlesse by his side ! his children at the same instant gasping for life ! and his seruants mortally wounded at the hart by sicknes ! the distracted creature , beats at death doores , exclaimes at windowes , his cries are sharp inough to pierce heauen , but on earth no ●are is opend to receiue them . and in this maner do the tedious minutes of the night stretch out the sorrowes of ten thousand : it is now day , let vs looke forth and try what consolation rizes with the sun : not any , not any : for before the iewell o● the morning be fully set in siluer , hundred hungry graues stand gaping , and euery one of them ( as at a breakfast ) hath swallowed downe ten or eleuen liuelesse carcases : before dinner , in the same gul●e are twice so many more deuoured : and before the sun takes his rest , those numbers are doubled : thréescore that not many houres before had euery one seuerall lodgi●gs very delicately furnisht , are now thrust altogether into one close roome : a litie noisome roome : not fully ten foote square . doth not this strike coldly to y e hart of a worldly mizer ? to some , the very sound of deaths name , is in stead of a passing-bell : what shall become of such a coward , being told that the selfe●same bodie of his , which now is so pampered with superfluous fare , so per●umed and bathed in odoriferous waters , and so gaily apparelled in varietie of fashiōs , must one day be throwne ( like stinking carion ) into a rank & rotten graue ; where his goodly eies , y ● did once shoote foorth such amorous gla●ces , must be beaten out of his head : his lockes that hang wantonly dangling , troden in durt vnder-foote : this doubtlesse ( like thunder ) must néeds strike him into the earth . but ( wretched man ! ) when thou shalt sée , and be assured ( by tokens sent thée from heauen ) that to morrow thou must be tumbled into a mucke-pit , and s●ffer thy body to be bruisde and prest with thréescore dead men , lying ●louenly vpon thée , and thou to be vndermost of all ! yea and perhaps halfe of that number were thine enemies ! ( and sée howe they may be reuenged , for the wormes that bréed out of their putrifying carkasses , shall crawle in huge swarmes from them , and quite deuoure thée ) what agonies will this strange newes driue thée into ? if thou art in loue with thy selfe , this cannot choose but possesse thée with frenzie . but thou art gotten safe ( out of the ciuill citie calamitie ) to thy parkes and pallaces in the country , lading thy asses and thy mules with thy gold , ( thy god ) , thy plate , and thy iewels : and the fruites of thy wombe thriftily growing vp but in one onely sonne , ( the young landlord of all thy carefull labours ) him also hast thou rescued from the arrowes of infection ; now is thy soule iocund , and thy sences merry . but open thine eyes thou foole and behold that darling of thine eye , ( thy sonne ) turnd suddeinly into a lumpe of clay ; the hand of pestilence hath smote him euen vnder thy wing : now doest thou rent thine haire , blaspheme thy creator , cursest thy creation , and basely descendest into bruitish & vnmanly passions , threatning in despite of death & his plague , to maintaine the memory of thy childe , in the euerlasting brest of marble : a tombe must now defen● him from tempests : and for that purpose , the swetty hinde ( that digs the rent he paies thée out of the entrailes of the earth ) he is sent for , to conuey foorth that burden of thy sorrow : but no●e how thy pride is disdained : that weather-beaten sun-burnt drudge , that not a month since fawnd vpon thy worship like a spaniell , and like a bond-slaue , would haue stoopt lower than thy féete , does now stoppe his nose at thy presence , and is readie to set his mastiue as hye as thy throate , to driue thée from his doore : all thy golde and siluer cannot hire one of those ( whom before thou didst scorne ) to carry the dead body to his last home : the country round about thee shun thée , as a basiliske , and therefore to london ( from whose armes thou cowardly fledst away ( poast vpon poast must be galloping , to fetch from thence those that may performe that funerall office : but there are they so full of graue-matters of their owne , that they haue no leisure to attend thine : doth not this cut thy very heart-strings in sunder ? if that doe not , the shutting vp of the tragicall act , i am sure will : for thou must be inforced with thine owne handes , to winde vp ( that blasted flower of youth ( in the last linnen , that euer he shall weare : vpon thine owne shoulders must thou beare part of him , thy amazed seruant the other : with thine owne hands must thou dig his graue , ( not in the church , or common place of buriall , ) thou hast not fauour ( for all thy riches ) to be so happie , ) but in thine orcharde , or in the proude walkes of thy garden , wringing thy palsie-shaking hands in stead of belles , ( most miserable father ) must thou search him out a sepulcher . my spirit growes faint with rowing in this stygian ferry , it can no longer endure the transportation of soules in this dolefull manner : let vs therefore shift a point of our compasse , and ( since there is no remedie , but that we must still bée tost vp and downe in this mare mortuum ) hoist vp all our sailes , and on the merry winges of a lustier winde séeke to arriue on some prosperous shoare . imagine then that all this while , death ( like a spanish leagar , or rather like stalking tamberlaine ) hath pitcht his tents , ( being nothing but a heape of winding shéetes tackt together ) in the sinfully-polluted suburbes : the plague is muster-maister and marshall of the field : burning feauers , boyles , blaines , and carbuncles , the leaders , lieutenants , serieants , and corporalls : the maine army consisting ( like dunkirke ) of a mingle-mangle , viz. dumpish mourners , merry sextons , hungry coffin-sellers , scrubbing bearers , and nastie graue-makers : but indéed they are the pioners of the campe , that are imployed onely ( like moles ) in casting vp of earth and digging of trenches ; feare and trembling ( the two catch-polles of death ) arrest euery one : no parley will be graunted , no composition stood vpon , but the allarum is strucke vp , the toxin ringes out for life , and no voyce heard but tue , tue , kill , kill ; the little belles onely ( like small shot ) d●e yet go● off , and make no great worke for wormes , a hundred or two l●st in euery skirmish , or so : but alas that 's nothing : yet by those desperat sallies , what by open setting vpon them by day , and secret ambuscadoes by night , the skirts of london were pittifully pared off , by litle and litle : which they within the gates perceiuing , it was no bo●t to bid them take their héeles , for away they trudge thick and thréefold ; some riding , some on foote : some without bootes , some in their slippers , by water , by land , in shoales swo● they west-ward , mary to grauesend none went vnlesse they be driuen , for whosoeuer landed there neuer came back again : hacknies , water-men & wagon● , were not so terribly imployed many a yeare ; so that within a short time , there was not a good horse in smith-field , nor a coach to be set eye on . for after the world had once run vpon the whéeles of the pest-cart , neither coach nor caroach durst appeare in his likenesse . let vs pursue these runnawayes no longer , but leaue them in the vnmercifull hands of the country-hard-hearted hobbinolls , ( who are ordaind to be their tormentors , ) and returne backe to the stege of the citie ; for the enemie taking aduantage by their ●●ight , planted his ordinance against the walls ; here the canons ( like their great bells ) roard : the plague tooke sore paines for a breach ; he laid about him cruelly , ere he could get it , but at length he and his tiranous band entred : his purple colour● were presently ( with the sound of bow-bell in stead of a trompet ) aduanced , and ioynd to the standard o● the citie ; he marcht euen thorow cheapside , and the capitall stréets of troynouant : the only bl●t of dishonor that struck vpon this inuader , being this , that he● plaid● the tyrant , not the conqueror , making ha●ocke of all , when h● had all lying at the foote of his mercy . men , women & children dropt downe before him : houses were ri●led , stréetes 〈◊〉 , beautifull maidens throwne on their beds , and rauisht by sicknes : rich mens cofers broken open , and shared amongst prodigall heires and vnthri●tie seruants : poore men vsde poorely , but not pittifully : he did very much hurt , yet some say he did very much good . howsoeuer he behaued himselfe , this intelligence runs currant , that euery house lookte like s. bartholmewes hospitall , and euery stréete like bucklersbury , for poore methrid●tum and dragon-water ( being both of them in all the world , scarce worth thrée-pence ) were ●oxt in euery corner , and yet were both drunk● euery houre at other mens cost . lazarus laie groning at euery mans doore , mary no diues was within to send him a cru● , ( for all your gold-●●nches were fled to the woods ) nor a dogge left 〈◊〉 licke vp his sores , for they ( like curres ) were knockt downe like oxen , and fell thicker then acornes . i am amazed to remember what dead marches were made of thrée thousand trooping together ; husbands , wiues & children , being led as ordinarily to one graue , as if they had gone to one bed . and those that ●ould shift for a time , and shrink their heads out of the collar ( as many did ) yet went they ( most bitterly ) miching and muffled vp & downe with rue and wormewood ●●utt into their ●ares and nosthrils , looking like so many bores heads stuck with branches of rosemary , to be serued in for brawne at christmas . this was a rare worlde for the church , who had wont to complaine for want of liuing , and now had more liuing thrust vpon her , than she knew how to bestow : to haue bene clarke now to a parish clarke , was better then to serue some foolish iustic● of peace , or than the yeare before to haue had a bene●ice . sextons gaue out , if they might ( as they hoped ) continue these doings but a tweluemoneth longer , they and their posteritie would all ryde vppon footecloathes to the ende of the world . amongst which worme-eaten generation , the thrée bald sextons of limpi●g saint gyles , saint sepulchres , and saint olaues , rulde the roaste more hotly , than euer did the triumuiri of rome ▪ iehochanan , symeon , and eleazar , neuer kept such a plaguy coyle in ierusalem among the hunger-starued iewes , as these thrée sharkers did in their parishes among naked christians . cursed they were i am sure by some to the pitte of hell , for tearing money out of their throates , that had not a crosse in their purses . but alas● they must haue it , it is their fee , and therefore giue the diuell his due : onely hearbe-wiues and gardeners ( that neuer prayed before , vnlesse it were for raine or faire weather , were now day and night vppon their marybones , that god would blesse the labors of those mole-catchers , because they sucke sweetnesse by this ; for the price of ●low●rs , hearbes and garlands , rose wonderfully , in so much that rosemary which had wont to be sold for 12. pence an armefull , went now for six shillings a handfull . a fourth sharer likewise ( these winding-shéete-weauers ) deserues to haue my penne giue his lippes a iewes letter , but because he worships the bakers good lord & maister , charitable s. clement ( whereas none of the other thrée euer had to do with any saint ) he shall scape the better ▪ only let him take heede , that hauing all this yeare buried his praiers in the bellies of fat ones , and plump capon-eaters , ( for no worse meat would downe this bly-foxes stomach ) let him i say take héee least ( his flesh now falling away , his carcas be not plagude with leane ones , of whom ( whilst the ●ill of lord haue mercy vpon vs , was to be denied in no place ) it was death for him to heare . in this pittifull ( or rather pittilesse ) perplexitie stood london ; forsaken like a louer , forlorne like a widow , and disarmde of all comfort : disarmde i may well say , for fiue rapiers were not stirring all this time , and those that were worne , had neuer bin séene , if any money could haue bene lent vpon them , so hungry is the estridge disease , that it will ●euoure euen iron : let vs therefore with bag & baggage march away from this dangerous sore citie , and visit those that are fled into the country . but alas ! decidis in scyllam , you are pepperd if you visit them , for they are visited alreadie : the broad arrow of death , flies there vp & downe , as swiftly as it doth here : they that rode on the lust●est geldings , could not out-gallop the plague , it ouer-tooke them , and ouerturnd them too , horse and foote . you whom the arrowes of pestilence haue reache at eightéen and twenty score ( tho you stood far enough as you thought frō the marke ( you that sickning in the hie way , would haue bene glad of a bed in an hospitall , and dying in the open fieldes , haue bene buried like dogs , how much better had it bin for you , to haue ly●●●uller of byles & plague-sores than euer did iob , so you might in that extremity haue receiued both bodily & spiritual comfort , which there was denied you ? for those misbeléeuing pagans , the plough-driuers , those worse then infidels , that ( like their ▪ swine neuer looke vp so high as heauen : when citizens boorded them they wrung their hands , and wisht rather they had falne into the hands of spaniards : for the sight of a flat-cap was more dreadfull to a lob , then the discharging of a caliuer : a treble-ruffe ( being but once named the merchants set ) had power to cast a whole houshold into a cold sweat . if one new suite of sackcloth had béene but knowne to haue come out of burchin-lane ( being the common wardrope for all their clowne-ships ) it had béene enough to make a market towne giue vp the ghost . a crow that had béene séene in a sunne-shine day , standing on the top of powles , would haue béene better than a beacon on sire , to hau● raizd all the townes within ten miles of london , for the kéeping her out . neuer let any man aske me what became of our phisitions in this massacre , they hid their synodicall heads aswell as the prowdest : and i cannot blame them , for their phlebotomies , lo●inges , and electuaries , with their di●catholicons , diacodions , amulets , and antidotes , had not so much strength to hold life and soule together , as a pot of pinders ale and a nutmeg : their drugs turned to durst , their simples where simple things : galen could do no more good , than sir giles goosecap : hipocrates , auicen , paraselsus , rasis , fernelius , with all their succéeding rabble of doctors and water-casters , were at their wite end , or i thinke rather at the worlds end , for no● one of them durst péepe abroad ; or if any one did take vpon him to play the ventrous knight , the plague pu● him to his nonpl●s ; in such strange , and such changeable shapes did this camel●onlike si●k●es appeare , that they could not ( with all the cunning in their budgets ) make pursen●ts to take him napping . onely a band of desper-vewes , some fewe empiricall mad-caps ( for they could neuer be worth veluet caps ) tu●ned themselues into bées ( or more properly into drones ) and went humming vp and downe , with hony-brags in their mouthes , sucking the swéetnes of siluer ( and now and then of aurum potabile ) out of the poison of blaines and carbuncles : and these iolly mountibanks clapt vp their bils vpon euery po●t ( like a fencers challenge ) threatning to canuas the plague , and to ●●ght with him at all his owne seuerall weapons : i know not how they sped , but some they sped i am sure , for i haue heard ●hem band for the heauens , because they sent those thither , that were wisht to tarry longer vpon earth . i could in this place make your chéekes looke pale , and your hearts shake , with telling how some haue had 18 ▪ sores at one time running vpon them , others 10. and 12. many 4. and 5. and how those that haue bin foure times wounded by this yeares infection , haue dyed of the last wound , whilst others ( that wer● hurt as often ) goe vp and downe now with sounder limmes , then many that come out of france , and the nether-lands . and descending from these , i could draw forth a catalogue of many poore wretches , that in fieldes , in ditches , in common cages , and vnder stalls ( being either thrust by cruell maister● out of doores , or wanting all worldly succour but the common benefit of earth and aire ) haue most miserably perished . but to chronicle these would weary a second fabian . we will therefore play the souldiers , who at the end of any notable battaile , with a kind of sad delight rehearse the memorable acts of their friends that lye mangled before them : some shewing how brauely they gaue the onset : some , how politickly they retirde : others , how manfully they gaue and receiued wounds : a fourth steps forth , and glories how valiantly hée lost an arme : all of them making ( by this meanes ) the remembrance euen of tragicall and mischieuous euents very delectable . let vs striue to do so , discoursing ( as it were at the end of this mortall stege of the plague ) of the seuerall most worthy accidents , and strange birthes which this pestiferous yeare hath brought ●oorthsome of them yéelding comicall and ridiculous stuffe , others lamentable : a third kind , vpholding rather admiration , then laughter or pittie . as first , to rellish the pallat of lickerish expectation , and withall to giue an item how sudden a stabber this ruffianly swaggerer ( death ) is , you must belée●e , that amongst all the weary number of those that ( on their bare féete ) haue trauaild ( in this long and heauie vocation ) to the holy-land , one ( whose name i could for néede bestow vpon you ) but that i know you haue no néed of it , tho many want a good name ) lying in that cōmon inn● of sick-men , his bed , & séeing the black & blew stripes of the plague sticking on his flesh , which he receiued as tokens ( from heauen ) that he was presently to goe dwell in the vpper world , most earnestly requested , and in a manner coniured his friend ( who came to enterchange a last farewell ) that hée would see him goe handsomely attirde into the wild irish countrey of wormes , and for that purpose to bestow a coffin vpon him : his friend louing him ( not because he was poore ( yet he was poore ) but because hee was a scholler : alack that the west indies stand so farre from uniuersities ! and that a minde richly apparelled should haue a thréed-bare body ! ) made faithfull promise to him , that he should be naild vp , he would boord him , and for that purpose went instantly to one of the new-found trade of coffin-cutters , bespake one , and ( like the surueyour of deaths buildings ) gaue direction how this little tenement should be framed , paying all the rent for it before hand . but note vpon what slippery ground , life goes ! l●ttle did he thinke to dwell in that roome himselfe which he had taken for his friend : yet it seemed the common law of mortalitie had so decréede , for hée was cald into the colde companie of his gra●e neighbours an houre before his infected friend , and had a long lease ( euen till doomes day ) in the same lodging , which in the strength of health he went to prepare for another . what credit therefore is to be giuen to breath , which like an harlot will runne away with euery minute . how nimble is sickenesse , and what skill hath he in all the weapons he playes withall ? the greatest cutter that takes vp the mediterranean i le in powles for his gallery to walke in , cannot ward off his blowes . hée s the best fencer in the world : vincentio sauiolo is no body to him : he has his mandrit●aes , imbrocataes , stramazones , and s●occataes at his ●ingers ends : hee le make you giue him ground , though y● were neuer worth foote of land , and beat you out of breath , though aeolus himselfe plai● vpō your wind-pipe . to witnes which , i will call forth a dutch-man ( yet now hée s past calling for , has lost his hearing , for his eares by this time are eaten off with wormes ) who ( though hée dwell in bedlem ) was not mad , yet the very lookes of the plague ( which indéed are terrible ) put him almost out of his wits , for when the snares of this cunning hunter ( the pestilence ) were but newly . layd , and yet layd ( as my dutch-man semlt it out well enough ) to intrap poore mens liues that meant him no hurt , away sneakes my clipper of the kings english , and ( because musket-shot should not reach him ) to the low-countries ( that are built vpon butter●irkins , and holland chéese ) sailes this plaguie fugitiue , but death , ( who hath more authoritie there than all the seauen electors , and to shew him that there were other low-countrey besides his owne ) takes a little frokin ( one of my dutch runnawayes children ) and sends her packing , into those netherlands shée departed : o how pitifully lookt my burgomaister , when he vnderstood that the sicknes could swim ! it was an easie matter to scape the donkirks , but deaths gallyes made out after him swifter then the great turkes . which he perceiuing , made no more adoo , but drunke to the states fiue or sixe healths ( because he would be sure to liue well ) and backe againe comes he , to try the strength of english béere : his old randeuous of mad-men was the place of meeting , where he was no sooner arriued , but the plague had him by the backe , and arrested him vpon an exeat regnum , ●or running to the enemie , so that for the mad tricks he plaid to cozen our english wormes of his dutch carkas ( which had béene fatted héere ) sicknesse and death clapt him vp in bedlem the second time , and there he lyes , and there he shall lye till he rot before i le meddle any more of with him . but being gotten out of bedlem , let vs make a iourney to bristow , taking an honest knowne citizen along with vs , who with other company trauailing thither ( onely for feare the aire of london should conspire to poison him ) and setting vp his rest not to heare the sound of bow-bell till next christmas , was notwithstanding in the hye way singled out from his company , and set vpon by the plague , who had him stand , and deliuer his life . the rest at that word shifted for themselues , and went on , hée ( amazed to sée his friends flye , and being not able to defend himselfe , for who can defend himselfe meeting such an enemy ? ) yéelded , and being but about fortie miles from london , vsed all the slights he could to get loose out of the handes of death , and so to hide himselfe in his owne house , whereupon , he calld for help at the same inne , where not long before he and his fellowe pilgrimes obtained for their money ( mary yet with more prayers then a beggar makes in thrée termes ) to stand and drinke some thirtie foote from the doore . to this house of tipling iniquitie hée repaires againe , coniuring the lares or walking sprites in it , if it were christmas ( that it was well put in ) and in the name of god , to succor and rescue him to their power out of the handes of infection , which now assaulted his body : the diuell would haue bene afraid of this coniuration , but they were not , yet afraid they were it séemed , for presently the doores had their woodden ribs crusht in pieces , by being beat●n together : the casements were shut more close than an usurers greasie veluet powch : the drawing windowes were hangd , drawne , and quartred : not a creuis but was stopt , not a mouse-hole left open , for all the holes in the house were most wickedly dambd vp : mine hoste and hostesse ranne ouer one another into the backe-side , the maydes into the orchard , quiuering and quaking , and ready to hang themselues on the innocent plumb trées ( for hanging to them would not be so sore a death as the plague , and to die maides too ! o horrible ! ) as for the tapster , he fled into the cellar , rapping out fiue or sixe plaine countrey oathes , that hée would drowne himselfe in a most villanous stand of ale , if the sicke londoner stoode at the doore any longer . but stand there he must , for to go away ( well ) he cannot , but continues knocking and calling in a faint voyce , which in their eares sounded , as if some staring ghost in a tragedie had exclaimd vpon rhadamanth : he might knocke till his hands akte , and call till his heart akte for they were in a worse pickle within , then hée was without : hée being in a good way to go to heauen , they being so frighted , that they scarce knew whereabout heauen stoode , onely they all cryed out , lord haue mercie vpon vs , yet lord haue mercy vpon vs was the only thing they feared . the dolefull catastrophe of all is , a bed could not be had for all babilon : not a cup of drinke , no , nor cold water be gotten , though it had 〈◊〉 or alexander the great : 〈◊〉 a draught of aqua●v●tae might haue saued his soule , the towne denyed to do god that good seruice . what miserie continues euer ? the poore man standing thu● at deaths doore , and looking euery minute when he should bee let in , behold , another londoner that had likewise bene in the frigida zona of the countrey , and was returning ( like aeneas out of hell ) to the heauen of his owne home , makes a stand at this sight , to play the physition , and seeing by the complexion of his patient that he was sicke at heart , applies to his soule the best medicines that his comforting spéech could make , for there dwell no poticary néere enough to helpe his body . being therefore driuen out of all other shi●tes , he leads him into a field ( a bundle of stawe , which with much adoe he bought for money , seruing in stead of a pillow . ) but the destinies hearing the diseased partie complaine and take on , because hée lay in a field●bedde , when before hee would haue beene glad of a mattresse , for very spight cut the threade of his life , the crueltie of which déede made the other that playd charities part ) at his wittes end , because hée knew not where to purchase tenne foote of ground for his graue : the church nor churchyard would let none of their lands . maister uiear was strucke dumbe , and could not giue the dead a good word , neither clarke nor sexton could be hired to execute their office ; no , they themselues would first be executed : so that he that neuer handled shouell before , got his implements about him , ripped vp the belly of the earth , and made it like a graue , stript the colde carcasse , bound his shirt about his téete , pulled a linnen night cappe ouer his eyes , and so layde him in the rotten bedde of the earth , couering him with cloathes cut out of the same piece : and learning by his last words his name and habitation , this sad trauailer arriues at london , deliuering to the amazed widdow and children , in stead of a father and a husband , onely the out-side of him , his apparell . but by the way note one ●hing , the bringer of these heauy tydings ( as if he had liued long enough when so excellent a worke of pietie and pittie was by him finished ) the very next day after his comming home , d●parted out of this world , to receiue his reward in the spirituall court of heauen . it is plaine therefore by the euidence of these two witnesses , that death , like a thiefe , sets vpon men in the hie way , dogs them into their owne houses , breakes into their bed chambers by night , assaults them by day , and yet no law can take hold of him : he deuoures man and wife : offers violence to their faire daughters : kils their youthf●ll sonnes , and deceiues them of their seruants : yea , so full of trecherie is he growne ( since this plague tooke his part ) that no louers dare trust him , nor by their good wils would come neare him , for he workes their downfall , euen when their delights are at the highest . too ripe a proofe haue we of this , in a paire of louers ; the maide was in the pride of fresh bloud and beautie : she was that which to be now is a wonder , yong and yet chaste : the gifts of her mind were great , yet those which fortune bestowed vpon her ( as being well descended ) were not much inferiour : on this louely creature did a yong man so stedfastly ●ixe his eye , that her lookes kindled in his bosome a desire , whose ●●ames burnt the more brightly , because they were fed with swéet and modest thoughts : hymen was the god to whome he prayed day and night that he might marry her : his praiers were receiued , at length ( after many tempests of her deniall , and frownes of kinsfolk ) the element grew cléere , & he saw y e happy landing place , where he had long sought to ariue : the prize of her youth was made his own , and the solemne day appointed when it should be deliuered to him . glad of which blessednes ( for to a louer it is a blessednes ) he wrought by all the possible art he could vse to shorten the expected houre , and bring it néerer : for , whether he feared the interception of parents , or that his owne soule , with excesse of ioy , was drowned in strange passions , he would often , with sighs mingled with kisses , and kisses halfe sinking in ●eares , prophetically tell her , that sure he should neuer liue to enioy her . to discredit which opinion of his , behold , the sunne had made hast and wakened the bridale morning . now does he call his heart traitour , that did so ●alsly conspire against him : liuely bloud leapeth into his chéekes : hee s got vp , and gaily attirde to play the bridegroome , shée likewise does as cunningly turne her selfe into a bride : kindred and friends are mette together , soppes and muscadine run sweating vp and downe till they drop againe , to comfort their hearts , and beca●se so many coffins pestred london churches , that there was no roome left for weddings , coaches are prouided , and away rides all the traine into the countrey . on a monday morning are these lustie louers on their iourney , and before noone are they alighted , entring ( insteade of an inne ) for more state into a church , where they no sooner appeared , but the priest fell to his busines , the holy knot was a tying , but he that should fasten it , comming to this , in sickenesse and in health , there he stopt , for sodainly the bride tooke holde of , in sicknes , for in health all that stoode by were in feare shee should neuer be kept . the maiden-blush into which her chéekes were lately died , now beganne to loose colour : h●r voyce ( like a coward ) would haue shrunke away , but that her louer reaching her a hand , which he brought thither to giue her , ( for hée was not yet made a full husband ) did with that touch somewhat reuiue her : on went they againe so farre , till they mette with for better , for worse , there was she worse than before , and had not the holy officer made haste , the ground on which shée stood to be marryed might easily haue béene broken vp for her buryall . all ceremonies being finished , she was ledde betwéene two , not like a bride , but rather like a coarse , to her bed : that ; must now be the table , on which the wedding dinner is to be serued vppe ( being at this time , nothing but teares , and sighes , and lamentation ) and death is chiefe waiter , yet at lenght her weake heart wrastling with the pangs , gaue them a fall , so that vp shée stoode againe , and in the fatall funerall ▪ coach that carried her forth , was she brought back ( as vpon a béere ) to the citie : but sée the malice of her enemy that had her in chase , vpon the wensday following being ouertaken , was her life ouercome , death rudely lay with her , and spoild her of a maiden head in spite of her husband . oh the sorrow that did round beset him ! now was his diuination true , she was a wife , yet continued a maide : he was a husband and a widdower , yet neuer knew his wife : she was his owne , yet he had her not : she had him , yet neuer enioyed him : héere is a strange alteration , for the rosemary that was washt in swéete water to set out the bridall , is now wet in teares to furnish her buriall : the musike that was heard to sound forth dances , can not now he heard for the ringing of belles : all the comfort that happened to either side being this , that he lost her , before she had time to be an ill wife , and she left him , ere he was able to be a bad husband . better fortune had this bride , to fall into the handes of the plague , then one other of that fraile female sex , ( whose picture is next to be drawne ) had so scape out of them . an honest cobler ( if at least coblers can be honest , that liue altogether amongest wicked soales ) had a wife , who in the time of health treading her shooe often away , determined in the agony of a sicknesse ( which this yeare had a saying to her ) to fall to mending aswell as her husband did . the bed that she lay vpon ( being as she thought or rather feared ) the last bed that euer should beare her , ( for many other beds had bo●ne her you must remember ) and the worme of sinne tickling ▪ her conscience , vp she calls her very innocent and simple husband out of his vertuous shoppe , where like iustice he sat distributing amongst the poore , to some , halfe-penny peeces , penny péeces to some , and two-penny peeces to others , so long as they would last , his prouident care being alway , that euery man and woman should goe vpright . to the beds side of his plaguy wire approacheth monsieur cobler , to vnderstand what deadly newes she had to tell him , and the rest of his kinde neighbours that there were assembled : such thicke teares standing in both the gutters of his 〈◊〉 , to sée his beloued lie in such a pickle , that in their salt water , all his vtterance was drownd : which she perceiuing , wept as fast as he : but by the warme counsell that sat about the bed , the shower ceast , she wiping her chéekes with the corner of one of the shéetes : and he , his sullie● face , with his leatherne apron . at last , two or thrée sighes ( like a chorus to the tragedy ensuing ) stepping out first , wringing her handes ( which gaue the better action ) shée told the pittifull actaeon her husband , that she had often done him wrong : hee onely shooke his head at this , and cried humh ! which humh , she taking as the watch-word of his true patience , vnraueld the bottome of her frailetie at length , and concluded , that with such a man ( and named him , but i hope you would not haue me follow her steppes and name him too ) she practised the vniuersall & common art of grafting , and that vpon her good mans head , they two had planted a monstrous paire of inuisible hornes : at the sound of the hornes , my cobler started vppe like a march hare , and began to looke wilde : his awle neuer ranne through the sides of a boote , as that word did through his heart : but being a polliticke cobler , and remembring what péece of worke he was to vnder-lay , stroking his beard , like some graue headborough of the parish , and giuing a nodde , as who should say , goe on , bade her goe on indéed , clapping to her sore soule , this generall salue , that all are sinnes , and we must forgiue , &c. for hée hoped by such wholesome phisicke , ( as shooemakers waxe being laide to a byle ) to draw out all the corruption of her secret villanies . she good heart being tickled vnder gilles , with the finger of these kind spéeches , turnes vp the white of her eye , and fetches out an other . an other , o thou that art trained vp in nothing but to handle péeces : ) another hath discharged his artillery against thy castle of fortification : here was pass●on predominant : vulcan strooke the coblers ghost ( for he was now no cobler ) so hardy vpon his breast , that he cryed oh! his neighbours taking pitte to sée what terrible stitches pulld him , rubde his swelling temples with the iuice of patience , which ( by vertue of the blackish sweate that stoode reaking on his browes , and had made them supple ) entred very easily into his now-parlous-vnderstanding scull : so that he left wenching , and sate quiet as a lamb , falling to his old vomite of councell , which he had cast vp before , and swearing ( because he was in strong hope , this shoo should wring him no more ) to seale her a generall acquittance , prick● forward with this gentle spur , her tongue mends his pace , so that in her confession shée ouertooke others , whose po●tes had béene set all night on the coblers laast , bestowing vppon him the poe sie of their names , the time , and place , to thin tent it might be put in to his next wifes wedding ring . and although shée had made all these blots in his tables , yet the bearing of one man false ( whom she had not yet discouered ) stucke more in her stomacke than all the rest , o valiant cobler , cries out one of the auditors , how art thou set vpon ? how are thou tempted ? happy arte thou , that thou art not in thy shop , for in stead of cutting out péeces of leather , thou wouldst doubtlesse now pare away thy hart : for i sée , and so do all thy neighbours here ( thy wife 's ghostly fathers ) sée that a small matter would now cause thée turne turk , & to meddle with no more patches : but to liue within the compasse of thy wit : lift not vp thy collar : be not horne mad : thanke heauen that the murther is reueald : study thou baltazars part in ieronimo , for thou hast more cause ( though lesse reason ) than he , to be glad and sad . well , i sée thou art worthy to haue patient griseld to thy wife , for thou bearest more than she : thou shewst thy selfe to be a right cobler , and no sowter , that canst thus cleanely clowt vp the seam-rent sides of thy affection . with this learned oration the cobler was tutord : layd his singer on his mouth , and cried paucos palabros : he had sealed her pardon , and therefore bid her not feare : héervpon he named the malefactor , i could name him too , but that he shall liue to giue more coblers heads the bastinado . and told , that on such a night when he supt there ( for a lord may sup with a clobler , that hath a pretty wench to his wife ) when the cloth , o treachero●s linnen ! was taken vp , and menelaus had for a parting blow , giuen the other his fist : downe she lights ( this half-sharer ) opening the wicket , but not shutting him out of the wicket , but conu●is him into a byroom ( being the wardrob of old shooes and leather ) from whence the vnicorne cobler ( that dream● of no such spirits ) being ouer head and eares in sléepe , his snorting giuing the signe that he was cock-sure , softly out-steales sir paris , and to helenaes téeth prooued himselfe a true troian . this was the creame of her confusion , which being skimd off from the stomach of her conscience , we looked euery minute to goe thither , where we should be farre enough out of the coblers reach . but the fates laying their heades together , s●nt a repriue , the plague that before meant to p●pper her , by little and little left her company : which newes being blowne abro●d , oh lamentable ! neuer did the olde buskind tragedy beginne till now : for the wiues of those husbands , with whom she had playd at fast and loose , came with nayles sharpened for the nonce , like cattes , and tongues forkedly cut like the stings of adders , fi●st to scratch out false cressidaes eyes , and then ( which was worse ) to worry her to dath with scolding . but the matter was tooke vp in a tauerne ; the case was altered , and brought to a new reckoning ( mary the blood of the burdeaux grape was first shead about it ) but in the end , all anger on euery side was powred into a pottle pot , & there burnt to death . now whether this recantation was true , or whether the stéeme of infection , fuming vp ( like wine ) into her braines , made her talke thus idlely , i leaue it to the iury. and whilst they are canuasing her case , let vs sée what dooings the sexton of stepney hath : whose ware-houses being all full of dead commodities , sauing one : that one hée left open a whole night ( yet was it halfe full too ) knowing y ● théeues this yeare were too honest to break into such cellers . besides those that were left there , had such plaguy pates , that none durst meddle with them for their liues . about twelue of the clock at midnight , when spirites walke , and not a mowse dare stirre , because cattes goe a catter-walling : sinne , that all day durst not shew his head , came réeling out of an ale-house , in the shape of a drunkard , who no sooner smelt the winde , but he thought the ground vnder him danced the canaries : houses séemed to turne on the toe , and all things went round : insomuch , that his legges drew a paire or indentures , betwéene his body and the earth , the principal couenant being , that he for his part would stand to nothing what euer he saw : euery trée that came in his way , did he iustle , and yet chalenge it the next day to fight with him . if he had clipt but a quarter so much of the kings siluer , as he did of the kings english , his carkas had long ere this bene carrion for crowes . but , he liued by gaming , and had excellent casting , yet seldome won , for he drew reasonable good hands , but had very bad feete , that were not able to carry it away . this setter vp of malt-men , being troubled with the staggers , fell into the selfe-same graue , that stood gaping wide open for a breakfast next morning , and imagining ( when he was in ) that he had stumbled into his owne house , and that all his bedfellowes ( as they were indéede ) were in their dead sléepe , he , ( neuer complaining of colde , nor calling for more shéete ) soundly takes a nap til he snores again : in the morning the sexton comes plodding along , and casting vpon his fingers ends what he hopes y e dead pay of that day will come too , by that that which he receiued the day before , ( for sextons now had better doings than either tauernes or bawdy-houses ) in that siluer contemplation , shrugging his shoulders together , he steppes ere he be aware on the brimmes of that pit , into which this worshipper of bacchus was falne , where finding some dead mens bones , and a scull or two , that laie scattered here and there ; before he lookt into this coffer of wormes , those he takes vp , and flinges them in : one of the sculls battered the sconce of the sléeper , whilst the bones plaide with his nose ; whose blowes waking his mustie worship , the first word that he cast vp , was an oath , and thinking the cannes had flyen about , cryed zoundes , what do you meane to cracke my mazer ? the sexton smelling a voice , ( feare being stronger than his heart ) beléeued verily some of the coarses spake to him , vpon which , féeling himselfe in a cold sweat , tooke his héeles , whilst the goblin scram●led vp and ranne after him : but it appeares the sexton had the lighter foote , for he ran so fast , that hee ranne out of his wittes , which being left behinde him , he had like to haue dyed presently after . a meryer bargaine than the poore sextons did a tincker méete withall in a countrey towne ; through which a citizen of london being driuen ( to kéepe himselfe vnder the léeshore in this tempest●ous contagion ) and casting vp his eye for some harbour , spied a bush at the ende of a pole , ( the auncient ●adge of a countrey ale-house : ) into which as good lucke was , ( without any resistance of the barbarians , that all this yeare vsed to kéepe such landing places ) veiling his bonnet , he strucke in . the host had bene a mad greeke , ( mary he could now speake nothing but english , ) a goodly fat burger he was , with a belly arching out like a béere-barrell , which made his legges ( that were thicke & short , like two piles driuen vnder london-bridge ) to stradle halfe as wide as the toppe of powles , which vpon my knowledge hath bene burnt twice or thrice . a leatherne pouch hung at his side , that opened and shut with a snap-hance , and was indéed a flaske for gun-powder when king henry went to bulloigne . an antiquary might haue pickt rare matter but of his nose , but that it was worme-eaten ( yet that proued it to be an auncient nose : ) in some corners of it , there were blewish holes that shone like shelles of mother of pearle , and to too his nose right , pearles had bene gathered out of them : other were richly garnisht with rubies , chrisolites and car●unckles , which glistered so oriently , that the hamburgers offered i know not how many dollars , for his companie in an east-indian voyage , to haue stoode a nightes in the poope of their admirall , onely to saue the charges of candles . in conclusion , he was an host to be ledde before an emperour , and though he were o●e of the greatest men in all the shire , his bignes made him not proude , but he humbled himselfe to speake the base language of a tapster , and vppon the londoners first arriuall , cryed welcome , a cloth for this gentleman : the linnen was spread , and furnisht presently with a new cake and a can , the roome voided , and the guest left ( like a french lord ) attended by no bodie : who drinking halfe a can ( in conceit ) to the health of his best friend in the citie , which laie extreame ●icke , and had neuer more néed● of health , i knowe not what qualmes came ouer his stomach , but immediately he fell downe without vttering any more wordes , and neuer rose againe . anon ( as it was his fashion ) enters my puffing host , to relieue with a fresh supply out of his celler , ) the shrinking can , if hée perceiued it stoode in daunger to be ouerthrowne . but séeing the chiefe leader dropt at his féete , and imagining at first hée was but wounded a little in the head , held vp his gowty golles and blest himselfe , that a londoner ( who had wont to be the most valiant rob-pots ) should now be strooke downe only with two hoopes : and therevpon iogd him , fombling out these comfortable words of a souldier , if thou be a man stand a thy legges : he stird not for all this : wherevpon the maydes being raisde ( as it had bene with a hue and cry ) came hobling into the roome , like a flocke of géese , and hauing vpon search of the bodie giuen vp this verdict , that the man was dead , and murthered by the plague ; oh daggers to all their hearts that heard it ! away ●●udge the wenches , and one of them hauing had a freckled face all her life time , was perswaded presently that now they were the tokens , and had liked to haue turned vp her héeles vpon it : my gorbelly host , that in many a yeare could not without grunting , crawle ouer a threshold but two foote broad , leapt halfe a yarde from the coarse ( it was measured by a carpenters rule ) as nimbly as if his guts had béene taken out by the hangman : out of the house he wallowed presently , being followed with two or thrée dozen of napkins to drie vp the larde , that ranne so fast downe his héeles , that all the way he went , was more greazie than a kitchin-stuffe-wifes basket : you would haue sworne , it had béene a barrell of pitch on fire , if you had looked vpon him , for such a smoakie clowde ( by reason of his owne fattie hotte stéeme ) compassed him rounde , that but for his voyce , hée had quite béene lost in that stincking myst : hanged himselfe hée had without all question ( in this pittifull taking ) but that hée feared the weight of his in tollerable paunch , would haue burst the roape , and so hée should bee put to a double death . at length the towne was raised , the countrey came downe vpon him , and yet not vpon him neither , for after they vnderstood the tragedie , euery man gaue ground , knowing my pursie ale-cunner could not follow them : what is to bée done in this straunge allarum ? the whole uillage is in daunger to lye at the mercy of god , and shall bée bound to curse none , but him for it : they should doe well therefore , to set fire on his house , before the plague scape out of it , least it forrage higher into the countrey , and knocke them downe , man , woman , and childe , like oxen , whose blood ( they all sweare ) shall bée required at his handes . at these sp●eches my tender-hearted hoste , fell downe on his maribones , meaning indéede to entreat his audience to bée good to him ; but they fearing hée had béene pepperd too , as well as the londoner , tumbled one vpon another , and were ready to breake their neckes for haste to be gone : yet some of them ( being more valiant then the rest , because they heard him roare out for some helpe ) very desp : rately stept backe , and with rakes and pitch-forkes lifted the gulch from the ground : cōcluding ( after they had laid their hogsheads togither , to draw out som holesom counsel ) that whosoeuer would ve●ter vpon the dead man & bury him , should haue fortie shillings ( out of the common towne-purse , though it would bée a great cut to it ) with the loue of the churchwardens and side-men , during the terme of life . this was proclaimed , but none durst appeare to vndertake the dread●ull execution : they loued money well , mary the plague hanging ouer any mans head that should meddle with it in that sort , they all vowde to dye beggers before it should be chronicled they kild themselues for forty shillings : and in that braue resolution , euery one with bagge & baggage marcht home , barricadoing their doores & windowes with f●rbushes , ter●e , and bundels of straw to kéepe out the pestilence at the staues ende . at last a tinker came sounding through the towne , mine hosts house being the auncient w●●ring place where he did vse to cast anchor . you must vnderstand hé was none of those base rascally tinkers , that with a ban-dog and a drab at their tayles , and a pike-staffe on their necks , will take a purse sooner then stop a kettle : no , this was a deuout tinker , he did honor ●od pan : a musicall tinker , that vpon his kettle-drum could play any countrey dance you cald for , and vpon holly-dayes had earned money by it , when no fidler could be heard of . hee was onely feared when he stalkt through some townes where bées were , for he strucke so swéetely on the bottome of his copper instrument , that he would ●mpie whole hi●es , and leade the swarmes after him only by the sound . this excellent egregious tinker calls for his draught ( being a double iugge ) it was fild for him , but before it came to his nose , the lamentable tale of the londoner was tolde , the chamber-doore ( where hée lay ) being thrust open with a long pole , because none durst touch it with their hands ) and the tinker bidden ( if he had the heart ) to goe in and sée if hée knew him . the tinker being not to learne what vertue the medicine had which hée held at his lippes , powred it downe his throate merily , and crying trillill , he fea●es no plagues . in hée stept , tossing the dead body too and fro , and was sorie hée knew him not : mine hoste that with griefe began to fall away villanously , looking very ruthfully on the tinker , and thinking him a fit instrument to be playd vpon , offred a crowne out of his owne purse , if he would bury the partie . a crowne was a shrew● temptation to a tinker ; many a hole might he stop , before hée could picke a crowne of it , yet being a subtill tinker ( & to make all sextons pray for him , because hée would raise their fées ) an angell he wanted to be his guide , and vnder ten shillings ( by his ten bones ) he would not put his finger into the fire . the whole parish had warning of this presently , thirtie shillings was saued by the bargaine , and the towne like to be saued too , therefore ten shillings was leuyed out of hand , put into a rag , which was tyed to the ende of a long pole and deliuered ( in ●ight of all the parish , who stood aloo●e stopping their noses ) by the headboroughs owne selfe in proper person , to the tinker , who with one hand receiued the money , and with the other struck the boord , crying hey , a fresh double pot . which armor of proofe being fitted to his body , vp he hoists the londoner on his backe ( like a shoole-boy ) a shouell and pick-axe standing ready for him : and thus furnished , into a field some good distance from the towne he beares his deadly loade , and there throwes it downe , falling roundly to his tooles , vpon which the strong béere hauing set an egde , they quickely cut out a lodging in the earth for the citizen . but the tinker knowing that wormes néeded no apparell , sauing onely shéetes , stript him starke naked , but first diu'de nimbly into his pocket , to see what liuings they had , assuring himselfe , that a londoner would not wander so farre without siluer : his hopes were of the right stampe , for from out of his pockets he drew a leatherne bagge with seuen pounds in it : this musicke made the tinkers heart dance , he quickely tumbled his man into the graue , hid him ouer head and eares in dust , bound vp his cloathes in a bundle , & carying that at the end of his staffe on his shoulder , with the purse of seuen pounds in his hand , backe againe comes he through the towne , crying aloud , haue yée any more londoners to bury , hey downe a downe dery , haue ye any more londoners to bury : the hobbinolls running away from him , as if he had béene the dead citizens ghost , & he marching away from them in all the hast he could , with that song still in his mouth . you see therefore how dreadfull a fellow death is , making fooles euen of wisemen , and cowards of the most valiant ; yea , in such a base flauerie hath it bound mens sences , that they haue no power to looke higher than their owne roofes , but séeme by their turkish and barberous actions to belieue that there is no feliciti● after this life , and that ( like beasts ) their soules shall perish with their bodyes . how many vpon sight onely of a letter ( sent from london ) haue started backe , and durst haue layd their saluation vpon it , that the plague might be folded in that empty paper , belieuing verily , that the arme of omnipotence could neuer reach them , vnlesse it were with some weapon drawne out of the infected citie : in so much that euen the westerne pugs receiuing money there , haue tyed it in a bag at the end of their barge , and so trailed it through the tha●●es , least plague-sores sticking vpon shillings , they should be naild vp for counterfeits when they were brought home . more ventrous than these block-heads was a certaine iustice of peace , to whose gate being shut ( for you must know that now there is no open house kept ) a company of wilde fellowes being lead for robbing an orchyard , the stout●hearted constable rapt most couragiously , and would haue about with none , but the iustice himselfe , who at last appeard in his likenesse aboue at a window , inquiring why they summond a parlée . it was deliuered why : the case was opened to his examining wisedome , and that the euill doers were onely londoners : at the name of londoners , the iustice clapping his hand on his brest ( as who should say , lord haue mercie vpon vs ) started backe , and being wise enough to saue one , held his nose hard betwéene his fore-finger and his thumbe , and speaking in that wise ( like the fellow that described the villainous motion of iulius caesar and the duke of guize , who ( as he gaue it out ) fought a combat together ) pulling the casement close to him , cryed out in that quaile-pipe voice , that if they were londoners , away with them to limbo : take onely their names : they were sore fellowes , and he would deale with them when time should serue : meaning , when the plague and they should not be so great together , and so they departed : the very name of londoners being worse then ten whetstones to sharpen the sword of iustice against them . i could fill a large volume , and call it the second part of the hundred mery tales , onely with such ridiculous stuffe as this of the iustice , but dij meliora , i haue better matters to set my wits about : neither shall you wring out of my pen ( though you lay it on the rack ) the villanies of that damnd kéeper , who kild all she kéept ; it had bene good to haue made her kéeper of the common iayle , and the holes of both counters , for a number lye there , that wish to be rid out of this motley world , shée would haue tickled them , and turned them ouer the thumbs . i will likewise let the church-warden in thames stréete sléepe ( for hée s now pasi waking ) who being requested by one of his neighbors to suffer his wife or child ( that was then dead ) to lye in the church-yard , answered in a mocking sort , he kéept that lodging for himselfe and his houshold : and within thrée dayes after was driuen to hide his head in a hole himselfe . neither will i speake a word of a poore boy ( seruant to a chandler ) ●welling thereabouts , who being struck to the heart by sicknes , was first caryed away by water , to be left any where , but landing being denyed by an army of browne bill●men that kept the shore , back againe was he brought , and left in an out-celler , where lying groueling and groning on his face ( amongst fagots , but not one of them set on fire to comfort him ) there continued all night , and dyed miserably for want of succor . nor of another poore wretch in the parish of saint mary oueryes , who being in the morning throwne , as the fashion is , into a graue vpon a heape of carcases , that kayd for their complement , was found in the afternoone , gasping and gaping for life : but by these tricks , imagining that many a thousand haue bene turned wrongfully off the ladder of life , and praying that derick or his executors may liue to do those a good turne , that haue done so to others : hic finis priami , héere 's an end of an old song . et iam tempus equûm fumantia soluere colla . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20094-e850 vertumnus god of the yeare . description of the spring . vpon the 23. of march the spring begins , by reason of the sunnes entrance into aries . the queenes ●icknes . her death . the genera●● terror that her death bred . 1603. a more wonderfull yeare than 88. king iames proclaimed . the ioyes that followed vpon his proclayming . the pl●gu● anthropophagi are scithia●s , that feed on mens flesh . certaine rules, directions, or advertisements for this time of pestilentiall contagion with a caveat to those that weare about their neckes impoisoned amulets as a preservative from the plague. first published for the behoofe of the citie of london, in the two visitations, 1603 & 1625. and reprinted for the benefit of the said citie now visited, and all other parts of the land that may or shall hereafter be: by francis herring ... whereunto is added certaine directions, for the poorer sort of people when they shall be visited. herring, francis, d. 1628. 1636 approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a03111 stc 13242 estc s104003 99839744 99839744 4192 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4192) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1602:22) certaine rules, directions, or advertisements for this time of pestilentiall contagion with a caveat to those that weare about their neckes impoisoned amulets as a preservative from the plague. first published for the behoofe of the citie of london, in the two visitations, 1603 & 1625. and reprinted for the benefit of the said citie now visited, and all other parts of the land that may or shall hereafter be: by francis herring ... whereunto is added certaine directions, for the poorer sort of people when they shall be visited. herring, francis, d. 1628. [22] p. printed by thomas paine, and are to be sold by mathew simmons at the gilded lyon in ducke lane, london : 1636. signatures: a-c⁴ (-c4). reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -early works to 1800. medicine, magic, mystic, and spagiric -controversial literature. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine rules , directions , or advertisements for this time of pestilentiall contagion . with a caveat to those that weare about their neckes impoisoned amulets as a preservative from the plague . first published for the behoofe of the citie of london , in the two visitations , 1603 & 1625. and reprinted for the benefit of the said citie now visited , and all other parts of the land that may or shall hereafter be : by francis herring , d. in physicke , and fellow of the colledge of physitians in london . whereunto is added certaine directions , for the poorer sort of people when they shall be visited . nvmb. 16. 47. and aaron tooke as moyses commanded , and ranne into the midst of the congregation : and behold the plague was begun among the people , and he put on incense , and made an atonement for the people . london , printed by thomas paine , and are to be sold by mathew simmons at the gilded lyon in ducke lane , 1636. to the high and potent king , charles king of great britaine , france , and ireland , health and happinesse . ( soveraigne lord , ) they that are to treat with great potentates and personages are inioyned , to be short and sweet . if i faile in the last , i shall not misse of the first , — ne longo sermone morer tua tempora ( caesar . ) the last great mortalitie , i published certaine rules , and directions , for the prevention of the spreading of that contagious , and all devouring sicknesse . those briefe advertisements i have searched out , reviewed , somewhat inlarged , and brought forth againe , to the view and use , and i hope good of my citizens and countrimen . my presumption is , that though i shall purchase neither profit nor praise , yet i shall obtaine pardon of your maiestie , if tendring the common good of my country , i bring one pale-full , or rather dishfull of water , toward the quenching of the common flame . morbi ( ut rectè celsus med. latinorum princeps ) non curantur eloquentia , multò minus loquentia . especially this fierce fury , which is non morbus , sed monstrum , superans saepissime tum artem , tum naturam , not a disease , but a monster , over-matching , and quelling , oft-times both art and nature . the lord of glory and mercy keep your highnesse , with your most honourable councell from the rage of this man-slaying hydra , and all other both open and secret evils and enemies , and make you a wise and skilfull physitian to prevent the dangers , and cure the maladies of common-wealth and state. your maiesties humble subject and suppliant , francis herring . certaine rvles , directions , or advertisements for this time of pestilentiall contagion . the plague ( if you will have his true characterisme and essentiall forme ) is ictus irae divinae pro peccatis hominum , the stroke of gods wrath for the sinnes of mankinde . this is not onely the opinion of divines , but of all learned physitians , and acknowledged by the blinde heathen in all ages , by the light of nature . therefore his appropriate and speciall antidote is seria paenitentia , & conversio ad deum : unfained and heartie repentance and conversion to god. till this be practised , i tell you plainely , i put small confidence in other by-courses . the cause remaining , who can looke for the taking away of the effect ? let me therefore be an humble suitor , that your highnesse would be pleased to command a generall humiliation of the people by prayer and fasting . this action as it would be honourable to your majestie , and such as you would undoubtedly condiscend unto most readily and willingly , if it were but mentioned and moved ; so in my perswasion , there would appeare a most admirable and comfortable effect thereof . and till this be performed , what other wayes soever wee shall follow , wee shall begin at the wrong end : ni deus affuerit , viresque infuderit herbis , quid cedò diptamús , quid panacea juvat ? let not gentlemen and rich citizens by flying ( unlesse they likewise flie from their sinnes ) thinke to escape scotfree . so long as they carry their sinne with them , the lord will find them out , and his hand will reach them wheresoever they are . there should ( in my opinion ) be provided a place of sepulture for the bodies especially of such as die by the sicknes , some good distance from the citie and suburbs . the burying of infected bodies in churches , church-yards , and namely in paules church-yard , where the chiefe magistrates of the citie , and many other citizens meete weekly to heare sermons , must needs be not onely inconvenient , but very dangerous for spreading the contagion , and poisoning the whole citie . for all men that have the least insight in philosophy know that from the dead corps , by force of the sunne , certaine vapours or exhalations are elevated , which partake of the nature of those bodies , and doe undoubtedly taint , corrupt , and poyson the aire with their ill qualitie . for this principall cause , in most well ordered cities of forrein countries , there is a common place of buriall appointed a good distance from the building of the citie . and till this may be procured for our citie , i wish that straight charge be given , that all dead corpses be layd a convenient depth in the ground , and not one coffin heaped upon another , and they layd so neare the top of the earth as ( it is to be feared ) they now are . it were necessarie the place of buriall should be on the south side of the citie , that the sunne may draw the vapours from it . let care be had , that the streets , especially the narrow lanes and allies , be kept from annoyance of dung-hilles , vaults or houses of office , the common sewers and chanels be well purged and scowred , the dung-farmers tyed to their stint of time in winter , and not suffered ( unlesse urgent necessitie require ) to perfume the streets all summer long , especially in this time of contagion . let not the carkasses of horses , dogs , cats , &c. lye rotting and poysoning the ayre ( as they have done ) in more and finsburie fields , and elsewhere round about the citie . let the pipes layd from the new river be often opened , to clense the channels of every streete in the citie . let the ditches towards the suburbs , especially towards islington and pick-hatch , old-streete , and towards shoreditch and white-chappell , be well clensed , and if it might be , the water of the new river to runne through them , as also the like to be done through the burrough of south-worke . let the ayre be purged and corrected , especially in evenings which are somewhat cold , and in places low and neare the river ( as thames street and the allyes there about ) by making fires of oken or ashwood , with some few bundles of iuniper cast into them . let men in their private houses , amend the aire by laying in their windowes sweet herbes , as marjoram , time , rosemarie , balme , fennell , peniroyall , mints , &c. likewise by burning iuniper , rosemarie , time , bay-leaves , cloves , cinamon , or using other compound perfumes . the poorer sort may burne worme-wood , rue , time. let them cast often on the floores of their houses water mingled with vineger . concourse of people to stage-playes , wakes or feasts , and may-pole dauncings , are to be prohibited by publique authoritie , whereby as god is dishonored , the bodies of men and women by surfetting , drunkennes , and other riots and excesses , disposed to infection , and the contagion dangerously scattered both in citie and countrie . let the bells in cities and townes be rung often , and the great ordnance discharged , thereby the aire is purified . touching our regiment and diet , repletion and inanition ( as two dangerous extremities ) are heedfully to be avoyded . those meats are to be used which are of easie digestion and apt to breed good juice . the blankets , matresses , flockbeds , and all bed-clothes of the infected , are to be burned , also leather garments , because they hold the infection very long . alexander benedictus reports , that in venice , a flock-bed used in a contagious time , was after 7 yeares found in an inward roome , the mistris of the house commanded the servants to ayre and beat it , whereupon the servants were instantly infected with the pestilence and died . such as are of hard concoction , and cause obstructions , are to be avoyded : specially those that easily corrupt and putrifie in the stomacke , as the most part of summer fruit , raw cherries , plums , apples , &c. it is not good to be abroad in the ayre , early in the morning before the sunne have purified the ayre , or late in the night after sunne-setting . in rainie , darke , and cloudie weather , keepe your house as much as you can . eschue all perturbations of minde , especially anger and feare . the one by heating the body opens a doore for the enemie to enter : the other by cowardly running away gives him encouragement to tread on the hedge , which lyeth lowest , and maketh least resistance . let your exercise be moderate , ad ruborem , non ad sudorem . the time of exercise is an houre before dinner or supper , not in the heat of the day , or when the stomacke is full . vse seldome familiaritie with venus , for shee enfeebleth the body , and maketh it more obnoxious to externall injuries . you may feede three times in the day , but more sparingly than at other times . shunne varietie of dishes at one meale : perniciosa ciborum varietas , perniciosior condimentorum . and if at any time the rule holdeth , the most simple feeding is the most wholsome feeding ; then it is in force at this time of infection . augenius ( a learned physitian ) thinketh it not possible that hee that liveth temperately and soberly , should be subject to the sicknesse . goe not forth of your house into the ayre , neither willingly speake with any , till you have broken your fast . for breakfast you may use a good draught of wormwood beere or ale , and a few morsels of i read and butter wi●h the leaves of sage , or else a toste with swee● salade oyle , two or three drops of rose vinegar , and a little s●gar . they that have cold stomackes may drinke a draugh● of wormewoodwine or malm-sey , in stead of al● or beere . but take heed ( as you loue your life ) of extreame hot waters , as aqua vitae , rosa solis , or other compound waters of like nature , which emperickes prepare and set out with vaine and boasting words : laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces . of them crato a great and learned physitian pronounceth , that they were inventa ad jugulandos , non ad curandos homines : devised to kill not to cure men . hee speaketh of the daily and continuall use of them : and that is it which i disallow . if you be not accustomed to a breakfast , take the quantitie of a nutmeg or thereabouts of some cordiall electuarie prescribed by the learned physitian , before you set foot out of doores . if you will use both , for greater cautell , then take your electuarie early in the morning , two houres before your breakfast . as you walke in the streets or talke with any ; hold in your moath a clove , a peece of a zodoarie , angelica , or enula campana roote . once in foure of five dayes take three or foure cordiall and stomachicall pilles by direction of your physitian , to fortifie the heart and stomacke against all corruption , and to cleanse your body from such humours as may dispose you to the sicknesse . for agens non agit nisi in pattente disposito : an agent worketh not but upon a fitted and disposed patient . if any man be bound by religion , consanguinitie , office , or any such respect to visite the sicke parties ; let him first provide , that the chamber bee well perfumed with odoriferous trochiskes , or such like , the windowes layd with the herbes afore-named , the floore cleane swept , and sprinkled with rose-water and vineger : that there be a fire of sweet wood burning in the chimney , the windowes being shut for an houre , then open the casements towardes the north. then let him wash his face and hands with rose-water and rose-vineger , and enter into the chamber with a waxe candle in the one hand , and a sponge with rose-vineger and wormewood , or some other pomander , to smell unto . let him hold in his mouth a peece of mastic , cinamon , zedoarie , or citron pill , or a clove . let him desire his sicke friend to speake with his face turned from him . when he goeth forth , let him wash his hands and face with rose vineger and water as before , especially if he have taken his friend by the hand as the manner is : and going presently to his owne house , let him change his garments , and lay those wherein he visited his friend , apart for a good time before he resume them againe . let him not forget upon his returne home or before , to take a convenient quantitie of his cordiall electuarie , and forbeare meat an houre or two after it . that amulets confected of arsenicke , are no good preservatives against the plague . perceiving many in this citie to weare about their necks , upon the region of the heart , certaine placents , or amulets ( as preservatives against the pestilence ) confected of arsenicke a strong poyson , i have thought it needfull ( other men keeping silence ) to declare briefly my opinion touching the said amulets : not ( i professe ) in hatred to any mans person , or envie at their commoditie , wherein i might have shared with them , if i could have brought my judgement to concurre with theirs ; but in conscience , and discharge of my dutie . the rather because i feare greatly , that through vaine confidence in them , other more apposite , convenient and effectuall antidotes , and alexeteries are neglected . my opinion is , that these placents of arsenicke carried about upon the region of the heart , are so farre from effecting any good in that kinde , as a preservative , that they are very dangerous and hurtfull , if not pernicious to those that weare them . it is evident that arsenicke being a confessed poison , is an opposite , professed and perpetuall enemy to our nature . therefore being worne next the skin , as soone as the heart waxeth hot by any vehement motion , labour or stirring ( as it falleth out usually ) it must needs send out venomous vapours to that noble and principall part ; which will either penetrate by their owne force , or be drawne in with the aire ▪ by the dilation of those arteries which are spread about the skin . now these poisonfull vapours being entred or sucked into the body , when they finde no contrarie poison with whom to wrastle as with an enemy ( for if there were any venom in the body , the partie could not enjoy health : but we intend him to be in health , whom we would preserve ) they must needs imprint a malignant venomous qualitie in the spirits and heart , most adverse and pernicious to nature . if by galens doctrine , all alexeteries in a manner , if they be used somewhat too liberally , doe greatly offend and weaken our bodies ; shall wee thinke that ranke poisons and deleteries ( such as arsenicke is ) if they be so applied , as to penetrate into the noblest region of all other , will nothing at all violate , and wast our native , vitall , and radicall heate ? galen and the ancient fathers and masters of physicke , did not use to preserve from the plague or any other poison , either by giving another poison inwardly , or by appointing other poisons to be outwardly applied , but proceeded altogether by antidotes and alexiteries . lib. de theriaca ad pis . cap. 16. therefore unlesse wee will disclaime these ancient worthies and ring-leaders method , and follow new-found and unsound devises , wee must fight against this monster , not with poisons , but antidotes . poisons are desined to be such : as at no time doe agree with nature , either well , or ill affected . for though there be poisons which if they finde a contratie venom in the body , doe fight so with it , that by the skirmish both poisons die , and the partie by their contention and colluctation escapeth with his life : yet it is agreed on by all , that where they finde no such adversary or opposition , they speed the partie . therefore arsenicke worne by a man in health , finding not onely no contrary poyson to warre upon , but no poyson at all , must necessarily oppose and set upon nature her selfe . gerardus columbus a learned physitian reporteth , that it hath beene observed , that the wearers of these amulets , upon heating their bodies , have fallen into sodaine lypothimies and soounings , with other fearefull accidents , which ceased not till the bagge or placent was remooved : that others , though not instantly , yet after some time , have by late and woefull experience discerned their malignitie , falling into malignate and pestilent feavers , some of them ending with death it selfe . franc. alphanus a physitian of salerne telleth of one , who wearing arsenicke , and heating himselfe at tennise , fell downe sodainly dead . matheus hessus writeth thus : as cordiall bagges or amulets cannot be disallowed , so empoisoned can no way bee commended ; neither doe i remember that any ever received good from them who abstained from other antidotes . this i certainly know , that diverse who carrie about them quick-silver in a nut-shell , by the vaine perswasion of some impostors , have died of the plague : and the counsellers of such like amulets have beene the first that have betaken themselves to their heeles , trusting more in their running than cunning . and yet these good fellowes , perswaded the ignorant with great words , and it may be oaths , that whosoever carried quick-silver or arsenicke about his necke , was as safe as if hee had purchased a protection from the king of heaven . historians report , that caracalla though a wicked emperour , made a publike edict or proclamation , that no man should weare about him superstitious amulets . theophrastus the great , esteemed ( not without cause ) pericles to have a crased braine , because he saw him weare an amulet about his necke . hereunto ( as a corollary ) wee may adde the experience of some london physitians , who have seene foule holes made in the breast of those that have worne them , and observed diverse to die as well as others , who have religiously carried them about their neckes . i omit , for brevitie , to answer their reasons , who allow them , because those that are alledged by emperickes and ignorant persons , are not worthy the answering ; and those that are produced by some few learned men ( the whole streame running against them ) are not comprehensible by the common sort , for whose good i have set forth this short caveat . but if any will contend , i will either answer him , or yeeld up my weapons . in conclusion onely remember , that whereas the sellers and setters out , of these deceiptfull wares , make them as a scout to discover the infection , when it beginneth to seize upon a man , by giving a watch-word , and clapping close to the heart , to guard that part as the chiefe tower : this is a meere deceipt , collusion and abusion . for whensoever the body is heated , this event followeth necessarily , as is before declared , though no other infection be neare but the infectious , poisonfull and venomous arsenicke ; who offereth not at that time , to the heart a friendly salutation or caveat , but rather a iudas kisse , and ioab-like imbracing . certaine directions for the use of the poorer sort of people that shall be visited by the pestilence , how to carrie themselves . since almightie god , by his wise providence hath disposed , that there should be poore among us , that the richer sort might have fit objects whereupon to exercise their mercy and compassion , and hath commanded in the sacred scriptures , both magistrates and others , to take care of them , lest they cry to the lord against us in their misery , and their neglect , and contempt be imputed to us , as one of our haynous and crying sinnes , pulling downe vengeance upon our heads , deuter. 15. i would intreate the governovrs of the citie of london , and all others in the country , with all richmen , to take speciall notice of their poore brethren , being bone of their bone , and flesh of their flesh , and , as to restraine the idle vagabonds , by whose wandring up and downe , the infection may well be spread and increased , so to provide for the true and honest poore miserable people , that they may be supplyed with food , and convenient physicke if they fall into sicknesse . and because i will not perswade others to charitie , and my selfe remaine altogether uncharitable , i purpose to set downe certaine curative directions , for the poorer sort , with such parable and cheape medicins , as may come within the compasse of their short and meane abilitie . so soone therefore as any of them , apprehend themselves taken with the plague , let them goe to their warme bed , and take this medicine . take of verben with the roote dryed and poudred two dragmes , the juyce of the same herbe three ounces , halfe a small spoonefull of white wine vineger , mixe it , and drinke it warme , and sweate for two or three houres . let them not sleepe during the time of their sweating ; whilst they sweat , let them hold under their arme-pits , and upon the either emunctories , especially the groynes , a radish roote , divided into two parts , the same roote is to be tyed , unto the plants or hollow of their feete , when they have sweat well , for two or three houres , according to the strength , and age of the partie , dry their bodyes well , with warme and cleane linnen clothes , beginning with the arme-pits and groyne , then the breast , whereon after the sweate is well wiped away , lay a fresh and cleane linnen napkin doubled . that done , let them wash their mouth , face , and hands , with water and vineger , and drinke a good draught of mutton broath made with rose-mary , tyme , sorrell , cichory . if their stomacke will give them leave , they may eate a little mutton , or veale at dinner , but they are to forbeare flesh-meate at suppers . in stead of broath , water-grewell with rose-mary , or burnet will doe well , or thinne pannada . for their drinke . let it be the middle or sixe shillings-bee●e , warmed with a tost , or water boyled with cardius seed , and caroway seed , and the roots of scabius , and verben , with a crust of bread . then let them rest , or sleepe , washing their mouth often , if they be awake , with water and vineger . they may likewise make a quilt with balme , mint , rose-mary , sage , sweet marjeram dryed , and sprinkling it with vineger of wormewood or hearb-grace , or ordinary wine vineger , apply it to the region of the heart warme . the second sweating medicine . after eight houres from the first invasion of the pest , let them take another sweating medicine . take of the powder of the roote of diptamne , scabbius , gentian each halfe a dragme , seed of carduus benedictus a scruple , juyce of mary-gold flowers , devils-pit , each two ounces , halfe a spoonfull of vineger , of rue or wormwood , or in want of them , ordinary vineger of white wine . let them drinke this warme , and sweat againe , as at the first time two or three houres , keeping in the meane while a radish roote at the emunctories , as before . then dry off the sweat , wash the mouth , face and hands as before , take some convenient nourishment , and carry themselves as in the first interim of eight houres . the third sweating medicine . againe the third time , after the like pause or intervall , let them take another sweating and cordiall med. in this manner . take of the seed of rue or hearb-grace , a scruple and halfe , that is , ( 30 graines ) of the roots of enula campana , valerian , fullers teasells , aristolochia the round , each halfe a scruple , the juyce of three leaved sorrell called allebia , two ounces ; juyce of rue , scabious , each an ounce , a little of the forenamed vineger . let them take it warme , sweat , as before , and carry themselves in all points as before , and continue this course for foure or five dayes . but if any be in that extreamitie of povertie and misery , that they cannot procure these parable and easie cheape medicins , let them drinke twice in the day , a draught of their owne vrine , in the morning , and five in the after-noone . if in the first , second or third day , the botches or carbuncles appeare , the best and safest way , both for poore and rich , is to commit themselves to be ordred and dressed , by a skilfull chirurgion . there will be ( no doubt ) assigned and maintained , for the meaner and poorer sort , chirurgions ex communi aerario , out of the common purse , especially in london . let those that are wealthy , make choise of their owne chyrurgion , and pay well for their cure . for a little health , is worth a great deale of gold , which a chyrurgion in that case , must fetch out of the fire , and hazard his owne life every day , to save his patient . emis a medico seu chyrurgo rem inestimabilem , vitam , valetudinem , cui quantumcunque dederis , exaequare non potes medicinae beneficia . medico si quidem non 〈◊〉 , set operae pretium solvitur . non domus , aut fundi , non aris acervus & auri , aegroto domini deducunt corpore febres , non animo curas , valeat possessor oportet . si comportatis bene rebus cogitat uti . let me adde this one advertisment , as a corollarie or conclusion , that you tamper not too soone with the botches or blanes , before they be well come forth , and nature well cleered and releeved ; but rather continue in the taking of inward cordials , and sweating medicins . the over hasty applying of topicall and outward remedies , especially , if they be forcible and sharpe , ( which is too usually practised by some physitians , and chyrurgions , and by patients themselves ) doe oft times by causing paine , increasing the fever , and weakening nature , drive backe and scatter the venom into the inward parts , which suddenly , by a second insult , and incounter , surpriseth the fort of life , the heart , and carryeth away the patient . — si quid novisti rictius istis , candidus imperti , si non his utere mecum : en veniam pro laude peto laudatus abundè , non fastiditus , si tibi ( lector ) ero . sit nomen domini benedictem . — si quid novisti rectius istis , candidus imperti : s i non , his utere mecum . the preservatives mentioned in this booke , may be had from mr. iames the apothecarie , at his house in alderman-bury , neere to the conduit , with others of like nature , well approved , and experimented . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a03111-e290 exod. 5. v. 3. & cap. 9. 15. levit. 26. 25. num. 14. 12. deut. 28. 21. & 2 chron. 36. v. 15. inter eth. homerus 2. iliad . let them likewise rub their windowes often with worm wood and fennell . hist . de pest . varietie of meats is pernicious ; much more varietie of sau●●● . gal. 3. de temp cap. 1 simp. cap. 18. lib. de ther. and pamphil. epid ▪ com . 5. aetius lib. 1. tetrah 4. ca. 96. paulus lib. 2. cap. 35. gal 6. in epid. lib ● de feb . contag . cap.17 . notes for div a03111-e1180 vita sinc valetudine 〈◊〉 est , non vita . soranus & seneca . as pesicatoris , and the like . a dialogue betuuixt a cittizen, and a poore countrey man and his wife, in the countrey, where the citizen remaineth now in this time of sicknesse written by him in the countrey, who sent the coppy to a friend in london ; being both pitifull and pleasant. t. b. (thomas brewer) 1636 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16817 stc 3717.5 estc s241 22147917 ocm 22147917 25175 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16817) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25175) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1747:16) a dialogue betuuixt a cittizen, and a poore countrey man and his wife, in the countrey, where the citizen remaineth now in this time of sicknesse written by him in the countrey, who sent the coppy to a friend in london ; being both pitifull and pleasant. t. b. (thomas brewer) [24] p. : ill. printed by r. oulton for h. gosson and are to be sold at his shop upon london bridge neere the gate, london : 1636. attributed to brewer by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints. signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first 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illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dialogue betvvixt a cittizen , and a poore countrey-man and his wife , in the countrey , where the citizen remaineth now in this time of sicknesse . written by him in the countrey , who sent the coppy to a friend in london , being both pittifull and pleasant . london printed by r. oulton for h. gosson and are to be sold at his shop upon london bridge neere the gate . 1636. a dialogue betwixt a cittizen and a countrey-man . cittizen . good even good frend , inhabite you nere hand ? countrey-man . chy dwell not varre hence , what would you i pray ? cit. no harme , i would but kindly understand , where i might lodge and eate , and frankly pay . coun. why sir , whence come you ? masse chiveare you come from london , where the plague is parlous hote , and it be so , no further words but mumme : no meate , nor drinke , nor lodging wil be got , cit. alas why so ? are you a christian , and suffer any die for lacke of foode ? i am not sicke beleeve me honest man , i would not doe thee hurt for any good . coun. yea zo zay all that know not where to goe , when as the plague doth drive them from the cittie : but many a one doth worke himselfe great woe , with foolish shewing of another pitty . cit. why here is gold and silver for thy pains , i le richly pay for whatsoere i take . coun. you le pay the plague . o these are pretty trains , which makes the simple woefull bargaines make . cit. why search , and see , if i be not as sound , as any creature in your countrey here . coun. oh sir , th' infection is not so soone found , for cloathes will keepe the plague in halfe a yeare . cit. yet let me lodge but in your barne or stable , some cote , or out-house , that you best may spare : i le be content to take a simple table , nor shall you finde me dainty of my fare . coun. sir , hold your rest , they zay a horse , a hog , and cats and mise , will die of that disease : i promise you , i would not lose my dog : not for a strike of the best beanes and pease . cit. but doe you make of cattell more then men ? that were unchristian , heathens doe not so : coun. why let us want our cattell , horse , and then how dogged some men we shall finde i know . cit. what men are they , that in extremity , will not in conscience christian pitty shew ? coun. even you rich land-lords that have heard our cry yet racke your rents , how ere our sorrowes grow , fruit blasted , cattell die , be ne're so poore , pay rent at day , or turne us out of doore . cit. why we are thousands that no rent receive , but subject are to landlords , and their wils : it is the devill doth the world deceive , which town and countrey with his veno me fills . be pittifull , and thinke not on the worse , beleeve me , i am free from this infection : the kinde are blessed , and the cruell curst , beasts in their kinde will shew their kinde affection . coun. indeed : i heare an ape will lime himself with putting on a paire of painted breeches : but i will not so play the foolish elfe , to kill my selfe with listening to your speeches . there came this other day into our town , a handsome fine old man for flesh and bloud : and as you doe , went plodding up and down , and was ( zome za ) a man of much worlds good , met a poore man , as you doe me , and quired , where he might come by lodging , meat , and drink . the man with money , being poore , was hierd to get him lodging : and where doe you think ? but in a cottage of his own here by : where well he had not rested full three daies , but he was dead and buried by and by , whose purse the poore man to much wealth did raise , but long the riches did not with him bide : for in a weeke his wife and children di'd , save onely two , which yet are in good health : but as for me i seeke for no such wealth . cit. why trust me of my word , you need not fear , both you and yours shall better fare by me . i am not sicke , in faith and truth i swear , my clothes are fresh , and not infected be . coun. i pray stand further , zome will zay , the wind will bring it through ones nose into their brain . cit. alas , their faith is of a fearfull kinde , whose idle heads doe beate on such a vaine . coun. why i st not fectious , and doth kill so many ? why cats and dogs will beare it to and fro . cit. yea cats and dogs , but christians few , if any that take it , in the time they pitty show . coun. oh , you are fine , it is , and t is not , well : you fear it , and flie from it where it is , and yet you zeeme an idle tale to tell , how zome t will hit , and other zome t wil misse : but be what twill , our iustices of peace have chargde our parish , upon paine of galie , to take in none , untill the sicknesse cease : and thinke you such precepts of none availe ? cit. alas , should so our cittie keepe you out , how would you sell your corne to pay your rent ? it may be ere the yeare doth goe about , you may this lacke of charity repent : for god can shew his mercy where he will , and plague all those that will not pitty show . the cittie well , the countrey may be ill : ( but yet i pray the lord it be not so . ) you are not free from sinne , no more than we , nor yet free from deserved punishment : let us then now in you your pitty see : and by our plague learne you amendement : be not afraide man , do not stoppey our nose . me thinkes , your age should bid you fear no death . coun. yet i am loath , good sir , my life to lose , by an infection of a plaguy breath , but what will all my neighbours thinke on me , if they should know that you from london came ; there would be worke enough ywis for me , to shut up me , my houshold and my dame . cit. that were but if some in your house doe die , of the infection , and not other wise . coun. i tell you no , they are so jealous , they are almost afraid of london flies : a londoner is lookt on like a sprite , the citi 's thought a sepulchre or grave . cit. oh faithles soules whose hearts are so affright . all civill rites and government they have : but for your selfe , let me intreate you yet , some little roome , and vittaile what you will , i le pay you well and one day thinke on it , and for your kindenesse not requite you ill . coun. what ? shall i danger all my house for you ? the losse will be farre greater then my gaine . if that your passe the constable allow ; the best i can i will you entertain . cit. then need i not your courtesie intreat , but say i have none , shall i starve for food ? coun. no , god forbid , i le helpe you to some meat , which you may eate upon that piece of wood : many a good time have i upon that blocke fed hungerly , on such as god hath sent , though now the lord increased hath our stocke . on easter daies we doe not make our lent. but , should i lodge you in my little house , and that my dame would so contented be , if there should die a catte , a ratte , a mouse , that any neighbour by ill chance should see , i were undone , and if that you should die , you must he buried here in my backe side , for not a man of all our ministry will bury them that of the plague have dide , and therefore this is all that i dare doe , vnder that hovell where my hogges doe lie , sit down , i le bring you drink and vittaile too , the best i have , there you may sit you drie , soon , if my dame will gree thereto , i le see what may be done , but further pardon me . wife . bones , man , how now ? who 's that you talk to so , a londoner ? for gods sake come away , are you too well ? what doe you meane i trow ? you doe not know yet who is dead to day , my neighbor ione that tooke home her lame sonnes , both dead , and thus we shall be all undone , the fection will be round about the towne , so many came to them when they were sicke , and knew not t was the plague : her wosted gowne shee gave my iugge , and her sonnes cloake to dicke : but i will hang them on the pales all day , and ayre them well , before they put them on . but , pray doe you leave talking , come away , lest you be taken napping too anon . coun. why hearke you madge , the man is haile and well , for aught i see , and haz good store of golde : faith be content , cha heard my vather tell , they are no men that doe no pitty holde : thou seest t is late , the mans a hansome man , well coloured , well clad , and monied too : the zittie may doe wel againe , and than , god knowes what good the man for us may doe . vvife . well zaide y wis , when he haz killd us all , where goes his good , when we are under ground ? cit. good woman , let no feare your heart appall , i would not hurt you for a hundred po●nd . vvife . and truelyi honest man , if i knew how , i could find in my heart to doe you good , and this i care not if i doe for you : i le see you shall notstarue for lacke of foode , though some heere in our towne are so hard hearted , they care not though they see a thousand die : but god be thanked , some of them have smarted for shewing of such dogged cruelty . but for it seemes that god hath done his part in you , i hope you are a christian , i will be glad in troth with all my heart , to doe you good , and doe the best i can : you shall come in , i le venture once a joynt : what my poore house can yeeld , you shall command , i care not for the constable a poynt : for if by chance that any man demaund , from whence you come , or what you are , or so : i le frame a tale shall serve the turne i trow , come in on gods name , man , be of good cheere , my daughter iugge shall goe for double beere : i have a goose , a ducke , a pigge , a chicke . a peece of bacon , butter , milke , and bread . god holde you sound , that you doe not fall sicke , you shall doe well : but truely for your bed , you must content your selfe , with such a one , as our poore state affoordes , and we have none but two of strawe , and one poore matteresse , that you shall haue , we keepe it for a friend , and you are welcome , you shall finde no lesse , and glad i bought it to so good an end . cit. good woman , god reward your kinde good will , which at your hands i take most thankfully , and credite me , you neede to feare no ill : beleeve me , none before his time shall die , i hope my comming shall be for your good : your pullein onely by my meanes may die : but i will pay you soundly for your brood . i pray you kill a pullet by and by : heere 's golde and silver , send for bread and beere , god give us health , and we will have good cheere . coun. why loe you wife , you know how money goes : surely , god sent him for our good , i see : i hope in god at last we shall not lose , by doing good to such a one as he : but pray remember that you goe to morrow to maister baily with our landlords rent : and if you lacke , you know where you may borrow . cit. no borrowing now , i pray you be content : i will supply your want , what ere it be : you shall not finde so ill a guest of me , here 's forty shillings , which i freely give . coun. god blesse your worship , and long may you live . wife . amen pray god : ho sisse , goe take the kan , and fetch some beere and white bread for this man : but take heed that you tell not for whom 't is , and hie you home again . and heare you sisse , if any chaunce to see him , and doe quire who t is , say t is my gossip maister squire , but and they doe not aske , say nothing , no : goe , let me see how quickly you can goe : iugge , kill the peckled pullet , the red chicke , scald them , and to the fire with them quicke , quicke : bid dicke goe fetch in stickes , cleave an old pale : and gentleman , love you a cuppe of ale ? that we have in the house , pray sit you down , and welcome , tut , a pinne for all the town , my husband is an honest man , and i feare not the best of them a halfpeny i pay the parsons tithe , and scot , and lot , and care not for the constable a groat : a sort of hogges will see men die for food : they , or their brattes will come to little good . i marvell what the pestilence they scrape for , and what t is their wide mouths do yawne & gape for : but meate and drinke , and cloth for me and mine , i seeke no more , nor ●are i to be fine : to pay my rent , and with my neighbours live , and at my doore a dogg a bone to give . be merry gentleman , i pray be merry , and take your rest , i feare me you are weary . citti. not much , my walke hath not bin long to day , and your good mirth drives wearinesse away : i thank you for your kindenesse heartily , and if i live , i le quite it thorowly . wife . i thank you sir , i doubt it not y wis , husband , i pray goe meet my daughter sisse , and beate her home : you spoile her , that you do : iugge , blowe the fire , and lay the pullet to . sir , you may see rude gearles , they are but rawe . sisse , set downe your kanne and fetch in fresh straw , lay in the bedde , and aire the hempen sheetes that lie in the browne chest , and strew some sweetes along the windowes , isope , marioam , a rose or two : come gentleman , pray come , take a hard cushin , be of good cheere i pray : griefe doth no good , no , no , cast care away : i thanke my god that hither thus hath sent you , and if our fare and lodging will content you , stay even your pleasure , til your selfe be weary , wee le doe the best we can to make you mery . cit. it was my hap , after a weary walke , with this good man and wife to fall in talke : and where before i went in heart full grieved , i could not in my sorrow be relieved : each sullen slowch and slut would so disdaine me , as if they scornd or feard to entertaine me : scarce bread and drinke for mony i could get , which from the house upon the ground was set , as if that one should cast a dogge a bone . and thus i wandred up and down alone , vntill i met these honest people here , who for my money made me hearty cheere , and kindely carefull of me every way . with good content i here was glad to stay , where i beheld a number passing by , that ( as i heard ) did in the high-wayes die : some harbourlesse , and some through want of food , while faithlesse hearts did fear to doe men good . oh heavy time , how many hearts are broken with helpelesse grief , it is not to be spoken : but god almighty look upon the citie : and in his mercy shew his glorious pitie , to cease this plague , or killing pestilence : forgive us all the ill of our offence . preserve his people , and our health restore , that we may love and praise him evermore . preserve the court and country every where : our king and queene , their royall progeny , their counsell , friends , and all that true harts beare vnto their gratious worthy maiestie . and blesse both court , citty , and country so , that none may to another stranger be , but passage free for every man to goe , and friend his friend in friendly love may see , and all to gether may record in one , to give all glory unto god alone . amen . london ▪ trumpet sounding into the countrey . when death drives , the grave thrives . sinne calls downe punishment : punishment should bring forth amendment of life : amendment ever méets with mercy , and mercy stops sicknesse , when 't is in the highest speede : so that if we still goe on in wickednesse , wée must every wéeke looke to have the bill of terror strike us more and more . the visitation ( and rightly may it carry that name ) hath now foure times in a few yeares rode circuite through the whole kingdome , and kept a dreadfull sessions , within london , and round about it : death does at this houre scout up and downe the suburbes , and shewes his ghastly face in some parrishes of the citty . those houses which are shut up , charity opens , and most liberally feedes them . those houses of poore handy-crafts-men , that stand open , are for want of worke pinch'd with hunger , and the people ready to goe a begging . yet there is one comfort , there is no man ( bée he never so poore ) but méetes in every corner , one poorer than himselfe : so that , what adversities soever are layd upon us , wée are bound to prayse god , in that wée are not cast downe to the lowest misfortunes in the world , for wée heare of ten thousands in forteine places , in fatte worse estate then wée are . now , as men and women , have a particular cause to send their devotions up to heaven , when they compare their present beings ( how wretched soever ) with others more wretched : so many townes , cittyes , and kingdomes , may ( in generall ) lift up their eyes with joy , when albeit the divine vengeance hath smote them , with a mace of iron : yet if they looke on their neighbours , miserably torne in pieces : they behold those over-whelmed with more raging billows then they féele or sée comming néere themselves . as for example , this goodly and beautifull city of london , hath now but a few faynt spots set in her flesh : a few pestilentiall sores sticking on her body : but a few tokens are sent her , to bid her remember , who sées her doings : she heares no great number of bels tolling : no terrible number of graves are opened in her sight : not whole stréets of houses are now shut up with redde crosses on the doores : and lord have mercy upon us , over those doores , to fright beholders : there are not such fines , and incomes , to bée payd for tenements of the dead , ( heaven be blessed ) as there were either at the comming of king iames to his crowne , or of king charles our soveraigne to his . alas , these markes , printed ( london ) upon thée now , are but flea-bitinges to the stripes which drew blood from thy very heart , in those dayes of desolation . and yet , how art thou frighted ? how pale are thy chéekes ? how does this one fit of a burning fea●er , inflame all thy body ? how doest thou shake the head , and complaine , that doings are cold ? that trading lies dead ? and that money keepes her bedde , and is not stirring . how doe thy coaches , and caroaches runne thorow thy stréets , and so out at thy gates , full of brave , rich people to live safe ( as they hope ) in the countrey ? not caring how sorrowfull a life thou leadest here in their absence . how little doe they regard the poore , which they leave behinde them ? what is it to them , if some poore wretches drop downe in the streetes ? this touches not them : it wounds not them : gallants , and cittizens , take leave of them with much complement at the coaches side , the coachman with his hart off , asking if hee shall ●et forward : on , on , they then all cry , and away ( in a hurry : ) thunder they ( o london ) out of thy reach . yet , cast thine eye on this picture above , they cannot bee out of his reach : who is ready to follow them , with times glasse in one hand and his owne blacke darts in the other . this rawbone foot-man can runne by the side of the coach-horses , and smite the officious coachman in the midst of his journey . when in heapes , people stand gazing on a dead corpes suddenly strucken downe in the fields : this cunning dart-caster , can stand before them , looke at them , threaten them , and tell them ( when hee 's bidden but to shoote ) they shall féele the strength of his leane arme , as well as the others . and yet , albeit so many waggons laden with houshold-stuffe , are every day drawn from thee : albeit so many doores are lockt up , and so many take their heeles , and fly in this day of battaile : yet their flight is for the most part into the mouth of danger . for , the countrey lookes with a more pale , and sickly colour , then ( london ) thou doest . rejoyce not that thy neighbours are so ill , but clappe thy hands for joy then thy selfe art no worse . pray for thy distressed friends , neighbouring townes , and citties : and releive them to thy power , if they want : as thou hast with a noble , frée , and bountifull hand done to some of late already . it is warrantable by the lawes of god , to shunne infection , and to fly persecution : divines and best men , dos the one , and the martyrs when they lived did the other . but now ( blessed be the white hand of mercy ) there are no such tyrannicall enemies beating at thy gates . if they that are in the fulnesse of riches , and the fatnesse of the land , have mannors , and lordshipps to ride to : and countrey houses to repaire to , for pleasure , to avoyde infection : in gods name , let them goe , wish them well at their setting foorth , welcome them with embraces at their comming in : but withall put them in minde of one thing , to doe some good to the poore in the country , though now they do none here , and all shall be well . and you in the countrey , whose barnes are full of corne , and whose fieldes are crow'nd with blessings : you , into whose nostrilles the breath of heaven , suffers his wholesome ayre to passe to and fro , to give you health , and to make long lusty old age waite upon you at your tables : to you i speake , your eies doe i wish to bée opened . to looke backe at your hard and unkinde dealings with cittizens , in the two last great sicknesses : remember how your infidelity then , hath beene punished since : and therefore welcome the sonnes , and daughters of london comming to you now , as if they were your owne . this sicknesse call'd the plague , hath a quick foot , and a stirring hand : yet ( blessed be the sender of this dreadfull pursivant ) he has not béene too busie with us as yet : let your eyes but looke beyond seas , into other citties and you will acknowledge the almighties mercy wonderously extended to us . for , those thrée punishments ( sword , pestilence , and famine , ) of which , davids prophet bid him ( from an angels mouth ) make his choyce of one , doe at this instant hotly lay about them in some part of italy : in so much , that for 4. moneths , ( now in this summer ) there have dyed of the plague in millan , 30000. in mantua , 36000. in parma , 20000. and so in other citties great number besides . the soft wings of compassion , all this while cover us , not that wée deserve to be spared , but that out of his love , god does spare us . for in this last blow , which hée gives us , bée fights not with many old men , he gives them time yet to repent , nor with many young men , hée winkes at their faults a while , hoping they will bée wiser : but looke over all your wéekely bils , ever since there dyed at first but one , and you shall finde , of infants and young children , twenty for one snatched out of their cradles , because god will bée sure to increase his saints in heaven . the king of kings when hée sées his time , shorten and end these miseries , and powre downe his wonted blessings on this land , this citty , us all , amen . death now whither a gods name run you 〈…〉 , why ride you here , why trudge you there as though for fear you were agast ? come stay your iourney strait . for doe you not know in field or town , that i am a captain of high renowne ? so when i list , i can beate you downe , for still i lay in wait . consider then , i pray you men , what moves you thus to flie ? come home again , for i tell you plaine , that here i could make you die . life . what art thou every where to finde ? fearefully thus thou comest to us , with crueltie thou art inclinde , for to pursue men still : thou wast in london when we came out , throwing thy deadly darts about , and now in the countrey thou art as stout , to follow thy froward will. what needest thou to make us bow ? the ayre is pleasant here : the grasse doth spring , the birds doe sing : for gods sake come not neare . death . oh weak of faith i see you are , consider and know what david doth show , in the sixt psalme his sayings are , as thus it doth begin : good lord in rage rebuke me not , when thy displeasure is waxen hot , for then we must needs go to the pot , as herbs that be put in . crie mercie then , you fillie men . for wonderous weake you bee : you are perplexed , your bones are vexed , as far as i can see . life . o lord our soules are troubled sore , release our grief , and send reliefe , have mercy as thou hadst before , forgive our sinnes and save our lives . or else it little doth availe , for death doth follow us at the tayle , o let thy mercy still prevaile , saue us like bees in hives . and thus we knowe it needes must go , that thou maist have thy will : thou hast met us heere , as doth appeere , which thought to have lived still . death . is not iehova your chiefe defence ? for under his wings he keepes all things , then what have you need to run from hence , if that your faith were strong ? though the ayre be fresh , and fields be greene , and goodly fruites which you esteeme , yet i can come when least you deeme , and lay you all along . on christ be bolde , to take your holde , your anchour-holde is hee , none other may , this pestilence stay , but all must come to mee . life . alas our flesh is fraile to see , when christ did grone , and make such mone , besides the mount of calvarie , when thou approched'st neere : and there did sweate both water and bloud , and suffered death to do us good , these things of thee are understood , t was seene that thou wa'st there . at last did hee , both sinne and thee , tread downe and conquer too , which faith of his , if we should misse , alas what should we doe ? death . i come not everie way a like , three darts in band , i hold in hand , the first is warre , when i do strike , in other countries farre , and i thinke all belgia quakes at mee , and spaine you know hath not gone free , 't is much to speake of each countrey , for i turne them all to dust . and here the rest shall be exprest , of two darts more in store , of famins power , which doth devoure whole regions more and more . life . then the dart of pestilence at the last , takes all in store , were left before , oh spare us lord , wee le pray and fast , and all our sinnes repent : vouchsafe to stay , sweet christ thy hand , vpon this sinfull english land , and give us grace to understand , these dangers to prevent . 't is time to pray , that he away , his indignation take : lord grant us grace , in everie place , petitions for to make . finis . orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of london, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection city of london (england). court of aldermen. 1625 approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06241 stc 16729.1 estc s3287 33143268 ocm 33143268 28346 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06241) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28346) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:8) orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague vvithin the citie and liberties of london, till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection city of london (england). court of aldermen. 2 leaves. by isaac iaggard, printer to the honourable city of london, printed at london : 1625. caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of 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was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ orders to be vsed in the time of the infection of the plague within the citie and liberties of london , till further charitable prouision may be had for places of receite for the visited with infection . that euery alderman call before him his deputie , and all the church-wardens , constables , parish clarkes , sextons and bedles within his warde , and giue them streight and earnest charge from time to time to inquire what houses in euery parish and precinct of that warde be infected . and that euery constable doe bring euery day true , distinct , and plaine certificate thereof in writing to the alderman or his deputie . and that the alderman or his deputie from time to time send the same certificates to the surueyers of the parishes , to whom it shall appertaine , to the intent that they haue vnderstanding thereby to see the orders in that behalfe executed accordingly . and here is to be noted , that euery house wherein any shall bee sick of the plague , is to be iudged and vsed as infected , as wel as where any dyeth thereof . and likewise euery house from whence any person infected shall be remooued to any house or place , shall bee iudged infected , if any eftsoones fall sicke in the same house . that in euery house infected , the master , mistresse , or gouernour , and the whole family and residents therein at the time of such infection , shall remaine continually without departing out of the same , and with the doores and windowes of the hall , shop , or other nether part of the house shut , by the space of xxviii . dayes from the death of the party dying of infection , and vntill the partie sicke , and not dying thereof , shall bee fully recouered , or their sore fully healed : and such person recouering , or healed , to tarry shut vp xx . dayes from such recouerie , or full healing . and that during all that time , no clothes , linnen , or other like thing , be hanged out , or ouer into the streete . and that none so to be shut vp , shal go abroad out of the said house , during the time aboue appointed , but one certaine person ( and not sundry at sundry times ) to be appointed by the surueyers of that parish , for prouision of necessaries for the said family . which person so to be appointed , shall during all the time of his , or her being abroad out of such house carry in their hand openly , vpright in the plainest manner to be seene , one red wand of the length of iii. foot at the least , to be deliuered to them by the surueyers at the charge of the parish , without carrying it closely , or couering any part of it with their cloke or garment , or otherwise : and in their going in the streetes and lanes shall alway keepe the way close by the chanell side , shunning as much as may be , the meeting and vsuall way of other people . and shall not in any wise come into any throng or presse of publike assembly , on paine of imprisonment by the space of viii . daies without baile or maineprise , in some of the cages next to the house so infected . prouided alway , that it shal be free to the owner of any house so infected , and his said family , residents , or any of them at any time within the said xxviii . dayes , to remoue and depart out of this citie , and the liberties thereof , into any other his , or her house , or abiding in the country , or to any house in the citie , without being shut vp in such house infected , so that euery such person so remouing , or departing , doe abstaine from returning into the said citie , or the liberties thereof , and from going abroad out of such other house in the city , during the said xxviii . daies , and on pain that euery person so returning , or going abroad within the said xxviii . dayes , shall suffer imprisonment , as is aforesaid . that the churchwardens and constable in euery precinct , prouide , and haue in readinesse , one , or moe sober discreet women , as the case shall require to be prouiders and deliuerers of necessaries for the infected houses , and to attend the persons sick and infected , at the charge of such householders of such houses , if they be able : and if not , then at the charge of the parish . and that such women once entring into charge of such prouision and attendance , shall carry red wands , goe by the chanell side , and forbeare assemblies , as is aforesaid . that such as haue welles or pumpes , shall cause euery morning before vi . of the clocke , and euery euening after viii . of the clocke , the same to be drawne , and x. buckets of water at the least to be powred to runne downe the chanell . and that euery morning and euening at the said houres the streets and chanels be made cleane , and swept by some one of euery house against the chanel , but so as the water be not in any wise swept out of the chanel to the sides of the streets nor the stones wet but within the chanel , excepted onely sprinkling for laying of the dust at the sweeping . and that the mud and filth of the streetes be at the said houres taked vp , and swept together in heapes out ▪ of the chanell , and not at any other time of the day . and that it be so drawne vp from the chanell , that the water powred downe the chanels may not carry away , or be mingled with such filth . that the streetes be made cleane by the scauenger and raker euery day , except sunday . that the alderman himselfe , or his deputie , doe often visite the warde to view whether the said orders bee duely obserued , specially touching cleanenesse of the streetes . that ouer the doore of euery house infected , in a place notorious and plaine for them that passe by to see it , the clark or sexton of that parish cause to be set one paper printed with these words , lord haue mercy vpon vs , in such large forme as shall be appointed . and that the constable of the precinct , and bedle of the warde , shall daily view & see that the said paper remaine there during the said terme of xxviii . dayes without taking away , blotting or defacing . and if any be taken away , blotted or defaced , that a new be set in the place thereof . and if the same be taken away , blotted , or defaced , with the consent of the inhabitant of that house , that then a new such paper shall be set in place thereof , and the shutting in of such house with the inhabitants , shall continue xxviii . daies more from such taking away , blotting , or defacing . and whosoeuer shall take away such paper , shall suffer such imprisonment as is aforesaid . that in or for euery parish there shall be appointed two sober ancient women , to be sworne to be viewers of the bodies of such as shall die in time of infection , and two other to be viewers of such as shall be sicke , and suspected of infection , which women shall immediately vpon such their viewes , by vertue of their oath , make true report to the constable of that precinct , where such person shall die , or be infected , to the intent that true notice may bee giuen both to the alderman or his deputie , and to the clarke of the parish , and from him to the clarke of the parish clarkes , that true certificate may be made as hath been vsed . and that euery of the said women , constable , or clarke , failing in the premisses , shall suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . and euery woman so sworne , and for any corruption , or other respect falsely reporting , shall stand vpon the pillorie , and beare corporall paine by the iudgement of the lord maior and court of aldermen . they at their going abroad to beare red wands , goe neare the chanell , and shun assemblies , as before . that euery woman , or other appointed to any seruice for the infected , and refusing , or fayling to do that seruice , shall not haue any pension out of the hospitall or parish . that the lord maior cause publike proclamation to be made , that no person from the sixth day after such proclamation , shall keepe any dogge , or bitch , but such as they will keepe within their owne dores , without suffering them to go loose in the streets not led in slip or string , nor within their owne doores making howling or other annoyance to their neighbours . and that the common huntsman shall haue speciall charge to kill euery such dogge or bitch , as shall be found loose in any streete or lane of this citie or the suburbes thereof . and for the killing of euery such dog or bitch , and burying the same foure foote deepe at the least in the fields , shall haue two pence allowed by the hands of the chamberlayne of the citie . and if he be remisse and negligent , and wittingly spare and shew fauour in not killing any such dogge or bitch , he shall lose his place and seruice , and suffer imprisonment as is aforesaid . and if any dog or bitch kept within doores shal with howling or noyse be noyous to any neighbour , the alderman of the ward vpon complaint shall commit the offendor to warde , till order be taken vpon his submission by the alderman , and such dog or bitch killed . that no corps dying of infection shall be buried or remaine in any church in time of common prayer , sermon , or lecture . and that no children bee suffered at time of buriall of any corpes in any church , churchyard , or burying place , to come neare the corps , coffin or graue . and that all the graues shall be at the least six foot deepe . and that at the buriall dinners , or attendance on the corps , or other solemnitie of any dying of infection , there shall be no assembly of people in the house where such person shall die , within the time of xxviii . dayes after such death . that during the said terme of xxviii . dayes : no person be admitted to come into any such house infected , other then the persons of the same family , residing therein at the time of the infection , or such as for necessary reliefe of the same family shal be appointed by the surueyers , on paine that the house shall remaine shut in , and the same with the family be in all things vsed as infected , for other xxviii . dayes , from the time of suffering any other so to come into the same . that diligent care be had for amending of the pauements where any holes be wherein any water or filth may stand to increase corruption and infection . that whosoeuer shall go abroad with a sore running , shal be imprisoned in the cage for xxviii . dayes , & further grieuously punished by corporall paine , by the iudgement of the lord maior and court of aldermen . that no dunghils out of stables , brewhouses , or other places be suffered to be made in the street , or other open place of this citie or the suburbes thereof , on paine of imprisonment of the offenders , till the same at the offenders charge be remoued , and the offenders bound to the chamberlaine of this citie , neuer to commit the like offence againe . that restraint be made of enterludes or playes , assemblies of fencers , or other prophane spectacles , and of going with drummes , proclamations , or calling of people to the same within this citie and liberties thereof . and humble sute be made to the most honourable counsell , that the like restraint be in places of other counties adioyning to the said citie . that in euery parish there be appointed two substantiall and discreet citizens , or moe as need shall require , to be chosen monethly by the alderman of the ward , to be surueyers , which surueyers shall daily and diligently see the orders to be obserued , as is aboue said , and the surueyers , clarkes , sextons , and bedles , shall be sworne before the alderman to doe their diligence faithfully therein . and if any such person so appointed , shall refuse or faile to take his oth , or being sworne , shall neglect his duty therein , that forthwith the alderman commit such person to ward , there to remaine , vntill he be discharged from thence by the court of the lord maior and aldermen . that order be taken and treatie had with the colledge of phisicions , that some certaine and conuenient number of phisicions and surgeons be appointed and notified to attend for the counsell and cure of persons infected , and none to deale with the infected but those : and the same to deale with no other patients but the infected , during the time of infection . and for their counsell and trauell to be recompensed by and for the persons of hability at their owne charge : and for the poore at the charge of the parish . that whosoeuer shall by any subtilty or inuention defraud the good intent of any of these orders , shall receiue double as much punishment as he that openly or plainely offendeth . that the housholders of houses infected , be charged to aire the houses and things therein within the said xxviii . dayes , and that no clothes or other things about the persons infected be giuen or sold , but either destroyed , or well and sufficiently purified . on paine of punishment by discretion of the lord maior and aldermen . god saue the king. printed at london by isaac iaggard , printer to the honourable city of london , 1625. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06241-e10 inquire what houses be infected . certificate daily to the alderman . surueyers of the parish . sicke dying remoued . house shut xxviii . dayes . sicke xx . daies after recouery . prouision . red wand . way by the chanell . assembly . cage . remouing . returning . prouiders . women . charge . housholders or parish . red wands . welles . pumpes . streets . scauenger . alderman visit wardes . lord haue mercy vpon 〈◊〉 . 2. viewers of bodies dead . 2. viewers of sicke . pillorie . red wands . pension . hospitall . dogges , &c. corps dying of infection . church , burial resort to houses infected . pauements . goe abroad with sore . dunghils . enterludes , playes , &c. surueyer , clerkes , sextons , beadles sworne . phisisians . defraud order . ayring houses , clothes . food and physick for every householder & his family during the time of the plague very useful, both for the free and the infected, and necessary for all persons in what condition or quality soever : together with several prayers and meditations before, in, and after infection, very needful in all infectious and contagious times, and fit as well for the country as the city / published by t.d. for the publick good. t. d. 1665 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37471 wing d88 estc r33433 13326246 ocm 13326246 99076 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99076) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1548:9) food and physick for every householder & his family during the time of the plague very useful, both for the free and the infected, and necessary for all persons in what condition or quality soever : together with several prayers and meditations before, in, and after infection, very needful in all infectious and contagious times, and fit as well for the country as the city / published by t.d. for the publick good. t. d. [2], 21, [1] p. printed by t. leach for f. coles ..., london : 1665. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng medicine -formulae, receipts, prescriptions. plague -england -london. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion food and physick , for every housholder , & his family , during the time of the plagve . very useful , both for the free and the infected . and necessary for all persons , in what condition or quality soever . together with several prayers and meditations , before , in , and after infection . very needful in all infectious and contagious times . and fit as well for the country , as the city . published by t. d. for the publick good. london , printed by t. leach , for f. coles , at the lamb in the old-baily , 1665. an excellent medicine , to prevent the plagve . take sage of vertue , rue ( otherwise called hearb-grace ) elder leaves , red bramble leaves , and vvormwood , of each of them a good handful ; stamp them altogether , and then strain them through a fine linnen cloth ; and put to the juice a quart of perfect good vvhite-vvine , and a good quantity of vvhite-vvine vinegar : mingle them all together , and put thereto a quarter of an ounce of vvhite ginger , beaten to small powder . use to drink this medicine every morning fasting , for the space of nine dayes together , the quantity of a spoonfull at a time , and this will ( by gods help ) preserve you , for the space of a whole year . an approved medicine after infection . if it fortune , that one be stricken with the plague , before he hath taken the former medicine ; then take the things rehearsed , and put thereto a spoonful of bettony vvater , and as much scabios vvater , and a pretty quantity of fine treacle , and temper them well together , and let the patient use to drink it often , and it will expell the venome or poyson forthwith . but if the botch do happen to appear , then take a good quantity of elder leaves , red bramble leaves , and mustard seed ; stamp them well together , and make a plaister thereof ; apply it to the sore , and it will draw forth all the venome and corruption . those that fear the plague , and are not infected , let them take of this drink hereafter following , which is twice in every week , half a spoonful at a time : it hath been observed , that never any one dyed of the sickness , that did take it in time . take three pints of malmsey , a handful of rue , as much of sage ; boyl these to a quart , then strain out the herbs , and then take an ounce of long-pepper , vinegar and nutmegs , all beaten small in a morter , and put into the vvine , and boyl it a little ; then take it off , and put into it one ounce of mithridate , two ounces of the best treacle , and a quarter of a pint of aqua-vitae , and put all into the vvine , and so keep it . the use of it . if any be infected , take one spoonful of it , as soon as the party doth presume himself infected , lukewarm ; and so goe to bed , and sweat two or three hours ; and then dry the body well , and keep warm , and drink no cold drink , but warm drink and caudles , and posset-drink , with marigold leaves and flowers : vvhen the party hath sweat , and is well dryed with warm clothes ; and so long as the party is ill , take a spoonful morning and evening . if you fear you are infected , or feel any kernel rising , or any apostumation burning or pricking , abstain from sleep , for sleep leadeth the venome to the heart . that day that you are infected , eat but little , or no food ; for evil humours so fill you , that they take away your stomack : or if you do eat , then do you covet to sleep , and feel a great burning , with a kind of shuddering , as it were , through cold : you have also a great pain in the fore part of the head : you cannot endure to ride , or to walk , or any motion of the body ; but are dull , lumpish , and given wholly over to-sadness and drowsiness . to prove , that these are arguments , that you are infected ; let any man , finding his body in this distemper , not stir or walk ( which i counsel him to do ; for to goe into the air , and to use motion , keepeth the poyson longer from the heart ) and he shall find within one half day , some impostume rising under his arm-hole , in his groyn , or behind his ear. the first thing therefore ( after you feel your self thus ) is , with all speed , to be let blood ; when you are let blood , sleep not all that day ; you must be let blood on the same side the swelling appears , if so be the impostume arise before you sleep : but if it prick after you have slept , then be let blood on the contrary side : as if there be a swelling under the left arm , then be let blood on the right arm , if thou art saint or weak after letting blood , then sleep a little , yet every half hour stir thy body too and fro . if the impostume wax bigger and bigger , it is a good sign that the venome is driven from the heart , and will come forth . to ripen it , do thus ; stamp leaves of elder , and mix that juice with mustard-seed ; of this make a plaister , and lay it on the swelling . these things ought duly to be looked unto ▪ viz. it is very convenient , that you keep your houses , streets , yards , back-sides , sinks and kennells sweet and clean , from all standing puddles , dunghills , and corrupt moystures , which ingender stinking savours , that may be noysome , or breed infection . nor suffer no doggs to come running into your houses ; neither keep any , except it be backward , in some place of open air ; for they are very dangerous , and not sufferable in time of sickness , by reason they run from place to place , and from one house to another , feeding upon the uncleanest things , that are cast forth in the streets ; and are a most apt cattel to take infection of any sickness , and then to bring it into the house . for ayring your rooms . ayr your several rooms with charcole-fires , made in stone panns or chaffingdishes , and not in chimneys ; set your panns in the middle of the rooms ; ayr every room once a vveek ( at the least ) and put into your fire a little quantity of frankincense , juniper , dryed rosemary , or of bay-leaves . to smell to . the root of enula-campana , steeped in vinegar , and lapped in a handkerchief , is a special thing to smell unto , if you come where the sickness is . to taste or chew in the mouth . the root of angelica , setwall , gencian , valerian , or cinnamon , is a special preservative against the plague , being chewed in the mouth . to eat . eat sorrel , steeped in vinegar , in the morning fasting , with a little bread and butter . sorrel sauce is also very wholesome against the same . to drink . take rue , vvormwood and scabios , steep'd in ale a whole night , and drink it fasting every morning . another . the root of enula-campana , beaten to powder , is a special remedy against the plague , being drank fasting . another . if any feel themselves already infected , take angelica , mixt with mithridatum ; drink it off , then goe to bed , and sweat thereon . another special preservative . take an egge , make a hole in the top of it , take out the white , and the yolk , and fill the shell only with saffron ; roast the shell and saffron together , in embers of charcole , untill the shell wax yellow ; then beat shell and all together in a morter , with half a spoonful of mustard-seed : now so soon as any suspition is had of infection , dissolve the weight of a french crown , in ten spoonfulls of posset-ale , drink it luke-warm , and sweat upon it in your naked bed. drink for ordinary dyet . so near as you can , let the patients ordinary drink , be good small ale , of eight dayes old . for vomiting . vomiting is better than bleeding , in this case ; and therefore provoke to vomit , so near as you can . to provoke vomit . take three leaves of estrabecca , stamp it , & drink it in rhenish vvine , ale , or posset-ale . for purging . if the party be full of gross humours , let him blood immediately upon the right arm , on the liver vein , or in the median vein , in the same arm ; so as no sore appear the first day . a very wholesome water , to be distilled . steep sorrel in vinegar four and twenty hours ; then take it out , and dry it with a linnen cloth ; then still it in a limbeck ; drink four spoonfulls , with a little sugar ; walk upon it till you sweat , if you may : if not , keep your bed , and sweat upon it . use this before supper on any evening . if the patient happen to be troubled with any swellings , botches , carbuncles , let him sweat moderately now and then . outward medicines to ripen the sore . take the root of a white lilly , roast it in a good handful of sorrel ; stamp it , and apply it thereto very hot , let it lye four and twenty hours , and it will break the sore . another . take a small quantity of leaven , a handful of mallows , a little quantity of scabios , cut a white onion into pieces , with half a dozen heads of garlick ; boyl these together in running water , make a poultess of it , and then lay it hot to the sore . another . take a hot loaf , new taken forth of the oven , apply it to the sore , and it will doubtless break the same : but afterward bury the same loaf deep enough in the ground , for fear of any infection ; for if either dogg , ' or any other thing , do feed thereon , it will infect a great many . for ayring apparel . let the apparel of the diseased persons be well and often washed , be it linnen or woollen : or let it be ayred in the sun , or over panns of fire , or over a chaffingdish of coals ; and fume the same with frankincense , juniper , or dryed rosemary . to preserve from the infection of the plague . take garlick , and peel it , and mince it small , put it into new milk , and eat it fasting . to take the infection from a house infected . take large onions , peel them , and lay three or four of them upon the ground ; let them lye ten dayes , and those peeled onions will gather all the infection into them , that is in one of those rooms : but bury those onions afterward deep in the ground . against the new burning feaver . if the parient be in great heat , as most commonly they will ; take of fair running water , a pretty quantity ; put it on a chaffingdish of coals ; then put thereinto a good quantity of saunders , beaten to powder , and let it boyl half an hour , between two dishes ; that done , put a couple of soft linnen clothes into a dish , wet the cloths well in water and saunders , and apply the same , as hot as you can suffer it , to your belly . to procure sleep to the sick persons , that are diseased , either with the plague , or the hot feaver . take of womans breast-milk , a good quantity ; put thereunto the like quantity of aqua-vitae ; stir them well together , and moysten therewith the temples of the patient , and his nostrills ; lay it on with some feather , or some fine thin ragg . butter-milk , in this contagious time , is generally wholesome to be eaten ; and is a good preservative , against either the plague , or the pestilent feaver . a prayer against the plagve . omnipotent god , and most merciful father , bow down thine ear to our requests , and let thy gracious eye look upon the miseries of thy people . a long time have the vials of thy wrath been held open , and have powred thy divine vengeance on our sinful heads . o lord , we confess , that sodom and gomorrah , were never so wicked , as we have been , and are still : the jewes were never so hard-hearted towards thee ( our god ) as we are ; who hourly crucifie thy son jesus christ , in our vile bodies . yet behold , we cry to thee for mercy ; we repent what is past , and are contrite and sorry , that we have been stubborn children , to a father so mild , and ready to pardon . stay therefore thine arm , and let not the arrow of death , strike our young men into their graves , nor our old men to the earth . call home thy angells of wrath , whom thou hast sent forth , and let no more of thy people perish , under the heavy strokes of this dreadful plague , which is now a dweller amongst us . grant this our request , and all other whatsoever , needful to soul or body , for his sake , in whose name thou deniest nothing , amen . a prayer , for those that are not visited . oh most mighty and merciful lord god , in whose hands are health and sickness , who at thy pleasure canst kill and comfort ; i do confess , that my sins call louder for justice , than i can cry for mercy ; and i deserve all plagues and punishments , in this life ▪ and the plague of plagues , in the life to come , damnation both of body and soul : but , o lord , be thou more merciful , than i can be sinful ; and in jesus christ be reconciled unto me , and purge me , and cleanse me from all my sins . and i beseech thee , oh heavenly father , at whose commandement the angells passed over the houses of the israelites , when it struck the egyptians ( if it be thy blessed will ) that this present sickness may pass over me , and my family . we do confess , o lord , that i and others have deserved the plagues of egypt ; but , o lord , howsoever keep us from the greatest plague , which is hardness of heart ; and if it be thy pleasure , withhold thy heavy hand from us . do not correct us in thine anger , nor yet chastise us in thy heavy displeasure ; but in thy mercy release us . and if it be good unto thee , that i and others should taste of this birter cup , strengthen our faith , increase our hope , augment our patience ; that so we may rest in thy peace , rise in thy power , and remain in thy glory ; and that for christ jesus sake , in whose name we further call upon thee , saying , our father , which art in heaven , &c. a prayer , for those that are visited . oh lord god , thou best physician , both of our souls and bodies , who canst bring to the grave , and pull back again , whom thou pleasest ; which wert moved at the prayers of moses for others , of ezekiah for himself ; o lord , hear me for others , others for me , and all of us for thy son ; and look with the eye of mercy upon me , whom it hath pleased thee , at this time , to visit with the plague and sickness : o lord , i am held in thy fetters ; oh thou which hast bound me , loose me ; and , if it tend unto thy glory , and my good , restore my health unto me . o lord , i have been an unprofitable servant all my life time : oh then , let me not then be bereft of the life of nature , when i begin the life of grace ; but if thou hast disposed of me otherwise , increase my patience with my pains ; shew thy strength in sustaining my weakness , and be my strong fortress , in this hour of my trya● ; give me grace to apprehend and apply all the merits and mercies of christ unto my soul ; and , o lord , let thy comforter oppose the tempter , in such a measure , that he may not prevail against me ; but as thou makest me like lazarus , full of sores , so let also thy angells carry me into abrahams bosome . o lord , i intreat , let me obtain , even for his sake , for whom thou hast promised , and bound thy self , to hear and help the afflicted , even thy son , and my saviour , christ jesus : to whom , with thee , and thy blessed spirit , be all praise , &c. meditation 1. it cannot chuse but be a grief unto a christian , to see how many murmur in this visitation ; some fearing the plague in their persons , others in their purses ; some being loth to lose their goods , others to leave the world , not fearing to say with despairing cain , their punishment is greater than they can bear ; and thus do they undervalue gods mercy in his justice , in whose vial is not only wine , but also oyl : had he delivered us up to famine , it would have been a burthen farr more grievous ; and had he delivered us up into the hands of our enemies , as he hath done some neighbouring nations , it had been likely , that our should not only have been banished from our country , but that all hope should have been banished from us : how much better is it then , as david chose , to fall into the hand of god , than into the hands of men ; and to be visited with this plague , than to be plagued with our enemies : the lord give us grace to repent and amend , that he may cease to afflict us ; and grant , that being once cleansed , we may sin no more , lest a worse evil happen unto us . meditation 2. it is true indeed , that sin was the first cause of this sickness ; but as god doth not the works of mercy , so he doth not the works of justice , without a means . our sins were the parents of this pestilence , but it is a question , how god brought it in , there is no man can absolutely determine , but many may conjecture , and ( i fear me ) it was the want of charity , and the neglect of the poor , in this city , which partly caused this infection ; for how can it be otherwise , but that , where multitudes are pestered together in a little room , and in it have but little comfort ; as no raggs , to cover their nakedness ; no linnen to shift them from filthiness , it cannot chuse but cause them noysomeness , and by consequence infection : if then the rich men desire to leave to be miserable , let them learn to be merciful , and free the city from the multitudes of poor . meditation 3. it is a strange thing , to see the difference of men ; and to consider , how the seed of andam , being composed of the same matter , should so differ in manners : for here you may see one so timerous of sickness , that he dares not goe to church , for fear of infection ; being so full of base cowardise , that he is fearful to gather a rose , lest he should prick his fingers ; neglecting his souls welfare , for fear of his bodies sickness ; notwithstanding , he can trudge to westminster , about quarrels and contentions . but on the contrary side , another so audacious and presumptuous , that he seemeth to challenge the pestilence , and seeketh it at playes , searcheth it from one tavern to another , as if he dared gods judgements to encounter with him ; both of which are extreme follies . we must part , viz. from our frail life . i will therefore resolve , not so much to fear the evil of sickness , as to commit the evil of sin ; neither so much sin , as to seek out sickness : the one is a sin against my soul , to deprive it of the food which is offered ; and tantalus like , to starve , it under the means : the other is a sin against my body , to seek to impair the health of it ; but howsoever , both of them against god : the one being timidity , the other timerity ; the one fear , the other folly ; the one shewing himself faint-hearted , the other fool-hardy . a remedy , sent to the lord mayor of london , by king henry the eighth , against the plague . take a handful of sage , a handful of hearb-grace , a handful of elder leaves , a handful of red bramble leaves ; stamp them all , and strain them through a fine cloath , with a quart of vvhite-vvine ; and then take a quantity of ginger , and mingle them together , and take a spoonful of the same , and you shall be safe for twenty four dayes ; nine times taking of it , is sufficient for a whole year , by the grace of god. and if it be so , that the party be stricken with the plague , before he hath drank this medicine , then take the water of scabios a spoonful , of water of bettony a spoonful ▪ and a quantity of fine triacle ; and put them all together , and cause him to drink it , and it will expell all the venome . if the fotch appear , then take the leaves of brambles , elder leaves , mustard seed , and stamp them together , and make a plaister thereof , and lay it to the sore , and that shall draw out the venome , and the party shall be whole , by the grace of god. m. h. receipt against the plague . take setwel root , to the quantity of half a walnut , and gra●e it ; of triacle-jean , one good spoonful ; of wine-vinegar , three good spoonfulls ; of fair water , three spoonfulls : make these more than luke-warm , and so drink them off warm in your bed , and sweat six or seven hours after . drink posset-ale , made with small drink , as your thirst requireth ; so that you expect an hour and a half , after the potion taking , before your first drinking , and it will drive forth the plague . let the posset-ale be luke-warm , at the first draughr , but after as you like it , so it be not quite cold . these two medicines have cured above a thousand people , in this city , the last plague time ; and none hath took it in time , but scaped . finis . the table . an excellent medicine to prevent the plague . pag. 1 an approved medicine after infection . p. 2 a remedy for those that fear the plague . p. 2 things duly to be looked into . p. 2 for ayring rooms . p. 5 things good to smell , taste , eat , drink . p. 6 drink for ordinary dyet . p. 7 outward medicines to ripen ▪ the sore . p. 8 to take the infection from a house infected . p. 9 against the new burning feaver and to procure sleep to the sick persons . p. 10 a prayer against the plague . p. 11 a prayer for those that are not visited . p. 13 a prayer for those that are visited . p. 15 meditations . p. 17 , 18 , 19. a remedy sent to the lord mayor of london by king henry the 8th against the plague . p. 20 m. h. his receipt against the plague . p. 21 finis . a memorandum to london occasioned by the pestilence there begun this present year mdclxv, and humbly offered to the lord mayor, aldermen and commonality of the said city / by george wither ; thereto is by him added, a warning-piece to london, discharged out of a loophole in the tower, upon meditating the deplorable fier, which consumed the house of an eminent citizen, with all the persons and goods therein, at the beginning of most joyful festival in december 1662 ; also, a single sacrifice offered to almighty god, by the same author in his lonely confinement, for prevention of the dearth-feared, and probably portended, by immoderate raines in june and july, 1663, morever, in regard may have reported and believed this author to be dead, we have annexed his epitaph, made by himself upon that occasion. wither, george, 1588-1667. 1665 approx. 143 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a66760 wing w3170 estc r11869 12930745 ocm 12930745 95655 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66760) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95655) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 993:17) a memorandum to london occasioned by the pestilence there begun this present year mdclxv, and humbly offered to the lord mayor, aldermen and commonality of the said city / by george wither ; thereto is by him added, a warning-piece to london, discharged out of a loophole in the tower, upon meditating the deplorable fier, which consumed the house of an eminent citizen, with all the persons and goods therein, at the beginning of most joyful festival in december 1662 ; also, a single sacrifice offered to almighty god, by the same author in his lonely confinement, for prevention of the dearth-feared, and probably portended, by immoderate raines in june and july, 1663, morever, in regard may have reported and believed this author to be dead, we have annexed his epitaph, made by himself upon that occasion. wither, george, 1588-1667. [2], 78 p. s.n.], [london : 1665. reproduction of original in huntington library. in verse. errata: p. 78. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -poetry. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a memorandum to london , occasioned by the pestilence there begun this present year mdclxv , and humbly offered to the lord maior , aldermen and commonalty of the said city . by george wither . thereto is by him added , a warning-piece to london , discharged out of a loophole in the tower , upon meditating the deplorable fier , which consumed the house of an eminent citizen , with all the persons and goods therein , at the beginning of our most joyful festival , in december , 1662. also , a single sacrifice offered to almighty god , by the same author in his lonely confinement , for prevention of the dearth-feared , and probably portended , by immoderate raines in june and july , 1663. quia legit haec , &c. who read such lines as these ? how few men , do they please ? moreover , in regard many have reported and believed this author to be dead ; we have annexed his epitaph , made by himself upon that occasion . imprinted in the year , mdclxv . a seasonable memorandum humbly tendred to the city of london , the lord maior , aldermen , and the whole commonalty thereof , by occasion of the pestilence , begun this year , mdclxv . by their old remembrancer , george wither . the psalmist , when he saw truths foes grow strong a while resolved to withhold his tongue ev'n from good words ; ( as i have often done ) but , in his heart , new-musings then begun to muster so , that , he was forc'd to break his resolution , and his thoughts to speak . so fares it now with me ; and i must do that which my mover hath inclin'd me to : vouchsafe it hearing , and god be my speed , for , it concerns you , and deserves good heed . this , now commencing , is the fourtieth year , since first , the greatest plague that raged here , within our time , was sent for our correction , to scourge us , with a pestilent infection , that , god's intention , being timely heeded we , by repentance , might have superseded those following judgments , which have ever since inflicted been , for our impenitence ; and , are still multiplying , as if from god's quiver , sharper arrows were to come . that year , i having lived , till the sun had thrice twelve times , quite through the zodiack run , consider'd i had spun out half that time within your walls , and might be one of them for whose transgressions , that sharp visitation came to destroy , or work a reformation ; and , thereupon ( without constraint ) intended to wait on god , where i had him offended ; that , if to spare my life , vouchsafe he should , i might as truly serve him as i could , by heeding both his actings , and our own ; and making those things unto others known , which i should then observe , might best promote his honour ; and from being quite forgot , keep that upon record , ( though to our shame ) which might hereafter , glorifie his name . during that plague , not one night , all the while , remov'd i thence , the distance of one mile , or shuned either person , place , or sight , which , me , experimentally then might acquaint with any thing , whereby to learn my duty , or what would my work concern ; by which means , i found reason to confess ( as job in his probation did profess ) that i , who heard of god , but by the ear , before that time , then ; saw him as it were ; and , had some things , likewise , to me reveal'd which were from many wiser men conceal'd ; so that i both foresaw , and then foretold what many thousands did fulfil'd behold soon after : yea , moreover , some of them who , many years , my cautions did contemn , ( and scofft at my predictions ) justifi'd that , which in times past , they did much deride . but , in their old waies , most men did proceed as if they took a very little heed , of any thing , past , present , or to come , which might preserve peace , or prevent their doom . what i then saw , and foresaw would befall , i did record , in that which i did call britans remembrancer ; and have not been regardless , what transactions , here were seen during tho●● fourty years of provocation , wherein , god's spirit , by this generation hath greeved been . of that large premonition , at least four thousands at the first impression were publisht through these islands , to prevent what seem'd at hand ; and , to the same intent in several modes , at several times before this present day , five times as many more premonitory hints , whereon ensue as mean effects , except among those few for whose sake ( next his sons ) god , yet hath pity on these three nations , and on this great city , though they have prosecuted and opprest ▪ those , in whose weal their welfare doth consist . but , this comes not within the creed of many nor can be possibly believ'd of any , whom pride , self-love , and ignorance bewitches either with dotage upon pleasures , riches , or power exorbitant ; because no grace can get admittance , where those fill the place , for , these , are part of those things where withall the devil tempted christ ; and they who fall by not resisting him in that temptation are drawn , at last , to yeeld him adoration ( though peradventure they perceive it not ) and , when he that advantage once hath got ; it is not in the power of any one to dispossess him , bud of god alone . judgements and mercies , in the common mode move not without th' immediate hand of god , or , some impulses extraordinary when from his dictates , wilfully they vary . the most convincing truths , make them but madder ; they , to the wisest charmer like the adder , still stop their ears ; and them he works upon no more , then if he sung unto a stone . this renders these more brutish then a beast by whom christ is but formally profest : for , beasts will shun the dangers that pursue them ; meet those who feed them , when their meat they shew them ; know their preservers , yea return them too , requitals , in their kind , for what they do : whereas besotted men , ev'n when they may perceive themselves beleagured ev'ry way with mischiefs ; although plainly they may see that their endeavours unsuccesful be in spight of all their policy or power , and , god , avengments threatning every hour by p●o●●gies , and by events , that from no mortall hand , to cross their hopes can come , they either look on them as casualties , or , them not to concern , in any wise : then , with full sailes , run head long on that rock which is in view ; at their good counsel mock , who tell them lovingly , how to avoyd that , whereby , they shall else be quite destroyd , if they proceed ; or , cast an anchor where , they , now in hope of preservation are : and , if these be not madmen , there are none in bedlam , where we hear is many a one . ev'n as a nice and wanton appetite , longs after kickshaws , and takes more delight in dishes made up of they know not what , and not so wholsome , as plain solid meat ; so , most men , with expressions are best pleas'd from whence , one sentence , hardly can be squeas'd which well consider'd , any way conduces to civil manners or to pious uses , though you should strain out all , that every word for caution , or instruction , might afford . to all such true phanaticks , this will seem , to be perhaps , of very small esteem , because , it speaks plain sense , and is not deckt and trim'd up with such gawds as they expect . yet this , & th●se strains which they much dispise . may be a means to make some fools more wise . god promis'd to his servants long ago , he would upon their children shed forth so his holy spirit , in the later ages , that they should be inspired with presages of things to come ; and ( to his name be praise ) this we have seen accomplisht in our daies . strange visions have appear'd , truths are foretold , by men and women too , both young and old , which ( though to carnal men vain dreams they seem ) with such as know god , they have more esteem , and will appear to be his dispensations ; as proper also , to these generations , as those , which were dispenc'd in ages past , unto the jews at first ; or , at the last , when , as phanatik , and ridiculous , their prophets to them seem'd , as ours to us . for , oft by their inspirer , they were moved to speak and act , what was by few approved ; sometimes , to personate , what was abhord , or seem'd not with good manners to accord , ev'n in their judgements , who appeared then the wisest and the most religious men ; especially , when god impos'd on some , things to be signal of what was to come . but , all his dispensations heretofore , and now in use ( or whatsoever more , shall be hereafter ) scarcely will suffice to make us , in these doting ages wise . god , hath omitted nothing to recal us or , to prevent that , which may else befal us ; for every year , and upon each occasion that did occur ( to cause a perturbation or breach into our peace ) he moved some so zealous of our welfare to become , that they their own peace have oft hazarded , ( and lost it too ) by things endevoured for our avail ; yea , though their pains and cost , as to themselves ) was likely to be lost persu'd their aime , sometimes , by general precautions , which did much concern us all ; and , otherwhile , by memorizing that which in particular seem'd to relate to persons or to places , as it best might bring advance to publick interest : forewarnings have by god vouchsafed been to you by others , ( as they cause have seen ) who seem'd to come with more authority and trusted with credentials , whereof , i unworthy am ; but , whatsoever they or i appear , that , which i have for you prepared by gods help , i offer now , in hope , it will be heeded somewhat more then that , which hath been tendred heretofore . this year his former judgements god repeats . and , once again , your sinful city threats with pestilence . he , over us doth shake a dreadful rod , wherein i notice take of three sharp twiggs ; and he above knows whether they shall be singly felt or all together , because , he onely knows what will be done to stay that , which already is begun , and keep out those two , which your city threat , but , have not yet got entrance through the gate . london , i fear , unless thou take more heed in what course thou hereafter dost proceed ( although that god's long-suffering towards thee continues yet ) at once , with all the three thou shalt be scourg'd : for mockt , god will not be . i am resolved therefore , whatsoever may be the consequent of my endeaver , now to proceed in what he moves me to , and , i in duty am oblig'd to do ; because , though my good will you should abuse . your faults , my negligence would not excuse , who , look for my reward ( if any due ) from him , whose work i do , and not from you . my first memorials , in their title page hold forth an emblematical presage , besides much thereby verbally exprest ( relating to the plague which doth infest your city now ) which worth the observation may be , in every such like visitation , and might have had , if heeded , good effects ( which have been lost by manifold neglects ) and still may , were things better thought upon which thereby , are advised to be done . but here , to adde that , will spend too much time , and therefore , i referring you to them , that , now will prosecute , which more then reason perswadeth me , is at this day in season . your city , i have lov'd and honored , and , no less now , then heretofore i did , for , god hath made it , the most honour'd place that is within these isles , or ever was ; he hath inrolled , and renown'd her name among the cities of the greatest fame , that either are , or were below the sun since men to dwell in cities first begun . large pledges , he upon her hath bestown of his especial love ; some favour shown vouchsaf'd to few of them ; and such a measure hath stored up in her , of his hid treasure , and intermixt , from time to time , so often mercies and judgements , hardned hearts to soften ; so in long-suffering , also doth persevere ( though we are at this day , grown worse then ever that i perceive in her a seed and root , which to his glory shall bring forth good fruit in his due time ; and this inclineth me to send these memorandums now to thee , intending in thy sickness , here to stay once more , when thy false-lovers fly away ; and in , or near , thy borders , to remain till god restores thee unto health again ; or , till by being quite deserted here , i shall be forc'd to seek my bread elsewhere ; of which i dreadless am : for , i depend upon that powerful , and most faithful friend who hath preserv'd me often since my birth , from worse things then war , pestilence , & dearth . physitians , and all else , who ere they are that , of sick persons undertake the care , do challenge and ought also to assume ( though them , it may be it will misbecome at other times ) a freedom to speak so and , and as occasion moves them thereunto , to act what 's pertinent to their disease in way of cure , although it may displease . i may , and do , as justly challenge now ( since neighbour like i mean to watch with you ) like liberty ; and will be bold to tell that which i know will help to make you well , although , therewith displeas'd , you froward be , harsh words for my good will return to me , and rage like those , who seem to loose their wits when they are in their pestilential fits : for , i shall sober be , though somewhat sad , to see those , whom i would keep tame grow mad . and you i hope , what er'e shall now be said will patient be , when well my words are weigh'd . consider well ( for now high time it is , that you and all men should consider this ) i say , consider how you have improved god's mercy since his ●udgments were removed ; how , that provoking sinfulness abates , and , that abhomination which god hates : nay well consider if it be not more abhominable , then it was before . i fear it much , and ev'ry day this fear increaseth by what i do see and hear ; for , since i knew the world ( which i have known and heeded , till an old man i am grown ) i never heard this nation so defam'd as now of late ; and sins not to be nam'd by modest men , with so much impudence so often acted with so little sence of manhood , nor with such impunity by persons of no vulgar quality both old and young men , high , low , rich and poor , out acted have transgressors heretofore ; children are left so loose to speak and do what their corruption doth incline them to , ( and ill example teach ) that if their course continue long , we shall at last grow worse then sodom and gomorrah ; which god knows i do not mention ( as some may suppose ) to scandalize this city or this nation but to provoke them to a reformation . to that intent , ( so far forth as it shall concern this city ) speedily let all who are in power , with prudence and in love the strength of their authority improve them to indulge and keep from violence , whose conversations are without offence ; and , by their executing of the law in purity , strive to keep those in awe who either shall malitiously transgress ( by an infringment of the publick peace ) or wilfully commit , abet or teach what , of the moral law may be a breach . that nothing may by you be done unto another , which you would not have him do to you , if in his case ; search what you find , that may on you be charged , in that kind , and heartily repent it . that , moreover you may faults , which will else lye hid , discover ; consider , whether you have not with gladness insulted over men opprest with sadness . afflictions heaped up , upon afflictions , or , added cruelty to due corrections , by seeking more to satisfie your lust , or vengeance , then to execute what 's just for justice sake ; or else , to please their foes , condemned innocents , their lives to lose . your waies examine , & search out what crimes you have of late , more then in former times been guilty of : as , whether you have been or not , defiled with that scarlet sin , which in times past your city did abhor , as being a peculiar heretofore of that malignant city , where the whore bestrides the beast : be heedful also , whether it be not partly , or else altogether his work , to be in cruelties delighted ; to see meek , honest , harmless men dispighted for conscience sake ; inhumanly exil'd husbands from wives , the parent from the child imprison'd to the loosing of their lives their little children , their beloved wives , and their whole families expos'd thereby to that unspeakable extremity of wants and sufferings , which no flesh and blood can bear , without immediate help from god. whose will is thereby wilfully withstood . and why all this ? not for transgressing laws of god or nature , but alone , because these could not condiscend the world to please by an infringment of their consciences . heed what this may deserve ; if you desire to stop the plague begun ; lest else the fire which may be kindled in your habitations , do quite consume them ev'n to their foundations . for , god , of his prerogatives is jealous to vindicate all those he will be zealous who suffer for his sake , although perchance they may be blamable through ignorance , or other , humane frailties ; for , where he sees faith and love , their sins he will not see . as for their persecutors , though he may his just avengments , for a while delay , the patience of his people he doth mind , and , they who shew no mercy , none shall find . examine , whether since you made your peace with god , the renovation and increase of wilful sins deserved not renewing of plagues removed , and of worse ensuing . it is not without cause , that god now hath such complicated judgements , in his wrath on thee and thine inflicted , when grown great in hopes , thou thoughtst thy happiness compleat : nor is it hidden from thee altogether for what sin , god sends this , or that plague hither . in truth , all plagues are due unto each sin when with impenitence , persisted in , yet , frequently the rod's wherewith we are corrected , shew forth in particuler what we offended in . for superstition was gideons family brought to perdition ; king davids pride , made manifest in him by numbring of the people ) brought on them a pestilence : god visited the earth for wilful breach of covenants , with dearth ; and ( as to zedikiah and to saul it did for that provoking sin befal ) the chief offenders and their children too , stand liable to death for sinning so . oppression , cruelty and idolizing the creature ( or things of our own devising ) have been chastiz'd with servitude and fear , and , when will-worshipings imposed are on others , with inhumane violence , injustice acted with such impudence as jezabels and ahabs , rarely shall such , scape from that , which did to them befal . but , when that hipocrites , by lying hid as annanias and saphira did , ( till god discover'd them ) may possibly obscure the grouth of infant piety ; when they , who truths foundations overthrow , when , her malitious persecutors , grow so mighty , that the saints unable are to calm them , or their furious rage to bear ; or , when prophaness and abhominations like sodoms , wholly hath corrupted nations or cities , till there shall appear in men nor will nor power , them to reclaim agen ; god , in such cases , to himself alone assumes the punnishing of what 's misdone and very frequently doth punish too , in such a mode as mortals cannot do : sometimes , by sudden death , when they are in their jollity , or in the act of sin ; sometimes , by sicknesses that long endure , whereof no man can find the cause or cure ; sometimes , by that , which ( till their provocation of god ) had been a means of preservation ; sometimes , they of their lives have been bereaven by lightning , or by thunderbolts from heaven ; and , otherwhile ( struck with d●spaireful fears ) are made to be self-executioners . this gives a hint of that which more affords then fully is expressed by my words to make it plain ; but either thou , no doubt or , some for thee , will search and find it out ; or , by the the searching after it , discern somewhat , which thee as nerely will concern . take heed of neighbours , and familiar friends , who fawn upon thee for their own base ends , and love thee not , ( though they respect profess by many shews of hearty friendliness ) for , some of them , already cause have bin of adding much both to thy plagues and sin . but , specially , of thine own self take heed for , thence thy greatest dangers will proceed . consider therefore , by thy self alone , what thou omitted hast , and what misdone ; whether thy folly , falsehood , fickleness , apostacy from what thou didst profess , falling from thy first love , by mis-advice ; thy luxury , thy sordid avarice , or , some vain hopes , deserv'd not deprivation of that , whereof , thou hadst an expectation ; heed whether , to have cured , or prevented one plague , thy self thou hast not complemented into a score ; ( at least , to stop one curse , indanger'd drawing on thee many worse . ) observe , if ever beggery and p●ide ; did both together , upon one horse ride so frequently as now , through every street , or walk so often on the self-same feet ; and , whether mischiefs which at present fall on some , will not at last extend to all . mind well what thou art doing ; what is done ; what is designed , but not yet begun , for what thou both with words and sword hast pleaded ; what , thou hast most affected , or most dreaded , what thereon follow'd , or might have succeeded ; what factions thou hast favor'd , and what still wouldst favour , were thy power like thy will. london , if seriously thou ponderst this thou wilt perceive that what succeeds amiss flowes chiefly from thy self ; and how can those be friends to any who are their own foes ? thy chiefs , care not how others they inslave , so , they themselves from servitude may save , yet , these in fine , by that which doth befal become to be the basest slaves of all , ev'n bondslaves to their lusts , and to the devil by getting an habitual love of evil . they hunt for honour , but , their ●iery title will adde to them , less honour then a little . they covet to be rich ; but wealth shall more increse those wants and lusts , that make them poor . in policy and powre , their trust is plac't yet , they become dispised fools at last . yea , we have seen those whom wealth , wit , and powre supported , sink down breathless in one hour , that , we may know , there is an unseen hand which oft strikes those , who without fear , may stand of humane justice , and beyond the reach of mortals : that , therefore , which this may teach let all those heed , who , yet much heed it not : and , let them ( by whom this is oft forgot ) remember ther 's an all beholding eie , which ev'ry secret purpose can espie ; and , angels alwaies ready at command . to execute what no powre can withstand ; and such , as will for no bribe or respect , the prosecution of their charge neglect . let likewise , those who most oppressed are be taught hereby , still patiently to bear the cross impos'd for trial of their faith : ( what ever , their oppressor doth or saith ) in perseverance , let them still attend on god with meekness , till their trials end , and leave all carnal weapons , to their use who , must be ruined by their abuse . i do presume , among you many are who , to this wholesome principle adhere , and , that if into practise carried on it shall both supersede the plague begun and ev'ry other feared plague prevent if timely they their other sins repent . for god , will winck at many faults in those who love , and leave revenge to his dispose ; yea , oftentimes experience we have had that , worse it makes things which before were bad , when through impatience we in our own mode , attempt to do , what must be done by god. or , our suffering shall prolong ( at lest ) by our self-actings , when we do our best . this pestilence , which now is brought in hither , i am assur'd , proceeds not altogether from causes meerly natural , but comes to execute god's just deserved dooms , from his immediate hand ; and will therefore , those medcines need , which must do somewhat more to cure , or stay it from proceeding on , then can be , by joint art and nature done . if you desire a soveraign antidote the best i know ( if you neglect it not ) is metaphorically call'd herb-grace , and will be very useful in this case ; some , term it rue , because t will not begin to operate , until we rue our sin . take rue and reasons then , which signifie repentance and discretion ; these apply as you find cause ; which , if you do , and fast from things that were offensive in times past , keep from thenceforth a constant wholesome diet , and in your hearts endeavour to be quiet , my life for yours , god will your souls deliver from ev'ry hurtful arrow in his quiver . nor this , nor any plague shall you anoy , although as to the flesh , it should destroy , for , that can adde to mans loss or grief vvhose expectation is a better life . god , to this pestilence hath joyned war , and famine , seems not from us to be far ; vvhich , if it now shall come will make the trouble vve feel already , to be more then double , because , our fellow feeling is no more of what they suffer , whome these times make poor ▪ for , such are our deportments , as if neither s●o●d , pestilence and dearth , put altogether were no more , but an army which did stand arayed , to be at our own command , to execute our pleasures upon those , ( although our friends ) whom we repute our foes . and therefore , have rejoyced when they seiz'd on them , with whom we highly were displeas'd . when , unto us , ill grounded hopes appear whereby , of mercies we presuming are ; we are frollick , as if god did see our gross h●pocrisies , no more then we . but , let men heed well whether , to acquire the sequels which they naturally desire is to insult when god corrects their foes , or , censure his intents concerning those whom he afflicts ; as if for wrong to them it rather were , then for offending him : or , as if sins to others onely known , were more considerable then their own . there is observ'd , much arragance and folly in some of thy relations ; from which wholly thou for the time past canst not cleared be ; therefore to keep from future scandal free , and also , for thy credits reputation take these memento's to consideration . consider , if it sober men befits to sing with jollity about the streets vain triumph-songs , when war is but begun as when a final victory is won ; since t is well known , that many who at first have thrived best , at last have thrived worst ; and , that god justly suffereth sometime , ( for causes which are onely known to him ) those , more then once , before their foes to fall , whose cause he best approveth ; and who shall be conquerors at last : and that , where guilt is equal , he lets blood be often spilt , and war prolongs or maketh peace twixt them who disagree , as they make peace with him . therefore , when you are underneath the rod , remember , you are in the hands of god. when he hath crown'd your hopes with good success , demean your selves with christian lowliness : for , when his mercies much inlarged are . he doth expect a joyful filial fear : this , labour to preserve , lest else , the lack thereof , may bring reversed judgments back . consider , whether ships , arms , men and horse , with policy united unto force , can prosper to th' advancement of their end , who , upon those things , or themselves depend : who , all their opposites as much dispise as if their armies were but gnats and flies , think to subdue them with jeers , mocks & taunts , puff up each other , with braggs , shameless vaunts , and lies devised by their foolish makers to keep from fainting cowardly partakers , whose consciences accusing them of guilt , ( because , their hopefulst refuges are built on quicksands ) they become heart-sick with fear , as oft as any evil news they hear ; and , on earth slight report of good success , insteed of pious and meek thankfulness , run to the taverns ( which are much more free to all , then pious meeting places be ) there , heathen like , nay rather more uncivil , offer up drink oblations to the devil . and , to chear up each others drooping souls sing songs between their glasses and their bowls ; or intermix reports of what was won or lost , though that was never said or done . such sacrificers , may find some effect in part , according to what they expect , but neither for their faith or righteousness ; nor will our hopes , longlasting be , unless use , of the common means for our defence , be sanctified by true confidence in god , and we with his known will comply , bearing what ere betides us patiently ; improve each favour and deliverance , to somewhat which his glory may advance ; and whereby , they who are opprest and grieved may some way charitably be relieved : for , it is no beseeming thank-oblation for mercies , when a city or a nation shall solemnize it with but little else , save gunshot , bonfires ▪ jangling of the bells , or , making others of their joys partakers , onely , in smoke and stinck , of squibs & crackers ; or gathering rude throngs of men and boys , to make about those flames a barbrous noise , which must be fed with fewel forc'd from some who had none left to make a fire at home ; then drink healths to each other in the street untill they cannot stand upon their feet , or else loose their own healths : what thus to do can wise men think it will amount unto but meer dispight of god , contempt of grace , and , throwing ( as it were ) durt in his face for , benefits receiv'd ; though they make shew as if they had return'd him all his due , when , they but please themselves , by doing that whereby they sing their own magnificat ? what can be deemed a just recompence for such ingratitude , for an offence so foul , so capital , but that insteed of future blessings , curses should succeed ? london , heed this , and if thou wittingly of such prophaness and impiety art guilty now , or hast been heretofore , repent it , and henceforth , do so no more . but , herein , some will more concerned be then thou art , yet , i mention this to thee with some hope , that , they will the less contem what 's written here , because , not writ to them . much more i have to adde , which i forbear lest , i by adding more then thou canst bear with patience , may destroy what i design for this whole nations welfare and for thine , by so displeasing thee , with what i write that , thou slight all whereto , i thee invite : for , though thy flattrers make thee to believe , thou art in better case , then i conceive , thy best friends know , that thine own provocations , imprudency in some of thy relations , ( ev'n of thy watchmen ) who should cures provide for thy distempers , are so giddifi'd , and , that their eies , their ears , yea and their brains ( with every faculty which appertains to thy weal ) are obstructed so , by fumings from their self-seekings , & their , high presumings , that thou art , by what these inthee have wrought into an dangerous consumption brought ; for , thy decay of trade , much hath increast their poverty who thereby are distrest : thy hands and feet whose labour heretofore supplyd thy wants , now , can do little more , because , thy ablest members , by whom these employd have been , partake of their disease : and ; such confusions daily do begin to multiply , and farther to break in , that , i am at a stand , what more to say or , what on thy behalf , i ought to pray . yet , one expedient , i now think upon whereby , it may be , somewhat will be done for they availe , if thou shalt not omit ( as god inables ) to endeavour it . and therefore , let that which i next express be read , and minded with due heedfulness . in thee , are at this day , the chief well-springs , of all those good , and of those evil things which throughout these three nations are disperst ; and of the later , were the stream reverst or dam'd up at the fountain ; and , the first set freely open here , it would become a rivolet of waters , flowing from that river , which through new-jrrusalem his currant hath , still issuing out of him who , of those living waters is the head vvhich through all nations will at last be spread . and london , three times happy , shalt thou be if this blest fountain may break forth in thee , to sweeten ev'ry cistern in these lands , vvhich now , brimful of stincking water stands , and breed all these infections in our clime , vvhich are so baneful ●o us , at this time . there is a possibility of this if we our parts do , as god hath done his ; or , but endeavour to co operate . with him , as he enables us , in that which he requires ( thereto vouchsaving still assistance to our deeds , and to our will. ) by this compliance , that new heaven and earth vvhich is expected , would ere long come forth ; and righteousness , then from thy habitations as amply flow out , thorow all these nations as wickedness doth now ; or heretofore it did , when ill examples made it more . this change , more happiness would hither bring then , when in triumph thou broughtst in the king , and of rejoicing , give more cause by much , then we shall have when we do beat the dutch , and are from dread of that delivered too , vvhich some suspect the french intend to do ; yea , and from what , more dangers threats then either of those two singly , or both joyn'd together : ev'n from those , which are possible to come from factiousness , and male contents at home , but this joy will encrease , and all our fears abate , when men do more incline their ears to what 's proclaimed by those trumpeters vvhom god reserved , to make proclamation of that , which most concerns this generation ; and , when the influences of god's graces by supreme persons , and by powerful places shall not obstructed be , as we have seen of late , and as they very long have been , by antichristian wiles ; and those through whom they are more dangerous to us become , because their formal piety makes showes to be for him , whom , chiefly they oppose . thou art abused by misinformations , not thou alone , but likewise these three nations by those mintmasters of untruths and lies , who cheat the whole world with fallacies , yea , much dis-serviced , dishonor'd too , is he , to whom , they yet pretend to do good services ; and they by their deceits , have him reduced unto may streights which will destroy him , ere he is aware , unless , god shall unsnarle him from their snare ; and , in what misbefals , thou wilt have share . to take my counsel , then , think it no shame , ( although , a poorer man then he i am who sav'd a city ; for , a mouse may gnaw that snare asunder , which , nor lions paw nor teeth can break . go , quickly , quickly lay your skarlet gowns , and your gold chains away ; fast , watch and pray ; do as king david did ; ( when he the pestolential angel spide ) of somewhat , unto god an offring make which is thine own ; that he a gift may take made acceptable , by , and in his son , to stay the plague ; which newly is begun . shut up your selves awhile , and throw aside your factiousness , your malice and your pride ; lust , avarice , and them with ev'ry sinn whereby the wrath of god provok'd hath been . fall down before his feet with humbleness , your misdeeds , with true penitence confess , especially , those crying sins , whereby you often have insenst his majesty . among which , no crime can offend him more then when you shall ( as cain did heretofore ) destroy your bretheren , because , to god they dare not sacrifice in such a mode , as they believe he neither doth command nor takes , with good acceptance , from their hand . your priviledges , they do not invade by violence ; but , lovingly perswade to what they do believe , promoteth best gods glory , and the publick interest . be thou as charitable unto them ; leave that to god alone , which unto him alone belongs , when he into the land hath cast his seed , permit the crop to stand till harvest ; pluck not that away , which looks like wheat , though it may prove but ray but , weed out that alone , which ev'ry one knows hurtful to the corn , and will be none . thus , having way prepar'd to make your peace , with god ; in faith and love emplore his grace . this being done ; the next work , which to do thou art , as i believe , oblig'd unto , is to improve the powre thou hast in him who over all these island is supream , and with whom ; thou dost in more favour stand then any other city of this land , whilst his esteem of thee , doth seem to last ( and ere fit opportunities are past ) unto his royal throne make thy address , emplore him , with deliberate advice , to hear and heed that , without prejudice which may in season , offred be by them who fear god , and both love and honour him , with an intent to serve him faithfully , without selfends in ev'ry thing whereby their services shall really consist with god's , with his , and with their interest , for whose sake , he originally gave all those prerogatives that princes have . for , though men so unbiassed , may dare to speak some truths which all men cannot bear , ( when cause requires ) they will with moderation so heed what tendeth to the preservation of common peace , and of the dignity belonging to his royal majesty , ( whom god hath honor'd by restoring him unto his predecessors diadem ) that , neither he , nor they , nor i , nor you . shall have cause , to dislike what will ensue . if you believe this , and endeavour so to prosecute it , as you , may yet do , who knows , what he , who hath the hearts of kings ( and the disposing of all other things vvithin his powre ) will do , although this may proposed seem , in a dispised way . t is an adventer ▪ which though partly lost vvill bring in some return , that 's worth the cost : and those streights ( if well heeded ) wherein he this city , and all these three kindoms be adventrers needs , and somewhat to be done vvhereof , no likelihood is yet begun . for , that which must draw order from confusions , to our destractions , timely , put conclusions , and , so , divine and civil pow'rs unite that , neither , may infring each other right , effected cannot be , by hauty words , by policy , or temporary swords , nor by that formal sanctity with which the grand impostors of this world bewitch deluded souls ( that all things may become subjected to their arbitarry doome ) but by such instruments and by such waies , as those , by which christ did begin to raise his kingdom at the first ; and by which here it shall continue untill he appear with that powre , which shall batter & beat down , more idol temples then were overthrown . since his first coming ; and , root out all those idolatries , which out of them arose ; together with the thrones of all those kings , that are partakers in such worshippings . and made drunk with her cup who rides the beast ; the subjects of his kingdom , have opprest , and shall oppress them without penitence , for provocations , by that great offence . more might be said , but , this shall now suffice ; " god make us all unto salvation wise , " preserve us in his love , so knit together " that we in his love may preserve each other ; and , that all we can think , or say , or do may now , and in the close , conduce unto the glorifying of his holy name though to our selves , it may occasion shame . amen . a further ingagement . many years after that grand pestilence , in 1625 , during which i wrote my book called britans remembrancer , and after publication thereof ; some eminent persons , having respect thereunto ; endeavoured of their own accord , ( without my seeking ) that the office of their city remembrancer , then void , might have been conferred upon me ; which motion , though it took not effect , was by me as thankfully taken as it was by them lovingly intended . had it been successful , i should then perhaps have been more obliged upon outward considerations , then i am now , to continue my abode here during this visitation , then i was in that aforementioned . nevertheless , i yet resolve to partake with this city in god's dispensation , at this time also , unless i shall be constrained by necessity , to seek place of abode , and means of subsistance elsewhere . yet , i have little external incouragement thereto ; for , to mee , it appears by many symtoms , that some here , are malitiously affected towards me , ( who have no disaffection to any person ) as appears in particular , by their declaring already , that my house is infected with the pestilence and shut up ; whereas ( god be praised ) not so much as one hath been there sick of any disease , since that plague last begun ; nor is it , to my knowledge , near my habitation . what was designed by the publishers of that report , i cannot imagine , unless it were because , they knowing , i had no means of livelihood left ( save what was supplied by the charity of my christian friends onely ) they hoped , i being deserted of all , might be the sooner exposed to destruction ; as i hear some are , whose condition is more to be considered and pitied , if it be so . but this troubles me not in respect of my self ; for , god cannot be kept from me , who is my onely all-sufficient refuge and protection : and if this pestilence , and famine , also , visite my dwelling , ( into which her sister poverty is already come ) they shall be welcome ; for , they are angels of god , and it is better to fall into his hands , then into the hands of men . written in june 1665. a warning-piece to london , discharged out of a loophole in the tower during the authors close imprisonment there . it was meditated upon the deplorable consuming of an eminent citizen with his whole family , in the night , by a sad and suddain fire , at the beginning of our most joyful festival , in decemb. 1652. the author conceived , that it would better stir up the hearts of some , by being sung , then read : therefore , he composed it in lyrick verse , fitted to the tune of the lamentation , at the end of the singing psalms , if the last strain of that tune shall be repeated with the two last lines in every stanza . wake london wake , fast , watch , and pray , well heed likewise this warning-song ; to eat and drink , rise up and play , hath been thy daily practise long : oh! from henceforth , remember more , thy brethren , whom oppressors grieve ; refresh the sick , relieve the poor ; for none without good works believe . if hardly sav'd the righteous are ah! how shall wilful sinners fare ? 2. the rich man , heedlesly discerns the near approaching day of wrath , to fill his warehouse and his barne , is all the present care he hath . at large , he preparation makes for offerings to his belly god , till justice an occasion takes to mixe those offrings with his blood ; when fools in folly most delight , they , often , loose their souls that night . 3. our love is cold , nigh ripe our sin , and , in their march , god's judgments be ; at his own house they do begin ; then , from them , who shall now be free ? to make us thereof take more heed , one house they singled out of late , and , in a bright flame-colour'd weed , upon the top thereof they sate and when to sleep they laid their heads , consum'd her dwellers in their beds . 4. why should not each man to whose ear this news was in the morning brought , upon himself reflect with fear , thus , thereon musing , in his thought ? lord , this unlook'd for stroke of thine , hath often been deserved by me ; this sad mishap might have been mine this night , had it so pleased thee ; but , ( praised be thy holy name ) here , yet alive , and safe i am . 5. oh with what terrors , were they stroke how sadly were they discompos'd , to find themselves when they awoke with stifling fumes , and flames inclos'd it made their terror much the more , if to remembrance they did call what they had done , awhile before , and , what so quickly did befal . more dreadful it appears to me , then dungeons , racks , and halters be . 6. thus will they fare , when his last doome to pass on sinners , christ appears ; thus , in a moment , he will come , when least the world his coming fears . thus whether then her heedless heart is either sleeping or awake , surprized with a suddain start , they shall with horrid terrors quake , when they behold with sad amaze , all things about them in a blaze . 7. unless my thoughts misdictate me , a secret judgment , in this act , may doubtlesly discerned be to shew god's hand was in the fact . for , though his waies are in the dark , forth from the cloud , a flashing breaks to shew us , ( if we such things mark ) his purpose , by the course he takes . in darkness he hath perfect light , and all mens deeds are in his sight . 8. but , though this judgment be severe , let not us who escape it , ween them , greater sinners then we are ; but , judg what our deserts have been . christ doom'd not those whom p●●at slew as more to blame , then other men , though with their blood he did imbrew , that , which they sacrifized then ; and of those persons judg'd as well , on whom the towre of silo fell . 9. hereof , small sense have carnal men ; this , for sad news , at noon they tell , return unto their sins agen , and sleep next night at brink of hell : that , which concerns their safety most , as quickly slips out of their mind as letters written in the dust , blown out with ev'ry puff of wind . of others harms , how senseless grown are they , who do not mind their own ? 10. this came to pass within thy walls that , thou mightst thereof take good heed , mind , who thereby upon thee calls , and think , what further may succeed : it was not from those places far , where much to be , thou dost delight , that thou shouldst heed thy dealing there ; and , it befel there in the night , that , thou , a stricter watch maist keep : for sathan wakes when men do sleep . 11. hereof , likewise , let heed be took , that , when thy heart was most supine , this judgment , in upon thee broke , amidst thy musick , mirth and wine ; and , that , unless for sin thou mourn , relieve and comfort men distrest , thy feasts , to fastings god will turn , and , smite thee when thou fearst it least . when sodom sinned without shame , down thereon , fire and brimstone came . 12. the drowned world , was warn'd of old of what would in short time befal , by words and doeeds it was foretold , yet unregarded still by all . they married and in marriage gave , did eat and drink , as we do now , did so , the wrath of god outbrave , and , as we , liv'd they car'd not how : but , lo , when in least awe they stood , out break the deeps , in came the flood 13. thou , london , whosoe re doth weep , dost , on thy viol , play and sing ; thy children ▪ daily revel keep , ev'n when their passing bells do ring . themselves on costly beds they streach , regarding not how joseph fares ; to them , who of repentance preach they listen , but with adders ears . and , well he speeds , who shall be heard , if mischiefs be not his reward . 14 in sixteen hundred ten and one , i , notice took of publick crimes , with mine own faults , i first begun ; observ'd the changes of the times : and , what god had on me bestown employed for the common good ; therein , i sought to find mine own , which , was so oft misunderstood , that i , for being so employd , have been three times , nigh quite destroyd . 15. in sixteen hundred twenty five , when thou wert sick , i watcht by thee ; then , did my first forewarning give , and , this perhaps , my last must be . for , now , my tools away are took , some things half wrought , some but begun ; quite being rob'd of alll my stock , concludes my work , before t is done ; and that flesh rugg , by me yet worn , may soon drop off , or , off be torn . 16. here , i yet live , where , what me grieves , but few of thine , have heeded much ; nor mayors , aldermen , or sheriffs or any noble , great or rich ; but , in long-suffrings being old , ( if not relived by the poor ) by sickness , hunger , or by cold death had ere now , unlockt my door . lest thou as much neglected be , think more on god , though less on me . 17. my publick warnings , are supprest , as once , was jeremiahs roll ; which god , will when he sees it best , revive , with an inlarged skroll : meanwhile , by stifled musings tir'd , the flames within me closly pent , like powder in granado's fir'd , do tear my heart , through want of vent , and crack my earthen vessel more then all my suffrings heretofore . 18. within thy west and eastern jail . now twice ten months confind i 've lain , denied both relief , and bail , which law allows , and rogues obtain : to tell , what others did , or said , is thought in me a grand misdeed , though being of their harms afraid , i did but bid my friends take heed : if this be falls for words well ment , woe to ill deeds , with ill intent . 19. alas ! how apt are we to fear , or fancy danger , where is none ? yet how unapt , how loth to hear , what may prevent a certain one ? except propounded in their mode , who , in their own conceit are wise , the counsels both of men and god they , either frustrate , or dispise : which being well weigh'd , is a signe , that , to destruction they decline . 20. seaven daies before the late sad night , thy praetor , seized in my hands what god inclined me to write , for timely warnings to these lands ; so , that , which to their weal conduc'd , hath hitherto been fruitless made ; and , i more strictly have been us'd , though , i before , hard measure had . but , god , by whom it was begun , will gard me , till my work is done . 21. no more seems now within my powre , but , down to lie , beneath my lode , attending my redemption hour , with patient waiting on my god. yet , there is hope , that prayers may to what is feared stoppage put ; and , since , to heaven ther 's open way , ( though from the world , i close am shut ) as jonas did ( when in a whale ; close prisoner kept ) to god i le call . 22. correct us lord , but not in wrath , purge rather , what misdone hath been , by any temporary death , then by correcting sin with sin , for all the blood that hath been spilt , let us , who think our selves most clear , in private , search out our own guilt , and , wherein else , we faulty are , that , by a self-condemning doom , we may escape the wrath to come . 23 preserve thy church , lord , bless the king and , seeing thou hast him restor'd , him , out of all his troubles bring , and , make his will , with thine , accord , that under his protection here , we , without faction , hate or strife , ( in all uprightness , without fear ) may live a sanctified life , and , he indulge the conscience tender , as best becomes , the faiths defender . thus , on what lately did befal , i sung my musings , to the wall , which gave thereto , as much regard as most will , when abroad t is heard : for , little have such lines as these , which may a carnal pallat please . the wanton huggs a wanton strain , the miser , that which treats of gain ; ambitious men give most applause to that , which their , ambition claws ; in lies and follies , fools delight , and , if this ever come to sight , it will by none , be relish'd well save those , with whom the graces dwell . the more precautions are in season . ( the more agreeable to reason ) their rage it will the more increase , who are inclined to oppress ; and , if i die not in this place , it will be meerly of god's grace , to make it known , the rage of man , is bounded , do the worst he can . these musings , and some other too , escap'd surprize , with much ado , and , that whereof i was bereft me , for awhile , in sadness left ; yet , much more sorrowful am grown for others sakes , then for mine own , because , the world so misbefriends , what to her own well being tends . god , never any place bereaves of saving means , till him it leaves , nor is their any man quite lost , till he resists the holy ghost . he , helpless leaves no willing one in acting what he would have done ; but , when to selfness , man adheres then , as he worketh , so he fares god , gives first motion to each wheol , in motion also , keeps it still , if he with him compliance feel , else let 's it go which way it will. thus he will do , and thus hath done , ev'n ever since the world begun . that , men his works and mind might mark , he preach'd by noah and his ark , and , to prevent their threatned doom allow'd them six●one years to come . that , sodom timely might repent , he , lot to be exemplar sent ; when balam misaffected was he made a preacher of his ass ; and by a whale , he jonas sent to bid the ninevites repent , who , more thereto inclined were though heathens , then most christians are . what did to israels weal belong , he gave by moses in a song , that , when records could not be had , they , thereof mindful might be made . when their transgressions were nigh full , to babel they were sent to school ; since which time , they still growing worse ( till they incur'd cains dreadful curse , for shedding of their brothers blood , who died zealous of their good ) them , out of their good land , god hurl'd , to rovee like him about the world ; depriv'd ( now sixteen hundred years ) of prophets and remembrancers : and , in this mode , with ev'ry nation god deals , e're final reprobation . lord ! from their wandrings call them home ; into thy fold , back let them come . we got advantage by their fall let it increase by their recall , since they , and we in ev'ry sin , have paralels , a long time been , let our joint force , henceforth be spent to move each other to repent , that , they and we may in that place , become partakers of thy grace , where jews and gentiles shall be saved , by our redeemer , and thy david , by wiser men , in times of old , much was exprest , which i have told , and , they have both in prose and rimes , forewarnings given in their times ; declar'd in season , how god deals with wicked realms and common-weals . our own records likewise declare god's frequent dispensations here ; how constantly , avenging wrath in ev'ry age pursued , hath the greatest tyrants in their turns , though sometimes , he their doom adjourns , but , that , no just excuse will be either , to other men , or me , if we shall negligently do what , god inclines our hearts unto , and may , now , or in future daies advance mans welfare , and praise . for , on us lieth obligations , to bring forth in our generations , vvhat needful seems to be exprest ; in such a manner also drest as best that ages temper fits in which we live , and best begets a timely heed , in those to whome vve serviceable would become : yea , we to them must hand it too ; else , lamely , we our duties do . thus , i according to my powre have done , and therefore kiss the towre from whence , i send this warning-shot by ammunition hardly got . london , as moses gave a song to be israels memento , i give this to thee ; to shew , that ( though the world doth me deprive of what was hers ) i somewhat have to give which i by god's free grace , may call mine own , and , is not needlesly on thee bestown . but , e're some change , the means thereof bereave , now , both of friends and foes , i le take my leave ; adue my foes ; for often , by event , you did me good , though none to me you ment . to pray for you , i know , i am your debter , and , therefore so i do ; god , make you better , and so to mark and mind what he intends , that , we may in his love , henceforth be friends . my friends , farewel ; and no whit grieved be though you should me no more in babel see , for , at the holy lambe , we fafe shall meet , e're long , in new jerusalems high street . written in the towre 1662 . the meek , and humble to advise i write ; but not to teach the wise . you must not therefore , here expect , such strains as these times best affect for , you may have enough of those by others writ , in verse and prose . a single sacrifice , humbly , offred to almighty god , by the author during his lonely confinement in the towre , to mediate his gratious preventing the dearth feared , and probably portended , by immoderate rains in june and july , 1663. that he with tools might for this work be fitted , his jailer , and his keeper , he outwitted ; for , t was his greatest suffring , to be pent from means , to give such meditations vent . sin , like the ocean ( but , not so well bounded ) these islands hath on ev'ry side surronded , and , many breaches , lately made it hath which to the furious tempests of god's wrath exposeth us ( ev'n quite throughout these lands ) so , that , hills , dales , and all in danger stands . the air , whose cloudy brow , upon us lowrs , dissolves it self , into destructive showrs , to move us unto tears of penitence by feeling that , whereof we have no sense . for , they , who are most sensible of spoyl ( by rains or droughts ) of corn , and wine and oyl , feel not in heart , the least remorce for sin ; but , when they should bewail it , laugh and grin . they , who are very froward , and repine if they loose but their monk● or their swine , ( and , sometimes vex them selves till they are sick , for losses , not amounting to a chick ) and can with many bitter tears , bemone small suffrings , for their greatest sins shed none . in mine own person , i much need not fear such temporary plagues , as threatned are by rain or winds , by cold , or scortching wether , by suddain floods , or fires ; for , i have neither estate to lose , nor hope of getting ought which , by such things ▪ may be in hazard brought ; and , am at present , with my daily bread , by his own hand , miraculously fed , whose all-sufficiency , should me sustain though all the world were to be drown'd again . external things , are little pertinent to my chief fafety , or my best content : for , should a famine ; me of life bereave death would be more advantage then to live a life like mine : and as i have been us'd , a speedy death , is rather to be thus'd . yet , whilst , i may be serviceable made to him , from whom , this life at first i had , i am content to live till it expires , although it were in stormes , in floods or fires ; and , likewise , am so sensible of that which to the common welfare doth relate , that up to god a prayer i le prefer to crave prevention of what many fear : for , though i am not suffred to present a prayer to king , lord , or parlement ; here to god's throne i free access have got , and he doth hear me when men hear me not : of which assured , in this loneliness , my self to him , i humbly thus address . almighty and most merciful creater , of heaven and earth , of fire , of aire and water , with whatsoe're , consists of forme or matter , of all invisible , or to be seen , of all that is or shall be , or hath been , felt , heard or understood ( excepting sin , at whose birth all privations did begin . ) thou , by whose wisdom all the whole creation , is ordred , and hath still a preservation , make acceptable in thy sight , i pray , what i shall meditate or write this day and , let not my requests be flong away , though we have often forfeited again that grace , which we did heretofore obtain , and liable to all thy plagues remain . we must confess , that in these last three years , thou hast abated many of our fears , for thine own sake , and for the sakes of them , whom thy blaspheamers and their foes contemn . awhile ago , we were surpriz'd with dread of hunger , and the scarcety of bread , by such distemper'd seasons , as foreshew'd that chastisement which here , is now renew'd ; and , was remov'd , ere many had much sense , of what some felt , or of their own offence . once , we were frighted with such sicknesses as seem'd forerunners of the worst disease ; and , till this hour , a brutish discord , keeps us in daily hazard , that the sword will be again unsheath'd : yea , though we are preserved still , from what we justly fear , and that , thy patience might be more disern'd , have year , by year , been gratiously forewarn'd ( by signes and wonders probably foreshewing , the sad events , that seem to be pursuing . our crying sins ) yet , we do ne're the less , continue still in our obduratness . though , much instruction , likewise , we have had , examples , premonitions , publick made , and extraordinary dispensations , to draw us , from our wilful aborrations , we so increase them , that , it renders me , exceeding fearful to petition thee , those ●emporary judgments to withdraw whereof , we at this present , stand in aw , lest they , whom no good counsel mollifies thy justice and thy mercy quite dispise ; and fall into that reprobated sause , which brings unchangeable impenitence : for , that , the consequence hath often proved , when plagues before repentance were removed . the fields were lately cloth'd beyond our hope with an appearance of a fruitful crop , which moisture by unseasonable showrs , so evidently , by degrees , devours that , most men are afraid the teeming earth insteed of plenty , wil produce a dearth ; and , they among us , who do most neglect removal of the cause , most dread th' effect . yet , humane pitty , me doth so incline to make the common fear , a part of mine , that , though i am not likely much to gain or loose thereby , whether it shine or rain , i , ( as i am a man ) well pleas'd could be thy peoples votes , might be vouchsaf'd by thee . to that intent , i meekly do assay to mediate ; but , now i come to pray , that spirit whose assistance is expected , withdraws , as if my suite would be rejected ; so , that i know not how to speak or write , what gain thy gratious acceptation might though , fear , my prayers may be turn'd to sin , considering , what postures we are in . for , who , the pleading of their cause dares own , on whom , a righteous king doth justly frown ? they being rebels too , in whom appears no penitence , but onely slavish fears ? who , conscientiously , can pray for them who persevere all justice to contemn ? who turn away their eies , when thou forth sendst foretokens , of what thou for sin intendst ? who hide them too , so far forth as they may from other men ; or , ( if that fails ) assay to misinterpret them , when they do see the things nor hid , nor disapprov'd can be ? who , can with faith , thy grace for them implore , who , are unmerciful unto the poor ? who , daily to thy burning wrath add fewel ? who , both to others , and themselves are cruel ? who , their afflicted brethren to dispaiers expose ? close up their ears against their prayers ? and most injuriouslys with those men deal ? who , most endeavour , to advance their weal ; yea , for whose sakes it is , that they are not destroy'd like sodom , when thou caldst forth lot ? who , are so far , from striving to be better , that still , to hide one sin , they act a greater , till they on one another heap so many that they have little shame , or sense any ; although their impudent abhominations have their infection spread , through all these nations ? lord ! who , on their behalf , can mediate for any of those blessings which relate unto their temporary weal alone , who , of their brethrens welfare , care have none ? who , do employ their powre , but to oppress ? turn all thy graces into wantonness ? fling , as it were defiance aginst heaven ? and , though by thee , they freely were forgiven innumerable debts , ( and likewise are by thee inrich'd more then before they were ) take ne're the less , their fellows by the throat , vvho owing them not much more then a groat , forbearance crave , and at their feet do fall , with , promise , when they can , to pay them all ? vvhat can such look for ; but to be bereaven of that grace , whereby they were once forgiven their debts ; or think deserv'd but , to be laid in chains , till ev'ry farthing shall be paid ? vvho , can to thee be advocate for those vvho , both to truth and righteousness , are foes , though they profess both ? who , though ever learning , can never get the knowledg & discerning of what pertains to thy essential truth , because , they being all ear , or all mouth , neither hear willingly , or speak of ought vvhereby they may to stedfastness be brought ? but rather itch to hear , and speak , and do that , which their own self-will doth prompt them to ; and , was infus'd into them by false teachers , whom they suppose to be the foundest preachers , vvhen they confirm them , in what doth belong to their will-worship , be it right or wrong ; and keep up those diana's , which were made their goddesses , but to uphold their trade ? these , twixt beleivers , do contests maintain for trifles , which tend more to their own gain then godlines , or those means to increase which may conduce to setlement of peace , in christian charity , and righteousness . all , i ( with hope to speed ) can pray for such is , that they may not love the world too much ; or , by hypocrisie , and lip professions , ( to get themselves a share in her possessions ) obstruct the blessed work of reformation by factions , to the final extirpation of all those dispensations , which have yet some use ; and which , whilst thou dost them permit , they to advance thy glory may improve : and , by sincerely seeking truth in love , so exercise thy graces , whilst those last , that , they will perfect be , when their times past . my god , for these , to this effect i may and , do ( i know ) with thy allowance pray ; because , i hope , t is no malitious pride which hath to selfness , drawn their hearts aside . but , as for them , who have inclinde their ears so long time , to ungodly counsellers , so persevered , in the sinners way , and , therein with delight , so long made stay that , to the scorners chair advanc'd they are , resolving with themselves to settle there ; the dictates of thy holy ghost contemn , absolve the wicked , innocents condemn , term evil , good , the best things evil call , ( or , make twixt them no difference at all ) ascribe thy attributes unto the devil and his vicegerent ; make thee , of all evil prime author ; thee , detrude out of thy throne to set their idol , and themselves thereon ; pervert the lawful use of ev'ry creature , till their depraving the whole humane nature for vengeance calls , and as it were , inforces thy justice to turn blessings into curses ; what can be spoke for these , to save them from thy judgments here , or in the world to come ? i cannot , lord , thy mercy comprehend , nor know how far their malice doth extend , such things , are knowable to thee alone ; therefore , concerning these , thy will be done . the best of us have gone astray so far , in provocations , that , perhaps here are now , very many in the state of those for whom , we are forbid to interpose our mediations betwixt them and thee , as touching judgments , that now threanned be : such , ev'n among thy people heretofore , made thee forbid a prophet to implore withholding of those plagues , which at that time , were threatned to be hurled down on them . yea then , though thy choice worthies should have pleaded . that , thy decree might have been superseaded , thou didst resolve , their suite should not be heard for any , save themselves , with good regard . when sins grow ripe , and scandalous become , they seldom scape a temporary doome , though thou vouchsafest mercy , as to david whereby , the souls that sinned , shall be saved , lord , though that growth , our guilt attaineth hath , alway remember mercy , in thy wrath . some such like barr , and prohibition now , from thee is issued forth , for ought i know . alas ! if so ; what possibly can we endeavour , till it shall reversed be ? or else dispens'd with ? i can never pray with confidence , for what suspect i may is not precarious : and , as qualifi'd we are , things grantable may be deni'd , at least , so long time , as that shall be wanting which makes their chief condition of their granting ▪ t is not a slavish terror ( without love and faithful penitence ) that will remove the plagues that lie upon us ; or prevent a threatned judgment , when 't is imminent . t is not wil worshippings , though much applauded , by their approvers , and by them begawded with superstitious dressings , that can please thy majesty , and thy just wrath appease : t is not our formal whinings , or orations , or , our confessions , or our deprecations , or , bablings with the tongue , without a heart that , will thy threatned judgments quite divert , till thou hast done thy work which is in hand , or , till we more conform to thy command ; whereto , perhaps , that , which we fear , may more conduce , then that , which we to scape implore . for , few do conscience of their duties make much longer , then the rod is on their back . yet , somewhat , makes me hopeful , that thou hast against what i would ask , no sentence past ; and , fain would i obtain from thee , this day , a publick blessing , e're i go away , which might in some degree , abate the dread whereby , now , many are distempered . to thee , thy children for a blessing cry upon those fruits , which drench'd in waters lie ; and ( though unworthy ) jacob like , i am resolv'd with thee , to wrestle for the same . let , not my lord , be wrath , that i go on to prosecute the suite i have begun ; for , i with filial fear approach thy throne . direct us , how in this , and such like cases , we may make acceptable our addresses , lest , we grow overwhelmed with dispairs , or , come with over peremptory prayers : for , somewhat thou , at all times , hast to grant to comfort those , who consolation want , when they are sensible of their condition , and come before thee with unfaind contrition . yea , though , when we are outwardly distrest , we may not absolutely make request for what seems needful ; yet , when we resigne in all our sutes , our own will unto thine , our wants ( if in particular deni'd ) are with a fatherlike respect suppli'd some other way , by mercifully granting a better thing , then that , which we thought wanting . for , thou , till he himself shall bar the door , excludest no mans prayre , who doth implore in faith and charity , that , which may tend to give him , a well-being without end . of this , experiment i oft have had , and , me thou confident thereof hast made . this creed , thou hast been pleas'd to teach me , lord , both by thy holy spirit , and thy word , confirming my experience day by day , that , i to other men declare it may , as i in duty , am oblig'd to do , when thou my heart inclinest thereunto . and , by thy favour , now proceed i can in that , which , when these musings i began , i neither able was to prosecute , as i intended ; or commence my sute , in terms , which i could think fit to present to thee ; or , to my self , could give content . but , now the bars remov'd and i can make a shift to stammer , what i could not speak . by thy assistance likewise , i believe that , what i now shall pray for , thou wilt give ; ev'n ev'ry thing ( implicitly at least ) which shall in this my prayer be exprest : i , therefore , in thy sight , now spread abrode my private meditations , in this mode ; and hope , it shall be spread , where many may and their amen to that , for which i pray : and , that their joyning in this my oblation , will gain us all shares in thy acceptation . oh! i should then sing , with a joyful heart lord , let thy servant , now , in peace depart . that everlasting gospel make more known , by which , thy love eternal is forth shown to all mankind ; and which , a glorious throng of angels , publish'd in a joyful song , ( unto the glory of thy blessed name ) when first thy son aray'd with flesh became ; that , all the world may know , the same goodwill which thereby was exprest , continues still : and , that , desire to know both good and evil , proceeded from our selves , and from the devil , but , not from thee , who , didst intend salvation to adam , and to all his generation ; not reprobating any of his race save such as wilfully dispis'd thy grace , and , justly , caused the product of that which , thou didst never prenecessitate . thy love to all mankinde , compels me oft ( though for it , i maligned am , and scoft ) to preach it to the world , that , men may more mind it with thankfulness , then heretofore . i know this truth is own'd , ev'n among those vvho , unto thee are yet , apparent foes ; and , that , hath hindreth many to embrace the doctrine of thy universal grace , because , they are not heedful , that , unless these held some truths with that unrighteousness vvhich they maintain , not many would believe that mistery , by which they do deceive . but , to prevent their wiles , unclose their eies , vvho cannot yet perceive their fallacies ; and let it be made manifest to them vvho do not wilfully the means contemn , vvhich , thou vouchsafed unto all men hast , and alwaies wilt , at first , or at the last . let that large mercy , our hearts work upon , more then thy judgments hitherto have done ; to which intention , let thy saints improve that influence which thy eternal love hath shed on them , to work throughout this nation by love and gentleness , a reformation ; which will be then more speedy , and sincere ▪ then that , which is compel'd , & wrought by fear . preserve that pretious seed , sown in this land ; now , many ages past , by thine own hand ; it hath been often watred by the blood of thy elect ; hath many storms withstood , and took such root , that , now it doth extend by sev'ral branches , to the worlds far end . permit it not to suffer diminution either by calms , or storms of persecution . let not the lofty cedars over-top it , the wild-swine root it up , or tame-beast crop it ; nor weeds or brambles ( among which it grows ) starve it , or choak it ; nor the greedy crows devour it ; nor the swarms of locusts , which in smoke , ascended from th' infernal ditch ; but , let it , when appearing most opprest , palm-like most thrive , and be the more increast , till th' earth it fills ; and till up-rooted be all plants , that were not planted there by thee . this , i first pray for lord , because possessing hereof , doth lay the ground of ev●ry blessing . correct thou not these nations in thy wrath , but , in that measure , which shews mercy hath an intrest in thy justice . let them hold the same proportion which they did of old , in thy severest chastisements ; that , neither both good and evil , be destroy'd together , nor , their hopes thereby vacated , by whom there is a kingdom look'd for , yet to come . five wicked cities might have spared been , had twice five , righteous men been found therein : yea , thou ( although in them there was but one ) defer'dst their dreadful doom till he was gone . lord , i hope , here are many thousands yet . on whom thy seal , on whom thy mark is set . who trust in thee , whose faith doth not yet fail ; who , their own , and the nations guilt bewaile : for their sakes , lay aside thy wrath again ; let thy sun shine , and let thy clouds drop rain both on the just and unjust , as thou hast been pleased to vouchsafe in ages past ; that , spring and summer , seed and harvest-times untill the world shall end , may in all climes be from each other still distinguished , as long ago , by thee was promised . at this time also , to this sinful nation , extend thy wonted favour & compassion , by blowing hence those clouds , whose frequent showrs spoil not alone grass herbs and pleasant flowers , but , threaten also , to destroy those crops , whereby the painful husband-man hath hopes to be rewarded for his toil and cost ; yea , let this isle , which now despairs almost , of such a blessing , be secured from that famine , which we are afraid will come . both of our earthly , and thy heavenly bread , preserve the means , that therewith being fed , in soul and body ; we may for the same in flesh and spirit magnifie thy name ▪ till christ shall come . continue in this place , the special pledges , of thy special grace , close up those rents , which malice hath made wide ; unite by love , those whom self-will and pride have dis-united : for , thy love was that which made thee at the first , this world create ; and , 't is the same essential love ( by thee in thy elect made active ) which must free the world again , from that confus'd estate whereto 't is brought by envy and by hate . to that end , let thy spirit , ( unto whom all dispensations , till thy son shall come committed are ) the hearts of men incline to be obedient ●o that discipline , in ev'ry form , which they believe to be to them injoyned by thy word and thee ; and , that accept of , which they shall profess and practise with unbiast consciences . make thy elect to stand out all the shocks , of tyranny , like never moved rocks ; and give them prudence , to discern the wiles , whereby , their antichristian foe beguiles unstable hearts ; and please to pardon that wherein through frailty , they shall deviate . indow them withall sanctified graces that may enable in their several places to do the honor : and , lord , let the pride of their oppressors , break so , and devide their power and counsels , that , they may at length be ruined , by their own wit , and strength . behold , the many troubles of this nation , with mercy , and vouchsafe it thy salvation . make haste to our deliverance oh lord , and , succour us according to thy word . let them be turned backward , and with shame confounded , who blaspheme thy holy name ; who , with their own inventions do defile thy ordinances , and pursue the spoil of those who seek thy face . let them who cry aha , aha , and say insultingly , so we would have it , when thy people are opprest , be caught at last , in their own snare , that , they who love thy truth , may to thy praise rejoyce in thy salvation all their dayes . but , gracious lord , beside that wasting rain , which makes this nation with much fear complain and brings me now to thee ; there is a flood portending inundations too , of blood , ev'n blood of innocents , for whose prevention to be petitioner i have intention . a portion of thy word , concerning cain to me , a mystery seems to contain implying somewhat which relates to those who were , and shall unto thy saints be foes throughout all times ; and doth relate , likewise , to them , who offer thee that sacrifice in which thou most delight'st : for , ever since that day , will-worshippers have took offence at their oblations ; and proceeded on in that , which he so long ago begun . cain was the first that persecuted them who in their worship differed from him ; and , i collect thence , that , ev'n from that hour thou didst subject them to the temp'ral power of all those persecutors , of whom , he became the type , whoever they should be . and , as i understand that hystory , therein is couched the whole mystery of that iniquity , which now is grown almost full ripe , and shall be overthrown in thy appointed time ; but , not till then , nor by the weapons or the hands of men : for , thou hast markt them to be saved from destroying , till their fatal hour is come . and i conceive likewise by what thou hast in that memorial to the world exprest , thou wilt avenge it , on all , who withstand their persons , with a life-destroying-hand , though they are murdrers ; & , that , this suctjection tends to thy glory , and the saints perfection ; whereof , some of them , take so little heed , that of precautions they may have some need . this hath inclin'd me , conscientiously to shun opposing them destructively in whom there is a visiability of sov'raign power , although tyrannical ; untill that some way , it grow doubtful shall to whom it appertains ; as , here of late , when it was thought , thou didst that power translate to other hands , and when he , who bereft them thereof , to an anarchy , us left . and , thou , who knowst my heart , knowst i did never to pull down , or to set up thrones endeaver : but , only , to preserve the common peace , complide with that , which did the throne possesse , till thou restor'dst him , who was driv'n hence , and , to whom , true , i have been ever since . now , also , to preserve , still , as i ought , that peace , whose preservation , i then sought ; i do implore thee , on behalf of him who wears this day , the supream diadem , that , from those evil counsellors , he may deliver'd be , who do , or shall assay , to bring him to a wilful resolution , of being partner in that persecution which they intend : and that , in all temptations ( and maugre all severest provocations ) thy saints , may be preserved from contriving and acting , what may tend to the depriving them of their lives or power , who e're they be , on whom that power shall be confer'd by thee . and , grace vouchsafe them , alwayes to persist in that obedience , which may manifest that , conscientiously they may submit to what thou hast ordain'd , or shall permit for their probation ; till the fewd and war 'twixt good and evil , at a period are : and , that , upon thy will they may attend untill that good and evil , hath an end , which had form us proceeding , and gives place to that eternal goodnesse , which is , was and shall be , when all evil heretofore in being , shall a being have no more . meanwhile confer all means , whereby both they and he , may walk on , in a peaceful way . thy judgment to the king vouchsafe to give that , he , and we in righteousness may live : that , he may to the prisoners and the poor , shew mercy ; to the wrong'd , their dues restore ; and be as kind and merciful to them , who are opprest , as thou hast been to him : that , our high mountains may produce thy peace , and little hills , the fruits of righteousness ; for , whether high or low , all shall receive such measure , as to other men they give . i know this will be done , even by the drops of mercy , which to keep alive my hopes , are in this place , to me derived from thy bounty , to fore-shew , a shower will come that shall refresh both me , and those , at full , who , at this time , each others case condole . be pleased to confirm this my belief , redouble still , our courage as our grief shall be augmented : and although among thy foes , our bodies perish in the throng ; by those external judgments , which we shall occasion to be epidemical , inflict them , rather then permit thy name to be exposed to reproachful shame , by suffering wickedness with proud despight , to violate thy justice in thy sight ; or , wantonize with grace , till it becomes the saddest of all temporary dooms : for , common mys●ries less grievous are unto thy saints , though they in them have share , then all their private sufferings , when they see their insolence who sleighted them and thee , so winked at , as if thou either wouldst not , avenge thy self upon them , or else could not . thy souldiers will be pleas'd amid thy foes to die , e're any honor thou shouldst lose , since death by them , needs never to be fear'd , who know with what life , thou wilt them reward . let dagons temple then , be overthrown though sampson die , in pulling of it down : for all thy souldiers , seek their glorifying in conquering , although it be by dying . our general , in person , led the van that way , when he his glorious conquest wan , bereft death of his deadly sting , thereby , and , over hell , triumphed gloriously . preserve those , in thy truth by faith and love , whom thou shalt please in these last times to prove by fiery tryals : so , what e're wind blows , whether , it rains or shines , or hails or snows ; whether thou shak'st the heavens or the earth , or both ; whether , war , pestilence , or dearth shall visite this deprayed generation , thine , shall be free from inward pertubation , and sing , a blessed requiem to their soul , when their oppressors gnash their teeth and howl . to that salvation which thou dost design for thy elect , preserve thou , me and mine ; and , in our several passages thereto , whether , the way in which we are to go be either rough or smooth , or short or long , keep us content ; and let our faith be strong although the flesh is weak . let our afflictions and , our prosperities ; with benedictions so sanctified be throughout our dayes , that , thou mayst in our lives & deaths have praise a large petititon ( whereof now bereft ) before thy face , long since ingrost i left , whereby , i thee besought to this effect , for my posterity ; and to direct and keep them in thy ways : lord , though to me the words are lost , they are not so to thee ; my spoilers , cannot hide them from thine eyes , nor wilt thou , my requests therein despise . rememember those , by whom we have been fed , when we were by the world depriv'd of brea● vouchsafe thou , for their charitableness , they , never want a friend in their distress ; or comforts , when on their sick beds they lie , or , freedom , though on outward bands they die : mind them , when i of them forgetful grow ; know them , though i their persons may not know ; their alms-deeds , which they labour to conceal , let thy son , before all the world reveal ; and , what for me or mine , in these my prayers , i have desired , grant to them and theirs . my foes have some way been my benefactors , ( though , therein , they against their wills were actors for , that , which to afflict me they design , adds more to their vexation , then to mine ; and , that , whereby , they thought me to have harmed , against all future mischiefs , me hath armed . in which respect , without dissimulations , they , are to me , an object of compassion , and , i beseech thee , so their hearts to turn that , for their sins , they heartily may mourn . to operate in them a preparation , to prosecute the means of their salvation , their , too much loving of themselves abate ▪ which hath inclin'd them other men to hate , and more to punish them , who reprehend , their sins , then those , who , against thee offend . bereave them of that wealth , in which they trust , and spend , in giving fewel to their lust ; that power exorbitant , make to be less , which doth but pride , and tyranny increase ; lest they may make themselves the slaves of sin , and to be devils , who might gods have been , forgive them their offences against thee , when for them , truly penitent they be : for , all their wrongs to me i can forgive as i from thee forgiveness would receive . this charity of mine to them , is thine ; thou , thereunto my heart dost now incline ; then , surely , if thou hast a love for those who hate thee , yea whilst they continue foes , thou wilt on them bestow all i can crave , if they contemn not , that which they might have , and , who , can then , be hopeless of thy grace , who , in true faith , and love shall seek thy face ? oh hear me , in what to their welfare tends , for all in general , both foes and friends , ( to whom , christs ransom shall not bounded be , more by their own fault , then by thy decree ; and who against themselves , shut not that gate which thou to all mankind , hast open set . ) make us true lovers , as we ought to be , and , we shall be beloved still of thee . incline us charitably to regard the poor mans prayers and ours shall be heard . make us upright , and then shall rich and poor , more advantageous be then heretofore unto themselves ; and they who hate each other , shall love , and live in amity together . none , then shall make a prayer , to enjoy in private , what weal publick , may destroy . but , all our suits , ( as in destructive rains or droughts ) shall be prefer'd for what pertains unto the common good ; and very many be benefitted , without harm to any . i shall , moreover , be permitted then , to do thee service with my tongue and pen , and , thou , with other blessings , wilt send hi her what i now pray for , seasonable weather . lord ! should these meditations be despis'd , or , ( as some have been lately ) here surpriz'd , and smother'd ; i beseech thee , let them not by thee , be dis-regarded or forgot ; nor that , which yet remains to be exprest , be stifled any longer in my brest : for , that , hath been more torment to my mind , then to my body , to be here confin'd . but , each branch only grant of these requests as with thine own good pleasure best consists , and , that in chief , which hath preferred been to work in us , repentance of all sin ; lest else , when from one judgment we are freed , another , and another still succeed , till e're from all our fear● , thou us deliver , we feel the sharpest arrows in thy quiver . though all alone , the world hath shut me here , and , from her self , exil'd me , as it were , she , being part of that great work divine , in which there is aswel a share of mine as hers : ( and , though no sense she seems to have of what i suffer in this living grave ) i have a fellow-feeling of her fears , as by those private musings it appears , which often , heretofore i have exprest , on her behalf , and now , by this request ; which god ( i know ) for his own sake hath heard , although my prayer merits no regard . the last great rainy-day , i first begun these meditations ; and , e're they were done , the clouds were blown away , the sun appear'd , the face of heaven was from thick vapours clear'd , and , he , who lately mustred them together , continues , yet , a seasonable weather that will renew the hopes ( if it holds on ) which this year promised , when it begun . for , ( to the blessed name of god be praise ) the earth begins her face again to raise , out of her watry bed , chear'd by those rayes whose absence made her many weeks of days sit melancholly , and aside to throw , those dressings , wherewith she is trimmed now . this , doth to me , appear to be a sign that , to compassion , god doth sti●● incline , and , will , once more make proof what reformation shall be endeavour'd after this probation . oh! in some measure , let this grace effect that , which be justly , may from us expect , lest worse befall : for , god will not be mockt ; the doors of heaven , are not yet so fast lockt , but , that , he suddainly may send again , not only such another wasting rain , ( or in the stead thereof a scorching drouth and make the tongue , cleave to the parched mouth ▪ ) but fire and brimstone too , if he so please ; whereas , now , whilst his mercy doth appease his wrath a little hearty penitence , improv'd may keep some other plague from hence , and , for one sin that truly is repented , three may removed be , or else prevented . meditated and composed during the authors close confinement in the tower , july . 1663. psalm 107.8 . oh! that men would praise the lord for his goodness , and for his wondrous works to the children of men . the whole psalm is very pertinent to stir up to a due consideration and practise of this duty . june 15 , 1665. a precaution relating to the time present . two years are past , since what precedes was writ when here , excessive rains occasion'd it . the present drougth , now makes us as much fear , a dearth may probably conclude this year : for want of timely moisture , in the spring , hath in the bud , ni●t many a growing thing ; and that defect continuing to this day , starves herbs , and turns the standing grass to hay . the winter corn , as yet , prick up their ears ; but , to decay , the summer crop appears ; and both ( if god prevent not ) may consume before our usual harvest time is come . as , when to cure , or give their patients ease , ( who long have suffred by a strong disease ) a good physitian first applies for cures his best known helps in such distempratures , that f●iling , tries another ; and that done , doth then , through ev'ry course of physick run , repeats it often too ; and as events occasion it , makes new experiments : ev'n so , hath god proceeded with this nation , to bring us to a timely reformation ; yet , our habitual wickedness is such , that , nothing works upon us very much , except it be the quite contrary way : for , when we should repent , and fast and pray , we feast and triumph : when we should release the prisoner , we the freeman do oppress . when we the poor and needy should relieve , the rich we begger , and the poor we grieve . when princes should put mourning garments on , each vassal is arayed like a don. the meanest pinnaces weare silken sailes , and like the peacock spread their gaudy tailes . yea , in the steed of due humiliations , in publick , here are publick provocations , still multiplied quite throughout the land , ev'n whilst we lie beneath god's heavy hand , and manifestly see , both ev'ry blessing withdrawing , and plagues ev'ry day increasing . he therefore justly may , if so he pleases , do , like physitians , when they find diseases to , be incurable . they then permit , such patients to take what course they think fit ; leave them to any emperick , who will pretend to that wherein he hath no skill ; send them to epsom , or the tunbridge water , or , that at lewsham ( to which t is no matter ) or to that country air , where first they drew their breaths , to try what thereon will ensue . thither , if god sends after them a blessing , t is more then they deserve , and worth confessing : for , t is of his meer grace ; and , this , sometimes he doth vouchsafe ere men repent their crimes . such mercies none can sound , much less express ; for they are infinitely fathomless . and if they work not , in a timely day , god's will be done , is all , that i dare pray . the authors epitaph . composed by himself , upon a common fame of his being dead and buried . it hath a short preface prefixed , and an epilogue added after it , for a copartment to set it off . the preface . rumors of things that shall be , are begun sometimes , before they actually are done , that , we thereby forewarned , may prepare to entertain them , when in act they are ; and , four times , at the least , ( though yet i am surviving it ) my death hath been by fame divulged so , that some , no credit give to those men who affirm that i yet live . at this time also , a report doth goe that , i was lately dead and buried too : perhaps , not without being fore-design'd that i , in prison might be hunger-pin'd : for , having nothing left , that was mine own , or ought allow'd , save what should be bestown , by their compassion , who have me preserved from being in my close confinement starved , i might have dy'd indeed through want of bread , had all my friends believed me to be dead . it may have likewise , an ill consequent , if , i shall be releast ; which , to prevent i have compos'd this following epitaph , thus prefaced , with this short paragraph , and , sent it to my friends , that , they may know i live , and live in hope , that what i owe to them , repaid ( in life or death ) shall be , by god , although , not probably by me . that , also , what this epitaph expresseth may mind me of my duty , till life ceaseth ; and , be by others , with some profit read , both whilst , that i am living , and when dead . the epitaph . by way of epitaph , thus sed george whither , when fame voic'd him dead . if , i did scape the dooms of those , whose heads and limbs , fed rats and crows , ( and , was not thrown into the fire or water , when breath did exspire ) then , here , ( or somewhere else ) my bones , lie raked up , with earth and stones . their burial place , you shall do well to learn from those men who can tell , and in what mode inter'd they were ; for , i do neither know nor care , or , what was either sung , or said , by others , when i there was laid ; nor any whit , suspitious am that , they shall be expos'd to shame nor fear i troubling of their rest , by those who living men molest , because , how e're the world shall please to use them , they shall be at ease , when that , which her despight intends to me , shall ceaze on her own friends as it befel to some , of late , if that be true , which fame doth prate . my life was nor too long , nor short , nor , without good and ill report ; and , profited , as many waies i was by scandals , as by praise . great foes i had , and very many , friends too , a few , as kinde as any and , seldome felt their earthly hell , who love , and are not lov'd as well : for , that , whereof they had sharp sense , i knew , but , by intelligence . a wife i had , as fit for me as any one a live could be ; yea , as if , god , out of each other had made us , to be joyn'd together . and , whilst she lives , what ere is sed of my death , i am but half dead . beside the issue of my brain , i had six children , whereof twain did live , when we divided were , and , i , alive was buried here . when , portious , i had none to give god gave them ( as i , did believe he would ) a means , whereby to live : which is here mention'd , to this end , that others , may on him depend . i priz'd no honours , bought or sold , nor wish'd for youth , when i was old , but , what each age , place , and degree , might best become , best pleased me . i coveted nor ease , nor wealth ( no , not enjoyment of my health ) ought further , then it had relation to gods praise ; and my souls salvation . when i seem'd rich , i wanted more then e're i did when deemed poor ; and , when in body , most confind , enjoy'd most freedom in my mind . i was not factious or seditious , though thereof , many were suspitious , because , i humor'd not the times , in follies , and destructive crimes . in things , that good or evil were , i had abundantly my share ; and , never wish'd to change my lot for what another man had got , or , that , in any time or place , my birth had been , save where it was so wise i was not to be mad though much opprest ; or , to be sad when my relations did conceive i had exceeding cause to grieve : for , god , in season , still supplide those needful things the world denide , disposing ev'ry thing , so well to my content , what ere befel , that , thankful praise to him was due ; and , will be , for what shall ensue . i sold not honesty , to buy a formal garbe of sanctity ; nor to hate any was inclin'd , because , they were not of my mind ; nor fear'd to publish truths in season , though termed heresie or treason , but , spake , what i conceiv'd might tend to benefit both foe and friend ; and , if in love , they seem'd sincere , with their infirmities , could bear . i practis'd what i did believe , and pinned upon no mans sleeve , my faith or conscience ; for , ther 's none judgd , by what other men have done . my sins were great , and numerous grown ; my righteousness , was not mine own , yet , more prevail'd by grace divine , then if it had been wholly mine . i loved all men , feared none except my self , and god alone ; and , when i knew him , did not make esteem of ought , but for his sake . on him , in life time i depended , by death are all my troubles ended , and , i shall live again , ev'n here , when my redeemer , doth appear , which ( by what i have seen and heard ) i know , will not be long defer'd ; nor that raign , here on earth , among his saints , which they have look'd for long . but , that , which we shall then behold , may better be believ'd then told ; because , we may presume as well to put the sea into a shell , as to demonstrate , unto men ▪ of flesh and blood , what will be then . nor oft , nor much desire had i , long time to live , or soon to die ; but , did the work i had to do , as i enabled was thereto ; then , whether it seem'd good or ill , left that , and all things , to gods will ; and , when this mind is not in me , that , i am dead , assured be . do reader , what i have well done ; what i have err'd in , learn to shun ; and , when i must no more appear , let this , be thy remembrancer . the epilogue . this , i perceive will take up too much room , within a church , or , on a chappel tombe ; and , peradventure , need a larger stone then my estate will buy to write it on : i le therefore , let it wander on betwixt the two poles , till it finds where to be fixt : for , though it seems brought forth before the time , it may , whilst it continues in this clime , some way advantage me , by bringing that into my minde , which i might else forget , that , whilst i live , i might conform thereto so far forth , as i am oblig'd to do . moreover , i shall know , ( when this is read ) what will be said of me when i am dead ; which , that man cannot hear , who shall not have an epitaph , till he is in his grave . some part thereof , may likewise useful seem to others , who my words , now disesteem : for , through the spatious earth , i know not ought , that is , or may be said ▪ or done , or thought , but , hath a tendance , if we heed it will , either to what is good or what is ill : a single haire , or fluttring of a bird , may providentially , sometimes afford hints , or precautions , to incline us , to what we ought to observe , beleive , or do . this , also will be , as it were , to some a messenger , who from the dead is come , to preach what is agreeable to reason , ( although it be a preachment out of season ) but , now , both dead and living preachers too , are sleighted , whatsoe're they say or do . and , if such predicants found no regard , where moses and the prophets were not heard , what , probably , from those can be expected who christ and his apostles , have neglected ? yet , from dead letters , and from men deceast there comes ( from what in lifetime they exprest ) a voice sometimes , to which men will incline , a willing ear ; and so , there will from mine . a petitionary meditation on the behalf of f. s. the authors much honoured and charitable , friend then visited by a languishing sickness . in my contemplatings , verse , is to me what david's harp , to him , was wont to be ; and , ( on occasions offered ) unto god ) i , often , make addresses , in this mode . lord , thou didst raise me friends , when few or none i had , whom i could much depend upon ; and , none of those , had they not first been thine , could possibly have been a friend of mine , in such a manner , or at such a time as when thy kindness did appear in them : for , such respectiveness , to men that are in my case is at this time , very rare . thereby , they worthily therefore , are grown more precious for thy sake , then for their own ; and , me to them it binds , in bonds more strong , then if their frindship , from themselves had sprung . my god , to thee , for one of those by whom thou hast refreshed me i now am come to offer what my poverty affords ; which ( though it be no more then hearty words ) be pleased to accept , for those proceeds , that were extended unto me in deeds ; and , thereunto , vouchsafe thou to impute that vigour , which i cannot contribute ; since , there is nothing in my best oblation ▪ which of it self , can merit acceptation . on his behalf , whom thou to me hast given , i , here on earth , petition thee in heaven , not for our own deserts , but for his sake , who did for all mankind atonement make ) that ( if it shall be pleasing unto thee ) his crazed health may now renewed be , and , he continue by thy preservation , a faithful servant to this generation , till he those works hath finish'd altogether , for which thou principally sentst him hither ; and , till they who yet want him , less may miss his passage from them , to eternal bliss : for , life , and all that therewith is bestown , he had , as well for their sakes , as his own . thy people thought themselves oblig'd to plead to christ for him , who for them , had but made a synagogue : elias thou didst hear for , her , by whom , refresh'd his bowels were : and , thou hast promised an easie bed , to them , by whom the hungry soul is fed ; whereby i am incourag'd , and inclin'd , to pray for him ; who hath to me been kind , with hope , it shall some good product beget both to thy glory , and his benefit . for , thou hast to the prayers of the poor , an ear as open , now , as heretofore , and grantst the humble sutes of faithful men , aswell , as of thy greatest prophets , then . to thee , i dare not absolutely pray for ought , belonging to the present day , save what that patern warrants , which hath taught to whom , for what , and how to pray we ought . when therefore lord , my frailty shall incline my will , to what repugnant is to thine , ( though i should ask it ) let it be deny'd , and , wants , according to thy will supply'd . the objects , and the subjects , of my prayers are positively , nor hopes fears , or dispaires , or paines , or pleasures ; neither joy nor greif ; no nor a temporary death or life , ( though they concern my self ) except they fall within the verge of that conditionall with which thou bound'st them : for enough there is besides that , grantable , unless amisse we ask it . and soon'st , thou wilt that dispence , when faith assaults thee with most violence . such things as thou hast promis'd , we may crave ; such things in their best season , we shall have , though they are oft deferr'd , till we know better how , by their use , to make the blessings greater : such things , i dare to ask , and persevere in asking them , untill vouchsafd they are ; and , such things , i le now beg of thee , for him whose cause i plead : lord , therefore grant thou them confirm him in that love , whence all things had their beings , when created things were made ; and , which at last , will knit up all in one that was created , when the world begun . contentment give him , with what change soere thou shalt be pleas'd to exercise him here . preserve him in the saving faith of christ , which will secure the blessed interest that , he to all men offers ; and to none denieth , who , to lay fast hold thereon not wilfully , and finally neglects , thou having cur'd his natural defects . grant him true self-denyal : him befriend , with constant perseverance to the end of all his tryals : every sin forgive committed in the flesh , whilst he shall live . enable him , whilst he hath time and place , to make such an improvement of thy grace on him conferred , that , as day by day , sin sprouts up , it may rooted be away . in all , whereby the world , the flesh , or devil may him assault , deliver him from evil , and all distemperatures , that may begin either from things without him , or within . let these petitions , for his consolation be sanctified by christ's mediation , and lie still spread before thee , whilst in life , my friend is sensible of pains and grief . so far forth also , as that , which by me is pray'd for now , shall with thy will agree , let him with faith , in our redeemers name both for himself and me , desire the same . and ( to conclude this prayer ) let all those by whom , thou hast been pleased to dispose ▪ thy manyfold love-tokens unto me , in all , here prayed for , partakers be at ev'ry need ; till thou translatst us thither where , all thine , shall with thee , live still together . amen . errata . page 3 l. 29. read persecute . p. 8. l 31. r. persever . p. 13. l. 15. r. war for fear p. 17. l. 1. r. our own p. 23. l. 1. r. so to p. 24. l. 4. r. their fallacies p. 25. l. 13. r. harvest time , & p. 40. l. 18. god , praise p. 46. l. 5. r. through , & for reb. r. rebels p. 50 l. 10. r. the , for there . p. 56. l. 13. thee for the p. 58. l. 30. r. on for in . finis . henoch clapham his demaundes and answeres touching the pestilence methodically handled, as his time and meanes could permit. clapham, henoch. 1604 approx. 89 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18922 stc 5343 estc s108006 99843696 99843696 8446 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18922) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8446) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1062:08) henoch clapham his demaundes and answeres touching the pestilence methodically handled, as his time and meanes could permit. clapham, henoch. re., pere. 32, [4] p. printed by richard schilders], [middelburg : 1604. editor's envoi signed: pere. re. partly in defence of clapham's "an epistle discoursing upon the present pestilence", for which he had been jailed. running title reads: questions and answeres touching upon the pestilence. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user 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unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng epidemics -england -early works to 1800. plague -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion henoch clapham his demaundes and answeres touching the pestilence : methodically handled , as his time and meanes could permit . 1. iohn 4. 1. try the spirits whether they are of god. 1. thessa. 5. 21. try all things , keepe that which is good . 1. iohn 3. 16 hereby haue we perceaved loue , that the ( namely christ ) layd downe his life for vs : therefore we ought also to lay downe ( our ) liues for the brethren . phil. 2. 4. looke not every man vpon his owne things , but every man also on the things , of other men . 1604. to the church of god wheresoever dispersed , elect according to the foreknowledge of god the father vnto sanctification of the spirit , through obedience and sprinkling of the blood of iesus christ , ( apprehended with true faith ) grace & peace be multiplied vnto you all , amen . christian reader , it was wy lot to light vpon these few leaves . and being pervsed by som that had in times past bin acquainted with the author him self , and so finding in this canvasing cōference such sound satisfaction for matters of doubt , which in the other epistle of the pestilence , were short & brief , learned and scholerlike reasons , still striving to bring out the kernel of knowledge , which lay couched vnder the shell of obscuritie . and the further he ripped and reached , to make gods glorious power knowen , which others so long had masked : it caused many questions to bee mooved , which in this canvasing conference is answered to the full . i my self being an eare-witnes , to som part of that doctrine : which was as strange to many at the first , as it was to the men of athens in mars street , which counted paul but a babler , because he preached vnto them , iesus and the resurrection . but i heare the author is in prison , and why ? because som ministers complayned that he preached a doctrine ( which they could neither begin nor end ) past the boundes of their knowledge . but henoch wher are thine accusers ? hath the finger ( of * god ) written their faults easie to be read , doe they not stand out to accuse thee ? then i hope the learned will not condemne thee , that haue trod out the corne before thee in the same path . so was the doctrine of possession likewise distilled out of the cloudes , and so high past every lay mans reach , that the layety were driven to their pastors for satisfaction in the doubt of that doctrine ( because the priestes lippes should preserue knowledge ) but they being found nonresidence in those studies , one made answer thus : i am no prophet , i am no apostle , miracles are ceased , &c. these hearers could not be at the beginning & ending of all these sermons , which was the cause they rested vnsatisfied , and so they began to expounde the doctrine them selues according to those parcels which they had gleaned by peece meale from the author , never vnderstanding the author as he meant . but whosoever thou be , that will take vpon thee to say all , before thou heare all , shall be sure to lye all . and so damnable speaches were bruted abroad , before either of the doctrines were finished : but the last sermon of possession , made all plaine , and so plaine , that since that time ( to the glory of god be it spoken ) i never heard of any about london nor elswhere that were so extraordinarily possessed . but ordinary wicked persons that are never dispossessed of a wicked tongue : like the athenians which gaue them selues to nothing els , but either to tell , or heare som newes . but in the end m. marbery set in foot ▪ to maintaine the same doctrine , vpon christes temptation in the wildernes , affirming that [ * if no going in , no coming out . ] so did the last sermon of the pestilence make all attentiue hearers satisfied . these circumstances considered , i tooke it for duty , once towards the church [ who is the piller and ground of truth ] as also for profitable acquaintance heretofore had with the author : i could do no lesse but diuulge it . and so much the rather , for that therein is cleared , what in all points is to be held touching the pestilence : a doctrine hetherto , over-confusedly and slenderly handled of many , if my iudgement fayle me not . thine in christ iesus , amen . p. r. the authour to the reader . the last great pest-time ( i speak of the great plague in london , for otherwise , it is now the greatest pest-time in the country , and throughout his highnes dominions ) it pleased god to give me affection and strength to continue & hold out my ministerie to the end , publikelie teaching , and privately comforting the lords poore flocke abyding in the citie of london ( as occasion here and there , night and day was administred ) what time the citie was much infirmed for civill governement , and well-nigh emptied of due ecclesiasticall cure . satan “ the accuser of our brethren , maligning the happy successe of my labors , he gets som vnwise spirits to bruite abroad , that clapham taught the plague not to be infectious , and that all that dyed of the plague were damned , as dying without faith . the first accusation came readily to the present lo. bb. of london , but the second ( it seemeth ) not so . for about som 34. wekes after my first cōmitment , the said lo. bb. and sir edward stanhope in court did publikely affirme , that they had not heard of that bruite before : what time i my selfe then first vttered it in their court , that so then in the face of all by-standers it might be checked , so well as other slaūders , forged only for obscuring myne innocency . the bb. beleeving the first tale , he ( without sending for me , or talking with me ) caused me to be taken ( euen presently vpō a sermons ending , wherin i had opposed to such insensible reportes ) and so was conveyed to the * clinck prison . passing by some inter-currentes ( which in som other my writings are layde downe ) he at the eleven weekes end convented me , thē signifying that i had bene imprisoned for teaching , that the plague was not inf●ctious ; as also for publishing an epistle concerning the pestilence ; and that in contempt of the booke of orders for the wednesdayes fast , authorized by the king. to both i answered negatiuely , if so by plague they vnderstood not that stroke of the angel termed of the holy-ghost deber ; but that which grew from corruption of the creature . well to the gate house prison i was sent , and to my booke and the contentes , i should answere in another place . to passe by the second convention , it being to no other end then the former , the weeke before the archb. death , i was called to lamboth . there , after assurauce had of certaine articles their compasse , i tooke my othe to answer truly to them . the next monday at the registers office i did so . the answere was sent to the bb. of londō . he seeing it made not to his purpose , did not convent me , but ( without all adoe ) he let me ly in prison still as afore . my wordes nor writings prevayling any whitt , i complayned to the king on “ easter monday , who appointed the same to be conveyed to the bb. and he thereto to giue in his answer . hearing nothing more of that of 7. weekes , i on the day of pentecost insuing , complayned to his highnes againe . thereto , sir iulius caesar in his maiesties name subscribeth thus . the kings maiesty hath eftsoones referred this petitiō to the lord bishop of london , who is required by his highnes calling other of the hycommission vnto him , withall convenient expedition and according to the law , to proceede to iudgement , either with or against the partie , as his cause shall deserue ; that his highnes may not further bee importuned herein . so farre the kings commaund . to the bishop i sent it , but hearing nothing from him , a fortnight after , i sent to the king againe . about a week after , i was convented . and after much talke to no purpose , the bishop concluded thus : you may doe this at least ; the doctrines being put downe as supposed to be taught of you , you may subscribe herein , i was truely or not truly vnderstood . i answered , let that be done , and i shall doe what i ought . doctor stanhope then said , maister deanes of westminster & pawles are appointed to that , who ( at their convenient leasure ) will send for you . so the court broke vp . this was the eleventh of iuly last ; and then the first time also of excepting at the doctrine of faithes apprehending deliverance from the plague , taught in the foresaid epistle . being thus left to the two deanes , i writt to them sundry times for speedy proceeding . one of them sent my messenger to the other , backward and forward . at the monethes end , doctor androes sends me word , that he had put the matter from him . and so he never sent for me , according to the courtes depute . passing by inconvenient repeates , about three weekes after , i was sent for to the registers office . coming thither , his man lets me see doctor androes his moneths worke . and what was it ? a flat recantation , and nothing answerable to that which the court ( in myne hearing ) appointed as afore . so much i signified to the bishop , as also to the doctor , but other answer since i could haue none but this : put in bondes so to protest , when and where we shall appoint , and so departe prison . so my cause at the penning hereof standeth . the severall pointes , for the which i am thus handled , in the sequent discourse i do treat of , by way of quere and response ; that is by way of question and answere . wherein my cause is vnsound , reiect ; wherein orthodoxall , accept : and so farre be gods instrument for my good. art thou a magistrate ? then hearken what salomon saith : deliver them that are drawen to death ; and wilt thou not preserue them that are ledd to be slaine ? if thou say , behold , we knew not of it , he that pondereth the heartes , doth he not vnderstand it ? and he that keepeth thy soule , knoweth hee it not ? will not he also recompence every man according to his workes ? thus let the magistrate take heede how he pleades ignorance , and wincketh at the fall of the innocent . for such a looking through the fingers , may fill the earth with innocent blood , till it roare again for heavens iudgement . and so not only such , but also the whole lande shall fare the worse for iniustice . art thou a minister ? then heare what moses and salomon say : and if any haue sinned , namely , by hearing the voyce of an othe , and he can be a witnesse , whither he hath seene or knowen of it , he do not vtter it , he shall beare his iniquitie . open thy mouth for the dombe in the cause of all the children of destruction . some of you are reported to say that clapham hath a good cause , but it is to be doubted , if so he haue sufficient learning to defend it . that i haue , i haue : god make me faithfull in that i haue . but thou that art able to giue in thy testimonie , art bound also to do it . if thou wilt not be a procter for christ in his members , one of the two theeues executed with lesus , shall turne preacher , & giue in s●fficient evidence , to thy condemnation . to the people . also brethren , i beseech you for our lorde iesus sake and for the loue of the spirit , that ye would striue with me by prayers vnto the lord for me , that i may be deliuered from the disobedient , and that my seruice ( which i haue yet to do ) may be accepted of the sanctified : that i may come forth to his people with ioy , by the will of god , and may with you be refreshed . thus the god of peace be with you all , amen . yours , henoch clapham . qu. is the plague infectious ? chap. i. answer . every answer is to be made , either by * affirming or denying , or distinguishing , or by retorting . affirme it to be , or not to be i cannot , for reason ensuing . for retorting an answer i could , by vrging a quere of like nature , thus : is the crab restoritiue , yea or no ? if answer be made , tell me whither you speak of the fruit crab or sea-crab , and then i will satisfie you : euen so i say , tell me whither you speake of the naturall plague , or the supernaturall plague , and then i will say it is , or it is not , infectious . the doubtfulnes then of the answer , doth arise from the doubtfulnes of the question . the question is doubtfull by reason of the word plague , for that it hath sundry significations . for the better vnderstanding whereof , let vs first examine the seuerall senses . plague , is a word taken in the evill part , and spoken of any harme inflicted vpon any creature . all diseases are termed plagues , be they inflicted vpon mankinde , or others . so be crosses in common wealthes , ch●rches , famelies : so be som windes , and weathers to trees , hearbes , flowers , &c. and so egypt had his ten sundry plagues . but passing by all such inferiour sortes , it is in this dispute taken for a speciall kinde of evill inflicted on mankinde . the divine prophets canonicall do terme it in hebrue deber . the divine * septuagint● do specially terme it in greek logos . the ancient heathē phisitians do terme it loimos . the latines call it pestis , and plaga : whereof do come our english wordes , pest. pestilence , plague : but plaga in playne english , a stripe or blowe : and therefore how many stripes , so many plagues . quere . that plague which is so straingly mortall at this time throughout england , is it infectious , yea or no ? chap. ii. answer . i vnderstand that plague , or pest not to be single , or of one kinde . and so farre as i conceaue , no learned divine or phisition , is otherwise minded . thereof it is , that sometimes they vrge textes of scripture for making the angell agent , according to that speach of our king in his parliamentall oration , who termes the pest the viol●●lence of gods devouring angell : and sometimes againe they discourse of corrupt ayre in suing constellations and fuming corruptions . in which respecte , naturall politicall orders are vrged ; as for the other , fasting and prayer . in regard of the first , one ( speaking of the plague in davids time ) writes thus : this plague came not by any caryer or travailer , or by any infected persons travayling from place to place & infecting the people wher they came , but it was sent sodainly from god , as the revenger of sinne . he afterwardes graunteth , that such a plague is not at this day for vniuersalit●e and quick dispatch , but yet still that god hath the same meane at his pleasure , so to do . and this writer must be remembred , to haue beene authorized by the sea of london : and the same booke applauded with the preface of an ancient paynfull * preacher . for the other sorte of pest , namely derived from some corruption of the creature , and not immediatly from the angells stroke , any learned ( skilfull in nature ) do graunt . and for that , take a christian physitians testimonie amongst vs. he having alleadged som reportes from histories touching naturall contagion , doth then conclude thus * this may be sufficient to shew , that the plague is not always the immediat stroke of an angell . in this pestilence generally scattred through the land , there so falleth out some stroke supernaturall , some naturall , as i haue againe and againe taught in my epistle so much traduced . he that is against me in this , is so not contrarie minded to me , but to our king , to our divines , and phisitians also . no marvayle then though another authorized divine do say with the right learned phisitian fernelius , hisunt morbi , &c. these be the diseases whereof i haue said often , they haue som secret cause . and a litle after ; the first causes which breed the pestilence , are so vnknowen , so invisible , and so strange to all our senses , that we are altogeather ignorant of them , &c. necessarily so it foloweth , that som thing in this plague be supernaturall ; and somwhat naturall , as at large i haue delivered in my epistle of the pestilence ; without which observation , one shal deliuer quid for quo , as haue done my articlers ; what is saide of the supernaturall to vrge it as spoken of the naturall , ( et è contra ) to the seducing of the hearers . quere . the stroke of the angell immediatly inflicted , is it infectious , yea or no ? chap. iii. answ. first let me heare what infection is . a domestick doctor , signifying what person is infectious , doeth write thus : * very properly ( saith he ) is he reputed infectious , that hath in himselfe an evil , malignant , venomous , or vitious disposition , which may be imparted and bestowed on another by . “ touch , producing the same and as dangerous effect in him to whom it is cōmunicated , as in him that first cōmmunicateth and spreadeth the infection . so farre he. it being remembred , that infection properly vnderstood , is not that which begetteth another but the same euill , so argumentate . that stroke which the angell inflicteth , is supernaturall , and not within the compasse of phisicall causes : but infection is naturall and within the compasse of phisicall causes : therefore the angells stroke not infectious . for the second proposition , i leaue it till anone . meane time the first proposition would be cleared , seeing the conclusion dependes primordially of it . that the angels stroke is supernaturall , it may appeare , once in that he the angell ( be a good or bad one , “ for either may be so imployde ) he is a spirit , and this his action done by an immediate spirituall power beyonde our reasons pitch . secondly , we see the angell in aegpit , as also in iudea & israell ( nor els where do we ever heare the contrary ) to be imploide in smyting house after house , and city after city , even all along the coastes , from dan to beersheba , and not smyting that which might smyte another , which otherwise ( if but for instruction sake ) would somtyme haue bene done , and mentioned . and this ( no doubt ) caused one to write as afore in the former chapter , that * the pest in davids tyme , came not by any infectious person . thirdly , by the septuagintaes version of the word deber , it may be collected to haue bene then the church of israels iudgement . the word deber in proper english the pestilence , they turne by the greeke word logos in english the word ; as if in the text it were not deber but dabar , this indeed signifying a word ; and the very terme that saint iohn in his first chapter doth giue vnto the son of god , by whom as by a word , the creature had his beginning and beeing . so that the 91. psal. and third verse , they thus read , he shall deliuer thee from the word , not fro the pestilence . and why ? because that pest ( as the comon creature at first ) had the beginning and beeing solely by the word of god : and this plague for contemning the blessed covenaunt sealed vp in him that is logos the word . afterwardes in the sixt verse of the same psalme , the hebrue-greekes read , thou shalt not be affraide [ apò toû pragmatos ] of the thing , in steed of pestilence . why ? because it was such a rhema , such a pragma , such a thing , as they knew not properly how to terme it in the greeke language : they well vnderstood that the heathen-greekes did terme it loimos , and in respect of the popular spreading epidemia , wherefore then in their translations should they so avoyde these wordes , and rather choose such a terme , as should drive the heathen to a non-plus ? no reason i can render , but that thereby they finely checked the gentiles , as ignorant of that plagues cause , and therfore must be glad ( leaving their great naturians ) to come vnto the written woord of god for better learning . and in so doing , they shall finde that deber is indeed dabar , which not only signifieth a word , but also a thing ; yea , a miraculous thing ; as in genes . 18. where sarah thinking the woord of promise impossible , the angel thus checkes her ; shall any dabar be heard to the lord ? where that miraculous thing was to be effected by the power of the word dabar signifying both . now if the pest was such a word , or such a thing , effected by a word , then it is to bee nombred amongest supernaturalls , and so not infectious , seeing the partie so smitten , could not by all the corruption in his nature sende out such a word , such a thing , begetting the same effect in another : for so ( which i thinke were a petie blasphemie ) in steed of iehovahs angell , mans beastly corruption should equalize the angell , & take the worke out of his handes , as being iehouahs messenger herein ( for angell is the greeke word , and messenger the english ) which i haue not read of , at least not observed . true it is , that the angells blowe , rayseth vp mudde in mans nature , giving it an head to the heart ; and therefore in psalme 91. 3. with logos they ioyne tarachodes turned of vs noysome , but in proprietie , bemudding , as if by such a stroke , the mudde of our vncleane poole , were stirred vp to the poysoning of all the blood and powers ; even as è contra , the angells mooving of bethesda , brought sanitie to the diseased . and true it is also , that that corruption may offend and hurt nature in others , but yet not infect , that is beget the same and as dangerous effect in another : for many things ●e noysom , that be not infectious . fourthly , that the angells stroke is super●aturall , it may appeare from the meanes whereby it is stayed . the meanes by prayer , “ and the offring vp our selues a living sacrifice , which david ran vnto in sam 24. he seeing the angell smyting the people in ver . 17. ( and not the people infecting one another ) he humbles him selfe , offring his lyfe ( few such governors ) for the ransome of his people , who are indeed a kings glory , pro. 14 28. that this holy interpellation ( and not gallens northeren winds breathing the chambers ) was the meanes whereby that pestilence deber was stayed , the angels hand staying to smyte and longer . to that purpose , one by authoritie thus writeth : “ this noysom● pestilēce ( in 2. sam. 24. ) ceaseth here as we see ; but by whose meanes ? did tyme weare it out , or did the phisitian cure it ? or did a fine devise remooue it ? no , no , it was done only by the commaundement of god , enioyning the angell to stay his hand . this consideration moveth also another domestick preacher vpon nombers 16. 46. not to teach physicall , but metaphysicall perfumes for putting away this sorte of pest. amongst other things thus he writes : * if the cause of this infection were elementarie , why must holy fier bee taken from the alter ? fier out of the chimney would purifie that : a●terwards . let euery one therefore bring his censer , that is , his heart vnto the lord an hallowed and sanctified vessell for this purpose , to offer vp incense of pray●r vnto god , a vessell layde vp in the holy of holyes . the medicine so being spirituall , supernaturall ; it remaynes ( as afore ) that the stroke is not infectious . lastly , the absolute mortalitie of the angels stroke , doth argue i● not to be infectious : for if it were , then every pestilenced person must dye , without such a supernaturall and “ miraculous recoverye , as wherewith hezekiah was revived . but as none will graunt such a communitie of miracle , so all must graunt the angels stroke not to infect another with the same or like . that the angels stroke is absolutely deading in his nature , it may appeare , once , in that no one smitten with deber is read to haue recovered life . for hezekiah , he was first a dead man in respect of his diseases nature [ els isa●ah● message were vntrue ] howsoever the humbled king was afterwardes miraculously restored : and yet his malady not deber in the text , but a sicknes to death , howsoever not without his boile , or swelling there termed shechin , one with the sixt plague inflicted on aegypt in exod. 9. 10. but deber ( for terme ) one with the first plague , englished a moraine ; whereof no beast smitten escaped . secondly , it is to be gathered from the 2. chro. 21. where the angel is sent to ierusalem lehashchithah to corrupt it , namely to death ; for shachath implyeth corruption taking head to the death and graue . thirdly the angells stroke appeareth to be deadly , from the epithets giuen to it in psal. 91. where it is termed a lyon , an aspe , a dragon , who naturally devoure and poyson to the death . such is the iudgment of some * domestick writers authorized by the sea of london so to teach and print . for iudgement of foraigners , take the learned mollerus ( approved of the vniversitie of witteberge , * and his labours printed at geneva , who in the 91. psalme so vrgeth the epithets meaning , in specialty ( saith he ) i take the prophet willingly alludeth to the pest in these appellations . for it is not to be doubted , but he had respect to the nature of these beastes [ vt vim veneni significantius exprimeret ] for more significant expressing the force of the poison . so farre he. whereby also may appeare the stroke not to be infectious ; seeing the corruption in a man so stoong and poysoned of aspe , or dragon , it sendeth out of that body no s●ch ●avour or power , as whereby the same evill and so dangerous an effect can be begotten in another , not so stoong of the serpent . and herevpon it is , that the same learned man ( so well as * others ) doeth vnderstande that psalme to be penned vpon davids deliverance in sam. 24. and the angell to be that fowler , in psalme 91. 3. whose particular act is , to pitch the same pest-snare and so to strangle people , as the fowler doth birdes . and so ( as afore ) the stroke deadly , and vn-infectious . but because our people are so infidelious touching the angels stroke , it pleaseth god somtymes to let the smitten feele a sensible blow , and both he , and others playnely to see , the print of a blew hande vppon the place so smitten . this indeed was flouted at in my booke , as if there were no such thing . but lett vs heare another writer of their owne authorizing , thus he writes : because the lords power and might more appeares & is more manisest in this great evil , then in any other , i thinke it not fabulous what i haue heard som reporte , that they haue seene ( as it were ) the print of a hand vpon the armes and other partes of the body of sundry smitten with the pestilence . so farre he. wherewith would be noted , that no one so printed doth escape death , so far as i could ever heare ; nor yet that pest●print beget the like in any of the beholders , and so not infectious . thus if men would haue vnderstood them selues ( but nebuchadnetzar had forgot his dreame ) clapham should not haue beene so vnbrotherly , and vncivilly entreated , for teaching the angels stroke to be supernaturall , and in his nature not infectious . but many supposing the doctrine i taught herein , to haue no proppes from some other teachers , to whom sectary-wyse they were addicted ( they holding faith , which saint iames forbiddeth , in respect of persons ) they so in their blind zeale , were helping to hammer my chaynes , adding affliction to my bondes . heavenly father forgiue them , for they knew not what they did . quere . whither or no is that plague infectious which ariseth immediatly from some corruption of nature ? chap. iiii. answ. in his owne nature it is infectious , howsoeuer somtymes bridled of god from infecting ; as the lyons naturally devouring howsoeuer the creator did bridle that creature from touching of daniel . and this to be vnderstood , not only of corruption following open knowen naturall causes , but also ( as afore ) of that muddy corruption raysed by the vn-infectiue miraculous stroke of the angell ▪ for corruptiō can beget nothing but the same , or the like corruption or otherwise be noisome , according as the subiect it worketh vpon , be more or lesse thervnto affected . this in my epistle ( vniustly traduced ) i teach againe and againe . in the addition to the first section there i say thus ; this kinde of plague of pestilence , is of him ( namely galen ) termed loimos , respecting only bodyes bursting out in corruption , which may be cause sometimes of corrupting bodyes ; specially such as are inclinable to , and capable of such corruption . then to the second section this , the angels stroke so is the cause , the plague sores and markes appearing & arising , are an effect . the first not infectious . the second is infectious sometimes more or lesse . afterwards in the third section having said , it is for none to make physicke their staffe , nor yet their first meane , i then write thus : is phisick then in this , and all other plagues to be avoyded ? no , we are not to neglect such naturall meanes , as reason & experience haue found out to avayle against naturall infirmity [ deo non obstante ] the lord not crossing nature . otherwise , we shal be found tempters of god , leaving our way ; rather then faithfull keepers of our way . thus much there , and much more then this , for approving and enioying phisical practise , in regard of such contagious corruption . how greatly then haue they sinned against the evident trueth , who haue said , that clapham taught the plague not at all to be infectious , as also that he reiected the practisers of phisicall meanes for atheistes ? but how deepe haue their sinne bene , * who laying my said epistle before them , haue culled out all spoken of the angells stroke , & of pretence haue skipped over these aforesaid speaches and the like , touching infection & phisicall meanes ; and that for so framing their articles , as it might be thought , that my saide epistle taught no such infection , no such vse of phisicke , and so consequently ( as they speake ) clapham an occasion of the death of thousands . if ( as he , that write the spirituall perfume ) i should haue skipped ouer such naturall respectes ( and why ? may not a divine do it , whose practise is , not to preach phisick ) how would all accusations then haue passed for current against me . yea , the bishop knowes by a letter writ to him , how in the pulpit i said , whosoeuer dee●es pestilenced ayre , earth bodyes to be in their owne nature infectious ; they deserued rather to be taught it in bride-well with stripes , then out of the pulpitt with argumentes . and yet this hath helped nothing . that the plague ( that is , pestilenced ayre , earth bodyes ) should bee infectious naturally ( for we speak not against gods providence , somtimes crossing nature , as once it hindered the lyon from hurtinge the asse , who otherwise according to his devouring nature , killed the disobedient ryder , 1. king. 13. but we speake of the nature of the corruption it selfe ) it can not be marvayled at or gaynesayd , when as we finde and graunt , inferiour diseases amongst mankind & beastes to be readily and sharply infectious , and ordinarily to be prevented & healed by naturall remedy . to particularize them are over-lothsom and vnnecessary this discourse . if thou say , thou hast conversed nearly with such as haue bene p●stilenced , and yet that way vntouched : i answer , so haue i , not by way of tempting god , but in way of discharging holy & necessary duty , and also i ( with all my famely somtymes so imployde ) vntouched that way . that this fell out , it is not because there was no contagion in such pestilenced persons , but because god bridled it , that wee so survi●●ing , might speak of his wonderfull workes , and laud him for his mercies . of this naturall pest , the phisitians and clarkes of nature , thus write : * the cause of the generall pestilence , whiche indifferently attaynteth all sortes of men , is the ayre which we sucke , that hath in it self a corrupt and venemous seede , which we draw with our●in breathing . by which ayre , hipocrates doubtles meant not only the common ayre element all investing all bodyes , but also the ayre fluctuated ( as winde ) from out of pestilenced bodyes . were it not for such gust and touch , we need not to feare to converse nearely with such as be taynted with morbo gallico , and other such peculiar peccatorious maladies . but for this worke of nature , i leaue to the reverend studentes of natures secretes ; contenting my selfe only with this , that i know no learned divine , to be heerein contrary minded . and every maister is to be heeded in his owne faculty . quere . can the angels stroke by som essentiall marke be differenced from the taint of naturall corruption ? chap. v. answ for my part i see no such assured ma●ke . the blew hand and blew spots ( commonly called gods tokens , and whereof i yet can heare no phisitian to giue a reason , and therefore they leaue them as vnphysicall , although i take it an acquaintance of mine in the citie was restored of the second ) they seeme to be differenced from the other , and the first in a speciall maner to put vs in minde of the angell smyting . and whereas now of late , many are killed vp ( as report goeth ) without having vpon them , either sore or former markes , as if the lord would giue vs no signe by reason of passed abuse of signes , it might seeme to administer an essentiall marke ; but seeing that cannot be called an essentiall differencing marke , which either holdeth not in all so smitten , or which falleth out besides in another kind of plague ( and contrary thereto , i haue no assurance ) i leaue it with my ignorance : and instead of exquiring , i reverence before the lord , crying out , ô the depth of his iudgments , his wayes are past finding out . one defineth the plague to be , a stroke of divine anger for the ●●nnes of mankind . so are a thousand maladies more , and all stripes inflicted on mankind for sinne ; and so the definition a meere genus without his differentia , vttering what is common to all maladies , but nothing formall to the pestilence whereof he disputeth . such a definition i could frame to the angels stroke , but then i should be as iustly derided for it , as he was reported in a leafe or two , vniustly to impeach my iudgment of the pestilence , physico , physica ; vt theologo , theologia . the cause why god hath not revealed to vs a sufficient difference , as it may well grow from our sinne , so it teacheth vs in such estate to vse and reverently to esteeme of , both phisicall and spirituall remedies ; least fayling in one , we be iudged for that one ; and in neglecting neither , we may haue a good conscience in both . and from this consideration it was , that i not only taught and prayed , but also ( all the time of pestilence ) did vse phisicke my selfe , propounding it also to my family , & som other acquaintance . * all the creatures of god are good , and nothing to be refused , if it be receaved with thankes-giving ; for it is sanctified by the word of god and prayer . and seeing the angels stroke doeth leaue behind it , bodies wounded to death ( howsoever that stroke , beget not the like naturally in another ; more then the stroke of god vpon ananias a●d saphira infected the by-standers and porters , act. 5. ) yet seeing the elements in such bodies resolue all into hatefull putrifaction , it should be ( at the least , seeme to others ) an act over presumptious to gaine say the vse of naturall preservatiue and medicine . quere . doth the 91. psalme propound deliverance from the pestilence deber , to som sorte of people ? chap. vi. answ. that it doth at large , as the learned mollerus thus writeth vpon the third verse ; eos qui fide certa in deum recūbereut tut●s fore à pestis sevitia affirmat , the propher avoucheth that they shal be safe from the pests cruelty , which rest vpon god with a sure faith . to him take another writers testimonie sent out this last pest-time . his words are these : how might god make vs a more excellent and fayrer promise , then that he promiseth to deliver from the pestilence , vs that be his children , and that we need not to be afraide thereof , though a thousand dye of the same at our left-side , and ten thousand at our right-side ; yet shall it not reach vnto vs , if we do but beleeue the promise , and let it be our speare and shield . so farre he. of such a beleever , chrisostome thus writeth : securus habitat at in terra & prolixam vitam inveniet , he shall dwell secure in the earth and finde long life . afterwa●des he tels how this is done : totum hoe fit per spem , hope in god bringes all this about . other witnesses might easily be produced , but these shall suffice to shew , that very vnadvised they were , that said , it was claphams sole fancie , to conclude any deliverance from the plague , from psalme 91. though ( being learned ) they might from the reverend tremellius and iuniu● their notes thereon , haue reformed their iudgment . specially if therewith they had conferred bezaes argument vpon the 9● . psalme , attributing much there to mollerus , desiring the● also divines not to take in hand that disputation ( which ought to be sent to the scholes of phisitians ) whither the pestilence be contagious or no ; but rather to beate into the mindes of men , the doctrine which is so necessarie and godly set forth in this psalme . so farre he. but reading not onlie the promise in leviticus 26. and deut. 28. made to the obedient , so well as crosses and cursses to the disobedient : and hearing also the apostle teach timothie , in 1. epistle 4. chap. that godlines is profitable to all things , which hath the promise of the life present , and of that is to come : and david such an interpretor of the law as therewith ( so well as moses ) secretly delivering the spirituall benedictions vnder corporall blessings , and not the one but both : my adverse-brethren having read all this , i wonder in what other sense they could read and vnderstand the psalme . som new fangled sense it must needs be . let any such one now smite his hand on his thighe , and say , what haue i don ? if they had read only the vulgare latine translation , which ( following the greeke , not the origenall ) doth in psalm . 91. and 3. verse , read verbum asperum , a sharpe word , in stead of noysome pestilence ▪ and in the 6. verse negotium busines , for pestilence , then they in the ignorance of the originall , might haue intended a deliverance from sharpe slaundering tongues , and from wordly businesses or molestations , as doth thē papisticall iansenius . and yet if they had done so , they had run vpō a doctrine which they would seeme to avoid , namely a deliverance from temporary evils , & that from such-ones , as believers are no more freed from , thē middeber hauoth ( turned of frier felix and approved of pope leo the tenth a peste pravitatum . l. confrionum ▪ ) from the noysome pestilence . this chapter then i will finish with iohn campensis , his paraphrase englished here and printed anno domini 1539. the wordes be these on psalme 91. 9. it is not for naught then , that i put my confidence in the lord. therefore who so ever thou be that hast vnderstanding , set the lord ( whiche is aboue al things ) afore thine eyes as ● most trusty refuge ; which if thou do , i that write these things dare bee bold to promise thee , that there shal never any suddain evill happē to thee , & that ther shall no plague v●xe thine houshold . so far his paraphrasis in the person of david . quere . what faith is it , which the 91. psalme propoundeth for apprehending such deliverance ? chap. vii . ans. first i will propound the sortes of faith. for though it bee said of the apostle in the epistle to the ephesians and 4. chapter , there is one body , one spirit , one hope , one lord , one faith , he meaneth not that there be no moe sortes in any sence : seeing besides the one body mysticall of christ , there is another of antichrist . besides that one spirit which giveth life to the church , the aforesaide body , there is another spirit , that breatheth in the synagogue of satan , & many spirites rationall , &c. so , besides that one , hope , which is the ancker-hold of the true church , there is another of the false . and besides that one , faith , which apprehends christ vnto eternal life , there is a second faith , termed historicall , which is that saint iames speakes of , whē he sayeth ; thou believes ( or thou faithes ) that there is one god , thou dost well , the devils beleeve , and tremble . such , believing the bibles history to be true , the wicked haue in commō with the godly . a third faith , ther is , termed miraculous , by reason wonderme●tes are thereby effected , whereof the apostle speaketh in 1. corin. 13. 2. if i had all faith ( that is as beza well noteth , the whole of this kinde of faith ) so that i could remooue mountaynes , &c. and this faith also the wicked haue in comon with the godly . there is another fatth termed temporary , whereof the apostle speaketh in 1. tim. 4. 1. when he saith , that in the latter tymes som shall apostate from the faith ; that is shall fall away from the ghospell , sometymes meant by faith : for from the first faith abouesaid , there is no fallinge away , no more then from election . and this kinde of temporary faith is peculiar to som reprobate , speaking only of mans-estate since adams fall . otherwise in the time of innocency , adam had faith touching the trinitie , their workes and goodnes ( but not of the son as a saviour , for yet was no need , because no sinne ) from the soundnes of which faith he [ écousios ] frankly and freely fell , admitting a right hard conceypt of god , till hee was restored ( more miraculouslie then was hezekiah ) to the same and a more excellent faith touching a seede ( not seedes ) which should arise from woman , for destroying the workes of satan . of these 4 sortes of fayth or beliefe , the first is of an eternall nature , of a grayne or cranell growing in fine to a tree , having the roote grounded in christ. but as the vine riseth by meane proppes , so this faith ariseth gradatim , som and som by temporarie favoures and promises of this life ; as may appeare thorough-out moses , who by such shadowes leades vs to the substance . in which respect , i approve the distinction of faith temporarie , and faith eternal ; not called temporarie for that it selfe indureth for a tyme , so much as for the obiect , it eyeth and apprehendeth , which is som temporary promise , and blessing : as also the other eternall , for the eternall promises and blessings , it eyeth , apprehendeth , and holdeth . both of them meet in the elect , as two eyes in the soule , to see by , but often times ( as were leahs eyes ) very tender : yea , with the poore man in the ghospell , do often behold mē but as trees : which caused another to cry , i beleue , lord , help my vnbelief . in this distinction of eternall and temporary faith i here rest as fittest to the present purpose , as also to the meaning of such writers as already i haue vrged , and againe must vrge . my answer so to the second question is , that both these sortes of faith are commended and called for in the 91. psalme . the temporarie is propounded in the first sence , & according to the letter . the eternall and iustifying faith , in the second sence , and according to the myster●e . the first is the shell , the second is the cranell ▪ 〈◊〉 having the promise of both , and both the gift of god , david could teach no otherwise , seeing moses gaue him his text from levit. 26. and deut. 28. and can be construed no otherwise . our saviour sends his hearers to moses for triall of his wordes and workes ; and in moses they could never be found , but by seeking a mystery in his historie ; a spirit in his letter ; a substāce in his shadowe , an eternall blessing cōveyed vnder a temporarie . they that teach otherwise , must frame a man of only soule or only body ; or invent a christ with the familistes , that hath litle or nothing to do with the body . when our saviour sayth , all things are possible to him that beleeveth , doth he by all things , meane only the things of the soule ? no , he meaneth also , what so ever may be comfortable to the body . and in that place the point is cleared , seeing by the fathers faith , the child then became dispossessed of an vncleane spirit ; that bodily good being denied vpon his state of incredulitie . a cloude of witnesses haue their faith extolled in hebrues 11. and for what ? specially or at the first●hand , for apprehending temporary deliverances , though sealing vnto them a greater . * daniell so stopped the lyons mouthes . ananias , azari and misael did quench the violence of fire : david by faith escaped the sword ; samson of weake , was made strong , &c. but what saith a writer authorised by the sea of london hereto ? he shall giue in both demaund and answere . i demand ( quoth he ) whither gods ministers , and good people now , may not receaue as great mercies and blessings ( aswell corporall as spirituall ) by faith , as the people of the iewes did , when christ was conversant vpon the earth ? we know his knowledge , his love , his mercies are not diminished or chaunged ; his power and might is the same & more glorified . surely , then , that which letteth the free course of his graces and mercies from vs , must be in our selues , ignorance , hardnes of heart , and great infidelity . so farre he. if now infidelitie hinder the course of corporeall blessings ; yea , of so great blessings as were vouchsafed to peoples bodyes in our saviours time , then necessarily it followeth , that the lord in 91. psalme , & any other such place , doth make such promise . and this was it , which mooved another last pest●tymes to write thus : “ if there he now such a faith as giveth credence vnto god , be shall preserue him from wicked imaginatio●s and evill sicknesses . thus clapham in nothing , wil be found odd , & singular : let the accusers therefore be abashed , and leaue of their vnthriving transgression . quere . are they then to be held faithles that dye of the pestilence ? chap. viii . answ it hath bene reported , that clapham should teach , that such so dying , had no faith. hearke what his wordes be wherevpon such bruite was raysed . in his said epistles fourth section he writes thus : but seeing the lord promiseth deliverance from the plague , to all such as rest vnder his winges , & walke in his way , it may be asked how comes it to passe , that som believers dy of the pestilēce ? the answere then is thus there made : the lords promise beeing ever fast to the beleever ( for he is faithfull that hath promised ) there is in beleevers so dying , waant of faith , for apprehēding this particular delivrance , this temporarie mercy : though they haue not lacked faith , for their eternall iustification , and finall salvation , by vertue whereof their flesh resteth in hope of an happy resurrection , and their spirit is gone to god that gave it . so farre there . in them wordes is the former question plainly resolved ; namely , one may dy of the pestilence , having notwithstanding true faith in christ , to their eternall iustification , & salvation : but such a one so dying , wanteth that faith , whereby that particular temporary deliverance might also haue been had . it is not said , that they haue no faith ( for the contrary is affirmed , namely , that such a one may haue true iustifying faith ) but that in such a one , there was a want of faith , for apprehending this particular deliverāce , this temporary mercy : the veritie whereof may appeare , by that which hath been said afore , but here shal be vrged further . had such so dying , such faith , for apprehending , that temporary deliuerance ? if they had it , and yet so dyed , it were to make god a deceaver : for such faith , so well as iustifying faith , is the gift of god. i graunt that such a one , may haue som swimming conceipt , of deliverance , as a reprobate may haue , his vnrooted conceipt , of soules salvation ) but virtually & truly , such faith they had not : for god gives not faith , without the thing faithed . * walke before me ( saith he ) and be thou vpright , i am el-shaddi , the strong god , all-sufficient , ●or answering thy faith and obedience . and this was it , which caused our saviour in the ghospell still to say , according to thy faith be it . if god in his iustice , “ do aunswere the wicked , according to the idol-inventions in their own heart , even to the brawning of them , in their witchery superstitions ; what mravayle is it , though the same god in his mercy , do answere his children , according to his owne grace , wrought in their hearts , by his owne spirit ? but let vs heare , one speake authorized from the sea of london . in psalme 91. it is thus : the plague shall not come neere thee . it may be demaunded ( saith he ) how this can be true , for that we read both in elder ages , and s●e dayly , that the pestilence , where it is sent , doth not only come neare the godly , but also smites dead , &c. the answer ( saith he ) is this , that either they fayle , in the * particular faith in gods providence , so much commēded , and required in this psalme , 91. or they keepe not within the boundes of their callings . so farre he with authoritie , but in me , it must be a heresie . he saith such faith for deliverance , is required in psalme 91. and many of our cleargie haue deried it in me . if faith , for deliuerance from pestilence , bee not in every christian , required , why is our church [ in the collect on trinitie sunday ] inioyned to pray against all adversitie ; as also in the letany to pray directly thus : from the pestilence good lord deliuer vs ? al true prayer , is to be made in faith ; ( for what is not of faith , is sinne ) and as saint iames vrgeth , in chap. 1. 6. to bee made without wavering , as we would haue assurance , to obtayne our request . this doctrine so , s● is the doctrine of the heads of our church , enioyned vnder the payne of excommunication ; and may not clapham teach it without inprisonment ? as also in ferre necessarily therevpon , that in the lacke of such faith , the very elect , may iustly perish of the pestilence ? yea , that the lacke of such sayth , is cause of any adversitie inflicted vpon vs ? vnfold this riddle that can , for i can not . augustine is bold ( and the scriptures so teach him ) to impute the correctorie cutting off of moses his lyfe before he came into the promised lande , to titubatio fides , the stumbling of fayth . and no marvayle that lacke of such fayth , should put away temporarie favoures , when as it is said of our savior ( in whom wantes neither habilitie nor will ) that he did not many great workes , in his owne coūtrey● for their vnbeliefes sake , math. 13. 58. what doth all this doctrine tend vnto , but to the humbling of vs in our wantes , who haue made our selues vnworthy of , and vnsufficient to apprehend promise temporarie , so well as that is of an eternall nature ; as also , to the iustifying of god in all his proceedings ? the contrary doctrine causeth man to arrogate to much to him selfe , and to giue vnto god to little . but let vs heare how another divine writt last pest time : “ he having said there be two sortes of death , the one after the * comon course of nature ; the other before the time ( stumble not at the latter phrase , for the * scriptures approve it ) of this latter he thus saith : another way , death may happen to a man before the tyme , by reason of his great and grievous sinnes , as the lord hath threatned by moses , that if his commaundements be not kept , he will cause pestilence to raigne : whereout it is certayne , that when they be kept , the plague bydeth out . likewise saith the lord in the commandements , honor thy father and mother , &c. out of the which it is certayne , that his life , which doth them not , shal be shortned . afterwards , the same writer speaking of the promise in the 91. psalme , he addes thus : of this vntimely death only speaketh this psalme , and promiseth the faith full christian men , that they shal be free from it . for frō the right appointed death , into the which we haue consented in baptisme , we neither can nor shal be deliuered . wherefore if a vertuous christian man dy of the plague , it is certainly his very houre appointed him of god , which he cannot prevent . but doubtles , there dy of it many sinners also beside , which might well live longer if they repented . so farre he. from whose wordes the collection is evident , namely , that none dy of the plague sent out from god , but vpon their disobedience , be they believers or sinners . and then every divine must graunt , that error in fact proceedeth from error in faith ; as from want of faith exhibited in his threatnings or promises . let this my iudgement then remayne good by authoritie from scripture , from writers , and the imposed obedience of the church of england , how so ever poo●e i , must therefore be derided , slaundered , oppressed . quere● haue the wicked then at any time such a faith , as whereby they be delivered from the pestil●nce ? chap. ix . answ. this d●maund hath his answere , before in the seaventh chapter , namely , that the wicked may bee possessed of any kinde of faith , saving that which we call the iustifying faith , the faith whereby the eternall saving promisses are apprehended . “ the wicked may cast out devills , worke miracles , and what not , that bringes with it onlie som temporarie blessing ? but all this not to be so reioyced in , as to haue the name writtē in heavē . here i could note ( which is not much observed ) that pharaoh . nech● the vncircūcised king of aegypt , was countenanced of god by faith in a temporarie ; what time the godly iosiah king of iudah , was checked by vnexpected death for not believing , pharaoh-necho , though he no prophet nor prophets sonne ; nor we heare not by what meanes hee had such skill ; but i passe by it : only let it check all sortes of infidelitie in vs. and because this position is vniversally graunted of all sortes of divines ( be their sect what it shall ) it shall not neede heere any discourse . in my traduced epistle and section 4. i say of the wicked escaping in middest of strongest pestilence , first , it is not because they have any promise , but because it pleaseth god both to them and vs , to be in many things , many times better then his promise . so i speake of the wicked in generall for their escape , as also of any promise in scripture , as vnto them not belonging , that is properly and blessedly . afterwardes in the same section i adde . secondly , the wicked so escaping are ordinarily such as haue walked boldly thorough the sicknes , bragging of their faith in god , touching deliuerance frō the pestilence ; shewing plainly , that they had of faith in god for apprehending promise of deliuerance , though they have not had faith for apprehending things spirituall and eternall . so far . and herein appeareth , that the conclusion is inferred , not in respect of all wicked escaping in middest of the pests-heat , but of some certaine wicked , namely , such as gloried first in their hope and trust , walking thorough it without feare . now their speach & behaviour compared with the event ( & the 91. psalme propounding a tempo●rarie cover , to such as had hope in god ) what shall let ( seeing i can iudge but by externalls ) that i may not thinke such to haue had that faith , which apprehendeth that temporarie . true it is , that all promises in proprietie and blessedly , are made to the children of god ( whither we respect christ the sonne of god by nature , or the sanctified mankind , the sonnes of god by adoption ) but yet it followeth not , that therefore ; god cōmunicateh none of the things so promised to the wicked . god hath commaunded both sortes of faith to goe togither ( the one for the good of the body , the other for the soule , and sinne it is to parte them ) but yet , as he is called * the saviour of all men , specially of the belieuers : so , hee saueth the wicked in somti●es of affliction , and vouchsaffeth his temporarie sunne and rayne to pleasure and profit them . for there is no grace that can be seuered from sanctification ( as may be seene in balaam , saul , iehu , iscariot , &c. ) but it may be found with the wicked , be it corporeall or spirituall . if we say ; that the lords disposing of temporaries , are then there , and to whome , he will i answere , ●uen so is the disposing of eternals , then , there and to whome hee will : for as the wind bloweth so the spirit worketh at his pleasure , as our sauiour teacheth the vnlearned rabbin nichodemus in saint iohus 3. chapter . how soeuer then my adversaries wish it . this their wind shakes no hauour . quere . is it lawfull for inhabitants to fly the place of their habitation , during such time , as the pestilence there raignet● ? chap. x. answ. som look that i should say yea , such as haue at such times giuen them selues voluntarily to flight . but would they haue me graunt that● absurdum pecus pecc●tor , there is no beast to the sinner . graunt that liberty and then ( to the exposing of all , to rogues-ruine , housses , townes , cities , and at this time , the greatest parte of this kingdom ) must be dispeopled and left as cursed ierush●●lem , desolate . consider then the absurditie of that concession . no common wealths● man will euer graunt that ; nor any desire it , that be not madde . may none then departe ? to hold that ( it may be ) would prooue an errour of the right hand , as the other of the left . salomon forbids vs to be * ouer-iust & ouer-wise ; so well as ouer-wicked & ouer-foolish . least i should seeme partiall , let vs heare som others speake . and first to aunticnt eusebius , who handled the churches historie 13. hundred yeares since . hee giues vs an epistle , written by dionisius the episcop of alexandria in aegipt , running thus , as a doctor of our owne hath turned the greek . many of our brethren ( saith dionisius ) by , reason of their great loue and brotherly charitie , spared not them selues , cleaued one to another , visited the sicke , without wearines or head-taking , attended vpon them diligently cured them in christ which cost them their liues ; and being full of other mens maladies , tooke the infection of their neighbours ; translated ( of their own accord ) the sorowes of others vpon them selues , cured and confirmed other sick persons , and dyed most willingly themselues , fulfilling in deed the common saying , only friendship is always to beretained : and departing this life , they seemed the of-scourings of others . in this sorte , the best of our bretheren departed this life ( whereof som were ministers and som deacons ) in great reuerence among the common people : so that this kind of death , for the piety & strength of faith , may seeme to differ nothing from martyrdome . for they tooke the dead bodyes of the saintes , whose brestes , and hands , and faces layd vpwardes , and closed their eyes , shut their mouthes , and ioyntly with one accord , being like affectioned , embraced them , washed them , & prepared their funeralls . in a little while after , they enioyed the like them selues . for that the living continually traced the steppes of the dead . but among the heathen , all fell out the contrarie . for scarse had the pestilence taken place amongest them , but they contraried them selues , and fledde from their most friendly and dearest friendes . they threw them halfe dead into the streetes ; the dead they left vnburied , to be devoured of dogges ; to the end they might avoyde the partaking and felowship of death ; which for all that they could devise , they could not escape . so farre eusebius . from this recorde of eusebi●● , besides other thinges , i wish these pointes to be observed : first , it was helde piety , a worke of faith , charitie , glorious as martyrdome , to stand by it , doing service one to another , even to the death and buriall . secondly , that the persons so holily imployde , were ministers , deacons and others . as for the heathen set in an antithesis ; first , they fly one from another , euen from their dearest friends , exposing the dead to prophane violation . secondly , for all their flying so , gods hande did overtake them : such being the iudgment and practise of the church in them purer tymes : and such was the behaviour of the heathen ; iudge nowe , who last pest-tyme walked as the christians , and who as the heathen . but let vs heare some what out of a sermon printed last pest-time . his wordes are these : * vnwisely , and vnchristianly they doe , that out of inordinate feare of this plague , leaue their calling and office , malitiously withdrawing the loue , helpe , & faithfulnes , which they out of gods commaundement , are bound to shew vnto their neighbours ; and so do sinne greevously against the commaundement of god. for certainly they do but stirre vp the wrath of god more earnestly against them selues , that he may the sooner take holde vppon them , and pluck them away with this plague . for men may heare on every side , that som do shunne and fly , not only the sicke , but also the whole . yea , that which is more foolishnes , even the platters and candlestickes which came out of straunge houses , as though death did surely sticke therein . and out of such fo●de childish feare it cometh , that not only som sick persons be suffered to dy without any keeping , help and comfort ; but that women also great with childe , are forsaken in their most neede ; for at such tymes , few or none will come vnto them . yea , a man may heare also , that the children forsake their fathers , & mothers ; and one houshold body keepeth him selfe from another , and sheweth no loue vnto him ; whiche nevertheles he would be glad to be shewed vnto him selfe , if he lay in like necessitie . so farre he. vnto the trueth of whose complainte , the very poets them selues haue subscribed , in variable pamphlets published amongst vs at this day . to these let me adde a doctor of physicke his testimonie ; printed after the former : “ it remayneth ( saith he ) that acknowledging the pestes contagion , we notwithstanding ( who are christians ) carefully avoyd that faithles and paganish fearefulnes , whereby wee are made to breake all the bondes of religion , consanguinitie , aliance , friendship , and policie : the husbande forsaking and abandoning his deare wife ; the parentes their children : to sincke , or swimme ; the pastor exposing his flocke to euery devouring wolfe ; and the magistrate his people vnder his charge , to all confusion and disorder . we are apt to rushe into extremities . this were incidere in scillam , whilst we would vitare charibdim , to avoyd one evill , and commit as great or greater . he is to be reputed a grounded & discreet christian , who as he will not rush rashly into every infected and visited house , without iust cause , warrant or calling ; so , when he is called , or tyed by any bonde of pietie , nature , or policy , he will not forsake his station , or detract and fore● slow any dutie or office ; though the performance thereof be with evident danger of health , goods , or lyfe it selfe . so farre he. what haue i taught more in this matter , that i must bee made a gazing-stocke to angells and men ? looke into the last section of my traduced epistle , and if ( eyther by exhorting to dutie , or dehorting from breach of datie ) i haue said more ( yea , but so much ) then lett man haue no mercy on me . from the lords loue and lenitie , i there exhort to coniunct and mutuall humiliation ; in checking some others for abusing the scripture in levitic . 13. touching leprosie , for vpholding their irregular flight : and if an authori●ed divine may not doe this , actum erit ● ministerio , our ministerie will bee of small reckoning . for my doctrine there of the leprosie , i leaue it to be tryed by gods worde , for already it is vnder the tryall of the bishops sworde . only heere thus much . 1. the leper was not put off ; till his disease were throughly seene , tryed and censured . but our sicknes are shaken off without tryall : & often tymes vpon false suppositiôn . 2. the priest then was tyed by dutie , to take such tryall . but the priest ordinarily with vs , is of the rest , furthest from that ; shaking off not only the sicke , but the sound also . 3. the priest and people got the leper conveyed to some place apart , providing sufficiently for him , that so his lothsom body might bring no grievance to the congregation . but the most of our priestes and people haue beene so farre from convaying forth the sick so provided ; as they rather haue put out them selues , providing for themselues , and leaving the sick behinde them . 4. the leprous house and garment came also vnder the priestes tryall and censure : will our priestes do the like ? i will hardly beleeue it , till i see it . 5. the leprous garmentes were to be burnt , and the houses pulled downe : will they deale so with pestilenced houses and garmentes ? then downe with all england . haue i not ( these circumstances remembred ) had iust cause to complayne of abuse committed against the ceremoniall law of leprosie ? sub iudice lis sit , let the church of god all abroad iudge it . as for any rules of politicall decency , or safetie to be drawen frō levit. 13. or any other scripture , nether haue i ( nor i think any scholler ) ever excepted against . and as farre from my thought it was contemptuously herein to oppose vnto the doctrine of leprosie published in the booke of orders for the wednesdayes fast : besides that my said epistle was published before that book , som dayes , if not weeks , at least in my iudgement ( as they haue vnder my hand and oth ) nor could i euer from pawles church-yard , or otherwise learne the contrarie . but inough of that parenthesis . when men be vnwilling tolay downe their liues for their brethren , to giue their liues for their flocke ; to preferre bodies to soules , & eternall life to temporarie , what law of god & man will bind them ? what evasions will not be devised ? and what transgression will not of such be iustified ; euen somtymes to the harming of such , as haue beene conscionable obseruers of the law ? this chapter then i will finish with other mens wordes . * one saith thus : let not gentlemen and rich citizens by flying ( vnlesse they fly likewise frō their sinnes ) thinke to escape scot-free . another writes thus : “ it is a great shame for a christian man to be afrayde of the plague of pestilence , as to fly from them that he is bound to serue by gods commaundement . another writes thus : * they that fly for meare feare , ought to acknowledge their want of faith , and to bewayle it , as those that consider neither of them selues , nor of the hand of god that stricketh ; perswading them selues , that staying is the only daunger , and that flyinge is the only meane to escape . such men do as litle children , that flye from the fathers rodde , and so make him more angrie . againe another writes so : they must summon them selues vnto the iudgement feate of god , and looke on the plague , as on the messenger of gods wrath , which can not be avoyded with change of place , but by repentance and amendment of life . so farre they . from such authorised sentences , let the reader collect , that howso ever all departure be not gayn-sayed , yet no such departure is graūted , as whereby relatiue duties be omitted and cast aside , or barbanitie may ensue : for the least ( euill may not be done , to the ende that good may come thereby ) for to such ( saith the apostle ) “ damnation is iust . * from the beginning of the world god knoweth all his workes : and therefore neither needeth nor craueth , nor alloweth , the helpe of our false finger . let vs striue in all estates to be helpefull one to another , and blessed is that servant , who when his maister christ cometh , is found so doing . dixi. epilogue . equall is that pentameter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euery forced busines , is grievous . almost a yeare is passed , at the penning hereof . so long forbearance , was much and onerous ; specially in so even a cause . if my aduersaries scorpions , haue by lashing enforced this cry , and thou thereby bettered , deo gratias , giue god the prayse , who out of a flint can fetch fier ; and of stones , rayse vp children to abraham . meane tyme , be assured , it had beene more ease for me , not to haue beene so vrged . but though i were slaine , i must ( with iob ) hold fast myne innocencie . innocency ; by how much the more it is innoeencie , by so much the more i should ( by silence ) haue borne false witnes against god , his church , and myne owne soule . but if it bee remembred , what horride reportes , were scattered abroad of me , both touching fact , and matter of faith , notwithstanding all orderly suites , and protestations , subscriptorie , and iuramentall ; yea , against the tendering royal purpose , of our soueraigne : to the possessing of magistrates eares with vntruthes , to the perverting of ministers , and people ; for bending all against me , and so the sword of gods holy angell ( “ yet vn-sheathed ) gainst all ; damming vp the course of my ministerie , cutting of my bodies liberty ; propounding my life to daunger ; breaking the heart of my family , consumed the substance i had paynefully earned : to the gladding of fooes , sadding of friends , procuring murmurations , &c. and al for praying , preaching , visiting , and good-doing , to all sortes , pestilenced : when almost none els would ; if all this be layd to heart , am i iron , that i should not feele ; or am i lead , that i should not sound ? nay is it reasonable ( though i bee therefore cōmitted close prisoner , yea , should dy the death ) but i should speak , and write , for clearing of myne innocencie ? wherein i haue fayled ( and who is it , that in nothing sinneth not ) thou that art stronger , helpe to sustayne me : at least , simpathize so my estate , as i may be helped , by thy feeling and harty prayers . and so with reference of my cause to the iudgement of god , his church in england , scotland , france , ireland , and wheresoeuer , i end . this 18. of september , 1604. the lord most vnworthy henoch clapham . a letter to a friend . you desire to heare by what law , i was committed , and so am still continued in prison ? i protest , in the presence of god , i know not , by what law , all this is done , there is a law , that toucheth som , concerning iudgement and doctrine of the pestilence . it is layd downe in the booke called the queenes orders for the pestilence : i speake of our late sweet soveraigne , now gone vnto god. the same booke since ( as i take it ) was published last pest-tyme , in his maiesties name , and this is it verbatim . order 16. item if there be any person , ecclesiasticall or lay , that should hold , and publish any opinions , ( as in som places report is made ) that it is a vayne thing , to forbeare , to resorte to the infected : or that it is not charitable , to forbid the same ; pretending that no person shall dy , but at their time prefixed , such persons shall not only be reprehended , but by order of the bishop , ( if they bee ecclesiasticall , ) shal be forbidden to preach : and being lay , shal be also enioyned to forbeare , to vtter such daungerous opinions , vpon payne of imprisonment ; which shal be executed , if they shall perseuere in that errour . and yet it shall appeare manifestly , by these orders , that according to christian charitie , no persons of the meanest degree , shal be left without succour and relief . admitt now , i had bene coulpable , of such doctrine : my punishment should not haue bene imprisonment , but som inhibition , to preach . but , as may appeare , by all my writings , i am cleared from all such imputation : and so no law ( that yet i can heare of ) in this matter , violated of me . his maiestie commaunded , i should be proceeded withall ; by the law , intending , that there was a law to cleare me , or condemne me : and yet ( as you heare ) i am kept still in bondes , only vpon my l. of london commaund , ( not vpon any law civill , or ecclesiasticall , once spoken of ) others of the hy-commission vnited with him therein , who ( i suppose ) dare not , easilie , be in any thing , vnto him , repugnant : and he having imprisoned me , before he truely vnderstood the cause , doeth thus goe about to make good his imprisonmēt , by wincking at the truth of the cause , seeming to plague me for the contrary . this may suffice , for your question ; wherewith i end , desiring your harty prayers vnto god , for my good : to whose saving mercies also , i referre you and your studies . yours he. cl. another letter . beloued ; i haue maruailed , what may be the cause of your walking thus those . if because of my daily repaire vnto the lords visited people , som moneths since you fear to com near me , you must vnderstand , that i haue bene ayred in prison these ten moneths . but in your iudgement ( it may be ) a man may travatle of the plague , beyond a womans 4● weekes . in deed the old womans fable is , that the plague will lye 7 years in a mouse hole , and then come out . that aphorisme ( it is like ) was cause ( as hath eftsoones bene reported ) that a neare preacher , newly beneficed , did plaister the walles faire , tempering the morter with vinger , [ “ eamque ob rem , medici peste grassante , cum in cibo , tum in potu , acc●ivsum mirificè commendant ] but for all that , his hourse was scarfe fimished , before he with plentie of gods tokens vpon him , so well as his predecessour , was buried . but if i may coniecture by your pulse , you feare to bee knowen my friend , whil● i am in bonds . an vngodly feare , to bee ashamed of well doing . such irregular walking , may cause me to call in question , whether ever you were a true friend , seeing one of gods canons runns thus : * a friend loueth at all times , and a brother is borne for adversite . besides , that such keeping aloof ( worse then that of nicodemus , for he came by night ) it weakens neophyts , and str●ngthens the hands of the adversarie . would you , in like case , be so walked with ? do as you would be done to . in the beginning , you kept of , for som such cause , but now you are impeded about episcopall canons , concluded by the province of canterburie : for though yorkes prouince be by proclamation , enioyned to vndergoe the same “ rules , yet ( i vnderstand not ) that that provinces voyce was called for ; and so vsed , as to the making of that coū . ●ell nationall , and one of the canons , concludeth ( as i remēber ) that 〈◊〉 be the voyce of the church of england , which hath bene vttered in ● councell nationall , not provintiall . e●en as the parliament 〈◊〉 nationall , for that euery part of the nation , hath his speaker in it . if that be your case , god and the king helpe you , for i can not . i am here for another gates testimonie , almost for sakē of you all as singular : but if you would have first vnderstood me , and secondly your selues ; all that i did , was but a bringing of that doctrine , into distinct methode , which ( for the most part ) was taught over-confusedly . in so much as sundry that heard you teach two tymes , vpon that argument , could not conceaue , but that in the second sermon , you were opposite to the first . if you had bene more comfortable to others , in their affliction , then doubtles you should not be so long destitute of comfort in any your afflictions , for faithfull is he that saith , the mercifull shall finde mercy . make vpright steppes to your feet , and feare not an happy issue out of all tentations . and so with my hearty prayers to god for your good , i leaue you to his guidance , that neuer for sakes the faithfull . your friend he. cl. courteous reader let me craue in kindnes , that what faultes thou findest , may not bee imputed to the authour : but meere ignorance and oversight in th● publisher . fare well . pere re● the publisher and his friend . question . is the plague infectious , or no ? answer . that is intricate , more then i know . to satisfie som-thing , i will not gr●dge , with some experimentes , then be thou iudg● . i. a sucking childe , suckt his mothers breast , hauing a filter , 2. or 3. yeares elder at the least , the mother absented , the eldest out of thrall , not car●ing for the yongest , any thing at all : the yongest liued , and survived , the eldest with the mother greeved and died . ii. a man being marked with gods tokens , looking euery hour , when his heart would be broke● hauing one child , loth to leaue behind him , layed it 3. dayes and 3. nights in bed by him : the father dyed , the child survived , and hath euer since prospered and thriued . iii. a plague fore , within a spanne of a womans dugge , whereat the little child , night and day did lugge , som fortnight sick and sore , shee was all that while , the child in midst of mothers grief , at her did smile the mothers sore made whole , & so she mended , the child since neuer sick , nor with grief offended . now my friend , if not my fo , tell me , is the plague infectious , or no ? qu. is there any place in the scripture , that vrgeth men to bee fo●ward in perfection , and striving to be perfect : answer . yes : ye shall therfore be perfect , as your father which is in heauen is perfect , mat. 5. 48. also the great commandement doth say : loue the lord thy god with all thy heart , & with all thy soule , and with all thy minde , and with all thy strength . this is the first and the great commandement . and the second is like vnto this : thou shalt loue thy neighbour as thy selfe . on these two commandements hangeth the whole law and the prophetes . the whole scripture is giuen by inspiration of god , and is profitatable to teach , to improue , to correct , and to instruct in righteousnes : that the man of god may be absolute , being made perfect vnto all good workes , 2. tim. 3. 16. 17. this is a straight gate , yet we are commaunded to striue to enter in at the straite gate , luke 13. 24. now he that despiseth the teacher & vrger of this doctrine , despiseth the authour of the doctrine even christ him selfe . although no man can be perfect in this life , yet it is no reason that the mouth of the oxe should be moozled , for treadinge out the corne before them : and telling men what they ought to bee , althogh he knoweth , that none can be perfect in this life , no more then a cammell can goe through the eye of a needle , and though this be vnpossible to man , yet nothing is vnpossible to god. when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren . the god of peace that brought again from the dead our lord iesus the great shepheard of the sheepe ▪ through the blood of the everlasting covenant , make you perfect in all good workes , to do his will , working in you that which is pleasant in his sight , through iesus christ , to whom be praise for euer . amen . p. r. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a18922-e160 * iohn . 8. 6. one made that aunswer . * ergo no possession . notes for div a18922-e300 “ revel . 12. 10. * anno do : 1603. novemb. ●4 “ 1604. prover . 24. 11. 12. leuit. 5. 1. prou. 31. ● . rom. 15. 30. &c. notes for div a18922-e990 * affirmando . negando distinguendo . retorquendo . * they were 70. hebrues that turned the law into greek , at the appointmēt of ptolomy philadelph the egyptiā king , vnder whom daniels people were capti●ed . notes for div a18922-e1260 w. cupper , on 2. sam. 24. pag. 78. * stephen egerton . * doct. fran hering in his epist. to his defence , &c. see h ▪ hollands spir. preservatiue pag. 36. notes for div a18922-e1500 * d. lodge in his booke of the pestilence , cha . 1. “ touching is of sundry natures . “ bucer in mat. 8. * w. cupper on 2. sam. 24. iohn 5. “ rom 12. 1 galen in 1. lib. de temp . observed by doct katachius in regimine sanitatis . “ w. cupper on 2. sā . 24. 147. * roger fēton in his spirituall perfum● . publisher . “ the adding of 15. yeares to his life , and the sunne going back 10. degrees in the diall of 〈◊〉 : without 〈◊〉 help , was 〈◊〉 raculous , 2. king. 20. 2● isa. 38. 1. 〈◊〉 * ma. holland . * m. cupper . henricus mollerus in psalmo● . * beza and others her● at home . h. hol. sp●● preser . p. 33. ia● . 2. 1. notes for div a18922-e2810 * publisher , was it not doctor andros that culled thē ? * do ▪ lod ▪ from hipocrates de humana natur . notes for div a18922-e3200 * 1 tim● . 4 4● 5. notes for div a18922-e3350 t. c. on psalm 91. chris. on psalm . 91. frater feli● his translation on th● psalme . notes for div a18922-e3840 iame●● . 15 beza on 1. cor. 1. 13. hebrues 10 26. eternall or iustifying faith. temporarie faith. mark 9. 2● . * hebr ▪ 11. 33. &c. h. hollāds sp . preserva . “ t. c. o● psal. 91● notes for div a18922-e4540 psal 91. * gen. 17. 1. “ ezek. 14 ▪ 3 ▪ &c. h. hollands spir preser . pag. 85. 86. * this ter● was flouted , and yet not in myne but in ma. hollands book● augustin on psa . 106. “ t. c. on psal . 91. * num. 16. 29. * eccles. 7. 19. psal● 55. 23. luke 13. 5. notes for div a18922-e5140 “ ma●● . 〈◊〉 * 1. tim● . 4. 10. notes for div a18922-e5440 * eccle. 7. 18 , 19. merideth hanmers translat . of euseb & in chap 22 after●y greke . * t. c. 〈◊〉 psal● 91. “ doctor her. epist. before his def. printed 1604. leuit. 13. doct. he● . in his rules , pag. 4. “ t. con psal. 91. * wil. cup. per on 2 sa. 24. pa● 368. h. hollād● pr. preser . pag. 173. “ rom. 3. ● . * act ; 15. 〈◊〉 notes for div a18922-e6440 “ never raged this sick nes so mightily and vniversally in england , as now it doth notes for div a18922-e6730 “ in amo●di villanovani exegefi super schol. sale●n . ● . 4● , * prover . 〈◊〉 17. “ canon ● the greeke : rule is the english. [logos alexipharmakos] or, hyperphysicall directions in time of plague collected out of the sole-authentick dispensatory of the chief physitian both of soule and body, and, disposed more particularly, though not without some alteration and addition, according to the method of those physicall directions printed by command of the lords of the counsell at oxford 1644 and very requisite to be used with them : also, certain aphorismes, premised, and conclusions from them deduced, concerning the plague, necesiary to be knovvn and observed of all, that would either prevent it, or get it cured / by lionell gatford ... gatford, lionel, d. 1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70159 of text r8380 in the english short title catalog (wing g335). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 107 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70159 wing g335 estc r8380 11982032 ocm 11982032 51875 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70159) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51875) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 233:e27, no 11) [logos alexipharmakos] or, hyperphysicall directions in time of plague collected out of the sole-authentick dispensatory of the chief physitian both of soule and body, and, disposed more particularly, though not without some alteration and addition, according to the method of those physicall directions printed by command of the lords of the counsell at oxford 1644 and very requisite to be used with them : also, certain aphorismes, premised, and conclusions from them deduced, concerning the plague, necesiary to be knovvn and observed of all, that would either prevent it, or get it cured / by lionell gatford ... gatford, lionel, d. 1665. [2], 35 p. printed by h. hall, oxford : 1644. title transliterated from greek. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng plague -england -early works to 1800. plague -history -17th century. a70159 r8380 (wing g335). civilwar no logos alexipharmakos, or, hyperphysicall directions in time of plague. collected out of the sole-authentick dispensatory of the chief physit gatford, lionel 1644 19167 60 25 0 0 0 0 44 d the rate of 44 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-04 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or , hyperphysicall directions in time of plague . collected out of the sole-authentick dispensatory of the chief physitian both of soule and body , and disposed more particularly ( though not without some alteration and addition ) according to the method of those physicall directions printed by command of the lords of the councell at oxford 1644. and very requisite to be used with them . also , certain aphorismes , premised , and conclusions from them deduced , concerning the plague , necessary to be known and observed of all , that would either prevent it , or get it cured . by lionell gatford , bachelor in divinity-physick . in his disease he sought not to the lord , but to the physitians . 2 chron. 16. 12. oxford , printed by h. hall . 1644. to the right honourable the lords of the councell , and others his majesties commissioners for the government of the city of oxford , lionell gatford wisheth increase of honour , and the blessing of peace , temporall and eternall . being unjustly forced from that cure , whereunto god had called me , as the most of my ▪ profession are , that will not turne mountebancks and poyson the people ) and not suffered ▪ upon his majesties gracious exchange , ( after seaventeene months imprisonment in london , without any cause shewen in all that time ) either to returne to that care or to practise anywhere else with safety ( though licensed for all parts of this kingdome ) i was necessitated to repair to this city made happy in the midst of miseries by your vigilancy & gods blessing thereupon . i had not beene long here , but i saw and partooke ( praysed be the lord for it ) of one of the greatest mercies ( let others value it as they please ) that ever this city was blessed with : a vast , and in their owne opinion , an invincible army surrounded us , as sometimes the assyrians did jerusalem : their tartaris , their rabsarises and their rabsakehs opened their mouths wide both against our religious hezekiah , and against all his loyall subjects then attending his sacred person , thinking ( as their own bloudy pamphlets did intimate ) instantly to have devoured them all . and without doubt , if the lord himselfe had not been on our side . if the lord himselfe had not beene on our side , when those men thus rose up against us , they had swallowed us up quick when they were so wrathfully displeased at us : but blessed be the lord , he did not give us up as a prey unto their teeth ; but put his hooke in their nose , and his bridle in their lips , and turned them back by the way , not by which they came , but by which they became the object of their soveraign's tender mercy and compassionate pitty , whom they then pursued with their rebellious malice and mercilesse cruelty . this unspeakable mercy of god to this city , or rather to this whole nation , was attended upon ( whether for our unthankfullnesse , or for our other sinnes , or for both ! with that formidable judgement of plague . upon the increasing and spreading whereof , observing , that your honours , in your extraordinary care of this place , had commanded certaine physicall directions in time of plague to be published , i was encouraged to beleeve , that hyper-physicall directions for such a time could not want your patronage , and therefore finding none other of my calling , though farre more able , to have prevented me , i presumed to present you with these : knowing withall , that without your helpe and assistance , both physicall and hyper-physicall prescripts , how excellent soever , will be but of little benefit or profit to the most of men ; all men being naturally prone to reject , at least to neglect that advise which would do them most good : and unlesse the magistrates make them know that they beare not the sword in vaine , but will proceed to severe correction where wholsome instructions are despised , the divine and physitian both may prescribe till they are weary , and all to no purpose . we reade of an aaron needing a calling upon from moses to do what belonged to him in the time of a plague . but as the plague may be ( and , for ought any man knowes to the contrary , this plague may be such ) the magistrates actuall exercising their power in the execution of justice upon some provoking offenders may be so necessarily required , that the raging contagion will not cease without it . this i am confident of , and not without good grounds : that would your honours be pleased but to revive the execution of some of your owne lawes against that one horrid crying sinne of swearing and blaspheming gods name , which so raignes in our streets and houses , the plague of god would not rage so much in them , as now it doth . the lord ( saith the commandement ) will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vaine 't is swearing ( saith one of the prophets ) that brings the flying rowle of the curse into mens houses , and makes it to remaine there , till it have consumed both them and the very timber and stones thereof . and 't is for swearing amongst other foule crimes ( saith another prophet ) that the land mournes . as therefore ye tender particular mens persons , that have jeoparded their lives , for you , as ye regard the welfare of this city , wherein god hath preserved you , and as ye love this whole land , wherein god hath highly honoured you , suffer not the sacred name of that gracious and glorious god , who hath wrought these and other infinite mercies for you , to be dishonoured and profaned so as it is by cursed oathes and blasphemous cursings . let some sharpe mulcts against cursing and swearing be duly inflicted and required , that if the dread of that name do not terrifie men from so abusing it , yet the feare of that power wherewith god hath intrusted you , and their owne just punishment for disregarding both , may make them affraid to use that name in vaine , which you have found by so often experiment not to be in vaine to those that honour and rely upon it : so shall your names be precious in gods account , your freinds and servants that fly hither for succour be solaced and confirmed in their expectation thereof , your enemies mouthes be stopped in one of their lowdest clamours , and all both freinds and foes , that visit this city , be constrained to acknowledge , that the streets and ordinary places of concourse , under your government are sweeter and better kept , then the churches and pulpits under the rebells tyranny . pardon me ( i humbly beseech you ) for pleading thus earnestly in this cause . the king's , your honours , and this whole kingdomes hopes of deliverance from those sore judgements , under which they still groane , ( as well as those miraculous deliverances that have beene vouchsafed us ) depend wholly upon that great name . and therefore if not my zeale to gods glory , yet my loyalty to my soveraigne , my duty to your honours , and my love to my nation , may excuse my boldnesse in minding you of a speedy vindication of the honour of that name . i know there are many other crimes amongst us , that cry alowde for your more then ordinary care and diligence , zeale and courage , in chastening and correcting the daring actors of them : but ( as chrysostome once-spake ) i conceive this to be the best way of correction , to beginne first with one part of the law , and see that that be observed , and then to go on to the rest . and with what part should ye begin first , if not with that , which is most transgressed , and ( if it be rightly considered ) easiest to be amended : vp , then in the name of god , and sanctify the people by purging out from them this spreading sinne of cursing and swearing ; and proove the lord whether he will not , upon your banishing the plague of god , and other rash curses and oathes out of mens mouthes , banish that judgment of the plague it selfe and other judgements from this city ; the forementioned father was bold to ingage his word & credit to the citizens of antioch , that upon their abstaining from swearing god would free them from that great calamitie which was then upon them . i dare not undertake so farre ; but it were well if you would please to make tryall , whether god would do so much , or not . this you may be assured of , for you have gods owne word and promise for it , whether the plague shall thereupon be removed from others dwellings or not , that love of yours to his name shall keepe you and your owne dwellings safe . as for your honours observing these directions your selves , it were too presumptuous a thought in me to expect , that any advise of mine should be hearkened unto by you who have so many learned and renowned doctors to consult upon all occasions : yet where you find that i speake home to the purpose and god himselfe speakes the same , though not for my sake , yet for his , daigne it the hearing , i and the following too , if you love your owne safety . howsoever if you shall but tolerate and approve these directions so farre , that others under your present charge , who cannot , many of them have accesse to those that are more learned and better able to counsell them , or rather are affraid or ashamed to appeare to such , how willing or ready soever to receive them , may by that your toleration and approbation ( the reverend doctors not dissenting be fully satisfied , that there is nothing herein prescribed , but what is good and wholesome , and will , through gods blessing , conduce much to their health and preservation , this will be ample honour and encouragement to your honours most humbly devoted servant l. g. certaine aphorismes and conclusions from them deduced , concerning the plague , necessary to be knowne of all that would either prevent it , or get it cured . as there is a corporall or bodily plague ; which is by physitians defined to be , a common epidemicall disease , most acute , contagious , and pernicious , that with its secret or close-lurking malignity , and spiritfull poison invades and infects the heart and vitall spirits with all other parts of the body , suddainly and speedily overthrowing them by causing extreame putridnesse and raging distempers therein ; shewing it selfe at the last , and for the most part , in spots , sores , or carbuncles , together with other dangerous and deadly symptomes . so there is also a spirituall or soule-plague a , called sinne , which according to divines , is a transgression of gods law b causing death c temporall and eternall ; and may , for its neare resemblance to the other plague , be further described in the same termes with it : viz. an universall d or epidemicall disease e , most acute f , contagious g , and pernicious h , that with its secret or close-lurking i malignity and spiritfull poison k invades and infects , &c. ( 2 ) the plague of the soule is the originall or principall cause of the plague of the body l . and therefore without all dispute the best and surest , if not the onely course for avoiding or expelling the plague of the body , is to avoid or expell the plague of the soule m . no disease , say physitians , can be taken away , unlesse the cause be taken away ; and the cause being removed , say the naturalists , the effect removes with it ; and the onely way that the scriptures prescribe to get quit of any judgement , is first to get quit of sinne n . ( 3 ) as the plague of the body ( according to physitians in their physicall way ) is caused either by externall causes , such as the consuption of the aire , the contagious touch of some bodies or things , &c. or else by internall causes , such as the putrefaction of the bloud or humours , &c. so the plague of the soule ( according to divines in their theologicall way ) is caused either by externall temptations and provocations , and those principally of the senses o , to some whereof the poison of the temptation is conveyed by the aire , to others by some contagious touch p ; or else by internall corruption q , the seed whereof is derived unto us from our parents r . and therefore if we would be preserved from the one plague as well as the other , we must provide and furnish our selves with such antidotes and preservatives , such cordialls and other approved remedies , as are good and proper for the resisting and expelling of both sorts of corruption and putrefaction , as well externall , as internall . and such you shall finde by and by prescribed in their due order . ( 4 ) not onely the body-plague ſ it selfe , but also all the naturall or physicall causes thereof , are themselves caused by god , as the supreme and hyperphysicall cause t . and therefore as we endeavour by physicall preservatives to keepe and defend our selves against the naturall and second causes of that disease before it seize upon us ; and as we apply to our selves physicall medicines to cure us of it , when it hath taken hold on us : so we must not faile to addresse and apply our selves by hyperphysicall meanes and wayes to the supreme and first cause u , who disposeth and ordereth both that disease it selfe and all its causes as he pleaseth x . ( 5 ) it is acknowledged by the best of physitians ( as a learned doctor in that faculty mathias vntzer y informes me ) that although there are many excellent medicines found out , and by reason , use , and experience of the wisest approved to be very happy and successefull , both for the preventing and curing the plague of the body ; yet it was never said , written , read , nor heard ( they are the authors owne words ) that any mortall man , of all those that have beene , or are , could truly assume so much glory to himselfe , as to say that god had shewne and revealed to him any true certaine antidote or medicine against it , either to preserve man from it , or to expell it from man ; but god reserves that skill to himselfe ; and that , ( as some physitians as well as divines conceive ) because god would not have men to know any sure defence against that his just scourge of sinne , but onely in him and from him . and therefore though we doe and ought to make use of such preservatives and medicines z in time of plague , as god a hath by learned and experienced physitians b imparted unto us ; giving him thankes for them c : yet we cannot and ought not to rely upon them : but we must submit all to the lord and rest upon him d . and if we so doe , and repent truly of our sinnes , and doe that which is just and right ; although the physitian can prescribe no certaine infallible remedy for it ; yet the divine can , so farre as to assure thee that it shall not hurt thee . for thy so doing ( i meane thy repenting truly of all thy sinnes , and relying wholly upon god in and through the merits and mediation of christ , ) will undoubtedly preserve thee e , if not from its stroke , from its venime and poison ; so that , if it kill thee , yet it shall do thee no harme ; for that he will be the death of its death , or the plague to its death for thee f ; and thy death shall be an advantage to thee g . ( 6 ) whatsoever we take or make use of to prevent or expell the plague either of body or soule , must be taken or used speedily , without the least delay h : for the poyson of both plagues is so subtill and spiritfull , that it both infects and kills in a very short time ; oftentimes in a few houres . these aphorismes and conclusions being premised , i hope the following directions will prove the more beneficiall , provided that these two cautions be observed . first , that these directions be look't upon directly as they are , not as the originall prescripts of a divine , for then there had beene lesse of the physitian in them , but as the occasionall meditations of a divine upon the originall prescripts of a physitian , and so there is a kinde of necessity , that they should favour the more both of the physitians {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to , his medicinall confections and his medicinall expressions . secondly , that whereas the director keeping close to the allegory makes use of physicall termes to expresse theologicall graces , the reader be not so gracelesse as to abuse those expressions to the venting of his owne rudenesse and prophanesse . hyperphysicall directions in time of plague , &c. the first and most generall preservative against this infection is not named by the author of the physicall directions ; for that ( as i suppose ) he thought it more dangerous to fly from this city , as the case then was , then to abide in it : it being better to fall into the hands of god , who in wrath remembers mercy ; then into the hands of such mercilesse bloody men , as then did , and still doe lye in waite to devour us : howsoever i shall be bold to mention it , as being altogether requisite in that case that i shall apply it unto . the preservative that i meane , is the flying from such persons and places as are infected . 't is approved of in the letter concerning the body-plague ; provided , that they who would make use of that meanes have no publique or private bond upon them to the contrary , and that they doe not take that course , as an occasion to save their purses from contributing to the releife and support of those who stay behind them , and are in want ; as also , that they do not trust too much upon their flight , as thinking themselves secured thereby . but in the allegory as it concernes the soule plague , the flying from persons and plates infected , is not only a prescript of councell but of command ; and the contagion cannot well be avoyded without it a . whether men fly or not , let as many , as have not done it before , set their houses in order , and settle their estates b making the best provision they are able for their wives and children c , and not forgetting the poore d . have a care what strangers thou receivest and entertainest in thy house . to entertaine strangers especially in times of distresse , is an excellent meanes of preservation to a whole family , for thereby some have entertained angels unawares e , and those such angells as have preserved them and theirs from the universall destruction of that city wherein they have lived f : and 't is a most acceptable thing both to god and christ to entertaine some strangers g , and the excluding or neglecting them most distastfull h . yet 't is good to beware whom thou entertainest , lest otherwise thou chance to entertaine devils in the forme of angels . in particular beware of false prophets , or false teachers , who privily bring in damnable heresies , where e're they come , causing the way of truth by their pernicious wayes to be evill spoken of , and with their fained words make merchandise of mens soules i , you shall know them by those markes , by which saint peter describes them , such as the despising of government , carrying themselves presumptuously and selfe-will'dly ; speaking evill of dignities k , &c. if any such come unto you , or any other that bring any other doctrine then what is consonant to the doctrine of christ and his apostles , receive them not into your house , neither bid them god speed l . beware also of all such as use to creep into houses , and lead captive silly women , whether they be prophets , or not m , you shall know them also by those markes which saint paul sets them out by n , if you be but carefull to observe them . and because you will say 't is impossible to know whether strangers be such , or not , i would advise you to be the more carefull , that those strangers whom you do entertaine be able to shew you some way or other either by the report of others o , or by their owne deportment p , some good testimoniall of their being free from all such infection or contagion . but if they cannot do that for the present . notwithstanding use them humanely and intreat them kindly , so long as thou knowest nothing to the contrary , but that they are cleare and free , and that for his sake who shewed such kindnesse and compassion to thee , when thou wast a stranger to him and stript of all thou hadst that good was , and wounded and cast out into the high way ready to perish , those that knew thee , passing by thee , neither willing nor able to helpe thee . i meane jesus christ himselfe , who tells thee this of himselfe in a parable q , and bids thee do the like r . nay further ; if thou suspect them or know them not to be free from infection , yet if they be in extreme want , make the best provision for them that thou canst with safety to thy selfe and family . and that still for his sake who entertained thee when thou wert a stranger to him and to all worth and goodnesse that might any wayes deserve the least kindnesse from him ſ , viz. their lord and thine ; they being his creatures t and bearing his image u , as well as thy selfe , and standing and falling only to him x . and so i passe on to the preservatives prescribed in the physicall directions . dwelling houses are to be kept cleane , free from filth and ill smells ; in particular , from usury and perjury y , from coveteouousnesse , and idolatry z , from fornication and adultery a , from rioting and drunkenesse b , from chambering and wantonnesse c , from diceing and gameing d , from strife and envying e , from false weights and false wares f , from false measures and false ballances g , from the goods of the poore laid to pledge , and goods stollen or otherwise ill gotten h ; from the wages and hire of servants and labourers unjustly detained and kept backe i , from pride and excesse in ornaments of the body , or furniture of the house k , from sloth and idlenesse l , from swearers and prophane persons m , from lyars and slaunders n , from flatterrers and talecarriers o , and from whatsoever else may bring the wrath of god upon thee or thine p . and i advise thee also to looke to thy out-houses , as thy barnes and grainaries , that there be not found therein either corne hoarded up to make a dearth q , or tithes with-held from these to whom they are due r . and in case thou build thy house or inlarge either it or the borders thereof , ( i meane thy gardens , walkes , and the like , have an especiall care that it be done without oppression or wrong to any , least the violence and injustice done that way pull such plagues and vengeance upon thy house , as will never leave it , till it , or thee , if not thine after thee , be utterly ruined ſ if thou live neere to any infected or suspected houses ( such as are all where-houses and play-houses t , the most tavernes and tippling-houses u and , as thou mayest certainely conclude all such houses as abound with much of that filthinesse and uncleanesse but now mentioned ) keepe thy windowes x and thy doores y towards those places especially , close shut , so close that no ayre infected or corrupted with the putrid and poysonous malignity of such places get into thy house . and give a strict charge to thy family , that none of them presume either to gaze much out of thy windowes z , or to sit long or often at thy doores a ; but let every one of them , as well as thy selfe , retire often to their chambers and other the most private places of thy house , and there fill their eyes with teares , their hearts with groanes , and their mouthes with prayers and strong cries b . in houses farther off from infection , thou mayest use more liberty and set open both windowes and doores more freely , yet not without observing how the winde stands ; for though the southerly windes of ease and prosperity do most please the most of men ; yet the northerly blasts of trouble and adversity are most wholsome : the former generating corruption and putrifaction , or at least disposing thereunto , the latter helping both to preserve and keepe from it , as also to purge and cleanse it c . fires are to be made in houses infected and the neighbouring houses , and in churches as times of publike prayers and preaching , and at all publike meetings , not in the chimnies of houses only , but in moveable pannes . &c. but of all fires in houses the fire of love and charity d , the fire of zeale for gods worship and glory e , fire of fervency in prayer f , the fire of holy indignation against sinne and uncleanesse g , are incomparably the best , and proper for moveable pannes , the breasts and hearts of men . the same fires are also the best that can be used in our churches , and in all our other publike meetings at seasonable opportunities , but beware of strange fire in gods house , 't is most pernicious h . the principall thing whereof these fires are to be made , is the heart of thy best oake , thy selfe i , well dryed , from it 's corrupt sap and moysture k , by the peircing beames of the sunne of righteousnesse l : some strange smelling herbs , or aromaticall plants gathered out of gods owne garden m , and cast into those fires when they are flaming or burning , will make an admirable perfume , and adde much to thy safety . there mayest thou also have such sweet waters n , as are not to be matcht for vertue and efficacy , by the richest distillations or extractions that art can boast of ; and if thou drinke them , or sprinkle them on thy burning heart , thou wilt finde thy animal and vitali spirits exceedingly recreated and refreshed , and so wonderfully strengthened and corroborated in their withstanding and repelling all venime and putrefaction . fayle not of perfuming thy house , chamber or closet ▪ or all of them twice or thrice every day● : ( as much oftner as thou pleasest , or seeft cause p ) with the incense of prayer q , and , if thou be so well stored , with a few drops of penitent teares r cast thereon . besides all this , the richer sort if they regard their health , should make themselves fuming candles or cakes of mercy , and almes to the poore . nothing not already prescribed , burnes or smels better either to rich mens comfort and security , or to poore mens refreshment and preservation a and ● better antidot can scarce be used ſ . an especially care must be had of thy wearing clothes , for that they being of a loose porous spongie substance , are ve●y apt to receive and retaine contagion . and we are told by good authors that have written of the plague , that sometimes the poyson thereof hath layen in clothes , and other things of that nature , which have beene layed aside before they have beene well ayred , not onely divers monthes , but yeares , and then infected all that have medled with them : the experience of divers amongst us can witnesse much in this particular . and 't is further to be noted , that the poysonous seed of this contagion being in a garment , doth passe from thence , not onely into the living bodyes of men , but also into things without life ; as namely , from one garment into another , and doth sometimes so lurke in garments , that it hurteth not him in whose garment it is , and yet infects and kils others that come neere it . it behoveth every one then to be very carefull of his wearing apparell ; as they were of old commanded to be , when the plague of leprousie t was in any place , or other foule diseases u , and to that purpose be advised to avoyd all fantasticall affected fashions of garments x the contagion thereof being very catching . the fashion of open breasts , how common soever amongst women , is very infectious , and some men may with more safety come neere breasts full of plague-spots , then such breasts : for the uncovering of the breasts , is , for the most part , a symptome of excesse of lustfull heate in the body : and the laying open to common view that reserved repose of modest love y , is a strong temptation to immodest desires to take up their lodging there z , as supposing those breasts not unwilling to be bruised a , that are willing so to be exposed . neither is this all the danger ; ( though it be danger enough , one would thinke , to hazard the losse of thine owne , and others soules , by thy fond and wanton attiring thy body ) but thou hast cause to feare , lest thy making naked , and discovering those parts , which thou shouldst not , provoke god to strip thee of all thy apparell and ornaments , and leave thee naked and bare to thy shame and confusion here , as well as to thy condemnation hereafter b . blacke spots and patches , and other paintings and pargetings of the face , as constantly worne by some as any other dresse or attire , are most fouly contagious , & although now ( the more is the pity ) they are become the weare of some honest and honourable personages , yet they are suspected to have had their first originall from that pestilentiall disease , called luet venerea , a very sore infections plague : and notwithstanding that they are by some reputed to render faces the fayrer , yet the more sober and chast judge such faces , and their whole bodyes not alitle the fouler for them c : and let such faces take heed they doe not one day gather other blacknesse d ; therefore weare no more on thy face , then thou wilt be willing to appeare with before the face of thy judge . superfluity and excesse in apparell is also exceeding dangerous , especially in times of gods , wrath . we reade of men threatned to be cut off for it , and that ( as 't is thought by divers of good judgement ) not onely for being effeminate themselves , as too many phantastickes use to be in their unmanly habits and fancies , but for suffering and maintaining their wives and children in that their folly and vanity e . there is no little danger likewise at such times , and more particularly on dayes of publique humiliation , to weare soft rayments or costly apparell , which may be worne by such as are of place and dignity , on other dayes and at other times . our best clothes are then our worst , and our worst , even sackecloth , is then our best f . garments polluted with blood , though but in the very skirts thereof g , or foyled with vomits h , or bespotted with the flesh i , or otherwise defiled with any uncleannesse , are not to be toucht or come neere to with safety , whatsoever garments thou put on , let them be perfumed with some of that myrrhe , aloes and cassia , whereof our saviours garments are sayed to smell k , that is , with humiliation l , mortification m , righteousnesse n , and other graces o wherewith his humane nature was filled and abounded , and of which fulnesse we have all received grace for grace p . when thou goost abroad , it is good to lay thy hand on thy mouth till thou have an opportunity of opening it to some good purpose q , and then when thou doest open it , be sure there be salt in thy mouth , mixt with some herbe of grace r , spices also are very good to hold in thy mouth , so that they be some of those which growe in that inclosed garden before-named ſ . some rootes are excellent to chew on ; but there is no roote that thou mayest confide in , save the roote of jesse t and that i advise thee above all things to trust in ; for it never fayled any that trusted in it u . in thy hand i approve of a spunge dipped in vineger ; so that it minde thee of him , who for thy sake had a spunge filled with vineger given him to drinke x . a toast of the bread of sorrows y so they be not worldly sorrowes , called by one ( though i approve not that apellation ) browne bread , dipped in teares , and held patiently to the nose , proves very often an excellent preservative z . a little a penny-royall in thy hand , or if need require , and thou have it b , a pretty quantity of the best mint fresh gathered c , is admirable good ; when thou meetest with some poore people , or comest neare an hospitall or almes-house , to cast amongst them : it helpes to preserve both them and thy selfe d . persons of better ranke shall do well to use more of these e when they stirre abroad ; but better then these i know not any : the richest pomanders made of lodanum , benzoin , sanders , storax , myrrhe , saffron , amber , camphyre , muske , &c. though excellent in their kinde , are not to be named with them . enter not into the path , and goe not in the way , where in thou knowest any infected or suspected persons use to walke , but avoyde it , passe not neare it , turne from it , and passe away f : more particularly and specially , be carefull to avoyd and not to come neare , the way of the rebell g , the way of the whore h , the way of blood-thirsty i , the way of the coveteous k and the way of the idolater l . be no lesse carefull to shunne an infected and suspected , houses , such as thou wert before advertised of : and if thou happen to come neere any such ere thou art aware , or upon necessary occasion ; and in thy passing by heare any singing and roaring , or ( as they call it ) making merry therein , be thou truly sorry for them , and let fall a teare or sigh at the least in their behalfe , as for men in a desperate condition : for besides that such behaviour at such a time m and in such a place strongly argues that a strange raving giddinesse or light-headednesse hath possessed them , a notorious symptome that the poyson or infection hath gotten into their braines ; such carriage is usually accompanied , or followed at the heeles , with a deep lethargicall senselessenesse , another deadly symptome of the plague , from which very few recover . if thou passe by any house that hath a red crosse , or the lord have mercie upon us on the doore : be ashamed that any doore should be better furnished then thy heart : and therefore let the sight thereof minde thee of getting the doore posts of thy heart marked with the bloud of the lambe , that so the destroying angell , which smote that house , may passe over thine n , and pray thou heartily , what thou findest written on such a doore customarily , that the lord would have mercy upon all that remaine alive within it o . if the magistrates shall obance to forget or neglect their duty and the publike safety so farre as to tolerate any unecessary publique meetings or concourse of people , such as wakes , feasts , theatricall sports , campings , or footballplayes , dauncings , or the like pastimes : have a care thou do not forget or neglect thine owne duty and safety so farre , as to be present at any of them , or to approach neer them , unlesse it be to reprove them p . the forsaking or absenting thy selfe from the publike assemblies in the house of god , as the manner of some is , i can in no wise approve q . but rather i counsell thee to frequent them the oftener ; provided that thou goe prepared with some inward and outward antidotes and preservatives before and after prescribed , taking with thee thy bible in thy hand , and something in thy purse or pocket for the poore . for besides that god hath promised his owne especiall presence at such meetings at all times r ; he hath also declared more then ordinary acceptance of such prayers and other religious performances as are presented to him in that place in a plague-time ſ . and , which is worth our inquiring into , very few , if any , of those who have beene infected with the plague , either in this or in any other contagious time , could say , and say truly , and upon certainty , that they caught the infection , or the infection them , by frequenting the house of god , either to pray unto him , or to heare his word preacht unto them . go not forth early in the morning : to be sure , not before thou have offered up thy morning sacrifice of prayer and praise to god t , both in thy closet u , and with thy family , if thou hast any x . and whensoever thou goest forth , 't is dangerous to goe out fasting , but what i would advise thee to eate , thou shalt heare by and by , when i come to speake of thy dyet . wash thy mouth y every morning with fountaine or spring water z wherein sage , that especially of jerusalem a , hath beene infused : and so keepe it cleane from all filth , particularly from swearing , lying , slandering , ( whereof you were warned before ) murmuring against god , or against those rulers and powers which are ordained by him , principally the supreame power , the king b . and if washing thy mouth will not serve for the through cleansing of thy tongue , scrape it soundly , rather then suffer it to be foule ; for death and life are in the power of the tongue c ; and 't is naturally full of deadly poyson , which unlesse it be well lookt to , instantly setteth on fire the whole course of nature , and is it selfe set on fire of hell d . thy teeth must not be altogether neglected ; for much filth may , and usually doth stick close to them e ; which happily may be one reason why men shal be hereafter so much tormented in them f , as they are not a little here . be not abroad too late at night ; for the pestilence it selfe walketh in darknesse g ; and in the night time of all times else , the most fowly contagious use to stirre abroad h seeking whom they may infect . in the morning before thou goe out of thy house , or whether thou stirre out or not , be sure to breake thy fast : but understand me aright ; i would not have thee to breake the' publike religious fast , if any be appointed by the supreme magistrate , no nor thine owne private religious fast , resolved on for thy selfe alone , or for thine owne family with thee ; for so farre thy power extends ; but that is the utmost extent of a private fast , and they , who goe farther in appoynting a fast , incroach upon the princes royall power , whosoever they are . the taking those things which i prescribe , is no breach , i am sure , of either of these fasts , but an helpe to the better keeping of both ; and , as farre as i yet apprehend , the taking of such things , as are in such times prescribed by the physitians , or otherwise communicated for preservation , is in that respect the like ; the fast , that i advise thee to breake , is that fast whereunto every man , through the aboundance of corruption that is in him , is most naturally inclined , viz. the absteining from all spirituall food and nourishment i , &c. and this fast thou must breake in the time of plague especially . thou needest not eate much in quantity : every morning a little butter made of the sincere milke of gods word k , with some leaves of herbe of grace l , or else a good draught next thy heart of that milke it selfe , warme from the teats of the old or new testament , mixt with faith and love m , is most soveraigne against all infection n . at meales , let thy food be such as may be easily digested ; eate no bread that is gotten by grinding of the faces of the poore o , and let neither bread of secrecies p , especially that which is cut from anothers loafe q , nor bread of deceit r , nor any other bread of wickednesse s come within thy lips . eate nothing that is uncleane or defiled , as all meates are , that are not received with thanksgiving , & so sanctified by the word of god and prayer t . be content with such food as god sends thee u , and lust not for other x : tast not of meat that hath bloud in it z ; and if thou come where dainties are , and be a man given to appetite , put thy knife to thy throat ; and desire them not a . and because i would have thee know as well what to eate , as what to abstaine from , let me assure thee , that the onely bread and flesh , in which thou mayest confide , is that bread which is called the bread of god , or the bread of life , or the bread from heaven , and that flesh which is called flesh and meate indeed b . this bread and flesh if thou canst feed on it by a true and a lively faith , my life for thine , no plague shall hurt thee c . eate thereof every day more or lesse according to that provision which thou hast made ; and as oft d as thou are invited ; if thy appetite be good , doe but examine thy selfe , and eate freely of it at thy lords table e . to prescribe what particular meates every man should , or should not eate , were not onely ridiculous but impossible , so different and contrary are severall mens tempers and constitutions , and so much also , upon occasionall alterations , doth the same mans temper and constitution differ from it selfe . those meates which are wholsome for some , are little lesse then poison to others ; and that which at one time nourisheth a man , may at another time helpe to destroy the same man . wherefore i advise every wise man that regards his health and safety to consult in point of dyet that phisitian who hath fairely taken upon him the care and cure of him f , or ( as our church allowes in such a case ) if need require some other discreet learned physitian g , on whose skill or fidelity he more relies , for sauce , salt and savery discourse is excellent condiment h ; but if to thy sweet meate , god send thee sowre or sharp sauce despise it not i , for although it be unpleasing to many palats , yet 't is undoubtedly the most wholsome k . one sort of milks i prescribed before to be taken next thy heart in the morning , and that milke i here againe recommend to be taken l at thy meales , provided still that it be mixt with faith , and that it be eaten with a good appetite without the least nauseating ; for if it be so eaten , it neither corrupteth in the stomacke , nor causeth any obstructions , ( which are the prime reasons why physitians inhibite milke in time of infection ) but it helps to cleanse m the liver , and scoure n the stomack , and keepes from all intemperate heate of the heart and other parts o , and withall is most incomparably cordiall for comforting the spirits , and strengthening the vitall parts p . fish i approve of , on those daies wherein our lawes require it to be eaten q ; so that it be eaten in obedience to that politicall judicious constitution for the maintenance of our navy , fishermen , and sea-men , and for the preservation of flesh , especially of beefe and veale r : and not in conformity to any superstitious rules or canons , for the maintenance of those fishermen belonging to the see of rome , and for preservation of their calves and other cattle ſ . but it is not safe to adventure upon all fish that comes to the net , no nor upon all that comes to that angle neither . fish that is sound and firme and fairely taken , may be eaten without danger ; but fish taken in other mens waters , or troubled waters , is never such t ; and therefore to be utterly avoided . fish that is taken by poisoning or intoxicating them u , or by the angle of deceit x , or by the net of hypocrisy z , or by the degree of violence and rapine a , ( the prime wayes that those great fishers neare london upon the bankes of thames use in these times ) may perchance be sweet in the mouth , but either they prove very ill of digestion , or being digested , generate onely putrid and corrupt humours , which dispose and expose the eaters thereof to all manner of plagues and diseases b . some fruits are of admirable virtue against all infection , as fruits worthy of repentance c , the fruit of wisedome d , the fruit of righteousnesse e , and all the other fruits of the spirit f : other fruits are as deadly poisonous , as the fruit of the wicked g , the fruit of our owne way h , and all the fruits of the flesh , commonly called , the workes of the flesh i . thou canst not then be too carefull in choosing thy fruits , remembring what the eating but a little fruit that was forbidden , cost thy first parents and their posterity downe to thy very selfe k , as also what super-excellent fruit is to be had , if care be had in the choosing it l . strong wines or strong drinke , unlesse very moderately taken , is exceeding dangerous m ; but excesse in drinke or meate much more n . some kind of emptinesse is very bad , and therefore the contrary is prescribed o : nay'tis not safe to appeare empty-handed before the lord p . but the avoiding all such emptinesse both of heart and hand is most consistent with such fasting as the time of plague calls for and god accepts ; and therefore though i allow not emptinesse , yet i cannot but magnify fasting as one of the best courses that can be taken either to prevent or expell the plague , if it be observed according to the following prescript . when a publique fast is proclaimed or called by the supreame magistrate , ( which in this kingdome is the king ( and the king onely , to whom the constituting and appointing of a fast solely apperteines q ; faile not to keepe it with all due observation , abstaining from all meate and drinke r , except what in case of necessity is prescribed by the physitian , as also from all pleasure and daily labour ſ ; powring out more then ordinary prayers and supplications t , rending thy heart u , and watering thy cheekes with thy teares x , loosing the bands of wickednesse , and shewing mercy to the poore y : for such a fast is most acceptable to god , and prevalent with him z . but when a publique fast is either appointed by such as have not the supreame power , ( like that of jezebell appointed in the kings name a , and as such fasts commonly are ) for the better colour of murdering the innocent , and taking possession of their inheritance b , or else is observed onely for debate and strife , and to smile with the sist of wickednesse c , and not according to those necessary conditions of a truly religious fast but now named ; such a fast , instead of pacifying gods wrath , doth much more incense it d . and o my soule come not thou into their secret : unto their assembly mine honour be not thou united e . private fasting by thy selfe alone or with thy family is of singular vertue f , though not of like force with the publicke g : but be sure thy private fasting be private , otherwise it looseth all it's vertue , and thou all benefit by it h . where there is fulnesse or corruption of bloud in any ; as , in such a plentifull peaceable land , as this lately was , the most mens blouds are too ranke , and too high , too suddainly rising upon small or no occasion , and too often boyling , too much tainted with ease and idlenesse , and divers other wayes foulely corrupted ; in such a case letting bloud is fit and necessary i : but care must he had that too much be not taken away ; for that suddainly ruines the parties that are so dealt with , and brings the guilt of bloud upon them that so deale with them . the bleeding by horseleeches i like not , for that they cry allwayes give , give ; that is , give us more bloud , give us more bloud , or that which is valued by some as their bloud k ; take heed therefore that thou suffer not these to fasten on thee . and if thou make use of a physitian or chirurgion to let thee bloud , beware of those new-upstart quacks at london , notoriously infamous for bloud-letting throughout the christian world l . where the humours are corrupted , and where they much abound , and so are neere to corruption ( as who can say he hath not such humors in him o ) there purging physicke is very necessary p , so that it be not too strong and violent . a pretty quantity of rubarb of patience , infused in wine of cheerfulnesse on the fire of tryall , is approvedly good for the purgeing of all cholericke and melancholy humors q ; or ( where they are to be had ) the quintessence of the one , and the extract of the other , made into such pilles as may well be swallowed , are admirable . aloes of sorrow for sin taken in conserve of amendment of life , is excellent for purgeing both those and all other ill humors whatsoever r . not to perplex thee with multitude of purgations . take the spirit of the feare of the lord ſ holy-thistle of compunctions t , aloes of confession u , wormewood of bitter hatred of sinne x , stampt or beaten together in the mortar of conscience y , then put to them the roote of faith z , infused in the blood of the true vine a , on the fire of gods love to thee b , and thy love to god and thy brother c : and so mixing them all together with the spirit of grace and supplication d , and some sugar or honey of gods promises e drinke a sound draught next thy heart , till the teares stand in thy eyes f , and be confident it will purge thee abundantly . issues or fontinels in the remoter parts of the body , made by some cauterie of externall troubles and afflictions , are very good for keeping the poyson fr●m the more principall parts g , but there is so much danger in the returning of the humors upon the stopping of such issues , and the corruption that is purged out by them , without inward purgations , is so little h , that i advise you by all meanes to keepe to those inward purgatives now mentioned , whether any outward issues be made or not . vomiting , if there be cause , is very necessary , as if any have swallowed ought , that he cannot well digest : or though his stomacke be such that he can digest it for the present , as he thinkes well enough : yet 't is knowne to be such , as if it be not cast up againe , it will trouble the stomack a long while after , and perhaps corrupt his very bloud , and that to his childrens children , as all things that are unjustly gotten or wrongfully detained will do , more or lesse i . in such a case , if thou have swallowed any such thing , never suffer thy selfe to rest till thou have vomited it up againe ; or else be sure god will either make thee to vomit it up and thy children that have eaten of it with thee , or else , if he suffer it to remaine with thee and them , it shall be to bring a curse and a consumption on both k . now to procure vomit in such a case , if the oile of love to god and obedience to his commandement , will not worke with thee as to turne thy stomacke l ; take the extract of severall dreadfull sentences in sacred writ denounced against those who swallowe such things m , mixed with the bitter water of the curse n , and some of the spirit of the feare of the lord before prescribed , boyled together in thy conscience , heate with the sense of gods wrath o , and of thine own appearing before the tribunall p , and so drinke it off as hot as thou canst well endure it ; and if this do not make thee cast it up , i know not what will . exercise with moderation is most healthfull ; as the exercising thy selfe in thy calling , by stirring up that gift which god hath given thee for the enabling thee therein q . this exercise will keepe both thy body and minde from a world of corruption , which would otherwise through idlenesse or bad employment growe upon thee r . but the prime exercise of all , is to exercise thy selfe unto godlynesse ſ , so as to have alwayes a conscience voide of offence towards god and towards men t . and if the plague should feise upon thee whilst thou art thus exercising thy selfe , happy will it be for thee to be found so doing u , whereas to be found idle or ill employed at such a time x , gives the plague the more power over thee , as finding more corruption in thee to lay hold on y , and thee out of that way wherein god hath promised to protect and keepe thee z . the last meanes of preservation according to the common prescrips of physicians , is that which ought to be the first and chiefest in the care and practise of every wise man . namely , the fortifying and defending the heart and vitall parts by cordials , against the venime and poyson of that pernicious disease . for although there be no member , no entrall , no part or particle of the whole body of man , which doth not feele the insulting cruelty and rageing tyranny of this acute destroying disease ; yet of all the rest the heart is the most infected , corrupted , tortured and afflicted with its pestiferous venome ; because the heart is the magazine of active heat , the royall fort of life , and the fountaine of all the vitall spirits ; which being once vanquished and taken , the victory over all the other parts of man is most easie and expedite : and it is the nature and property of all poyson , especially of this most subtle and deadly poyson , chiefely and principally to assault and invade , and so to wast and ruine the native heat , and vitall spirits , and in them life it selfe . it may , and doth make its way to the heart by , or through other parts of the body , and so perhaps shewes it selfe in them first : but 't is the surprising and overcomming the heart which it principally aimes , and drives at . take this either literally of the body-plague , or allegorically of the soule-plague ; you will finde it most true of both . the heart is the principall subject of the plague of the body ; so physitians ; the heart , ( that is , the understanding , will , and affections ) is the principall subject of the plague of the soule , so the scriptures a . above all things then have a care to preserve thy heart b , which is to be done chiefly these two wayes . 1 by purgatives . 2 by cordials . for purgatives i can prescribe no better then those before advised . and for cordials , because there are so many excellent ones , and particular mens , tempers and cases are so different . i advise every one to make his addresse ( as before in point of diet ) to some discreet learned expert divine-physitian of knowne honesty and integrity ; and unlesse there be some very good reason to the contrary , rather to his own physician that hath undertaken the care of him , and best knowes his state , then to any other c : and to be counselled by him , so farre as he shall finde his counsell agreeable to god , revealed in his word d . but in case thou be any danger more then ordinary , and canst not have recourse to any such physitian . take the spirit of wisedome and the feare of the lord e , as before , the spirit of obedience to gods commands f , the spirit of truth righteousnesse and mercy g , the spirit of promise h , the spirit of love and a sound minde i , the spirit of meekenesse and humility k , the spirit of temperance and sobriety l , the spirit of prayer and fasting m , the spirit of zeale n , the spirit of discretion o , the roote of faith , hope and charity p , the seed of gods word q , the flowre of the lilly of purity r . conserve of roses of chastity and modesty ſ , two hands full of bounty and liberality to the poore t . the elixar of patience u , the powder of contempt of the world x , sale of good speech y , the tincture of the meditation of death z judgement a and hell b , and with all these that which is the aurum potabile , bezoar , methridate , diascordium , triacle , quintessence of pearle , of all ingredieuts that can be thought on , viz● sanguis christi , the blood of christ c . mix all these in the wine of cheerfulnesse d , and the water of true repentance e , and take of it dayly more or lesse according as there is cause . it never fayled any . if for want of taking and making use of these preservatives mentioned , thou finde all these or any of these dangerous symptomes following , as first , a payne in thy head , that it is a trouble to thee to lift up thine eyes to heaven f , or to incline thine eares to wholesome instruction g , or to bow thy head to god h ▪ or to thy superiour i . 2 a swimming or dizinesse in thy head , that thou knowest not or regardest not what , or of whom , or to whom thou speakest k ; and thinkest that other things move out of course , when the fault is onely in thine own braines l . 3 overmuch waking when thou shouldest sleepe , either to doe mischiefe to others m , or to scrape together wealth for thy selfe n , or to commit any other iniquity . 4 overmuch drousinesse and sleepinesse , either when thou shouldest be praying o , or hearing the word of god p ; or when thou shouldest be about the workes of thy calling q . 5 fainting or swooning , whether it be at others tribulations r , of under thine owne chastisement and correction ſ ; whether it be in beleiving t or praying u ; or any kind of well-doing x . 6 vomiting or pronenesse thereunto , especially upon the eating of wholesome food y . 7 wearinesse without cause , as with well-doing z , or in suffering for christs sake , or thine owne chastisement a . 8 losse of appetite ; to that which is good b . 9 much thirsting after earthly things c . 10 extraordinary loosenesse , either of body or minde d . upon the finding of any of these symptomes , especially divers of them concurring betake thee to thy preservatives prescribed both evacuative and cordiall ; as thou lovest thy life : and upon the taking thereof , if thou sweat well , though thou labour under it the more for the present , it will very much conduce to thy ease afterwards , and to thy preservation e . it cost him that tooke thy infirmity and bare thy sicknesse f a terrible sweat , g and unlesse the thought of that sweat , the sense of thine owne condition and of gods wrath , together with the virtue and strength of thy physicke doe provoke some sweas in thee , i conceive thee to be in a very ill case , little better then desperate . but in thy sweating observe these rules . i consider that 't is not the violent or long sweating , so as to weaken thee , or oppresse thy spirits overmuch , that will do thee good ; but the kinde free sweating according to thy strength h . 2 doe not thinke all the danger over , upon once or twice sweating ; for the subtetly of the disease is such , that being once or twice ( sometimes oftner ) repelled from the heart and vitall parts , it still lurkes in some secret angle of the body , and will returne againe i unlesse it be more strongly opposed ; and therefore be sure to continue thy preservatives after thy sweats k . 3 take heed of sleeping too soone after a sweat , for it is very dangerous l , 4 have a care of cooling thy selfe , and be content to have it done as the great physitian thinkes fit m . lastly , take of thy cordiall before prescribed , lest otherwise thy strength fayle thee , and indanger thee that way n . thus have i shewen thee the best meanes for preservation that i could recall for the present . and if any doctor , batchelor , or other practitioner in divinity physick , can shew me any errour in any of these prescripts , i shall willingly correct it : or if he shall prescribe any , that are more accurate , i shall amongst others most humbly thanke him for it . now for curation , i observe that that reverend physitian , whose method i have kept the most close to of any's , adds very little for the curing of the plague to what he had prescribed for the preserving from it , except it be for curing the botches , sores , or carbuncles . and as i apprehend , he therefore doth so , first , because the same physicke , especially the cordiall physicke , that is good for preservation , is as good as can be thought on , in ordinary cases , for cure , only where need requires , as it doth in the most , the quantity of the ingredients must be augmented . secondly , because mens tempers and constitutions as i before told you are so different , and in a manner contrary , and the poyson of the disease infecteth and corrupteth in such different wayes and degrees that 't is not good , scarce safe either for physitian or the parties infected to adventure upon any physicke , without the advise ( where 't is to be had and time permits ) of some able physitian , whom they shall please to acquaint with their particular present state and condition . the like course upon the like reasons shall i observe in these my hyperphysicall directions . for generall curative physicke , in generall cases , where any are infected , ( as who can say i am cleane o ? ) i know no better , then what i have acquainted you with , by way of preservatives : onely the quantity of the ingredients , and so of the doses * , is to be increased , as there is cause . and for particular cases i once againe , as before , advise every man that desires to deale safely for himselfe , and would have his physitian to deale so too , by all meanes to repaire ( if he have the liberty ) to some discreet learned divine physitian for his particular counsell concerning his particular state p , and after his prayers to god to direct his physitian aright in his counselling , punctually to follow his counsell , so farre , as his counsell is agreable to gods revealed will q . and for botches and sores , when thy infection and corruption is growne to such tumors r . take for a great onyon , strong detestation ſ of the filchinesse and loathsomenesse of sinne t , and put into it instead of rue , as much bitter sorrow for sinne u , as thou canst possibly crowd it , together with some of that treacle which is made of those vipers which christ himselfe slew , viz , sinne , the divell , death , the grave , and hell ; x ; then heat it well at the fire of the sense of gods indignation against sinne and sinners y and so apply it by the hand of faith z as hot as thou canst endure it to the tumour . i dare warrant thee it will soone draw thy sore to an head and breake it . but then thou must be carefull that thou wash that part well , wherein the sore a is , with some teares of unfeigned repentance b , and bath it throughly in that fountaine , which is set open for sinne and uncleanesse c , and that will both cleanse and heale thy sore , be it never so foule and dangerous d . when thou art made whole , forget not to returne thanks to that great physitian that cured thee e . and sinne no more , left a worse thing happen to thee f . a postscript of gratitude . to the worshipfull master thomas smith the late loyall major of the renowned city of oxford . worthy sir , these directions published for the common good of this city , and therefore dedicated to those superiour powers , which at this time have more then ordinary influence into the government thereof , could not passe quietly from my hand to the presse without giving you some particular interest in them , both because i received ( besides other kindnesses ) the constant food that sustained me all the littletime wherein i was composing them ( as well as before and since ) at your table ; and so 't is but a due returne of that fruit which your bounty and liberality help't to foster ; as also , because 't is conceived by them that know you , that your good example in observing them , will be no small inducement to others , especially of your owne politie , the more readily and willingly to put them in practise . other retribution , though none more cordiall , shall hereafter be made you , if god make me able . let it suffice for the present , that as you forget not to doe good , and to communicate sacrifices with which god is well pleased : heb. 13. 16. so that good which you have done , and those good things whereof you have communicated , are not forgotten by all those that have participated of them . by all did i say ? nay i verily beleeve by none at all , that are truly loyall , and such onely , as neare as you could , were the constant partakers of your courtesie and hospitality ; for certainly , they that in such times as these dare be loyall , scorne to be ungratefull . let this poore commemoration of your rich bounty to such be an earnest thereof : and what i and others of his majesties loyall subjects are not able to requite , without doubt , that god , for whose sake and cause you have done it , will abundantly recompence into your bosome . for which purpose saint pauls benediction , that he that ministreth seed to the sower , will both minister bread for your food , and multiply your seed sowen , and increase the fruits of your righteousnes . 2 cor. 9. 10. shall be the daily prayers of your much obliged l. g. physicall directions in time of plague . dwelling-houses are to be kept cleane , free from filth , and ill smells , the windowes neare infected houses kept close with glasse , or oyled , waxed paper , that light , but no infected aire , may come in . in houses farther from infection , windowes open sometimes , toward wholsome aire and wind . fires to be made in houses infected , and the neighbouring houses , and in churches , at times of publike prayers and preaching , and at all publique meetings , not in chimnies onely , but in moveable pannes ; the fires made with dry wood , oake , ashe , beech , dry vine-branches , willow , baytree , rosemary sticks , &c. juniper , rosemary , dryed , bay-leaves , angelica , lavender , sage , hyssope , marioram , thyme , mints , balme , pitch , tarre , rosin , turpentine , frankincense ; some of these cast on the coales , to perfume the house . richer persons may have fuming candles or cakes , made with benzoin , storax , muske , &c. for which order shall be given by the physitians , if any please to have them , and be not otherwise provided . oake boughs , ashe , willow , bay leaves , hysope , marioram , thyme , lavander , mints , rosemary , fennell , sage , wormwood , meadsweet , &c. may be laid in the chimnies and windowes . sometimes the fume of vineger , rosewater , and rosemary , and cloves , over the fire . wearing cloathes perfumed with juniper , red sanders , or rosemary hurned . going abroad , or talking with any , it is good to hold in the mouth , a clove or two , a peece of nutmeg , zedoary , angelica , gentian , tormentill , or enulacampana root ; in the hand a sponge dipped in vineger and rosewater , wherein rosemary , sage , angelica , or rue have beene infused , or a toast of browne bread dipped therein , tied up in a linned cloath , or the sponge in a juniper or ivory box with holes . for persons of better ranke , pomanders made of ladanum , benzoin , red and white n , storax , myrrhe , saffron , amber , camphyre , muske , &c. go not forth early in the morning , nor fasting ; eate not much : sage and butter , a potched egge with vineger , or such like will suffice ; be not late abroad at night . in the morning wash the mouth with water wherein sage hath beene boyled or infused , and rub thy teeth with the leaves . take a spoon full of quicke wine vineger , wherein wormewood chopped hath been infused . take figges good and clean thirty , wallnut kernells pilled twenty , ( if to be had ) greene rue picked a good handfull , salt one spoonfull , stampe them , and incorporate them together , take the quantity of a prune , a child as much as a hasell nut . more pleasing ; conserve of wood-sorrell , borage , sage , of each one ounce , harts-horne a dragme , bole-armeniake two drams , yellow sanders halfe a dram , saffron the weight of 3d , syrupe of wood-sorrell , as much as will make it into a most electuary ; take as much as a good nutmeg , twice or thrice a day . london treacle the weight of 8d . first in the morning with conserve of roses , fasting one hower after it ; treacle-water two spoonfulls , with one dramme of mithridate , confectio liberaus , or electuary de ovo . dyet , meats of easy digestion , sauce sowre . sharpe , sorrell , lemon , vineger , verjuyce , &c. forbeare milky meats , custard , &c. fish slimy as eeles , &c. raw fruits , and strong wines ; excesse in meat or drinke is dangerous . fasting , or much emptinesse is bad . if there be fulnesse of bloud , letting bloud is fit , but not much , rather repeated . if the body be bound , a suppository with hony and salt . if fulnesse of putrid humours , aloes the weight of 6d , in the pappe of a roasted apple ; or pilles of ruffus a dram once a weeke . for persons of quality , other proper purges , as the present condition shall require , potion , &c. and an issue or fontanell , in arme or legge , if there be cause ; and vomits proper if need be . vomits easy to be had ; sallet-oyle three spoonfulls , juyce of radish-root one spoonfull , or oxymell of squilles two spoonfulls , oyle and posset drinke . exercise moderate . signes of infection appearing , viz. fainting , swooning , vomiting , or pronenesse thereto , heavinesse , wearinesse without cause , losse of appetite , much thirst , divers of these concurring , let bloud or purge , or both , as cause requireth , the first or second day , no botch or fore appearing . then defend the heart with cordialls formerly prescribed . let the party sweat with carduus , or marigold posset-drinke , london treacle two drams , or with wood sorrell water five spoonfulls , treacle water one spoonfull , and london treacle a dram and a halfe . if a tumor , botch or sore appeare , let the inside of the arme , thigh , or calfe of the legge be blistered with cantharides powder two drammes , with vineger and leaven . take a great onyon , hollow it , put into it venice-treacle one dramme , a figge and a little rue cut small , roast it soft , close stopped , in a wet paper under the embers , apply it hot to the tumour , let one lye three houres . or a pultesse of mallowes two handfulls , two lilly roots cut and bruised , twelve figges sliced , boyle all well in water , stampe them , put to it three spoonfulls of oyle of lillies , apply it , and shift it thrice a day . when it is broken , take the yolke of an egge , hony of roses one ounce , turpentine halfe an ounce , london treacle , or venice , and methridate , and saint johns wort oyle , each one dramme , a little meale flower , mix all together , lay it to the sore , upon leather , changing it twice a day . or a hot loafe out of the oven . or three lilly roots roasted , beaten and applyed ; burne the plaisters , &c. taken off the body . those that escape , are to be purged before they goe abroad ; those that dye , are to be buried in remote places , and deep in the ground . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70159e-160 2 king 18. and 19. psal. 124. 2 kings 19 ▪ 28. numb. 16 ▪ 46. numb , 25. 8. exod. 20. 7. zach. 5. v. 3 , 4. hose 2 4 , v. 2 , 3. hom. 3. ad pop● antioch . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . joshus . 7. v. 13 malach. 3. 10. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. hom 3. ad pop. antioch . psal. 69. 36. & psal. 91. notes for div a70159e-1390 a 1 kings : 8 , 38. b 1 iohn . c. 3 v. 4. rom. 7. v. 7 , 8. cap. 4. v. 15. c rom. 7. v. 9 , 10 , 11. cap. 5. 12 , deut. 30. ezek. 18. d rom. 3. v. 9 , 10 , 11. 12 , 19. ●3 . 1 iohn . c. 1. v. 8. 10. e ez. k. 34. v. 4. math. 8. v. 17. f gen. 6 5 ps. 19. 1● . g isa●h● . 6. cap 24. 5. psal. 106. 35. revel 18. 4. h levit. 26. deut. 28. rom. 6. 23. 1 cor. 6. v 9 , 10. i psal. 19. 12. rom. 7. 23. k deut. 32. v. 33. psal. 140. 3 james 3. v. 6. 8. l levit. 26 v. 23. 25. deut. 28. v. 15 21. jerem. 29. v. 18 , 19. ezek , 14. v. 23. 19. numb. 12. v. 4. 33. cap. 16. v. 41. 46. m 1 kings : 8. v 37 , 38 , 39. ezek. 9. v. 4 , 5 , 6. n jerem. 18. v. 8. ezek. 18. 30 hosea : 6. v. 1. luke : 13. v. 3 , 5. o genes . 3. v. 6 , 17. cap. 6. 2. 2 sam , 11. 2. prov. 6. v. 24 , 25. cap. 7. 21. p prov. 6. 29. cap. 7. 13. 2 co. 6 17. q rom. 7. v. 20 , 21 , 23 , 24. genes . 6 5. matth. 15. 19. r psal. 52. 5. rom. 5. 12. ezek. 16. 3. ſ levit 26. 25 , deut. 28 , 21. numb. 1● 33. cap. 16. 46. 2 sam. 24. 15. amos 4 10. t psal. 38. v. 3 , 7. deut. 28. v. 22 , 61. psal. 74. v. 17. job . cap. 37 , & 38. amos 3. 6. u 1 kings : 8. 37 , 38. 2 sam. 24 v. 17 , 18 , 21. 2 kings : 20 , v. 2 , 3. 7. hosea 6. 1. 2 chr. 16. 12. x deut. 32. 39. psal. 135. 6. y lib. 2. delue pestif●ra . z 2 kings . 20 , 7. a job . 5. 28. james 1. 17. 1 cor , 12. 9. b coloss 4. 14. c ephes. 5 20. d deut. 32. 39. psal. 121. v. 1 , 2. and psal. 107 , v. 18 , 19 , 20. luk. 8. 43 , 44. e ezek. 18. 30. psal. 1 ▪ 9 1 and psal. 31. 19. f john : 11 25 , 26 , 1 cor. 15. v. 55 , 56 , 57 : hos. 13. v. 14. g philip . 1. 21. h numb. 16. 45. 46. 2 sam. 24 15 , joel . 2. 12. psal. 95. v. 7 , 8. isaiah 55. 6. prov. 1. v. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. notes for div a70159e-2670 a numb. 16. 26. jerem 51. 6. rev. 18. 4. tit. 3. 10. 1 cor. 5. 11. 2 cor. 6. 17. prov. 5. 8. and cap. 24. 21. b 2 kings 20 , 1. c 1 tim. 5. 8. d prov. 19. 17. and cap. 21 , 13. psal. 41. v. 1 , 2 , 3. dan. 4. 27. e heb. 13. 2. f gen. 19. g deutr 10. v. 18 , 19. job : 31. v : 32. mat. 25. v : 35 , 40. 3 epist john v : 5. isaiah 58. 7. 8. h mat : 25. 43 , 45. i 2 pet : 2. v 1 , 2 , 3. k 2 p●t : 2. from v : 10 , to v : 20. l 2 epist : john v : 10. m 2 tim: 3. 6. n 2 tim: 3. v : 3 , 4 , 5. o act : 10. 22. and cap. 22. 12. heb : 11. 39. 3 epist : john v : 3 , 6. p james 2. 18. and cap : 3. v : 12 , 13. mat. 7. 16. q luke 10. v : 30 , 31. &c. r i● : v 37. ſ ephes : 2. v : 12 , 13 , &c : t ezek : 18. 4. mala : 2. 10. u gen : 9 6. x rom : 14. 4. y deu : 23 19. psal. 15. 5 ezek : 18. 13. cap. 22. 12. prov. 28. 8. zach. 5. 4. mal. 3. 5. z prov. 28. 16. luke 12 15. psal. 10. 3. 1 tim. 6. 10. ephes. 5. 5. deut. 7. 26. exod. 20. 4. 5. deut. 27. 15. a prov. 6. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , &c. 1 cor. 6. 9 , 10. cap. 10 , 8. heb. 13. 4. b isaiah 5. 11 , 12 , 22. cap. 22. 12 , 13 , 14. prov. 23. 20. 21 , 29 , 30 , 31. &c. hos. 4. 11. 1 cor : 6. 10. rom : 13. 13. galat. 5. 21. c rom : 13. 13. d exod : 32. 6. ephes● 5. 15 , 16. colos : 4 , 5. e prov : 14. 30. rom. 13. 13. james 3. 14. 15. galat. 5. 21 f deut : 25. 13. prov : 20 , 10 , 23. amos 8. 6. micah 6. 11. g amos 8. 5. micah 6. 10. prov. 20. 10 , 23. h deut : 24 12 , 13. exod : 22. 26 , 27. zach : 5. 4. micah 6 10. prov. 16. 8. cap. 20. 17. cap : 21 6. hab : 2. 6. i levit. 19. 13. deut : 24. 14. 15. jerem : 22. 13. james 5. 4. k prov. 15. 25. cap. 16. 5 , 18. 1 pet. 3. 3. isa. 3. 18 , 19 , &c. 2 kings 20. 13 , 17. nahum 2. 9. l prov. 20. 4 , 13. cap. 21. 25. ezek. 16. 49. prov. 31. 27. 1 tim. 5. 13. m exod. 20 7. levit. 19. 12. hos. 4. 2 , 3. zach. 5. 3. mat. 5. 34 , 35. &c. jam. ● . 12. 1 tim. 6. 20. heb. 12. 15. 16. n psal. 101. 5 , 7. prov. 12. 22. cap. 13. 5. john 8. 44. ephes. 4. 25. prov. 4. 24. james 4. 11. rom. 1. 29. 30. o prov. 29. 5. cap. 26. 20 , 22 , 24 , 25. cap. 18 , 8 levit. 19. 16. p ephes. 5. 6. q prov. 11. 26. r malac. 3. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. ſ isa. 5. 8 , 9. jerem. 2. 2. 13. hab. 2. 9 , 20 , 11. micah . 2. 2. 1 king. 2. exo. 20. 17. t prov. 2. 18 , 19. c. 7. 27. c. 9. 18. c. 3. 33. c. 14. 9. 13. ecstes . 7. 4. ephes. 5. 4. u prov. 20 1. cap. 23. 20 , 29. 30. isa , 5. 11 , 12 , isa. 28. 8. x jerem. 9. 21. y genes : 4. 7. exod : 12. 22 , 23. z job : 31. 1. m●● : 5. 28. 2 sam : 11. 2. 2 kings 9. 30. a prov : 7. 11. 12. cap : 9. 18 , 14. b isa : 26 , 20 , 21. mat : 6. 6. c deut. 6. 10 , 11 , 12 , cap 8. 10 , 11 , 12 , &c. cap : 32. 15. psal : 78. 34. psal. 106. and 107. job : 21. from v : 7. 10 v 16. psal : 73. from v : 3 , 10 v : 15. hos : 5. 15. cap. 6. 1. psal : 119. 67 , 71. heb : 12 , from v. 6. to v : 12. d psal : 133. 1. 1 cor 23. from v : 1 , to v : 9. mat. 22. 37 , 39 , 40. cap : 5. 44 , 45. john 13. 34. 35. rom : 13. 9. 10. 1 epist : john a. v : 10 , 11. cap : 3. 14. 18. cap : 4. 12 , 20 luk : 7. 47. ephe. 5. 25 , 33. rom. 12. 9 1 pet : 1. 22. exod. 32. 32. rom. 9. 3. e psal. 69. 9. psal. 119. 139. psal. 39. 4. jerem. 20. 9. 〈…〉 . 32. 32. rome . 9. 30. num. 25. 7 , 8. 2 king. 23. from v. 1. to v. 26. revel , 3. 15. 16. f james 5. 16. rom : 12. 12 , colos : 4 2. 1 pet : 4 7. 1 cor. 14 , 15. rom. 12. 11. exod , 14. 15. jonah 3. 8. heb 5. 7. luke 18. 1. 2 , &c. g exod. 32. 19. num. 25. v. 7 , 8. deut. 13. v. 6 , 8 , 9. 2 king. 23. psal. 101. v. 3 , 4 , 5 , 7 , 8. jer. 20. 9 psal. 39. 4. and 119 , v. 158. & , 139. v 21. 22. pro. 8. v. 13. h levit. 10 v. 1 , 2. i pro. 23. 26. deut. 6. 5 ps. 66. v. 8. jer. 20. 9 psal. 39. 3. psal. 108. 1 zach. 11. 2. k psal , 66. 18 pro. 11 , 20. cap. 6. 18. 1 tim. 1. 5. james 4. 8. l malaki . 4. 2. m cant , 4. v. 12 , 13 , 14 , 16. n cant. 4. 15. p luke 21 , 36. eph. 6. 18. 1 thes. 5 17. q psal. 141. 2 numb. 16 46. r psal. 39. 12. if. 38. 5. heb. 5. 7. ſ deut. 15. v. 7. 8 , 10. pro. 14. 21 31. cap. 19. 17. cap. 28. v. 27. psal 41 , v. 2 , 2 , 3 , dan. 4. 27. mat. 19 21. acts , 10. 31. is . 58 7. 8 9 10. phil. 4. 18. t levit. cap. 13. & 14. u levit. cap. 15. x zeph 1. 8. is . 3. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. y pro. 5. 19. z hos. 2 , v. 2. a ezech. 23. v. 3. 8. b is . 3. 17 , 18. ezek. 16. v. 37. 39. cap. 23 v. 26 ▪ 28 , 29 , 34. hos. 2 , v. 3. c 1 king. 9. v. 30. pro. 7. 13. je● . 3. v. 3 cap. 4. v. 30. nalt . 3. 5. hos , 3. 2 sower 〈…〉 that place thus . let her put away her fornications from her face &c. d nahu . 2 , 10. lam. 4. 9. e is . 3. from v. 16. 10 26. 1 pet. 3. v. 3 4 , 5. 1 tim. 2 , v. 9. f 1 chron. 21. 16. if. 22. 12. cap. 32. 11. joel . 1 , 13. jonah . 3. v. 5 , 6. g j●. 2. 34. lamen . 4. 13. h heb. 2 , 15 16. pro , 23. 20. i epist. jud. 23. k psal. 45. v. 8. l 2 pet. 5. v. 5. m rom. 8. 13. n job . 29. v. 14. o colos 3. 12. p john 1. 14. 16. q eccles. 3. v. 7. amo. 5 , 13. pro 31. v. 8. 9. jer. 20. 9 psal. 39. 1. 2. pro. 10. 8. 19. 21. r colos. 4. 6. 1 pet. 4. 11. ephes. 4. 29. ſ cant : 4. 12. 13 , 14 , 16. t rom. 15. 12. u nahum : 1. 7. rom. 10. 11 , h. b : 13. 5 , 6. x mat. 27. 48. y psal : 1 27. 2. z james 1. 2 , 3 , 4. a mark : 12 , 42 , 43 , 44. b act 3. 6. 2 cor : 8. 12. c james 5. 3. d prov : 11. 24. 2 cor. 9. from 6. 10 14 psal. 4 ● . 1 , 2 , 3. e mark , 12 , 41. 2 cor. 9. 6. f prov : 4. 14. 15. g numb. 16. 24. epist. jud : 11. prov. 24 21. h prov. 2. 18 , 19 , c. 5. 5 , 6 , 8. c. 7. 25 , 26 , 27. i epist. jud : 11. prov. 1. 11 , 15. k epist. jud. 11. prov. 1 , 19. l deut. 13. 6. 8 , 2 cor. 6. 16 , 17. m isa : 22. 12 , 13. ezek. 21. 10. n exod. 12 , 21 , 22 , 23. john 1 , 29. o james 5. 15. p ephes. 5. 11. q heb. 10 , 25. psal , 84. r mat , 18. 20. ſ 2 sam. 24. 18 , 25. 1 kings , c. 8. 37 , 38. 39. t psal : 5. v : 3. u math : 6. 6. x josh 12 24 , 15. genes : 18. 19. psal : 101. 1 , 2. acts : 10. 2. y prov : 13. 3. c : 18. 7. c : 4. 24. z prov : 18. 4. a isa : 2 , 3. b numb : 14 , 36. 37 1 cor : 10. 10. numb 16 , 11 , 41. exod. 22 28. c. 16. 8. c prov. 18 , 21. d james 3. 6 , 8. e job 16 9. psal. 35. 16 psal. 37. 12. prov. 30. 14. f mat. 8. 12. g psal. 91. 6. h 1 thes. 5. 7. job . 24. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. prov. 7. 9. concerning publike and private fasts and the observation thereof . se afterwards in diet. i amos. 8. 12. 1 cor. 10 v. 3 , 4. k 1 pe●. 2. v. 2. prov. 30. v. 33. l heb. 13. v. 9. 2 pet : 3. v. 18. m 2 tim. 1 , v. 13. heb. 4. 2. n 2 tim. 3. v. 15. 16 , 17. iohn 5. 39. math , 22. 29. rom. 15. 4. o isa. 3. 15. p prov. 9. v. 17. q prov. 2. v. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. cap. 6 from v. 24 , to the end . r prov. 20. v. 17. s prov. 4. 17. t 1 tim. 4. v. 4 , 5. u phil , 4 , 12. 2. tim , 6. 8. x numb. 11 , v. 4. 33. z genis . 9. v. a. 5 , 6. a prov. 23. v. 1 , 2 , 3. b john 6. c ib. d 1 cor. 11. v. 25. 26. e 1 cor : 11. v. 27 , 28 , 29. cap. 10 v. 21. f ma● : 2 , 7 heb : 13. v. 17. 1 pet. 5. 2. act. 20 , v. 17. 26 , 27 , 28. t 〈…〉 : 1. 5. g in the second exhortation before the confession at the communion . h colos. 4. 6. ephes. 4. 29. i prov : 3. v. 11 , 12. k heb. 12. v. 11. l 1 pet. 2. v. 2. numb. 11 6. psal : 119 v. 20. 40. m ephes. 5. 26. psal. 119. v. 9. n psal. 119. v. 11. 104. 105. o psal. 119. v. 23. 51. 61. 69 157. 161. p psal : 119. v. 50. 52. 92. 93. 111. 143. q 2 , & 3. ed. 6. cap. 19. 5 , & 6. ed. 6. cap : 3. 5 eliz. cap. 5. rom. 13. 2. 1 pet. 2 , v. 13 , 14 , &c. r 2 , & 3. ed 6. cap. 19. 5 eliz. cap. 5. ſ ib. t prov. 29. 24. zach. 5. 3 , 4. numb. 16. 42. act. 5. v. 36. 37 , isa. 17. v. 112 , 14. zach. 14. 13. u 1 sam. 15 , 23 , galat. 3. 1. x h●b : 1 , 15. z ib. a ib. b see the places now cited for every particular . c math : 3. v. 8 : d prov. 8. v. 19. e philip : 1 , 11. f galat. 5. v. 22 , 23. g prov : 10. 16. h prov : 1 , v. 31. i gal. 5. v. 19 , 20 , 21. k genes : 3. l ezek : 47 , 12. revel. 22. 2. m prov : 20 v. 1. n prov : 23. v. 20 , 21. 29 , 30 , &c. eph. 5. 18. o col. 1. 9. eph 5. 18. p exod : 23 , 15. cap. 34 20. deu 16 , v. 16. q chro● : 20 v. 3. jonah 3. v. 7. ez. 8. 21. 1 s●m 7 v. 5. 6. r dan. 10. v. 3. ſ isa , 58. v. 3. t jod : 1. 13 c. 2. 17. u jo●l : 2. v. 13. x joel : 2. v. 11. y isa : 58. v. 6 , 7. z is● : 58. v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. joe● : 2. from . v. 12 , 10 v. 28. a 1 king : 21. b ib. c isa , 58. 4. d ib : v. 3 , 4 , 5. e g●n 〈…〉 : 49. 6. f nehem. 1. 4. esther : 4. 16. psal. 35● 13. dan. 9 3. 1 king : 21 v. 27 , 29. luk : 2 37. mat : 6. v. 17 , 18. mark : 9. 29. g 2 chr : 20. jonah : 3. 1 sam : 7 isa : 58. 10. 2. h mat : 6 v. 16. i rom : 13. v. 4. gen. 9. 6. deut 13. num. 25 , 8. levit. 26. v. 25. psa : 78. 34. k prov. 30 , 15. l nahu . 3. 1. is . 1. 21. zeph. 3. v. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. ezek , 22. v. 25 , 27. macah. 3. v. 10 , 11. o pro. 20. 9. job . 15. v. 15 , 16 1 epist. jo. 1. 8 , 10. p 2 cor 7. 1. ezek. 24. 13. q pro. 15. 18. heb. 10 , v. 34 36 , rom. 5. 3 , 4. j●. 1. v. 2 , 3 , 4 heb. 12 v. 1. colos. 1 , 11 , 1 pe. 2. 20. cap. 1. 7. r ez●k. 18. v. 21 , 22 , 27 , 28 , 30. 2 cor. 7. 10. acts 3. 19. ſ is . 11. 2. pro. 1. 7. cap. 10 , 27. cap , 14. 27. t act. 2 , 37 ps. 51. 17. if. 66. 2. 2. cor. 7 10 , 11. u ps. 51. 3. ps. 32. 5. pro 28. v. 13. 1. epis. john 1. 9. x pro. 8. 15. ps. 97. v. 10. ps 〈…〉 9 , 104 , 128. y rom. 2 , 15. 1 joh. 3 v. 20. z heb. 11. a john 15. 1. 1 john 1 v. 7 b rom 8 37 , 39. 1 john 4. 9 , 10. c john 14. v. 21 , 23. 1 epist. john 4. from v. 7. to the end . d zach. 12. 10. e ps. 119. v. 103. 2 cor. 7. 1. f joel . 2. v. 12. 13. g rom. 8 , 28. heb. 12 11 , psal. 119. v. 67. 71. h psal. 78. v. 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 , 40 , 41. 42. amos. 4. from v. 6. to the 12. if. 1. 5. 2 pet. 2. v. 22. pag. prae . i pro. 28. 8. ca. 13. 22. eccles. 5. from v. 13. 10 v. 18 ja. 5 1 2 , 3 4 k ib. & job . 20 from v. 10. to the end . job . 1. cap. 27. v. 13. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. zach 5. 3 , 4 l luke 19. v. 8. jo. 14 v. 21 23. m such as those new cited let i and k. n deut. 27. 26. cap. 28. from v. 15. to the end zach 5. 3. o pro. 18. 14. ps. 2 12. p 2 cor. 5. v. 10 11. q 1 cor. 7. 20 , 24. 2 〈…〉 . 1 , 6. exod. 35. 30 , 31 , 32 , &c. rom. 12 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 11. r ezek , 16. 49. pr. 31. 27. 2 sam. 11. 2. 1 ti. 5. 13. ſ 1 tim. 4. 7 , 8. t acts 24. 16. u mat. 24. 46. x mat. 24 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51. y pro. 24. 30 , 31. z psa. 91. 9 , 1 , 11 , psal. 33 , 18 , 19. psal , 144 , 20. a 1 k. 8. 38. gen. 6. 5. mat. 15. 19. eccle. 8. 11. deut. 29. 18. 19. jer. 11. 8. cap. 17. 9. b pro. 4. 23. deu. 11● 16 , 18. c sc dyet . let . f. g. d 1 john . 4. 1. is . 8. 20. ma. 16. 6. cap. 23. v. 2 , 3. act. 17. 11. e is . 1● . 2. f 1 sam. 15 22. deu. 28. from v. 1. to v. 15. g pro. 3. v. 3 , 4. cap. 11. 4 , 6. cap. 16. 6. cap. 20. 28. zach. 8. 16. c. 7. v. 9. h e●h●s 1. 13 , i 2 tim. 1. 7. k is . 57. 15. cap. 66 , 2 , 1 pet. 3. 4. mat. 5. 5. l galat. 5. 23. 1 pet. 5. 8. tit. 2. 12. 1 thes. 5. v. 6 , 8. m zach. 12 , 10. joel . 2. 12. 2 k , 20. v. 2 , 5. n num. 25. 7 , 8. o pro. 2 , 11. p 1 cor. 13. james . 2. v. 14. 15 , 16 , 17 , &c. q luke . 8. 11. r ma. 5. 8. 1 ti. 1. 51 c. 2. 8. ſ 1 pe. 3 2. ti. 2. 5. mat. 5. 28. t d●ut. 15. 7 , 8 pr● . 11 , 25. cap. 28. v. 27. 2 cor. 9. 6. u heb. to 34 , 36. rom. 5. v. 3 4 jam. 1. v. 2 , 3 , 4. x philip . 3. v. 7 , 8. 1 john 2. 15. 16. y col●s . 4. 6 z eccles. 11. v. 8. a eccles. 11. v 9 , cap. 12. 14 , 2 pet. 3. v. 10. 11. b mat. 5. 29 30 , ca. 10. v. 28. c 1 john . 1 . v. 7. cap. 2. v. 2 john 6. v. 54 , 55 , 56. rom. 3. 25. cap. 5. v. 9. eph. 1. 7. colos. 1. 20. 1 pet 1. v. 18. 19. heb. 9. 14 , d rom. 14. 17. cap. 15 13. philip . 4. v. 4. e acts ▪ 2. v. 38. cap. 3 19 ezek. 18 : v. 21. 27 , 30. f psal , 123 , v. 1. 2. john 11. 41 mat. 13. 15 , psal. 17 , 11. g jer , 7. 24 , 26 , cap. 11. 8. cap. 17. 23. h 2 chron. 29. 30. i genes . 43. 28. 1 sa. 24 8. genes . 24. v. 26. exo , 12 , 27. k pro. 10. v. 19. cap. l iude v. 10. 16. nu. 16 13. 3. cap. 16. 23. c. 18 7. cap. 17 27. ja. 1. 19. iude v. 8. 10. m pro. 4. 16. n psal. 127. 2 eccles. 4. 8. cap. 5. 12. o mar. 26. 40 , 41. p acts 20 9. q pro. 6. 9 , 10● 11. r ephes. 3. 13. ſ pro. 3. 11 h●b. 12. 3 t luke 22. 32. u luke 18. 1. x 2 thes 3. 13. y num. 21. 5. ioh 6. z galat. 6. 9. a pro. 3 11. heb. 12 , 3. 12. b is . 26 , 8. 1 pet. 2. 2. mat. 5. v. 6. c exod 17. 3. pr. 21. 26. eccles. 4. 8. d 1 pet. 4. v. , 3. 4. rom. v. 58 and v. 60 ps. 50 17 , is . 30. v. 10. jere : 20 , 8 cap. 43. 1 , 2. amos 7. 10. e mat. 11. 28. f mat. 8. 17. g luke 22. 44. 1. 21 , 1 tim. 6 , 5. 2 tim. 3. 8. 1 pet. 1. 13. jam. 1. 8. cap. 4. 8. h every one that is sensible both of his own sin and gods wrath , cannot make his let swim , nor doth not feele the wrath of god so hot and so heavy upon him , as some doe , ps 6. ps. 22 , ps. 38. ps. 42. ps. 88. i deut. 9. from v. 7. to the end . psal : 78. k john 8. 31. c. 15. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 9 , 10 , 16. l mat. 26. 40 , 41. m mat. 26. 38 , 39 , 42 compared with luke 22 , 44. 1 epist john 2. 24. co●os . 4 2 , 1 cor. 15. 58. 2 cor. 5. 6. n psal. 27. 13 , 14. eph●s . 5. 20. philip . 4 4. acts. 24. 16. 1 pet. 5. 9. deut. 16. 15. 1 cor. 16. 13. ephes. 6. 18. 1 pet. 5. 8. psal. 38. genes . 4. 13. mat. 27. 3 , 4 , 5. o prov. 20. 9. john 15. 15 , 16. 1 john 1 , 8 ● 10. * the quantity of the severall ingredients and particular doses both for preservation and curanen , i therefore omitted because their nature is such as cannot be proportioned . p see before diet. let . f. g. q see cordialls let . d r is● . 1. 6 , psal. 38. 5. 7. ſ psal. 97. 10. prov. 8. 13. t ez●k , 16. 4 , 5 , 6. isa. 64. 6. 2 pet : 2. 22. psal : 38. 5 , 7. ezck : 24. 6. 11 , 12 , 13. u 2 cor : 7. 9 , 10. ps. 38. 6 , 8. psal. 6. 6 , 7. x 1 cor. ●5 . 54. 55. 56. 57. y jerem 4. 4. isa. 66 , 15. nahum . 1. 6. z mat. 9. 22. 29. psal. 51. 17. joel . 1. 13. c : 2. 12 , 13. mat : 26. 75. luke 7. 38. a isa. 1. 6 , 16. b isa. 22. 12. c : 38. 5. joel . 2. 12. c zach. 13. 1. john . 19. 34. d 1 john 1. 7. e luke 17. 15. 16 , 17 , 18. galat. 3. 11 , 14. eph. 2. 8. rom. 14. 23. f john 5. 14. notes for div a70159e-13450 cordialls . dyet . bleeding . purging . issue . infection . botch . a treatise of the pestilence vvherein is shewed all the causes thereof, with most assured preseruatiues against all infection: and lastly is taught the true and perfect cure of the pestilence, by most excellent and approued medicines. composed by thomas thayre chirurgian, for the benefite of his countrie, but chiefly for the honorable city of london. thayre, thomas. 1603 approx. 137 kb of xml-encoded text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13646) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1395) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 978:05) a treatise of the pestilence vvherein is shewed all the causes thereof, with most assured preseruatiues against all infection: and lastly is taught the true and perfect cure of the pestilence, by most excellent and approued medicines. composed by thomas thayre chirurgian, for the benefite of his countrie, but chiefly for the honorable city of london. thayre, thomas. [8], 65, [1] p. by e. short, dwelling at the signe of the starre on bred-streete hill, imprinted at london : 1603. printer's device (mckerrow 278) on title page. dedication to sir robert lee, lord mayor. running title reads: preseruatiues against the sicknesse, and the cure of the pestilence. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to 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assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of the pestilence : wherein is shewed all the causes thereof , with most assured preseruatiues against all infection : and lastly is taught the true and perfect cure of the pestilence , by most excellent and approued medicines . composed by thomas thayre chirurgian , for the benefite of his countrie , but chiefly for the honorable city of london . altissimus creauit medicinam super terram , vir prudens non contemnit illam . imprinted at london by e. short , dwelling at the signe of the starre on bredstreete hill . 1603. to the right honorable sir robert lee knight , lorde maior of the renowned city of london , and to the right worshipful the sheriffes , and also to all the right worshipfull the aldermen their brethren , thomas thayre wisheth all spirituall and temporall blessings from the lord in this life , and in the life to come eternall saluation , through christ jesu our sauiour . considering with my selfe , right honorable , and right worshipfull , that nothing is more necessary , nor more desired in the time of dangerous sicknesse and perill of death , then to present vnto the person so standing , the meanes to preserue him from the violence of the same , and to restore the sick from imminent perill of death , vnto his former estate of health ; and perceiuing , right honorable , that no man had as yet written any treatise , wherein was contained such speciall and excellent medicines , that might be able to resist , and also cure this dangerous and contagious sicknesse ; and likewise to giue sufficient instruction & direction vnto the inhabitants of this citie , for their preseruation in this infectious time : i was mooued in conscience ( my lord ) for the dutie i owe , and for the loue i beare vnto this honorable city , to cōmunicate vnto them such preseruatiues , as are , through gods grace , giuen vnto them able to resist and defend from infection of this sicknesse all such as vse thē . and also i haue set down most excellent & approued medicines , such as i haue practised and approued vnto the great vtilitie of manie , beeing able , through gods mercy , speedily to cure the most and greatest part of al such as shall be infected with this sicknesse , beeing vsed in time , before the sicknesse hath vtterly ouercome nature . and although my insufficic̄cy to write any publique matter , perswaded me to relinquish my intēded purpose in publishing this treatise , i being the meanest of so many in this land , and vnable to write any plausible stile : yet the truth & plainnes of the matter , the excellency of the medicines , & the vtility that many should find thereby , being vsed , ouercame that doubt of mind , and animated me to proceede in my intended purpose ; not doubting , but assuredly trusting in the lord , frō whom commeth all health , that this beeing vsed , many shall bee preserued , and cured thereby , to gods glory and our comfort : he it is on whom we must depend . the lord hath created medicine of the earth , and giuen great vertue vnto trees , hearbes , gums , stones , and minerals , and all for the helpe of his people in the time of their sicknes . god make vs thankfull vnto him for them , & giue vs grace to be warned by others punishment , and to vse thankfully and diligentlie , the good means for our health : and then i trust assuredly that the lord will blesse our indeuours , vnto his glory , and our health ' and comfort . and for as much as i haue written this treatise chiefelie in respect of the citie , i haue presumed to dedicate the same vnto your honor , & vnto the right worshipfull the sheriffes and aldermen your brethren , as a pledge of my loue and humble duty towards you : which if it shall please you to accept in good part , and vouchsafe to patronize mine indeuours , i doubt not but that manie shall finde the benefit therof to gods glory & their great comfort : and i shall be incouraged some other time , as occasion shall be offred , to performe a work no lesse needfull : thus beseeching the almightie to blesse your honor , & the right worshipfull your brethren , with all happinesse your hearts can desire , i humblie take my leaue . your honors and worships to command , thomas thayre . to the louing reader grace and health from the lord. calling vnto mind ( curteous reader ) the saying of tvlly , non nobis solùm nati sumus , &c. we are not born vnto our selues alone , but we owe a dutie and seruice vnto our countrey , our parents , & our friends , and considering with my self vnto my griefe , the sicknesse , the which it hath pleased god to visit vs withall , is greatly increased , dispersing it selfe into manie places of this citie to the griefe of manie : i hauing duly considered thereof , thought it my dutie to vse the small talent that the lord hath lent me vnto his glory , and the good of my brethren : which moued mee to write this treatise shewing the causes of the pestilence : the meanes to preserue vs from the infection of this contagious sicknesse : and the way and methode to cure such as shall be infected therewith , vsing the remedie in time , i meane in the beginning of the sickenesse , before nature be ouercome , obseruing the order of this booke . and for as much as this is gods visitation for our iniquitie , wee must therefore first fly vnto him with contrite hearts , fixing our whole trust in his mercie : and then wee must with all diligence and thankfulnes of heart , vse the good meanes that the lord hath ordained for our health . for to neglect the meanes , is to contemne gods gifts ; and we make our selues guiltie of our owne death , and before god we are no better then murtherers , because we haue despised the meanes of our helpe that he hath ordained for vs. but i trust there are none so wilfull and obstinate in this citie . this treatise ( gentle reader ) i haue penned , and present vnto thee , plaine and simple , barren of eloquence and filed phrase to delight thee : yet herein is contained most excellent and approued remedies , and as effectuall for the curing of this sicknesse , as are , or haue beene knowne . vse them in gods name , and doe not trust vnto light and trifling medicines , considering the strength and daunger of this sicknesse : these haue power and vertue , through gods grace , to expulse and speedily to cure this infectious sicknesse : and for preseruing a person from infection i haue set downe manie preseruatiues . and for curing the sicknesse i haue set downe foure principall medicines , and three others of lesse strength , to bee vsed when the aforenamed cannot be had . all which you may haue readie or speedily made at euery good apothecaries . vse them i counsell thee in the beginning of this sicknesse , for delay breedeth daunger : and death commonly followeth , and medicine comes too late when nature is ouercome by the sicknesse . and for as much as i haue written this treatise for the benefit of all men in generall , that thinke good to vse it , & haue done it in loue & good wil , so i hope the well disposed will censure it . and no godly and vertuous minded physition will be herewith offended , or enuy my endeuours , considering it is for the benefit and helpe of many in this or such like dangerous time , wherein many perish for want of counsel and helpe in their sicknesse , at the beginning thereof . and where anie ouersight or defect hath passed in my booke , as i doubt not but that there are some , hauing so short time , and so little opportunity to ouerlooke it , i desire the learned reader to correct and amend the same : and in so doing i shall be vnto him beholding . and so now taking my leaue , i beseech god of his great mercy to blesse the meanes that we shall vse for our health , vnto the honour , glorie and praise of his holy name , and vnto our health & comfort . farewell luly the ninth . non quaero quod mihi vtile est , sed multis . thine in all friendly loue and good will , thomas thayre . a treatise of the pestilence : wherein is shewed all the causes thereof , with most assured preseruatiues against all infection . this contagious sicknes which is generally called the plague or pestilence , is no other thing then a corrupt and venemous aire , deadly enemie vnto the vital spirits : most commonly bringing death and dissolution vnto the body , except with spéede good remedy be vsed . i mean not that the aire of it self is a verie poison , for then consequently all persons ( for the most part ) that liue within the aire so corrupted , should be infected , and few or none escape the danger thereof : but my meaning is , that the aire hath in it selfe a venemous qualitie , by reason whereof those bodies wherein there is cacochymia , corrupt and superfluous humours abounding , are apt and lightly infected , those humours being of themselues inclined and disposed vnto putrifaction . now i will proceede to shew the causes of this dangerous sicknesse , and also the cure thereof . now hauing briefly defined what the pestilence is , i will ( god assisting me ) prosecute mine intended purpose . first , in shewing all the causes thereof , and the cure , and remedie for euerie cause . entring into due consideration of the causes of the pestilence that now raigneth , christian reader , i find there are thrée causes thereof . the first and chiefest is sinne . the second is the corruption of the aire . the third and last cause , is the euill disposition of the body , bred by euill diet , and the abuse of things called res non naturales , things not natural : not so called , for that they are against nature , but because through the abuse of them nature is debilitated , corrupted , and oftentimes vtterly destroyed . the first cause , i say , is sinne . the holy scriptures sufficiently proueth the same , and giueth manie examples how the lord oftentimes punisheth his people for their sin and impietie of life with the pestilence . reade the 14. chapter of the booke of numbers , and the 11. and 12. verses : where the lord speaking vnto moses , saying : how long will this people prouoke me ? and how long will it be ere they beleeue me , for all the signes i haue shewed among them ? i will smite them with the pestilence , and will destroy them , and will make thee a greater & mightier nation then they . why doth the lord here threaten the children of israel his chosen , to strike them with the pestilence ? the reason is shewed in the same chapter : because ( saith he ) they haue murmured against me , and haue rebelled , not keeping nor obseruing my lawes . and as the lord spake vnto the children of israel by moses , so speaketh he vnto vs dayly by his ministers and preachers of his word . also reade deuteronomy the 28. chap. the 1. 2. 3. and 4. verses , and there you shall sée the blessings that the lord promiseth vnto them , that walke in his waies and kéepe his commandements : and it followeth in the same chapter : but if thou wilt not obey the voice of the lord thy god , and keep and doe his commandements : the lord shall make the pestilence to cleaue vnto thee . and many more curses hee pronounceth against them that continue in their sin and iniquitie of life . and further , the lord shal smite thee with a consumption , & with a feuer , and with a burning ague , and so forth . this spake the lord vnto the children of israel his people , and this speaketh the lord daily vnto vs : but we are slow to repentance and amendment of life . reade leuiticus the 26. chap. and the 21. verse . and if you walke stubbornly against me ( saith the lord ) and will not obey my word , i will bring seuen times more plagues vpon you , according vnto your sinnes . and in the third verse following he saith : i will send the pestilence among you , and you shall bee deliuered into the hands of your enemies . this spake the lord vnto the inhabitants of ierusalem , and this speaketh hee vnto vs oftentimes by his ministers , whom we ought with all reuerence to heare , and with all diligence to follow . many more places could i cite and inferre out of the sacred scriptures , to proue sinne to be a cause of the pestilence , and sometime the onely cause thereof : example in dauid : example in pharao , and diuers other , which for prolixitie i omit , hoping this may suffice to proue sinne to bee a cause of the pestilence , which is indéede as a messenger or executioner sometimes of gods iustire . manie and great plagues hath this our land tasted of in times past , and it is not yet tenne yeares since this citie of london was visited and afflicted with this sicknes , dispersing it selfe into diuers and many places of this land , cutting off and taking away a great multitude of people : and i doubt not but sin was a great cause thereof . o that man would therefore remember the inconstancie and srailtie of this life ! and consider the end of his creation was to serue and glorifie god : but we daily dishonour him by committing of sinne , and not giuing vnto him that honor and seruice that is due vnto the lord : but placing all our affections vpon the vaine delights and inconstant pleasures of this alluring and deceitfull world , which do as it were bewitch vs , and withdrawe vs from that christian care that we ought to haue of our saluation , abusing gods mercie and long sufferance with our delayes and procrastination to turne vnto him , being misebly deluded by satan , and intised by the glittering shewes of this world , to the loue thereof ; and god knowes how soone we must leaue it . i pray god infuse his grace and holy spirit into our hearts , that sinne may be mortified in vs , and that it may worke in vs a reformation and amendment of life : & that we may henceforth walk in this our short pilgrimage , as christians and seruants of the lord , seruing him in all holinesse and pietie of life , contemning the vaine pleasures of this fraudulent world , which are but snares to intrap our soules , and the baites of sathan to draw vs vnto destruction : then shall we not need to feare death , but say with saint paul , mors mihi lucrum , death vnto me is gaine , saith he : so is it indéed vnto all the godly : but vnto the wicked it is an entrance into a continuall and eternall punishment : from the which christ that hath died for vs , deliuer vs. amen . now hauing shewed sin to be one cause of the pestilence , and sometimes the onely cause , when it pleaseth god to punish the impietie of his people , vsing it as the executioner of his wrath : it followeth that i shewe the other causes , whereof the pestilence may arise . the second cause , is the corruption of the aire . galen the most excellent and famous physition in his booke de differentijs febrium , saith , there be two causes of the pestilence : vnam , aërem vitiatum ac putridum : alterā , humores corporis vitio so victu collectos , & ad putreso endum paratos ; the one cause is ( saith he ) an infected , corrupted , and putrified aire : the other cause is , euill and superfluous humors gathered in the body through haughtie and corrupt diet , which humours be apt and ready to putrifaction . and this is most true , and not onely the opinion of galen and hippocrates , the fathers and princes of physicke , but of all the learned and iudiciall physitions of latter time , and at this day . now let vs consider how , and by what meanes the aire may be corrupted and altered from his wholsom qualitie vnto a venemous dispositiō . entring into due consideration therof , i finde many causes that may corrupt the aire , all which i will compose or include in these two . the first cause whereby the aire may bée corrupted , is through the vnholsom influence of that planets ; who by their malitious disposition , qualitie , and operations , distemper , alter and corrupt the aire , making it vnholesome vnto humane nature . when the temperature of the aire is changed from his naturall estate , to immoderate heate and moisture , then it corrupteth and putrifieth , and ingendreth the pestilence . i emit to write what i haue read concerning the alterations and mutations , that are sometimes caused by the superior bodies or planets here below vpon the earth : for vnto the learned it were superfluous , and vnto the vulgar or common sorte , it woulde rather bréede admiration then credite : but this euerie man is to vnderstand , deus regit astra , god rules the starres : and yet i doubt not , but through the eclipses , exaltation , coniunctions , and aspectes of the planets , the aire may bée corrupted , and made vnholesome sometimes , in somuch that diuers griefes are bred thereby . the second cause , whereby the aire may be corrupted , is a venemous euaporation arising from the earth , as from fennes , moores , standing muddie waters , and stinking ditches and priuies , or from dead bodies vnburied , stinking chanels and mixsones , and multitudes of people liuing in small and little roome , and vncleanlie kept : all these are causes and meanes whereby the aire may be corrupted . the third cause of the pestilence , is the euill disposition of the body , which is bred by euill diet : the bodie being repleat with corrupt and superfluous humors , which humors bereadie to putrifie and rot vpon anie light occasion : and when such a person doth but receiue into his bodie by inspiration , the corrupted and infections aire , he is therewith by and by infected , his bodie being disposed thereunto through superfluous and corrupt humors abounding : whereas contrarie wise , a body of a good disposition , i meane a body frée from grosse , corrupt , and superfluous humors , is not castlie or lightlie infected , because there is not that matter for the infectious ayre to worke vpon . and againe , nature is more stronge to repell the infectious or corrupted ayre , if it be receiued : and this is the cause why one person is rather infected then another ; namelie the disposition of the bodie . now hauing shewed all the causes of the pestilence ; i will ( god assisting mée ) set downe the cure and remedie for euerie cause , which causes being taken away , the effect which is the sicknesse , must néedes cease . the first cause , i say , is sinne : and this ought first to be taken awaie , and then i dare vndertake ( by gods assistance ) my corporall medicines shall soone staie this furious sicknesse . sinne is a sicknesse of the soule ; the cure thereof dooth consist in these two points . the first , is true , hartie , and faithfull repentance , with all contrition of heart confessing thy sinnes vnto the lorde , with faithfull prayer vnto christ iesu , that it will please him to be an aduocate and mediator vnto the lorde for the forgiuenesse of thy sinnes . do this , and thou shalt find god mercifull , hee is readier to forgiue then we to aske forgiuenesse of him . he would not the death of a sinner , but with all mercy , patience , and long suffering wayteth and expecteth our conuersion vnto him . the second point , is newnesse of life : for what shall it auaile vs to haue forgiuenesse of our sinnes , if we fall into the same againe , and walke in our former euilnesse of life ? this will but increase gods wrath and indignation against vs , and exasperate him to punish our impietie of life with all seueritie . therefore , i counsell thee , as thou tendrest the saluation of thy soule , flie from euill , and do the thing that is right ; walke vprightlie before him in newnesse and holinesse of life : for the lord séeth all thy waies , and knoweth the thoughts of thy heart long before . remember thy time here is but short , and death will sommon thee ( thou knowest not how soone ) to giue an account how thou hast spent thy time , and vsed the talent that the lord hath lent thée here on earth . then shalt thou stād before the tribunall seat of the almightie & iust iudge , where all thy whole life shal be laide open , and all thy actions , and thoughts of thy heart made manifest and knowne . then happy and ten times happie are they , vnto whom the lord shall say : come yee blessed of my father , receiue ye the kingdome prepared for you before the beginning of the worlde . but how vnhappie , and in what miserable estate are they , vnto whom the lord shall say : goe you cursed into eternall darknesse , a place of punishment appointed for you : where there is horror , weeping and gnashing of teeth . this is the place appointed for the vngodly worldlings that wallow and continue in their sinne , neglecting the seruice of the lord : for which end they were created . consider this ( good christian reader ) and defer no time to turne vnto the lord : for this life of ours is fraile , vnconstant , and very vncertaine . we haue examples daily before our eies of the vncertainty thereof , to day a man , to morrow none . homo natus muliere paucorum dierum est , & repletur inquietudine , saith iob : man that is borne of a woman his daies are fewe , and is full of misery . for thy further instruction , i refer thée vnto the godly and learned diuines , heare them : for they are the messengers and ministers of the lorde , appointed to teach his people , and in mée it might be noted for presumption , to take vpon mée the office of another man , hauing in this point more néede to be taught my self , then able to instruct others . the cure of the soule belongeth vnto them , and thē cure of the body vnto me . i will now hasten vnto the second cause , which is the corruption of the aire . i haue shewed before all the causes that may corrupt the aire : it followeth now that i teach the correction , purging and altring of the aire corrupted , which is the second cause of the pestilence . and first i would counsel you , that al the stréetes , lanes , and allies be kept cleane and swéete , as possible may bée , not suffering the filth and swéepings to lie on heapes , as it dooth , especiallie in the suburbes , but to be caried awaie more spéedily : for the uncleane kéeping of the stréetes , yéelding as it dooth noisome and vnsauory smelles , is a meanes to increase the corruption of the aire , and giueth great strength vnto the pestilence . also , that al the pondes , pooles , & ditches about the city , if they yéeld any stinking and noisom smels , that they be scoured and clensed : for there ariseth from them an euill and vnholesome aire , which furthereth the corruption of the aire , and worse will do in hotter weather . also , that you suffer no mixsons to be made so néere vnto the citie as they are , but to be caried far off : neither any dead carion to lie vnburied , as i haue séene , but to be caried forth and buried déepe . also , that euerie euening you make small and light fiers with oken wood , in those stréets where the infection is , either two , or thrée fiers , according vnto the length of the stréete or place infected ; the wood being consumed , cast in some stickes of iuniper ; and therewithall , two , thrée or foure rowles of perfume that i haue here set downe in my booke , which i would wish were vsed through the whole citie in your chambers and houses , cast in vpon some coles in a chafingdish or fuming pot , in the morning and euening . this fumigation hath a most excellent and singular propertie , to purge and alter a corrupt and vnholsome aire . but peraduenture some men for want of iudgement , wil think this my direction ouer curious & of small validity : but i do and will affirme , that the vse thereof is very requisite , and of great force & vtility , and the best meanes for the purging and altering the euill qualitie of the aire , that is knowne vnto man. this fumigatiō is to be vsed where the infection is , in the euening , and also in the morning ; & is of great force for the purging of the aire , and altering the euill qualitie thereof : which i wish were dayly vsed through the citie , in their houses and chambers , for the excellent vertue thereof . r. storax , calamint , labdanum , cypresse-wood , myrrhe , beniamin , yellow sanders , ireos , red roseleaues , flowers of nenuphar , of each one ounce ; liquid storax one ounce , cloues one ounce , turpentine one ounce , withy cole fiue ounces , rose-water as much as wil be sufficient to make them vp in trochis , & let them be two drams in weight . the wood béeing consumed , cast in some stickes of iuniper , and after it cast in two or thrée of these trochis , which will yéelde a comfortable smell and purge the aire . another more swéete and delectable for the better sort , to vse in their houses and chambers dailie . r. storax , calamint , labdanum , cypresse-wood , frankēcense , beniamin , of each of thē half an ounce ; red roseleaues dried , yellow sanders , of each two drams ; cinamon , cloues , wood of aloes , of each of them one dramme ; flowers of nenuphar one dram ; liquid storax halfe an ounce , gum dragagant two drams , and muske six graines , withy cole three ounces , rose water as much as will suffice to make it vp in trochis . this i would counsell gentlemen , and citizens to vse dayly in their houses and chambers , for the excellent operation it hath . also it is good for want of these , to burn in your houses and chambers iuniper , frankincense , storax , baylaues , marierom , rose marie , lauender , and such like . now hauing shewed the remedies for the two first causes ; it followeth , that i teach the cure of the third and last cause , which is the euill disposition of the body , through superfluous , corrupt , and euill humors abounding . here is the cause , and these corrupt and superfluous humors must be taken away before the body can bée in any good estate of health . and this is the reason that diuers persons liuing together in one aire , that one is infected and not another , namely , the disposition of the body : for those naughtie , corrupt , & superfluous humors , are of themselues apt and disposed vnto putrefaction , and if it so chance that they do putrefie of themselues , then there arise dangerous feuers , according vnto the nature of the humor that corrupteth . as for example , if choler do putrifie within the vesselles , it ingendreth febris ardens or febris causon , a hot and a dangerous feuer , working his malice in the concauitie of the liuer and lunges and about the heart , & except remedy be administred the person dieth . and so when any of the other humors doe putrefie , there springe feuers , according vnto their nature , as the learned knowe . now such bodies ( i say ) wherein there is such superfluous humors abounding , in the time of any infection , receiuing into their bodies the corrupt and venemous aire , are thereby infected : and these humors turned not only into putrefaction , but into a venemous qualitie , by the operation of the infectious aire whereas in bodies voide and frée from such superfluous humors , there the infectious aire hath not such matter to worke vpon : and againe , nature is more strong and forcible to resist and expell a corrupt and infectious aire although receiued . here the reason is apparant why one person is infected and not another . and very niedfull it is especiallie in this time of sicknesse , that this euill disposition of the body be taken away and amended , by purging and euacuating of the perccant humors . for which purpose i wil set down a very excellent and approued potion , which purgeth the blood and disburdeneth the body of superfluous humors both choler , flegme , and melancholie , opening attracting and euacuating the corrupt and vitious humors of the body , to the great comfort , helpe and ease of those that vse it with discretion , as i shall direct them : the making or composition whereof i haue here set downe . but first taking this sirrup thrée morninges before you purge , two spoonefuls euerie morning , fasting after it two or thrée houres , and vse your accustomed diet as before . r. oximell two ounces , sir . de quinque radicibus two ounces , misce . r. good rubarbe two drammes , spicknarde six graines , sene halfe an ounce , fenill seede , and annisseede of each halfe a dramme , flowers of borage and buglosse , of each halfe a little handfull ; water of endiue and fumitarie of each of them fiue ounces , and so make your infusion . let this infusion be made in some earthen stupot close couered and paasted that no breath or vapor goe forth , and let it stand seuen or eight howers vpon some imbers , or small coles , and but warme : after which time straine it forth and put thereunto of diacatholicon one ounce , diaphenicon halfe an ounce , electuarium succo rosarum halfe an ounce , mix these with the infusion aboue written , and this will be a sufficient quantitie for thrée daies , taking the third part the first day , and on the second day the halfe of that which was left , and the other part the third day : take it early in the morning , and sléepe not after the taking of it , neither eate , nor drinke vntill it hath wrought his effect , & then take some broth made with a chicken or a capon , and for want thereof with veale or yonge mutton , as you can bee prouided , with resins of the sunne stoned , two or thrée dates , a little parsely put thereunto , and thickned with some crummes of bread . when your potiō hath done working you may take of this broth , and also a little of your meate sparingly , and in the euening make a light supper with a chicken , or a rabbet , or such like meat that is light and easie of digestion , yéelding good nutriment : the next day early , take another part of your drinke , and vse your selfe as the day before . and likewise the third day , take that part of your potion that remained , and vse your selfe as before taught . this being done , rest a gods name , & vse a good and a moderate diet , and beware of excesse and superfluitie ; for he that vseth it shall fall into the hands of the phisition , but he that dieteth him selfe prolongeth his life . now if it so happen that your potion do not worke within two howers after the receiuing thereof , which is verie seldome séene in any body , then take a little of your broth , or if it be not readie a little thinne alebrue , either of which will cause it to worke forthwith . or if you feare through weakenes of your stomacke , you shall vomit after the taking thereof , then as soone as you haue receiued your potion , let there be made ready a browne tost , which being dipt and sokened in good vinegar , holde it vnto your nose , and smell therunto sometime . you ought to kéepe your chamber during the thrée daies , that you take your potion . and it is very requisite also , that you kéepe your house the day after your purging : because the pores of the body will be opened thereby . this potion is of great vertue , and not only deliuereth the body from a disposition to be infected with this sicknesse ; but also from many other griefes and diseases springing and arising by repletion , and corruption of humors , and very gently and easily purgeth both choler and flegme from the stomacke without molestation of the body , or weakning of nature . and this is especiallie good for such as want appetite vnto their meate , and such as féele an vnweildinesse , and slouthfulnesse in themselues , hauing no delight in exercise , dulnesse of the wit and sences , more sléepie then accustomed to be , shiuering of the body , mixed with heate , as if they should haue an ague . and if any thinke this a tedious course , and therefore loath , or vnwilling to vse it , let them consider that health is not obtained without some meanes be vsed , and let them not thinke much to take a little paines for the gaining of so pretious a iewell , without the which although abounding in worldly wealth , yet we can take delight , pleasure , or contentation in nothing : as for healthy bodies , such as are free from corrupt and superfluous humours , vsing a good diet and exercise of bodie , such ( i say ) are not lightly infected as others are , in whom there is repletion : it shall be sufficient for them without purging to vse anie of the preseruatiues i haue set downe in this booke . and let them bée assured by the vse thereof , and by gods assistance , from all infection , although the sicknesse were more strong and powerfull then it is : and although i assuredly know , that this potion béeing vsed may suffice to take away the euill disposition of the body , yet because i know many would bee loth to be inioined to kéepe their chamber foure dayes as they ought to doo , that vse this potion or any other purging potion , i haue for their benefite set downe a most excellent pill that purgeth all corrupt , and superfluous humors , and is with all a very good preseruatiue , defending the body from all infection . the composition of the pill . r. good rubarbe one dramme and a halfe , saffron two scruples , trochis of agarick one dram ; of chosen myrrhe one dram , aloes the best two drams , syrrup of roses solutiue as much as will suffice to make them in pilles . take a dram of these pils early euery morning , for fiue or six dayes together , taking two or thrée houres after them a little thin broth , and vse a sparing diet for these fiue or six dayes , and let your meat bée light and easie of digestion : you shall haue two or thrée stooels daily or foure in some bodies . notwithstanding you may safely goe abroad about your businesse , without any inconuenience at all . and hauing now shewed how the euill disposition of the body may be amended , and taken away by gentle purging and euacuating of the peccant humors , bred by euill diet , and the abuse of the six things called , res non naturales , whereof i will briefly speake , teaching what ought to be auoided , as hurtfull and preiudiciall vnto your health . in receiuing of the aire . the aire is one of the elements wherof our bodies are composed ; and without the inspiration , and respiration thereof we cannot liue : and therefore it standeth much with our health , that the aire which we receiue into our bodies , bée swéete , holesome and vncorrupt . and i counsell al men that they auoide all places of infection , all stinking and noisome smels ; and when they are disposed to walke , that they walke in gardens , or swéete and pleasant fieldes : but neither early nor late at night . i haue set downe the making of a good pomander , the which i would wish to bee worne not only of gentlemen , but of others also for the good property it hath both in resisting a corrupt , noysom , and stinking aire , and in comforting the senses . i doe not intend in this place to write of the nature of aires and the election thereof ; it would be ouer tedious , who so desireth it , let him reade hippocrates de flatibus : also auicen , and rasis haue written copiouslie thereof . and you ought to obserue aire as meate , cold sicknesses require warme aire , drie sicknesses moist aire : & so in the contraries , to them that be long sicke , change of aire is very commodious ; & to such as be in health , a temperate aire is most holesom . and where the aire is infected and corrupted , i haue set downe most excellent perfumes , for the correcting and purging thereof both for the stréets , houses and chambers , and by the vse thereof the euill qualitie of the aire shal be taken away . in eating and drinking . in eating and drinking , we ought to consider that the meates that we eate and receiue for the nourishment of our bodies be swéete and holsome , yéelding good iuyce : for such as the meat is , such humors it bréedeth in the body : if it be harde of digestion it dooth debilitate and weaken nature , and ouercharge the alteratiue vertue of the stomacke : if swéet , it bréedeth oppilations , whereof dangerous feuers arise ; sower cooleth nature and hasteneth age : moist dooth putrifie and hasten age , drie sucketh vp naturall moisture , salt dooth fret , bitter dooth not nourish , so that in diuersitie of meates is great diuersitie of qualitie . a man that is in health ought to vse a temperate diet , and féeding sparingly vpon one , two or thrée dishes at the most , and if we meane to liue in anie health of bodie all superfluitie , & repletion of meates is to be abhorred . consider with thy selfe , thou art a man indued with reason , and therefore in thy diet and all other thy actions let reason and temperance gouerne thine appetite & affections : through surfetting manie one hath perished , but he that dieteth himselfe , prolongeth his life . the varietie of meates at one meale bringeth paine vnto the stomacke , offendeth nature , and doth ingender and beget many diseases , as galen witnesseth , reason teacheth , and experience approueth . therefore whoso is in health , and desireth to continue therein , let him obserue this rule . let his meate that he vseth be wholsome & nourishing , such as best agréeth with his nature and complexion : for vnto some men béese is more holesome and better then chickens , or such like fine meates : the reason is , digestion is strong through heate , as in cholerike persons , in whom light and fine meates are rather burnt then digested : therefore grosser meates are for them more holesome and better . and let him also note what meates doe offend , or disagree with him , and let him refuse it as hurtfull : and in so doing he shall be a physition vnto himselfe . note also that thou maist eate more meate in winter then in sommer , because digestion is more strong , by reason that naturall heat is inclosed in the stomacke , but in summer vniuersally spread abroad into the whole body : so the stomacke wanting this naturall heate , digestion is thereby more weake . cholerike persons and children may eate oftner then anie other , by reason of their heate and quicke digestion . time and place will not permit mee to write what i would concerning diet , the obseruation whereof is a verie speciall meanes for the preseruation of health : & many times sicknesses are cured by the benefit of diet . in hote sicknesse vse a cold diet : in a moist sicknesse vse a drying diet , contraria contrariis curantur : all distemperatures are cured by their contraries . i will here end of diet : wishing thée to remember this saying of hippocrates , studium sanitatis est non satiari cibis , the means or studie to preserue health , is to eschue fulnesse or superfluitie of meates and drinkes . so is it indéede , and especially in a time of sicknes , as this is . and it is now excéeding good with all your meates to vse sharpe sauces made with vinegar , or rose vinegar , orenges , limons , pomegranates , and a little cinnamon and maces . but forbeare and refuse all hot spices , and strong wines , onions , garlicke , léekes , cabage , radish , rocket , and such like : the vse of them is verie hurtfull and dangerous . but these are good and holesome : borage , buglosse , sorrell , endiue , cichorie , violets , spinage , betonie , egrimonie , they are good both in salades , sauces , and broth : and your diet ought in this time of infection to bee cooling and drying . of sleeping and waking . god hath created the day for man to labour in his vocation and calling , and the night to rest and sléepe , which is so naturall and néedfull , that without it wée cannot liue . in sléepe our senses haue their rest , the powers animall are therewith comforted & strengthened , the mind quieted , digestion furthered , and finally the strength of the body maintained : and without sléepe wise men should be soone chaunged into idiote fooles . and sléep is no lesse needfull for the preseruation of our liues then foode . these are of themselues good , but we , through the abuse of them , change their natures , and make them hurtfull vnto vs. immoderate sléepe , and sléeping in the day is very euill : it dulleth the wit , it repleats and fils the bodie with euil humours , it ingendreth rheume , and maketh the body apt vnto palsies , apoplexies , falling sicknesse , impostumes ; and finally , slow and vnapt vnto any honest exercise . note also that we ought not to sléepe immediately after meat before it be descended from the mouth of the stomacke , for thereby digestion is corrupted , and paines , and noise in the belly ingendred : also our sleepe is made vnquiet and troubled by euill vapours ascending : therefore i counsell all men that are in health , and desire the continuance thereof , that they auoid sléeping in the day time , especially lying vpon a bed : and if they must néeds sléepe , being accustomed so to do , let them take a nap sitting in a chaire . and in manie sicknesses sléepe is dangerous : so is it after the receiuing of anie poison , or vnto a person infected with the pestilence : the reason is , sléep draweth the blood and spirits inward , & therewithall attracteth the venome vnto the nutrimentall or vitall partes : therefore if a person doubt that he is infected , let him refraine from sléepe , and let him take without delay some good medicine set downe against the sicknesse , and sweate therewithall . and as i haue shewed the inconuenience of too much , or immoderate sléepe : so i say ouer-much watching is no lesse hurtfull vnto nature . it doth debilitate the powers animall : it weakeneth the naturall strength of the bodie , bringeth consumptions , bréedeth melancholie , and oftentimes the frensie . therefore both in this and all other things , we must vse temperance , sobrietie and moderation . of exercise and rest . galen counselleth vs , if we desire to preserue health , that we vse exercise of bodie : it makes digestion strong , and more quicke alteration , and also better nourishing : it strengtheneth the bodie , it increaseth heat , drieth rheumes , it openeth the pores of the bodie , whereby humours offending nature are expulsed : it is indéede the preseruer and maintainer of health , as galen , auicen , and corn. celsus teach , and experience approueth . idlenesse and rest is a contrarie vnto exercise : it is the mother of ignorance , the nurse of diseases , it corrupteth the mind , it dulleth the bodie , filling and repleating it with superfluous and euill humours , which breede manie sicknesses . and as exercise and labour is a preseruer of health , so idlenes is the shortner of life , enemy vnto the soule and body , and very vnprofitable in a cōmon-wealth , and also hurtful in a priuate house . and remember this , that vehement exercise be not vsed presently after meate , for it wil conueigh crude and vndigested iuyce vnto each part , which is very euil & hurtfull . but exercise is good before meate , and two or thrée howers after meate , being moderately vsed . exercise is best and most conuenient , when the first and second digestion is complete , as well in the stomacke , as in the vaines . but in such a time of infection as this is , i cannot commend exercise , because it will too much open the pores , and the pores being opened , the bodie is apt to receiue the infectious aire . much more would i say of the benefit of exercise , and the inconuenience of idlenesse , but that i should be ouer-tedious in this place . of fulnesse and emptinesse . all fulnesse and superfluitie of meates are to be eschued , for as much as they make repletion : and all bodies in whom there is repletion , are apt to bee infected . and such bodies must endeuour to kéepe themselues soluble : all euacuations are good for them , as purging and bléeding , except some speciall cause doth forbid it : and let them vse a sparing and frugall diet . and they may safely , and with great profit vse the pill i haue set downe before in my booke . and as i haue said , repletion is an enemie vnto health , bringing and begetting sicknesse , and sometime sodaine death : so is too much fasting and emptinesse , no lesse hurtfull : it weakeneth the braine , and drieth the whole bodie , consuming the radicall moisture in man , and shorteneth life . and as repletion is to be abhorred and auoided , so is too much emptinesse to be eschewed : and as i haue said , we must vse a mediocritie in all things . of affections of the mind . affections of the mind are called by m. cicero , perturbations . galen calleth them pathemata vel affectus anims , and nothing is more hurtfull in this time of sicknesse , nor greater enemie vnto life , then feare , sorrow , anger , heauinesse and griefe of mind . anger is a dangerous passion : it chafeth the bloud , and disquieteth the heart : it inflameth the spirits : which ascending vp into the head , annoieth the animall powers or faculties . this passion cholericke persons , tyrants and fooles are much troubled withall , and oftentimes in their wrath perform wicked and vnlawfull actions , feare , sorrow , and griefe of mind are no lesse hurtfull vnto the body : for they waste the naturall heat and moisture , wherein life consisteth ; making the bodie leane and drie , whereupon consumption followesh : it dulleth the wit and vnderstanding , and draweth the spirits and bloud inward to the heart : and withall attracteth the venemous and infectious aire , if we liue within the compasse thereof . if i should here stand to write of all the perturbations for the mind , defining and distinguishing them one from another , shewing the wonderfull effects of them , and the inconuenience therof , i should be ouer tedious in this short treatise , and it might seeme impertinent in this worke : onely this i wish thée to remember , sub te erit appetitus tuus , & tudominaberis illi : vnder thée shall be thine appetite , and thou shalt beare rule ouer it , saith the lord. we must therefore maister our affections : for if they be not ouer-ruled and gouerned by wisedome , they will excéede , and proue daungerous enimies both vnto soule and bodie . and in this time of sicknes we ought specially to auoid these perturbations of the mind , and to vse all vertuous and commendable mirth , swéete musicke , good companie , and all laudable recreation that may delight you , and vse the perfumes in your chambers , and in other roomes of your houses that i haue set downe , being cast into a fuming pot or chafing dish vpon a few coales . do this euening and morning : the charge thereof is small , but the vtilitie is great . it purgeth the aire , and taketh away the euill qualitie thereof . now hauing shewed what ought to be auoided , it followeth , that i set downe preseruatiues that may resist all infection : which god assisting me , i will do . first of all , i counsell all men in whom bloud doth abound , the which they may easily know themselues , by the heate of their bodies , colour , largenesse and fulnesse of their vaines , that they be let bloud in the liuer vaine in the right arme : and let the quantitie be according vnto the strength of the person . also that all men in generall auoid all bathes and hote-houses , and all vehement exercise , that may ouerheate the body , and inflame the bloud . also the companie of women this hote and contagious time is verie hurtfull , and therefore ought to be vsed with great moderation . also walking verie early in a morning , and verie late in the euening , is hurtfull and dangerous . also auoide all prease and throng of people where a multitude are assembled , & al noisome & vnsauourie places . now hauing shewed all the causes of the pestilence , and set downe the cure and remedie for euerie cause : i will by gods assistance , for the care i haue of the preseruation of the inhabitants of this honorable citie , and for the loue i beare vnto them and my countrie , communicate vnto them most excellent and approued preseruatiues and of singular vertue : which whose vseth them , shall not néed to feare the infection of this contagious sicknes . first , with an humble and contrite heart desire mercie of the lord : and then commend thy selfe vnto his protection : which being done , vse the good meanes he hath ordained for thy health . pilles of especiall vertue in preseruing all that vse them . r. good aloes half an ounce washed in rosewater : of good myrrhe , of saffron , of each two drams : bolearmoniac . praep . one scruple : seed pearle one scruple : sir . of limons as much as wil suffice to make them in pilles , or in a masse . take halfe a dramme hereof made in pilles euerie second or third day in the morning ; faste after it thrée or foure houres : but it shall be good for you to take a little thinne broth , or a little alebrue , or sixe or eight spoonefuls of wine within an houre after , and vse your accustomed diet , as before . another pill that doth more moue the bodie , and giueth two stooles , or three in some bodies , and this is good for such as are costiue , and in whom humours abound . r. good rubarbe , chosen myrrhe , of each one dram ; chosen aloes two drams : zedoarie roote one scruple : saffron one scruple : sirrup of roses solutiue as much as will suffice to make the masse . this pill purgeth gently , and preserueth the bodie from all infection . such bodies in whom humours doe abound , and are most commonly costiue , may vse these pilles , taking half a dram euerie morning , for thrée , foure , fiue , or sixe dayes together , as they please . take after it either a little thin broth , or of an alebrue , or a draught of wine , if it bée not too hote for your complexion , and vse your ordinarie diet as accustomed , if it be good . another very good preseruatiue , and worthy of much commendations . r. of good mithridatum halfe an ounce , angelica root in powder two drams , of theriaca andro , half an ounce , bolearmoniac . praep . two drams , conserues of roses and borage halfe an ounce , seede of citrons two scruples , sirup of limons one ounce , mix them , make halfe this receite . or this which is very good . r. good mithridatum halfe an ounce , conserues of roses halfe an ounce , bolearmoniack praep . two drams , mix them . take as much of this euery morning as a nut , and fast after it two or thrée howers . a good pill and an assured preseruatiue . r. aloes optima foure drams , lota in aqua rosarum ; myrrh elect . two drams , croci two drams , rad . zedoariae one scruple , boli armeni one scruple , sir . limonum q. s. fiat massa . take halfe a dram of these pilles in the morning , you may mix it if you wil with a little white wine this sommer , and drinke it , and be frée from infection . another of most excellent vertue , and an assured preseruatiue . r. boli armeni praep . halfe an ounce , dictamni albi two drams , cinamoni three drams , rosarum one dram , rad . angelicae two drams , rad turmentillae , rad . gentianae of each two drams , sem . limonum one dram , santalorum omnium ana one dram , cornu cerui rasurae , flo . buglossae . fol. scabi , rad . turmentillae , rad . zedoariae ana one dram , oxyaloes , nucis muscatae , granatum iuniperi , ossis de corde . cerui ana halfe a dram , saphiri , hyacinthi , smaragdi , rubini , granati praep . ana one scruple , margaritarum two scruples , foliorum auri one scruple , puluerizantar & cum sir . exacetosa q. s. fiatelectuarium . this is to be taken euery morning , a scruple or two scruples daily , and is a most excellent and an assured preseruatiue against al infection . another that defendeth all men that vse it , from the infection of this contagious sicknesse . r. theriaca andromachi , mithridatum optimum ana two drams , conser rosarum three drās , boli armeni praep . two scruples , sem . vel rad . angelicae two scruples , sem . citri halfe a dram , sir . limonum halfe an ounce , misce . take of this euery morning , the quantitie of a hasel nut , or any other time of the day if you goe among any throng of people , or where the sicknesse is , but you ought to faste after it a while . the common pils against the pestilence , that defend al them that vse them from infection . r. good aloes halfe an ounce , myrrhe , saffron of either of them two drams , let them be beaten in a morter , and put to them a little white wine or sweet wine , & incorporate it together , make them in pils , & so take them if you will , half a dram in the morning , and drink after them an hower a draught of white wine : these although plaine , are very good : & i would they were more vsed for their vertue . but women great with child may not take of these pils , neither of the other pils set down before : let them content themselues to eate in a morning , some conserues of sorrell , roses , or borrage , wherewith they may mix some sirrup of limons , and let them be mery and vse a good diet , and good company to passe the time away , and this is the best medicine i can aduise them . the vse of orenges , limons , and pomgranats , is very good ; so is vinegar , cloues , maces , saffron , sorel with your meat , or * either of them in a morning with sugar is good . let all your meates be drest and saused with vinegar , orenges , and limons , maces and saffron , and a little cinamon , and auoide al strong wines , and hot spices . now hauing set downe most excellent preseruatiues for the gentilite , citizens and better sorte , it followeth , that i likewise teach the commons how they may preserue themselues in this time of infectiō : but first of the pomanders , which are apreseruatiue against this infection for the gentlewomen and citizens of this place . a very good pomander to be worne of all the better sort against this infection , and stinking and noisome smels when they go abroade . r. labdanum , of the rinds of citrons ana one dram ; of the three kinds of sanders ana half a dram ; wood of aloes , flowers of buglosse , and nenuphar , rose leaues ana two scruples , alipta muscatae half a scruple ; cloues , marierō ana one scruple ; zedoary roote one scruple , beniamin one dram , storax calamita one dram and a half , campher half a dram ; muske , amber greece ana foure graines ; make your simples in fine powder and mix them with rose water , wherein gum dragagant hath bin dissolued as much as will suffice to make your pomander . this is a singular good pomander , swéet and comfortable , to be worne in this time of sicknesse against corrupt aires , stinking and noisom smels . an other good pomander , though not all thing so costly , to be worne against the infection of the aire . r. of the rinds of citrons one dram ; storax , calamint two drams , labdanum one dramme , of all three kinds of sanders , ana two scruples ; flowers of roses , violets , and nenuphar ana half a dram ; liquid storax , beniamin , ana one dram ; campher one scruple , musk and ambergreece ana three graines , with rose water , & gum dragagant a little quantitie make your pomander . but here i had almost forgotten one preseruatiue which many men commend , and is good indéede , but especially for fearefull persons , such i mean as liue in feare of this sicknesse , and although i haue placed it last , yet not the least to be regarded : citò , longe & tarde , we must flie away spéedily , and we must go far off , and returne againe slowly , it is good for those that can cōueniently so do . let vs put our whole trust in the lord , from whom commeth all helpe , and with contrite hearts for our iniquitie vse the good meanes that the lord hath ordeined and created for vs , and cast away all feare , & i doubt not , but by gods assistance this sicknes shall be taken away . to eate euery morning as much as the kernell of a nut of electuarium de ouo , is a good preseruatiue . so is treacle of andromachus description , which you shal haue at the apothecaries , mix with it as much conserues of roses . thrée or foure graines of bezoar stone taken in the morning in a spoonefull of scabious , or sorrell water , is a good preseruatiue . so is a little diascordium taken in the morning the quantitie of two white peason . also to vse the roote of angelica , stieped in vinegar to chew in your mouth as you go in the stréet is good , and to eate a little thereof . gentian , zedoarie , turmentill , chewed and kept in your mouth are good . sorrell eaten in the morning with a little good vinegar like a sallet , is very good : the vse of orenges and limons is very good , pomegranates and vinegar . it is good euery morning betime , to take some good preseruatiue , and before you goe abroade , it shall not be amisse to eate something to your breakfast that is holesome , as bred , and swéet-butter , a potcht egge with vinegar , or some other thing as you are prouided , & vse alway in going into any infected place a roote of angelica to chew vpon in your mouth , a little spunge dipt in rose-vinegar to smel vnto often times is good , put into a pomander box of iuorie . also to weare a pomander about your necke and smell to it oftentimes , is very good . let your chāber be drest with swéet flowers as these , swéet mints , time , penerial , carnatiōs , roseleaues : and let your chamber bee strued with gréene rushes , vine leaues , oken leaues , and willow leaues & mintes . if you haue any windowes towards the north or northeast kéep them open in cléere daies ; your chamber ought also to bee persumed oftentimes , with the perfumes taught in this book ; you may vse iuniper beniamin , storax and wood of aloes . for your diet . yong mutton , veale , kid , capors , hennes , chickens , rabbets , partridge , fesant , quaile , plouers , small birdes of the fields , pigeons , swéete butter , potched egges with vinegar , but not in hot complexions . water-fowles are not good , neither is porke , or olde powdred béefe . but fishes from fresh riuers is very good eaten with vinegar , and good sauce , they coole the bloud well . let your drinke bée small béere , and well brued , and sometimes a cup of white wine mixed with water for hot complexions , with borrage , and buglosse , but eschew all hot and swéet wines . herbes that be good to bée vsed , sorrel , endiue , succorie , borage , buglosse , parsely , marigoldes , time , marierom , betonie , scabious , isope , mints , purslane , pimpernell , rue , angelica , cardus benedictus , lettuce . make your sauce with cytrin , limons , oreng , sorrell , vinegar , maces , saffron , barberies , and such like . raw , & yong fruit is hurtful , so is garlick , onions , léekes , radish , rocket , mustarde , pepper , and hot spices , and al hot wines , and all these are hurtfull , & so are al swéet meates : let your diet be cooling & drying . preseruatiues for the commons and contrymen , who haue not an apothecarie at hand . take of rue or herbe grace two ounces , of the yong buds of angelica , two ounces ; or for want therof , of the roote or séede one ounce , bolearmoniacke prepared one ounce , of iuniper berries one ounce , of walnuts cleane picked from their skins two ounces , good figges in number sixe or seuen , of saffron sixe peniworth , of good wine vinegar that is sharpe foure ounces . let these be well beaten together in a morter the space of one houre , and then put in your vinegar , and incorporate them together . which being done , put it into some swéete gallie pot or glasse , and couer it close : and take thereof daily in the morning the quantitie of a nutineg . or you may eate thereof at anie time going néere , or in any infectious place . another good preseruatiue of no lesse vertue in resisting all infection . r. of holy thistle , or for want thereof , our ladies thistle so called , betonie , angelica , scabious , sorrell , pimpernell , turmentill , of either of these a handfull , gentian roots also , if they may be had . bruise all these in a stone morter a little , and put thereto a pinte of good vinegar , and halfe a pinte of white wine , and put them into a still , and draw forth the water , and take two or thrée spoonfuls thereof euerie morning fasting , and be frée from all infection . the roote of angelica laid or stieped in good vinegar all night , and a little thereof taken in the morning is a good preseruatiue . the séedes are of the like vertue . another good preseruatiue that defendeth all from infection . take of the kernels of walnuts three ounces , rue one ounce and a halfe , fine bole armoniack one ounce , root of angelica & turmentill of either an ounce , good figs three ounces , myrrhe three drams , saffron foure peniworth . let these be beaten a good space in a morter , then put thereto two or thrée spoonefuls of good vnegar , and as much rosewater , and incorporate them well together , eate hereof as much as a hazell nut in the morning , and at anie other time of the day going where the infection is , and bee frée from all infection . now such as desire to liue in safety , and yet would bestow no cost for their preseruatiō , let them vse this . r. figges seuen or eight in number rue one handfull , the kernels of ten or twelue walnuts cleane picked from their skinnes , foure or sixe spoonfuls of good vinegar , beat these together in a morter , and keepe it close in a boxe , and eate thereof euery morning , and it is good to defend thee from the infection . galen commendeth garlicke , calling it the poore mans treacle , but vndoubtedly it is too hote to be eaten of cholericke persons , or sanguine , or in a hote season , and therefore i cannot commend it , except in cold , moist and rheumaticke bodies , for whom it may be good . i haue set downe , curteous reader , diuers and sundry preseruatiues that you may take your choise : vse them in the name of god. and this i dare boldly affirme , there are in my book as good as are known and sufficient for thy preseruation by gods grace . now it followeth , that i write of confections , electuaries , and potions , required in the cure of the pestilence . an electuarie of great and singular vertue in curing of the pestilence , being taken in time before it be setled at the heart , and nature vtterly ouer come . r. bolearmoniack prepared two ounces , terra sigillata one ounce , myrrhe sixe drams , rootes of gentian , zedoary , angelica and dictamni , of each three drams red corrall , red saunders of each a dram and a half , saffron one dram & a half , yellow saunders one dram , turmētil , scabious , leaues of cardus benedictus or holy thistle of each a dram & a halfe , flowers of marigolds one dramme , the bones of a harts heart halfe a dramme or two scruples , basill seede halfe a dram , good seed pearle two scruples , vnicornes horne two scruples , leafe gold two scruples , harts horne one dram . let all these be made in fine powder euery one by itself . thē take sirrup of limons and sorrell , as much as will be sufficient to make it in an electuarie . adde hereunto good mithridatum one ounce . he that is infected with the pestilence , let him take one dram or one dram and a halfe of this medicine , according to his strength with water of scabious , angelica , or cardus benedictus the quantitie of nine or ten spoonefuls , it must be taken warme , and procure the patient to sweate after two , thrée or foure houres : which if he cannot easily doe , then vse the meanes , as i haue taught in this booke , by putting in of bottles fild with hot water , & if it should so chance the patient should vomit , then giue him as much more ; and if he vomit againe , let him wash his mouth with rose water and vinegar , and receiue his medicine againe , the quantitie before taught , and vndoubtedly by this meanes the venemous infection shal be expulsed , the heart comforted , and the life preserued through gods mercie and goodnes . another electuary curing the pestilence , being taken within twelue , sixteene or eighteene houres , after the person is infected . electuarium de ouo . r. ouum gallinae recens , & educto per apicem albumine , id quod vacuum est , croco orientali imple , vitellum non auferendo : postea cum alio putamine iterum occlude , ne quid transpiret , & lento igne tamdiu assa in ollula , donec tota oui testa ad nigredinem deueniat , exempta è testa materia exsiccetur vt in mortario exquitissimè contundi & in puluerem redigi queat , addendo pulueris sinapis albi quantum praedicta omnia ponderant , postea , anaʒ ij . anaʒ iij. anaʒ j. anaʒ myrrhaeʒ ij . ossis de corde cerui scrup . ij . margaritarumʒ i. camphuraeʒ ij . anaʒ i. puluerizētur omnia sing . per se , misc . omnia simul in mortario , & tandem appone theriaca andromachi ad pondus omnium , & iterum pistillo fortiter contunde & commisce per tres quasi integras horas , agitando fiat electuarium . when any person is infected , let him take a dram or somewhat more , according vnto his strength , mixe and dissolue it in water of scabious , roses , or endiue , as you can haue , or in them altogether the quātitie or measure of eight spoonefuls , & make it warme , and drinke it in gods name , sweate well thereupon , and thou shalt be deliuered from danger of the sicknesse , and is a most approued medicine and spéedie remedie , if it be taken in time : for herein censisteth the danger , namely delay , in which time the venome pierceth vnto the heart , and there setleth , and vanquisheth the vitall spirits . for this is most certaine , as i haue often séene and approoued , that those that take and vse in the very beginning of their sicknesse , some good meanes , scarce two in tenne die , but very spéedily recouer their former health . and truly i cannot but lament the folly of many people , who féeling themselues sicke , driue forth and delay the time , some trusting to their strength and youth : other some take some light and trifling medicine to no purpose , and manie other blinded with a foolish opinion , that physicke can doe them no good : and this is the cause whie so manie die of this sicknes , as they now do . note this , that if a person doe vomite vp his medicine , that then you cause him to wash his mouth with rosewater and vinegar , and giue him as much more , if he cast it vp againe , do as before vntill he kéepe it . a singular confection for the cure of the pestilence . r. rad. angelicae , rad . gentianae , rad . zedoariae , rad . turmentillae , rad . dictamni , rad . valerianae , rad . anaʒ ij . anaʒ●j . cinamomi , myrrhae , boli armeni praeparati , terrae anaʒ iiij . anaʒj . succi scordii , succi calendulae ana vnc . 1. commisceātur omnia cum syrupo acctositatis citri q. s . incorporentur ad formam opitatae , adde mithridatum andromachi vnc . iii. & theriacae opti . vnc . i. & semis . aqua angelicae vnc . ii . misc . take one dram and a halfe , or two drammes of this confection , or two drammes and a half , according to the age and strength of the patient , with water of scabious , cardus benedictus , or angelica nine or ten spoonefuls , made warme and mixed wel together , let him drinke it and sweate well thereupon . another that cureth the pestilence , and expulseth al venemous infection . r. bolearmoniack prepared halfe an ounce , cinamon two drams , roote of gentian , angelica , zedoarie , turmentil ana two drams ; seed of citrons , red rose leaues , harts horne rased , of the three kinds of saunders of each one dram ; iuniper berries , halfe a dram ; nutmegge , the bone of the deares heart , ii . scrup . seede pearle and orient one dramme ; saffron one dram , red corall two scruples , rinds of citrons two scruples , fragments or peeces of the fiue precious stones , saphiri , hyacinthi , smaragdi , rubini , granati praep . ana one scruple , leafe gold one scruple , bezoar stone one scruple . make these into most fine powder seuerally , which being done , put thereto as much sirrup of limons as will make it in forme of an electuarie , making it somthing thick , & putting thereto of good mithridatum thrée ounces , mixe them . this being taken the weight of one dram or a dram and a halfe , or two drams for a strōg person in water of scabious , angelica , or cardus benedictus , sweating therwithal , cureth the person spéedily of the pestilence , expulsing it by sweat & vrine . another for the commons and countrimen , where these aforesaid set downe cannot be had . r. good mithridatum andromachus a dram & a half , good treacle , i meane not the cōmon treacle sold at the mercers , but at the apothecaries , called theriaca andromach . one dram . mixe these together , and take it in a little posset drink made with white wine , and sweate well therewith , and this cureth the pestilence . if any sore doe arise , then vse the meanes , as i haue taught in this booke , to ripen or suppurate the sore : which being done , let it be opened and drawne forth . another medicine or remedie for the commons and contriemen , very good and effectuall . take a great white onion , cut off the top , and with your knife pike forth the core , and make a wide hollownesse in the middle , which you must fill vp with good treacle , from the apothecaries called theriaca andromachi , or andromachs treacle , let it bée in weight one dram and a halfe : this béeing put into the onion , couer it with that you cut off before , and paaste it ouer and rost it in the imbers , and béeing soft stampe it in a morter , and straine it through a cloth , and with two or thrée spoonfuls of posset drinke mixed with it , take it and sweate thereupon as long as you can , and this wil expulse it from the hart . or this which is very good . r. mithridatum two drams , venice treacle one dram , mix them with water of angelica , cardus benedictus , or scabious , or for want therof posset drink made with white wine , and sweate well . these thrée last medicines i haue set downe for them that cannot haue spéedily the other aforesaid ; and although they séeme meane , yet are they of great vertue in this sicknesse , and cure them that take it in time in the beginning of their sicknesse , obseruing the order of this book therewithall . the signes that signifie and declare a person to be infected with the pestilence . the first is , a great paine and heauinesse in the head . the second is , hée féeleth great heat within his bodie , and the outward partes cold and readie to shake , and is thirstie and drie therewithal . the third signe is , he cannot draw his breath easily , but with some paine and difficultie . the fourth signe is , he hath a great desire to sléepe , and can very hardly refraine from sléeping , but beware hée sléepe not . and sometimes watching dooth vex and trouble him as much and cannot sléepe . the fift signe is , swelling in the stomacke with much paine , breaking forth with stinking sweat . the sixt signe is , diuers & heauie lookes of the eies , séeing all things of one colour , as gréene or yellow , and the eies are changed in their colour . the seuenth signe is , losse of appetite , vnsauourie taste , bitternesse of the mouth sowre and stinking . the eight signe is , wambling of the stomacke , and a desire to vomite , and sometime vomiting humors bitter and of diuers colours . the ninth signe is , the pulse beateth swift and déepe . the tenth signe is , a heauinesse , and dulnesse in all the body , and a faintnes and a weakenesse of the limmes . the eleuenth signe is , the vrine most commonly is troubled , thick & like beastes water , & stinking , but smel to it not if you loue your health : but oftentimes the water dooth not shew at all , especially in the beginning of the sicknesse , therefore trust not vnto the water , but looke vnto the other signes héere aboue set downe . the twelfth and last signe , and surest of all other , is , there ariseth in the necke , vnder the arme , or in the flanke , a tumor or swelling , or in some other part of the bodie there appeareth any red , gréenish , or blackish coloured sore , these are most apparant signes to the eye , that this person is infected with the pestilence . but take héede , bée not deceiued : for oftentimes a person is strongly infected with the pestilence , and hath neither apostume , carbuncle , nor botch appearing , in two or thrée dayes , by which time hée is néere his death : therefore when a botch dooth not appeare spéedily , it is alwaies an euill signe and dangerous . the reason hereof is , nature is weake , and the infection and poison is strong and furious : and nature being weake as in children , and in aged persons , and in others also , through the euill disposition of the body , is not able to make resistance against so furious , and puissant an enemie , and to expulse the infection or poison . and this is the verie reason and cause , why in some persons there appeareth no botch , or sore , but other certaine markes , or spots , as i may call them . now contrariwise , when the infection or poison is more milde and weake , and nature strong , then she gathering hir power and force together strineth and resisteth the infection , and expulseth the poison from the heart , and other the principall members vnto some emunctorie or clensing place , where it may be best purged & auoided . now this is a good signe , that nature is strong , and hath preuailed against the infectious poison ; so is it indéede , if the sore arise not néere about the heart , or throat , or som such dangerous place . and againe nature must now forth with bee aided ; least the venom gathering strength , by the putrefaction of the humors within the body , returne againe vnto the heart . therefore i say the heart must be strengthened with cordialles , and also spéedily comforted : and the other principal members likewise . for we commonly sée notwithstanding the botch be thrust forth by nature , yet the person often and most commonlie dyeth , whereof the greatest and most part might liue , if helpe in due time were administred . and sometimes the infection is so strong , and the body so weake through corrupt and vitious humors , that nature is sodainly ouercome , and the spirits of life expulsed . and this infection naturallie flieth with all possible spéed to the heart , as the principal member of life , to surprize it , & pierceth sooner vnto the heart of cholerick persons then any other complexion ; although the sanguine be more apt to be infected by reason of their heat and moisture , and phlegmatick are also apt through humiditie , that is in them : the melancholie are not apt to be infected , but hardlie cured béeing infected now forasmuch as this sicknesse is swift , fierce , and dangerous , and spéedily expulseth life , if it be not preuented in time by good medicine : let vs i say leaue our follie , in delaying to vse the meanes for our helpe , remembring this good counsell principijs obsta , sero medicina paratur &c. we must stop the beginninges , medecines come too late , nature béeing ouercome through the long suffering of the euil . and what is the reasō that so many dy ofthis sicknesse as they doe , i think you wil answere me it is gods hand and visitation , & contra mortem non est remedium : i grant indéede it is gods visitation , and so is all other sicknesses . and this is the difference , this sicknesse is strong , swift , and dangerous , and killeth many through his violence , and venemous quality : some other more mild , yet killeth also in some short time , if it be not preuented : and some other so mild & weake , that nature being strong doth ouercome hir selfe with good diet without the benefit of medicines . the verie causes indeed that so many die of this sicknesse are two . the first is the strength , power , and venemous qualitie of this sicknes , spéedily surprizing the vitall spirits . the second cause is , our delay to vse medicine in time , and not vsing good and effectuall medicines , such as haue vertue by gods grace giuen vnto them for the curing and withstanding of this violent sickenes . we must relie vpon god , fixing our whole trust in him , and thankfully and diligently vse the good meanes that hee hath ordained and created , for our health and helpe in time of sicknes . and against this contagious sicknesse , i haue set downe good preseruatiues , which being vsed , will by gods grace preuent the danger . and also most excellent and approued remedies for this sicknesse , that whoso vseth them in time , shal vndoubtedly by gods grace and mercie be spéedily cured . now it followeth , that i teach the vse of them , and the true and perfect cure of the pestilence , and what is to be obserued in the cure thereof . and first , i will teach the cure of the pestilence when no botch or sore appeareth , and how to preuent the rising of any botch or sore most commonly in all persons . the cure of the pestilence , when no botch , or sore appeareth , and how to preuent the rising of any botch or sores most commonly in all persons . in the cure of this sicknes there are thrée intentions especially required . the first is to aide and helpe nature , to expell the infection and venemous poison . the second is to comfort the heart , and other the principall members of the body . the third is a good obseruation in diet , afterward to be vsed . and at the first when any person féeleth himselfe sicke , let him well consider , whether any of the signes before set downe , that signifie a person infected , be in him or no : & if he find any of them at al in himselfe , then let him be assured it is the sicknesse . but héere hée must not deferre the time , doubting , and making farther trial , whether it bée or no : for in this time when the pestilence reigneth , there are few other sicknesses . the nature of this venemous and corrupt aire is to alter and conuert other sicknesses into the pestilence , as we find most true by experience . and againe , the nature and qualitie of this dangerous sicknesse , is , euer with all swiftnesse to approch and assaile the heart the principall member and fountaine of life . héere may it appeare , how dangerous delay is in this sicknesse , in not vsing some good and approued medicine , that hath vertue through gods gift to withstand the force thereof , and power to expell the venemous infection of this contagious sickenes . now to preuent this lyon of his pray , note what is to be done . first , when any féeleth himselfe sicke or euill at ease , if the sicknes begin hote with paine in his head , if he be of a sanguine or cholericke complexion , or hath a plethoricke bodie , that is , a bodie full of humors , large veines and full : let euery such person in anie wife be let bloud in the liuer vaine & right arme . and if there should be felt anie forenesse in any side of the body more then the other ; then let him bléede in that arme on the side grieued ; which being done , let the chirurgion decently bind vp his arme : and if the person be weake , then let this be done in his bed , and with spéede let him take one of the foure medicines set downe before in this booke for the cure of the pestilencé , the quantitie and the maner is there set downe . let him receiue his medicine warme , and procure him to sweat : which if he cannot easily doe , then must you fill some bottles with hot water , and set them in the bed about him , by which meanes you shall cause him to sweate spéedily . let him continue sweating thrée , foure , or 5. houres , or according to his strength , as he can endure it , giuing him , if he be verie drie in his sweate , a little of one of the cordiall confections set downe in this booke , to be vsed to a person after his sweat . and the kéeper must take great héede that the sicke person sléepe not : for whosoeuer is infected with the sicknes , must carefully be kept from sléepe , vntill they haue bled , if they may bleede , and taken their medicine , and sweate fiue or sixe houres after , and in so doing all for the most part shall bee spéedily cured of this sicknes . the patient hauing sweat well , drie his bodie with warme and soft clothes , and if the shéetes be wet with sweat , then pul them away , and let him rest in gods name , so hee sléepe not . and giue him to eate sometimes of one of the confections , that comforteth the heart , that giueth great comfort and strength vnto the body and principall members thereof , and therefore not to be omitted . two houres after his sweate giue him to eate some broth made with a chicken or a capon . in which broth boile endiue , borage , buglosse , and a little parsly , raisins of the sunne , and two or thrée dates , and a little whole mace . let his drinke be good , stale , and middle ale , wherein you must boile whole mace and some sugar . and if he be very drie , as commonly in this sicknesse they are , then giue him a spoonefull of one of the sirrups set downe in this booke for that purpose , which doth both assooage thirst and drinesse , and comforts the heart withall , he may vse to take a spoonefull when he is drie . his diet must be chickens , capon , rabbet , partridge or such like : but for want thereof young mutton or veale : and let him vse with his meate limons , orenges , pomegranats , good vinegar , graines of paradise , mace , a little saffron . let his chamber be perfumed with the balles or trochises set downe in this booke before for the purging and amending of the aire . vse them thrée or foure times in the day , and for want thereof take beniamin , storax calamita & liquid , wood of aloes , and burne it in some chafingdish or fuming pot for the purging of the aire in the chamber . and diuers times sprinkle his chamber with vinegar , or water and vinegar together . now within fiue or sixe houres after his sweate , or if it be longer it is the better , let him sléepe in gods name , and remember that you giue the patient oftentimes in the day one of the confections set downe in this booke , to comfort the heart , & giue him his broth and meat a little at a time , and the oftener , and giue him sometimes a cake of manus christito cate . and aboue all things , let him be of good comfort , fixing his hope aboue in the almightie , from whom commeth all help , health , and comfort : for obseruing what i haue taught , there is no danger of death : and for the most part all they that vse this order and direction , recouer and be frée from all danger within two or thrée dayes , except some verie few , that haue vnsound and very corrupt bodies before the infection . and this will i vndertake by gods leaue and his holy assistance to performe , and that not one in sixe persons shall die that taketh a good medicine , and that vseth this order and followeth my direction : for by this meanes of taking away of bloud , euacuation by sweate and purging the bodie , the infection and poisoned matter is expelled : insomuch that seldome riseth anie botch or sore , because the matter whereof the botch ariseth is otherwise cast forth . and if any doe arise , as sometimes there doth , by diligent foresight and good application it may spéedily be brought to suppuration , and drawne forth . but if no botch do arise within two dayes after his sweate , then doth none arise at all , doing as i shall shew you . the third or rather the second day , if he be any thing strong , and no botch appearing , giue the patient this potion vnderwritten , which will purge forth the rest or remnant of the venemous infection . a purging potion of great vertue , that expulseth all venemous and corrupt humours from the body . here i warne all men that they meddle with no purging medicine when the botch or carbuncle appeareth , and groweth towards ripenesse : for so shall they draw the venome in againe , which nature hath put forth before . r. leaues and flowers of holy thistle , scabious , turmentill , three leaued grasse , of each a little handful , gentian , tamarims , of each two scruples : good rubarbe one dram : water of bugloffe and endiue , of each an ounce and a halfe , sene three drams : water of scabious one ounce , flowers of borage a little handfull : make your infusion , which being done , put thereto diacatholicon halfe an ounce , manna halfe an ounce , sir . ros . solutiue one ounce . this potion hath a most excellent propertie in purging the bodie from venemous and corrupt humours , as the learned may iudge at the sight thereof . this potion must be taken of the patient the secōd or third day at the furthest after his sweating , when no botch appeareth . and let him forbeare to eate , drink , or sléep , vntil it hath wrought his effect , which is in giuing fiue , sixe , or seuen stooles . afterward let him receiue some broth , and vse a good diet , and also vse his cordiall confection for thrée , foure or fiue dayes , and rest in health in gods name , for he shall néede no further physicke : if he be disposed he may take the potion aboue written another day , for the thorow-purging of his body , and it shall be good so to do . this is the true and perfect cure of the pestilence , being vsed in time , i meane in the beginning of the sickenes , within foure , or six , or in some within twelue houres : the sooner the better , for in a little time this venemous infection gathereth strength , by the euill humours which it turneth into putrifaction , and swiftly assaulteth the heart , and without spéedy and good remedie , as we see dayly , death followeth . now it followeth that i teach the way or meanes to cure such in whom the botch appeareth , which ( god assisting me ) i will doe . the way or meanes to cure such in whom the botch appeareth . this sicknesse ( the pestilence ) is a fierce , swift , and dangerous disease , and verie quickly destroyeth nature : therefore i counsell all men againe , to vse at the first some spéedie helpe : for giuing it sufferance but a little time it resisteth all cure , neither is it in humaine power to helpe it , as we dayly see . héere i cannot but lament the follie of manie people , who neglect the vse of good means in time : some foolishly conceited , that physicke can do them no good : some other vsing some light and trifling medicine to no purpose : some other vsing none at all , standing vnto the mercy of the sicknesse , which is mercilesse , and thus manie perish daily : not perish neither , therein i saide not well : beati mortui qui in domino moriuntur , blessed are the dead that die in the lord. god giue vnto vs his grace , that wee may learne to contemne this vaine world , and be ready when he doth call , and while we liue here , to vse thankfully his good creatures vnto his glory and our comfort . now vnto the cure of the pestilence , which is my purpose . when any person féeleth himself infected , and that the sore beginneth to arise or appeare , if the sicknesse begin hote , and that he feeleth in himselfe anie great heate aboue nature , being of a sanguine or cholericke complexion , strong , and bloud any thing abounding , then would i haue that person with spéede let bloud , if it be within twentie foure houres of his sickening , and that the sore or botch be not yet in way of ripening , but newly risen . for you must note that blood is to be taken at the beginning of the sicknesse , and before the botch be growing to suppuration , or not at all : for at this time the botch hauing béene forth , and growing to suppuration , you should greatly hinder nature , and weaken the person , and indanger his life . but in the beginning of the sicknesse , it is a speciall good thing in all persons , in whom bloud doth abound . but these persons i doe except , women with child , or lately deliuered ; old men that grow towards thréescore , and children , also weake & féeble persons , wherin is cacochymia and little bloud : these persons may not bléed , but must receiue some medicine before set downe for the cure of the pestilence , and sweate therwith , and take cordials as i will shew them . but such as may bléede must obserue this rule in bléeding , according vnto the place where the sore or botch is placed or appearing . if the sore or botch appeare in the throate , necke , or vnder the eares , then open the head vaine cephalica in the arme , on that side , whereon the sore or botch is . and if the sore or botch arise in the armepit , then open the vaine mediana , which is betwéene the head vaine and the vaine comming from the liuer . if the sore or botch arise in the flancke , then open the vaine saphena in the inner side of the foote : alway remembring this note , that you let blood on that side whereon the botch appeareth : for on the contrary side it is dangerous and euill , drawing the venome ouerthwart the spiritual members , to the great danger of the patient . the quantity must be according vnto the strength of the patient , in those that be young , strong , and full of bloud , it is good to take much away , and in others according vnto their abilitie of body . and in this time of necessitie , when it may not be deferd , you must neither regard time , neither signe nor aspect or coniunction of planets , but in the name of god do it . quouis tempore & hora mittere sanguinem necessitas concedit & iubet : two houres delay in bléeding may be the cause of death . this being done , or not done , in those persons aboue named , who may not bléede : let there be giuen vnto the sicke person , of one of the medicines set downe for the cure of the plague before in this booke , and procure the sicke to sweate well : which if they cannot spéedily do , then you may vse the meanes before taught with bottles , whereby a sweate shall spéedily be brought forth : and let the patient endure it as long as he is able . and remember that you kéepe the sicke from sléepe in his sweat , and fiue or sixe houres after , if he be very faint , giue him of one of the cordiall confections to eate of sometime : and if he be so thirstie that hee must néedes drinke , then giue him of the sirrup set downe in this booke for that purpose . but you ought not in any wise to giue him drinke after his medicine , vntill he hath sweat well : and that which you giue him , must bee warme and comfortable . and hauing sweat well , dry his body with warme and soft clothes : and so let him rest , kéeping him from sléepe . within two houres giue him some good broth to eat made with a chicken , in which broth boile a little whole mace , dates , raisins of the sunne , endiue , borage , buglosse , & rings or some péeces of gold . let him haue oftentimes to eate of one of the cordiall confections , set down in this booke : and let his drinke be the first day betonie water , scabious and borage water , of each of them halfe a pinte , boiled a little with sugar and whole mace . after you may giue him ale , if not strong , boiled with mace and sugar . let his meate be chickens , capon , rabbet , yong mutton , or veale , and let him vse orenges , limons , pomegranets , graines of paradise , and all thing that doth comfort the heart and coole . you must perfume the chamber oftentimes in the day with the perfumes set downe in this booke , which will purge the aire of the chamber ; and sprinkle the floore of the chamber with good vinegar , and giue him to smell vnto oftentimes a cloth wet in rose vinegar . now must the sore or botch be looked vnto . and to ripen and bring it to suppuration , you shall find medicines set downe in this booke . if the sore do arise néere the heart , i haue set downe meanes to defend the heart , and to drawe the sore or botch further off : or if the botch appeare in the throte , then likwise draw it further for feare of suffocation , or choking the patient . if watching or rauing trouble him , i haue set downe meanes to helpe it . if thirst and drinesse vexe him , i haue set downe comfortable sirrupes to remedie it , or whatsoeuer he shall néed in this cure , if aduisedly you follow my direction . the patient ought to change his chamber sometimes , and to vse often the perfumes before set down : and to kéepe the house all the time of his sicknes vntill his sore be well , changing himselfe in fresh apparell well aired , and persumed before . and those that are about him must haue care of themselues , and eate daily euery morning some good preseruatiue . and aboue all , let them take héede of the aire or breath of the sore when it is opened : alway holding some roote of angelica stieped in vinegar in their mouth , or some other strong and good preseruatiue , and let them eate sometimes a little good mithridatum , or anie one of the confections preseruatiue set downe in this booke against the pestilence : and also let the kéeper take héede how to bestowe the plaisters that come from the sore . well now remember what i haue said ought to be done in this cure of the pestilence . first , that with all spéede you vse remedy without delaying the time , for therein chiefly consisteth the danger . secondly , that you bléed , if no cause forbid it , as afore is taught . thirdly , that you take one of the medicines before set downe in this booke , and sweate therewithall , and refraine from sléepe . fourthly , that you vse the cordials to comfort the heart set downe , and that you eat of them oftentimes in the day . fiftly , that if the patient be faint , you must vse the epithymum , and cpithymate the heart therewith . sixtly , that if the sore or botch appeare , and rise néere vnto the heart , that then you vse vpon the heart a defensitiue , and with spéede drawe the botch further off . the seuenth obseruation is , that with spéede you apply medicines to suppurate the sore , and drawe it forth . the eight is , that the chamber be oftentimes perfumed , that the aire thereof may be purged , and made holsome : and that the patient change his chamber oftentimes . the ninth is , that he vse the diet before taught , eating a little at a time , and the oftner . and to vse the sirrups and consections to coole and comfort . the tenth , which should haue béene the first , is , that the patient in anie case be kept from sléepe , from his first sickening vntill he haue taken his medicine , and sweat , and sire or eight houres after , and then to sléepe but one houre , and the next day let him sléepe thrée houres at times , but not aboue one houre at a time : and after the third day you may giue him more sléepe . but in the beginning of his sicknes , it is most dangerous : for by sléepe the spirits are drawne inward , and therewithall the venome is attracted vnto the heart , and also the feuer made more vehement and sharpe . and this is the cause that many die , that might liue if they were kept from sléepe , and therewithall take some good medicine . the eleuenth is , that the patient kéepe his chamber during the time of his sicknes , and refraine all companie , that he hurt not others . the twelfth is , that being well , he giue humble thanks to god , and then let him change his apparell , being well perfumed , and in the name of god goe abroade . and if the botch arise néere vnto the heart , then before you sweate , it were good to apply this defensitiue vnto the heart , being thinne spread vpon a fine cloth , as broad as wil couer the heart . r. good mithridatum one dram , andromachus treacle halfe a dram , red saunders , terra lemna halfe a scruple , with water of roses and vinegar , as much as will suffice , make it in forme of an vnguent in a morter . a good cordial comforting the heart and cooling , to be vsed after the patient hath sweat or purged , and oftentimes in the day to take of it as much as a good hazell nut at a time . r. conserues of roses , borage , and buglosse , of each one ounce : diamargariton frigidum , diarrhodon abbatis , of each halfe an ounce : seedes of citrons two scruples or a dram : manus christi three drams : fol. auri number 6. bolearmoniack prepared two scruples . mixe them , and let the sicke eate hereof many times in the day . a good potion giuing fiue or sixe stooles gently , which purgeth venemous filthy humours from the bodie , to be taken the third day after sweat , if no sore or botch appeare , or when a sore or botch hath runne , and is growing well , then is it good to vse this . r. flo. & fol. card. benedict . one handfull : fol. scabi , betonicae one handful : root of gentian one dram : good rubarb one dram ; water of buglosse , scabious & borage , of ech an ounce : let there be made an infusion therof . then adde vnto it diacatholicō halfe an ounce , cassia with manna halfe an ounce : sirrupe of roses solutiue one ounce , misce . this ought to be taken in the morning , and neither eate , drinke , nor sléepe vntill it hath wrought his effect , in giuing fiue , sixe , or seuen stooles , and vse your selfe as is before taught in purging . another good cordiall greatly comforting the patient after his sweate to be eaten oftentimes , a little at a time , and to continue the vse thereof three or foure dayes , vntill he be strong , and all danger past , or in his sweate a little , if he be weake , faint , and apt to swoune . r. conserues of roses , borage and buglosse of each half an ounce : spe . diagem . cal . & frig . of each one scrup . bolearmoniack prepared two scruples : spe . diamargarit . cal . & frig . of each one scruple : diarrhodon abba . halfe an ounce : sirrupe of limons and sorrell , of ech halfe an ounce , misce . within two howers after the patient hath sweat , giue him a little good broth , made of a chicken or capon , and let him eate a little at a time , and the oftner , according vnto his strength and stomacke : and let him be of good comfort , and eschew all feare & doubt , fixing his hope aboue in the almightie , from whom commeth all helpe and comfort . let his meat be chickens , or some light and good nourishing meate , as young pullets , capons , partridge , rabbets , or such like : but for want of these , young mutton , or veale , and let it be giuen him with sauce made with an orenge , a limon , and a little good vinegre with mace and saffron : and make vnto all his meate these coole and sharpe sauces : and vse no hote spices , neither strong wines in anie wise . let his drinke be middle ale , cleane brewed and well boyled with maces and sugar : also you ought to keepe him from sléepe the first day vntill it be toward night , & then let him rest in gods name one houre . and if the patient be verie drie and thirsty , as most commonly they are , then giue him of this iulep thrée or foure spoonefuls at a time to drinke . r. water of roses , endiue and buglosse of each three ounces , sorrell water foure ounces , good vinegar foure ounces : iuice of limons foure ounces : sugar one pound , boyle them a little ouer a soft fire : which done , and cooled againe , giue him a little thereof to drinke , the quantity of two or three spoonefuls at a time . also a ptisan made with barley , liquorice , and coole hearbes , is good to asswage his thirst . but vse this , which i do most commend for the asswaging of thirst and drinesse . r. sirrupe of endiue comp . sir . of sorrell of ech three ounces : water of roses , and buglosse , of ech one ounce : sirrup of limons two ounces , mixe them . let the patient haue sometimes , or as often as hée is drie , one spoonefull of this sirrupe , which is verie good : and this shall suffice , for the amending of his heate and drinesse . giue him to eate sometimes of a limon with sugar , or of a pomgranate , which are both verie good . or this asswageth and taketh away all thirst , and drinesse in this case . r. water of roses , and buglosse of ech three ounces : sirrupe of endiue and limons , of each two ounces , oile of vitrioll one scruple . mixc them . the taking of this one spoonefull at a time , taketh away drinesse and thirst . and if the patient be verie faint and weake after his sweating , or before his sweating , then apply this quilt vpon the region of the heart : and let him weare it continually for a while . a quilt for comforting and strengthening the heart , when the patient is weake , to be worne after his sweating . r. flowers of water lillies , borage and buglosse , of each halfe a dramme : red rose leaues one dram : flowers of balme & rosemaric , of each two drams : maces one dram : ofred and yellowe saunders , of each one dramme : wood of aloes , cloues , of each one dram : seeds of citrons , iuniper berries , of each one dram : saffron sixe graines : of the bone of the deeres heart one scruple . let them bee made in grosse powder , & quilt it in crimson or scarlet coloured taffeta , or fine cloth . this quilt being made by the apothecarie , vse it ouer , or vpon the heart of the sicke , in such manner as it may avide without falling away . an epithymum that doth much comfort the heart , when a person is weake . r. water of roses , borage , and buglosse of either three ounces : vinegar one ounce : forrell water two ounces : wood of aloes , red saunders , barkes of citrons , of euery one of them two drams : saffron sixe graines : electuarium de gemmis one dram : diamargariton two scruples . mixe them together , and make an epithymum . a little of this must bee made warme in some pewter dish , and then take little clothes of fine linnen , which fold vp two or thrée double . then moisten one of your clothes and wring it forth lightly , & apply it vnto the heart , kéeping it there a while , vntill it begin to be cold : then take another , and so a quarter of an houre together , and this you may doe two or thrée times in the day , applying afterward the quilt aforetaught . this is to be done when a person is weake and faint . a potion purging gently all venemous and corrupt humours from the body . r. scabi . card. benedict . mors . diaboli ana pu . i. betonicae pu . i. trifolii pu . i. rad . gentianae scrup . i. flo . boraginis , buglossae ana pu . i. sem . citrini scru . i. rhubarb . clectae ʒ j. sene ʒ iij. aqua scab . endiniae & buglossae ana vnc . j. & semis . fiat infusio . deinde adde diacatholicon vnc . j. manna calab . vnc . semis . sir . rosarum solutiu . vnc . i. misce & fiat potio . take this potion the second or third day after your sweating , so it be not on the changing or full of the moone , and the sooner the better , no botch or sore appearing . this will worke gently in all bodies , and purge strongly and effectually , and cleanseth and purgeth the bodie of the remnant of the venemous infection , and corrupt humours . take the other part the second day after early in the morning , you must neither eate , drinke , nor sléepe vntill it hath wrought his effect , which is in giuing you seuen or eight stooles . within an houre after the taking of it , or thereabout it will worke : haue therefore in readines your stoole with warme water . if after the taking of it you feare casting it vp , then vse abrowne toste and vinegar to your nose , and smell thereto oftentimes . within foure or fiue houres you may take a little good broth made with a chicken , veale , or mutton , with hearbes as afore taught . and when it hath wrought his effect , which will be within fiue houres , or thereabout , then may you eate some of your meat , and take your rest a while after , if you haue any disposition to sléep . make a light supper , and kéepe and obserue a good diet , kéeping your selfe within your chamber or house ten or twelue dayes . they that would haue it lesse purging , may take the third part before set downe . and although it work strongly , yet is it gentle , easie and hurtlesse . it purgeth choler , flegme , and all corrupt and superfluous humours . i could set downe many for the purging of the bodie , but none better , or to be preferred before it in this case : and this will suffice . at other times , we commonly giue sirrupes bnfore , opening , extenuating and preparing the bodie , but in this case , where the matter aboundeth , and requireth spéedie euacuation , we stand not vpon it . oftentimes and most commonly in this contagious sicknes the patient is troubled with lightnesse in his head , and cannot sléepe : the reason hereof is , note the braine is distempered by heate : hote vapours ascending and flying vp from the stomacke . and this is the reason they sléepe not : and the cause of their raging is want of sléepe , and a distemperature of the braine . when a person is so troubled , then vse this vnderwritten . an vnguent to annoint the temples and browes of him that cannot sleepe through heat , and distemperature of the braine . r. vnguentum popillion vnc . semiss . vnguentum rosarum vnc . semiss . vnguentum alabastra vnc . anaʒ ij . opium scrup . j. or scrup . ij . in aqua rosarum dissol . misce . with this annoint his temples , and the for part of his head sometimes , when you would haue him to sléepe . and giue him to eat this , which is excéeding good to cause sléepe , and stay raging . r. conserue of roses halfe an ounce : diascordium two drams : sirrupe of popie halfe an ounce : sirrupe of limons two drams : mixe them . giue him the halfe of this to eate , which will greatly further and prouoke sléepe . or this will also greatly prouoke sléepe . r. sirrupe of violets , sirrupe of limons , sirrupe of poppie of each one ounce : diascordium three drams : mixe them . giue the patient sometime of this in a spoone to drink , for it is good to prouoke sléepe and stay raging . a frontall to be applyed vnto the fore part of the head , to cause sleep . r. flowers of roses , violets , and water lillies , of each a little handfull : of the seeds and heads of poppie , one dram : of the three kinds of saunders , of each one dram : flowers of camomill , betonie , & melilote , ana pu . ss . beate them into grosse powder , and let a frontall be made thereof . apply this frontall vnto his head , as afore taught . i haue set downe these meanes to cause and prouoke sléepe , and stay the raging that is oftentimes in this sicknesse . but you must note , that this is not to be vsed in the beginning of his sicknesse : for in the beginning of the sicknesse the person ought in anie wise to be kept from sléepe . for as through sléepe the spirits are drawne inward , and the venome therewith attracted vnto the heart : so the heat is also excéedingly increased through sléepe . therefore this meanes that i haue set downe for causing of sléepe or anie other to sléepe , may not bée vsed vntill the patient hath sweat , and two or thrée dayes after his sickening . and the sore forth , then may you safely vse them to his great comfort & ease . through the great interior heat , the patient his tongue , throte and mouth will be sore , as i haue often séene , then make this gargarisme . a gargarisme to heale the mouth , throat & tongue in this sicknesse , if it be sore through the heat of the stomacke . r. barley excoricated or common barley a handfull , plantain leaues , strawberry leaues , violet leaues , sinckfoile leaues , of either of these a handful : bryer tops halfe a handfull : woodbine leaues and collumbine leaues , halfe a handfull : shred and bruise these hearbes a little , and then boyle them in a quarte of faire water , which beeing well boyled , straine it forth , and put thereto diamoron two ounces , sirrupe of roses two ounces , mel rosarum or honey of roses two ounces : mixe these , and let the patient vse it often to wash and gargarize his mouth . the vse of a little white wine sometimes is good with rose-water , and a little vinegar to wash his moth withal . to vomit at the beginning of the sicknesse is good : for if a person fall sicke at his meate , or within a while after his meate ; then ought hee to prouoke vomite , and when he hath vomited , then to take a medicine set downe for the cure of the pestilence , and sweat therewithall , and do as i haue taught in this booke before : but if he bée much troubled with vomiting in his sicknesse , then let him vse this that i shall teach him . gariphilarumʒ ij . syr . limonum vnc . semis . diamargariton frid . ʒ ij . misc . and if his vomiting should not stay , then were it good for him to take some gentle purging potion to expulse these corrupt humours that sucketh vp that disposition to vomite . i doubt not but what i haue written is sufficient for the interiour part . now will i come to the externall and outward application , and shew what is to bee done in suppurating and opening the sore . hauing taken one of the medicines afore taught , and sweat , vsing the cordiall appointed , apply vnto the sore this vnderwritten , which will drawe it forth , and ripen it : and you must haue special care that with spéede you draw forth the sore , apostume or carbuncle , least it returne againe into the bodie . a plaister to suppurate , drawe forth , and ripen the sore or botch , although common , yet very good and commended of al that vse it . take a great white onion , & cut off the head of it , & with your knife picke out the coare or middle part , and fill that hollow place full of good treacle , not common treacle , but theriaca andromachi , which you shall haue at the apothecaries . put on the head of the onion , and paast it with a little dow or leuen , and set it to roste in the imbers , and being soft rosted , take it forth and pill it , and stampe it in a morter , and lay it hote vnto the sore vpon some double cloth , and rowle it softly that it fal not off , & renew it and lay on fresh , euery sixe houres . and here i must néeds commend the vse of a yong cocke to be vsed in this maner vnto the sore . pull away the feathers from about the fundament of the cocke , and place the fundament vpon the sore , and hold his bill sometime to kéepe in his breath , he shall the better draw the venome : & if he die , then take another , and do so againe . then lay on this cataplasma , which i haue often vsed , and approued to bee verie good to draw forth and suppurate the sore . r. one lilly roote , young mallowes , one handful , let them be bruised in a morter : lineseede two or three sponefuls beaten grossely , boyle them together in sufficient water , or as much as will couer them , boyle them vntill they be very soft and thick , then put thereunto figges six or seuen : halfe a good handfull of raisins stoned , mix these together , and put vnto it oyle of camomil two spoonefuls , and being very warme lay it to the sore , and binde it softly that it may abide on , change it euery twenhoures . another that ripeneth the botch and bringeth it speedely vnto suppuration . r. onions and garlicke heads , of each of them in number foure : rost them in the imbers , then stampe them in a morter , and put thereto of fenegreeck and line seede of each a good spoonefull , snayles with their shelles foure or fiue , figs in number foure : leauen as much as a walnut , barrowes liquor as much as two walnuts , mix them in a morter , and warme it & apply it vnto the sore . an implaister that ripeneth the sore or botch . r. galbanum ammoniacum , bedelium ana j ounce , dissolue them in vinegar at the fire and strain them and put thereto diachilon magnum ij . ounces , mix them and spread it vpon a thick cloth , and lay it to the sore and change it euery xvi . houres . another plaister that draweth forth the sore and ripeneth it speedily . take a white lillie roote , yong mallowes two handfull , scabious one handfull : shred them and bruse them , and boile them in a sufficient quantitie of ale grounds , and put thereto of line-séede two or thrée spoonefuls beaten , and as much fenegréek beaten likewise , sower leauen as much as two walenuts , mixe them , and lay it warme vnto the sore , changing it euery sixtéene houres , two or thrée times vsing it , ripens the botch . by vsing any of these pultesses , or cataplasmes , you may spéedilie ripen the botch or sore , and béeing ripe , it ought to bée opened by the chirurgion in the lower part thereof , that the matter may be the better auoided . and remēber this note , that whatsoeuer you apply or lay vnto the botch must not be cold , i meane cold in qualitie and operation . for cold medicines would driue backe againe that venemous matter true hath expelled , to the great daunger of the that napatient . and if you feare the opening of it , which is indéeds nothing to suffer , then let the chirurgion vse a potentiall instrument , i meane a causticke , and béeing done vse this digestion . r. cleare turpentine washed one ounce , a yolke of a newe laide egge , as much : oyle of saint iohns worte halfe a dram , of good mithridatum halfe a dram . mixe all these together and vse it vnto the wounde vntill it be wel digested , which you may know by the whitenesse , thicknesse , and great quantity of the matter . and notwithstanding it is now running , yet shall it bée good for you to vse one of the pultise afore taught , it will ripen and bring forth the rest . this is dangerous for those that are about you , therefore bée carefull to kéepe your chamber , and also how you bestow the plasters that you vse vnto your sore , that others be not infected thereby . you ought to vse dayly in your chamber the perfumes before set downe thrée or foure times a day , to vse a good diet , and to eate of some of the cordials before set downe , and your sore béeing néere well , then ought you to purge with one of the potions before set downe . what is to be done when a sore or botch lieth deepe and commes not forth . you must take one of the medicines afore set down for the cure of the plague , and sweat therewithall : but if the apostume or sorely déep , notwithstanding your sweat , then must you fasten cupping glasses ouer or vpon the sore , first scarifing the place , and when you haue vsed your cupping glasses , then vse a yong cock or pullet , as before is taught , pulling the fethers from about the rumpe and taile , putting a little salt into the fundament of the cocke or pullet , set it vnto your sore houlding the bil of him sometime to retaine his breath : and if he die take one more , and do as before , and then apply the plaister of onions and treacle setdown before : and then applie some one of the other which will bring it to suppuration , then let it be opened as before taught . what is to be done when the botch wil not come to suppuration , but continues hard . if a botch come not to suppuration within thrée or foure daies , as most commonly it dooth , but resisteth your application continuing hard , then must you vse some caustick or strong vessicatorie , or insitiō which i like not of , the matter béeing vnripe or not altered into corruption : the continuance of a botch vnsuppurated and not drawn forth is very dangerous : the reason is , the venome gathereth strength by putrifaction within the body and returnes vnto the heart againe . then farewell life . this i haue knowne , and i am perswaded may die that might liue , if this were séene vnto . therefore to preuent danger , rather open the botch before it be full turned vnto suppuration , and vse cataplasmes and pultesses to ripen the rest that remaines . but being still hard , then i say you must vse the counsell of a chirurgion , and open it with a causticke , as i before sayd , how and wherewith i woulde teach , but it would bee too long in this place . first , before it bée opened , let it be well epithymated : and vse some cordiall set downe in this book , two or thrée times a day . and then vse digestions and salue to heales . what is to bee done when a botch strikes . in againe . sometimes i haue knowne the botch to appeare , and yet sodainlie to fall in againe , and this is euer a dangerous and deadly signe . but i will shewe you all that may bee done : and manie haue by this meanes béene relieued from death . first , with all spéede giue him some one of the foure electuaries set downe in this booke for the cure of the plague , the quantitie is there set downe : and procure him to sweate as long as he can endure it . then drie him with warme clothes . and giue him cordials to eate of , set downe in this booke . then ought hee to haue a glister , the which i will set downe , and the next day early giue him my purging potion set downe before : the which is good in this case : and giue him often cordials to eate . and by this meanes ( by gods grace ) the patient shall be deliuered from death . the clister . r. maluae , althaeae ambarum cum radicibus ana m. ss . mercurialis , hipericonis , meliloti ana m. ss . scabi m. ss . sem . lim , & fenigraeci vnc . j. fiat decoctio , m huius libra dissolue butyri vnc . i. mellis rosarum vnc . ii . olei violacei vnc . ii . catholici vnc . semiss . succhari rub . vnc . j. misce & fiat clister . take foure ounces lesse of the decoction , for that it will be too much in quantitie . let this glister bée giuen to the patient : and then the next morning receiue the potion set downe before , that purgeth venemous matter from the bodie , and obserue what i haue written . when a botch ariseth neare vnto the heart , or in the throte : then must you desire helpe of the chirurgion , who with cupping glasses may drawe the sore or botch farther off . to set downe the maner héere it were néedlesse , euery chirurgion that hath anie iudgement and practise knowes how to do it . i will here end , beséeching god to bee mercifull vnto vs , forgiue our sins , and make vs thankful for his great blessings bestowed vpon vs , blesse our labours , and cease this sicknesse . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a13646-e80 ne ope diuina ●il valemus . notes for div a13646-e270 what the plague is . aerem vitiati ac putridum . ●●metimes the ● is corrup●● by naturall ●ses , & som●●●es by euill ●its com●ded by god ●●e first cause . ●●mb . 14. 11. ●ut . 28. 1. 2. ● . leuit , 26. 2● vers . 3. ●en . de diff ●rium cap 8. ●ocrat . de ●hus . 2. cause is corruption he aire . third he is the e●disposition ●e body . note . gal. de diff . febrium lib. 1. cap. 5. the second cause of the pestilence . rotten exhaltions may corupt the aire . the aire tha● commeth frō such stinking places corru●● the blood . the third cau●● of the pestilēd is the euill diposition of the body . perfected ●n an● . ●ritudi●●m est . remember this whilst th● liuest here . ●uations . ●e good ●ers were in the of all ●ishes in●● & good persons ●t to be ●ed . yet it were good to take counsell of some doctor . to prepare the body . the potion purging . what is to be obserued in the ●aking of this ●otion . and draweth from all parts superfluous humors . these are the signes of repletion . both in feuers dropsies , rhumes falling sicknesse . galen de humoribus . qualitie . quantity . eccl. 7. galen iuuent . nēbrorum lib. 1. cap. 4. heate is the cause , of digestion . auicen . hippocrat . in aphoris . except one draught for a cold and weake stomacke . arist . de som . somnus causatur ex vapore cibi , qui vadit ad cerebrum . moderate sleep is good , and greatly comforts nature . ●eepe in the ●y makes the ●dy apt to in●ction in this ●●e of sicknes . ●ne nimium ●●turae inimicū . galen . in regim . sanitat . also increa●h wind , ●oler , & me●choly . ●hese passions the mind are ●angerous . take a little o● this euery morning . ●●ld wish to vse dai●me one of ● preserua● and when ●ake no ●se some o● preserua● ●●t commons with ●e and ● water . ●ncely pre●tiue . ●he apo●rie make for you . a good preseruatiue . rufi cont . pest . auicen in lib. 4. take these pils euery second day . * ●hat is , o●●●ges , limōs , ●●mgranats . ● good po●ander . a preseruatiue . ●he com●●s . for the commons . ●or want of ●ese waters ●●ke posset ●ink made white wine . a medicine of singular vertue in curing this sicknesse . a dram and a scruple is sufficient for a any man. ●elay in this ●knes is verie ●angerous , and ●mmonly ●ngeth death 3 good confe●on for cu●●●g the pesti●●●ce . 4 electuarium contra pestem cum gemmis . 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. ●se are ma●est signes ● the heart ● drawne ●venim vnto ●y attraction ●he aire by inspiration ●he arteries the heart . 12. ●e reason ●y no sore ap●reth in som●sons . ●e reason of appearing sore or ●●ch . the heart ought with all speed to bee comforted . no helpe in some persons but death followeth . venena principes partes petunt . gal. what bodies soonest infected i shewed your before . hote feuers ●he cause so ●any die of ●s sicknes . 3. intentions required in the cure of this sicknes . beware you sleepe not vntil you haue taken your medicine , & eight houres after . vse help in the first beginning who ought to bleede . ●e him in ● sweating , if be very drie , ●n of the cor●ll sirrup set ●wne in this ●oke halfe a ●onefull , or a ●onefull at a ●e . what drinke the patient ought to vse . to mitigate and take away his drinesse and thirst . but my perfumes set down are far better to be vsed . let him sleepe one or two howers to preuent paine and lightnes of the head . god is the author of health . ●e purging is ●od , & ought be vsed . purging po●●n to be ta●●n the second ●y after sweat no botch or ●●e appeare . if it be not on the change or full of the moone . great folly in many men , to ●suse the means of their ●ealth . whē the botch sore grow●h toward benesse , beare ye neither ●rge nor ●eede , but vse ●rdials , and ●utward medi●●nes to ripē it . who may not ●eed . where to bleed , in what place or vaine . the quantity . any time or houre in necessitie let bloud . the diet the ●cke ought to ●eepe . or rosewater ●● vinegar together . change of chambers is good . ●nd apply an ●pithymum ●nto the heart . ●nd it were ●ry good that ●es were ●ade through ●ut the citie , & you think the ●erfumes too ●ere , then ●e frankin●nse , rosin , and ●urpentine . ●y sleepe the ●oud and ●rits vitall are ●awne inward ●d attracteth ●th it selfe the ●nome vnto ●e heart , and ●taineth it in . a defensitiue for the heart , in sweating to be vsed . a very good cordial confection to be eaten oftentimes in the day of the sick patiēt . a purging potion to be vsed the second day after sweat , if no sore appeare ●t worke not thin two ●ures take a ●tle broth fiue ●● sixe spoone●s . this cordiall ●onfection ●oth greatly ●omfort the ●eart . the diet that ●●ust be vsed . his drinke . a iulep to help drinesse and thirst . against thirstinesse a sirrup . iulep against ●st & dri●e . ●uilt com●ing the 〈◊〉 . an epithymū for the heart to be vsed to a weak and fainting person . ●xing it with infusion ●t was left . ●member to often in ●ur chamber ●t perfumes downe be●e . ●ppocrat . cum ●isque purgare . an vnguent to cause sleepe in watching and rauing . a confection causing sleepe . ●eause sleep ●ntlet to be ●ied vnto ●rowes . ●ote this . ● gargarisme . note this , whē vomit is good . cordials and sweat will stay vomiting . to stay vomiting . breake not selfe by meanes dily . vse cordials to comfort the heart . the cause why the sore coms not forth , is weaknesse of nature . 〈◊〉 with a 〈◊〉 . when a botch ariseth in a dāgerous place what we must doe . by the king a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22378 stc 8789 estc s123752 33150353 ocm 33150353 28562 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22378) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28562) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:49) by the king a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by i.l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at oxford : 1625. line 1 of text ends "conside-". "giuen at the court at ricot the one and thirtieth day of iulie, in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne of great brittaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -exchequer. plague -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond . the kings most excellent maiestie taking into his princely consideration the great and dangerous increase of the plague in and about the citty of westminster , where his maiesties receit of exchequer hath beene hitherto kept , and willing as much as is possible to prevent the further danger , which might ensue as well to his owne officers , which are necessarily to attend the same receit , as to other his louing subiects who shall haue occasion either for receit , or payment of monies to repaire thither : hath therefore taken order for the present remoue of the receit of his said exchequer from thence to his maiesties house at richmond in the countie of surrey : and hath thought fit by this his proclamation to publish the same , to the ende , that all persons whom the same may concerne , may take notice whither to repaire vpon all occasions concerning the bringing in , or issuing of his maiesties treasure at the receit of his exchequer . willing and requiring all sheriffes , bailiffes , collectors , and all other officers , accomptants , and persons whatsoeuer , who are to pay in any monies into the said receit of his maiesties exchequer , or otherwise to attend the same , to keepe their daies and times at richmond aforesaid , and there to doe , pay , and performe in all things as they should , or ought to haue done at westminster , if the said receit of exchequer had continued there . and this to bee done and obserued vntill his maiestie shall publish and declare his further pleasure to the contrary . given at the court at ricot the one and thirtieth day of iulie in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne of great brittaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. printed at oxford by i. l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . 1625. the prophecie of one of his maiesties chaplains, concerning the plague and black-patches with mr. gadburies happy and joyful predictions, for the decrease of the plague both in the city and suburbs; the time when; the manner how; by god's permission, and according to natural causes; the effects and motion of the planets, and what every week may produce for the thrice-happy and welcome abatement of this sad and dismal pestilence; and the city of london to be wholly acquit thereof about (or before) christmas. 1665 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56009 wing p3680 estc r220559 99831955 99831955 36422 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36422) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2054:20) the prophecie of one of his maiesties chaplains, concerning the plague and black-patches with mr. gadburies happy and joyful predictions, for the decrease of the plague both in the city and suburbs; the time when; the manner how; by god's permission, and according to natural causes; the effects and motion of the planets, and what every week may produce for the thrice-happy and welcome abatement of this sad and dismal pestilence; and the city of london to be wholly acquit thereof about (or before) christmas. gadbury, john, 1627-1704. [2], 6 p. printed for g. horton, london : 1665. parenthesis have replaced square brackets around "or before" in the title. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. prophesy -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the prophecie of one of his maiesties chaplains , concerning the plague and black-patches : with mr : gadburies happy and joyful predictions , for the decrease of the plague both in city and suburbs ; the time when ; the manner how ; by god's permission , and according to natural causes ; the effects and motion of the planets , and what every week may produce for the thrice-happy and welcome abatement of this sad and dismal pestilence ; and the city of london to be wholly acquit thereof about [ or before ] christmas . london , printed for g. horton , 1665. the prophecie of one of his majesties chaplains , concerning the plague , and black-patches . although after several evil aspects , and malevolent conjunctions of the planets , after bad constitutions of the air , and distemper of the weather , after dearth of corn , and scarcity of provision , whereby the humors of mens bodies have been corrupted , and several diseases have sprung up yet no plague hath followed ; and on the contrary , though after the signs of healthy seasons , plenty of good and wholesome diet , yea and after a most cold and dry winter , and in a dry and temperate summer , the plague hath risen up and spread abroad ; yet most commonly there have been some tokens , signs , and fore-runners of it , which have given men an alarm to prepare for it , expect it , and provide against it . from whence also is observable the causes producing it ; such as are the position of the heavens and the conjunction of mars and saturn ; as the learned mr gadbury hath most judiciously set forth in those memorable predictions hereunto ●nnexed . but first the reader may be pleased to observe , the signs immanent and approaching of great mortality ; mr. kelway in the third chapter of his treatise of the plague printed at london 1593. hath these words : when we see young children flock themselves together in companies , and then will fain some o● their company to be dead amongst them , and so will solemnize the b 〈…〉 rt , this is a token which hath been well observed in o●r ag● to fore-shew great mortality at hand . and 't is worthy of serious consideration , that about 20 years ago , one of the chaplains of his late majesty king charles the first of ever blessed memory , did preach at bristol upon this text out of gen 4.15 ●nd the lord set a mark ●pon cain ; and in his sermon did speak much against black-patches and beauty-spots ; and , among other things , said , that they were fore runners of other spots , and marks of the plague ; and presently , within a very little while after , the plague brake out among them , and all those persons that did wear them , fled the town . and when st. andrews church yard wall did break or fall down this last winter , some there were that did prognosticate the coming of the plague , saying , it fell in like manner the last great sickness in 1625. but what reason they had to say so , is best known to themselves . yet true it is , that this black and dismal cloud was fore-seen and predicted by that great artist in astrologie mr. john gadbury , in his ephemeris for the present year 1665. in the moneth of april , at which time the sickness first began to shew it self visible ; notwithstanding it took its rise at christmas , he himself being visited at that time . and though the plague cometh unawares , and frizeth upon a man on a suddain , yet such is the infinite mercy of god , and the providence of nature , that it giveth alwayes warning enough to any one that will diligently observe it . the warnings are either a suddain head-ache , a vomiting , or a faintness , with a chilnesse , or a loosenesse . each of these symptome she●●th , what part of the body hath been first infected ; the head-ache s●●nises the brains ; the vomiting the liver ; the faintnesse the heart ; and the loosenesse ▪ the stomach and the gut. when therefore any one upon a sudden and without evident cause , findeth him●el● seized with either of these 4 symptomes , let him fly to remedies without the losse of a moment of time : for it is one of the easiest diseases in the world to be cured , if it be taken within 4 hours after the first invasion ; otherways , and for the mo●● part mortal . now assoon as one findeth himself stricken with any of the foresaid symptomes , let him presently repair to a clean and warm room , and kindle a wood-fire in the chimny , to consume and destroy all the infectious vapours that proceed both from the air , and the infected party : let the patient presently be put into a warm bed , wrapped in a sheet and blanket ; & then sweat him well , by giving the party some venice-treace ; and those that have contracted the plague by a fright , put a little saffron into it . venice-treacle being taken in time , is the onely antidote against all plagues and poisons whatsoever . vinegar is a most excellent antidote against the plague , and to drink 2 or 3 spoonfu●s in a morning is very good . hence 't is , that physitians to suppresse and take away the fiery venome of spurge , laurel , mezereon , and other plants , steep them in vinegar , and so give them safely to their patients , whereas otherwise they would kill and be a worse remedy than the disease . and dioscorides saith that it resists all poysons both hot and cold . and christoph . a vega tells of one that was strangled with a rope , and did foam about the mouth , and yet was recovered by drinking vinegar . coffee is commended against the contagion ; and moderate exercise ; be sure to prevent costiveness , and violent passions : sleep moderately , and after you are up uncover your bed , and open the curtains to air it , and have the bed well shaken when it is made , for damps are very dangerous . to go forth with an empty stomach is unwholsom ; bread dipt in vinegar is very good ; but the best breakfast against the contagion is bisket and raisins . and as the great causes of this particular pest were the conjunction of saturn and jupiter octob. 10. 1663. the conjunction of saturn and mars nov. 12 1664. so also are they chief causes powerfully impelling , that it is to be feared the pestilence we now partake of , will not be the one m●ie●y of the effects thence to ensue , or thereon depending . ●y this connexion of causes , it is somewhat apparent that this pest should have took its beginning at the latter end of 1664. and truly had not the winter then been so extreamly sharp ( it having a frost of almost ten weeks continuance together ) to have kept it back , it had beyond all question broke forth then . nay , and break forth it did then too , as the learned artist in astrologie mr. gadbury , can experimentally testifie , having been personally visited with it at christmas that year . and many other patients of mr. josias westwood the chirurgeon , were then also afflicted with the same distemper , and yet obtained cure against it , the air being then so friendly to nature , and an enemy unto the pestilence . but now let us consider its progress and increase , with the causes thereof , and the possibility of its abatement , with the time when . in this matter i shall consult , but not trouble you with the figure of the suns ingress into the equinoctial sign aries , for the year 1665. and thence draw down the several arguments of encrease and abatement ; and because the pestilence was hardly perceptible untill the month of june , i will begin there . this month , ( as if god and nature had appointed the sickness to be ominous in earnest to these nations ) we may observe two most fatal transits to usher it in , viz. mars his then coming to the opposite point of the ascendant , and the sun to the opposite point of saturn ; a beginning of a sickness so mischievous , that greater can hardly be ; god grant the end be not as inauspicious : and although ( i presume it will not be of many months continuance to this great city , yet we are not to suppose a pestilence ended , when it seemingly acquits one place . in the moneth of july it began to encrease considerably , especially toward the latter end thereof : there were then fix oppositions of the erratick stars , and two eclipses ; and to add to these , mars , venus , and mercury , then came to the quadrate place of the sun , and to the opposite point of saturn by transit ; and the sun then came to the opposition of jupiter both by transit and aspect : all which were very great arguments of its encrease . in the month of aug. saturn comes to the quadrate place of the sun , and will be stationary upon it i the month ; the two eclipses last month do now begin to operate , which are testimonies of very great augmentation : howbeit the fortunate planet venus coming to the sextile of her own place and of the moms at the beginning of the month ; and coming to a trine of the sun , the latter end thereof , may so happily contemper the fury of it , that it may not [ now ] encrease or augment to any exceeding great height . a ●art of septem . is like to prove somewhat dangerous because saturn is in a manner still stationary , and the sun and saturn then come to a quadrate aspect , and this in ill points of the vernal figure , mars and jupiter who is dominus ascendentis ) then also come to an opposition , and both in square of luna's place ; whence it is probable , that in the second and last weeks of this month , the pest may admit of an abatement ; but indeed , i much fear about the middle of the month an encrease considerable : nevertheless , i hope , and rationally believe ( favente deo ) that this pestilence cannot ascend to any higher degree , than it may at that time reach unto . the month of october seems to promise well , and the distemper therein cannot meet with any eminent cause for augmentation : yet i suppose the second and last week will make some slight offers at an encrease , because then the sun comes to the opposite place of the moon ▪ and venus hath a progressional motion to the opposition of the sun , and quartile of saturns places . november and december in this respect ( god not frustrating the course of second causes , or taking advantage of us for our sins ) i question not will prove very kindly ; and the city of london will begin to be in a better heart , than in many moneths before . howbeit , it cannot ●e supposed that this pestilence should in so short a time totally vanish ; or that so great a sickness should not leave some unkind impressions behind it ; but in comparison of what it hath been , i dare assert , that we shall [ then ] be ( in a manner ) wholly acquitted from it , and its violent raging , destructive qualities and company . la●●ly , london hath at present been the patient , and hath felt the force of the almighties scourge to purpose ; while most other places of england have escaped the lash . i wish with all my soul , that london might be the scape-goat for them all : but ah , i fear , before the planet saturn be gotten quite out of capricorn , that tho●e other parts of this nation will drink deep of the same cup. god and nature punish none by proxy . it will not be this cities sufferings , that can excuse other towns and cities , from the violent stroak of so insatiate an enemy . thus much for the predictions of the learned gadbury . and now the great and principal antidote against the plague is , hearty repententance and fervent prayer : for prayer upon repentance is of all things most powerful with god. and as faith is the best fence against fear , so is patience the best plaister against s●res : let the distrust of god's mercies be far from you ; and arise from sin willingly : read in the bible daily ; take up the crosse of christ boldly , and stand to it manfully , bearing all visitations patiently ; pray continually , rest thankfully , and thou shalt live everlastingly , and come to the hill of joy quickly : to which place hasten us good lord speedily . finis . by the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... city of london (england). lord mayor (1624-1625 : gore) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06242 stc 16729.2 estc s3728 33150860 ocm 33150860 28787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06242) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:9) by the major whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties thereof ... city of london (england). lord mayor (1624-1625 : gore) gore, john, sir, d. 1636. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by isaac iaggard, printer to the honourable citie of london, london : 1625. at head of sheet, royal arms, and shield surrounded by initials, i. g. m. other title information from first 3 lines of text. "giuen at guild hall, the fift day of aprill, 1625. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-09 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense i. g. m. by the major . whereas the infection of the plague is daily dispersed more & more in diuers parts of this city and the liberties therof , aswell for that the houses infected haue not been , nor yet are kept shut vp , according to the proclamation , and many precepts and orders in that behalfe made and taken , aswell by the kings most excellent maiestie , as by mee and my brethren the aldermen , as also for that the people infected , and whose houses are infected ( against all honestie , humane ciuility , and good conscience , seeking as it were rather the desolation of the citie , and of this kingdome by dispersing of the infection , then otherwise ) do daily intrude themselues into all companies , both priuate and publike , aswell at sermons as elsewhere , and doe flocke and follow the dead to the graue in multitudes , one still infecting another , to the displeasure of almighty god , and great griefe of his maiestie , to vnderstand of the destruction of his subiects in such wilfull and desperate manner . to the end therefore that the cause of further infection , which may happen by any of the aforesaid occasions ( if god be so pleased ) may be taken away , and the kings subiects ( whom in his princely and gracious care had ouer them , he tendereth as dearely as himselfe ) may be preserued from that perill . these are in gods name to exhort and perswade , and in his maiesties name straightly to charge and command all persons whatsoeuer , inhabiting within this citie and the liberties thereof , whose houses now are , or hereafter during this visitation , shall be infected with the plague , vpon their allegiance , and due obedience , that they doe owe vnto our said soueraigne lord the king , to keepe their said houses shut vp , for the space of xxviii . dayes next after the buriall of any dying of the plague out of their said houses , and that the people infected , and of the said infected houses , doe continue in their said houses , during the said time of xxviii . dayes , and none of them goe abroad , but onely for necessarie food , and with red wands in their hands , and doe not come into , or frequent any publike assemblies , nor follow the dead infected bodies to the graue , vpon paine of his highnesse heauy displeasure and imprisonment of their bodies so offending by the space of ten dayes , without bayle or maynprize : requiring also , and charging all churchwardens , constables , beadles of wardes , clarkes and sextons of parishes , and all other officers and ministers within this citie and the liberties thereof , euery one of them in his place and office , carefully to looke vnto the performance of the premisses , and of all other orders formerly set downe by the lord maior and aldermen of this citie for the time being , or by me and my brethren the aldermen , concerning the auoyding of the plague , vpon like paine as aforesaid . giuen at guild hall , the fift day of aprill , 1625. ❧ god saue the king. ❧ london printed by isaac iaggard , printer to the honourable citie of london . 1625. londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. to which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within london, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember. following. muggins, william. 1603 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07877 stc 18248 estc s121897 99857056 99857056 22724 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07877) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 22724) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1321:2) londons mourning garment, or funerall teares worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens, and other her inhabitants. to which is added, a zealous and feruent prayer, with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases, in euery particuler parish within london, the liberties, and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember. following. muggins, william. [34] p. printed by raph blower, at london : 1603. dedication signed: vvilliam muggins. mostly in verse. signatures: [a]² b-d⁴ e² . "a true relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases ..", quire e. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -poetry -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -poetry -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons mourning garment , or funerall teares : worne and shed for the death of her wealthy cittizens , and other her inhabitants . to which is added , a zealous and feruent prayer , with a true relation how many haue dyed of all diseases , in euery particuler parish within london , the liberties , and out parishes neere adioyning from the 14 of iuly 1603. to the 17 of nouember . following . at london printed by raph blower . 1603. to the right worshipfull , sir iohn swinnerton knight : one of the worshipfull aldermen , of the honorable citty of london : vv. m. wisheth earths happines , and heauens blessednes . right worshipful and graue senator : if my knowledge and learning , were answerable to my good will and affection : this my poore labour now mourning in a sable weede , should be as great and precious , as to the contrary it is weake , and slender . and knowing that the vertuous minde , respecteth not so much the valewe of the guift , as the good will of the giuer , emboldeneth me to presēt this smal pamphlet to your worships view ; most humbly crauing pardon for my rash attempt , which if to your wonted clemmencie i doe obtaine . i shall liken my selfe to a poore debtor owing much , freely forgiuen of all his large reckonings and dangerous accounts , and bound in duty to pray for your worships long life , with increase of honor . your worships at commaund , vvilliam mvggins ¶ londons mourning garment , and funerall teares . with heauy heart , and sighes of inward cares , with wringing hands● explayning sorrows wo , with blubbered cheekes , bedewde with trickling teares with minde opprest lamenting griefs that flowe , london lament , and all thy losses showe : what al ? nay some , all were too much to tell , the learned homer could not penne it well . ay me poore london , which of late did florish , with springing march , the tidings of a king : and aprill showers , my blossomes so did nourishe , that i in maie , was calde a famous thing , yea townes and cities did my glory ring : nay thorowe the worlde my golden fame so grewe , that princes high , crost seas , my seate to viewe . and like to agamemnons gallant trayne , throughout my streetes , with stately steps did goe , where them with welcomes , i did entertaine ; pleasing their liking , with each seuerall showe , where they in me , much treasure did bestowe , honouring the church with prayers , the change with golde , where princes bought , and beauteous virgins solde . to adde more glory to my prosperous state , my soueraigne lord , most high and mighty king , made oft repayre , both moining , eu'en and late , to me both gainefull , and a pleasant thing : my heart was glad , my voice sol , fa , did sing , my head did muse , not strucke with sorrowes sad , but how to make , my crowned soueraigne glad . and as a bryde , against her nuptiall day , doth deck her selfe , with fayre and rich attyre , accompanide with damsells fresh and gay , to plight her faith , to him she did desire euen so did i with zeale as hot as fyer . prepare my selfe against this day of ioye , to giue him welcome , with vive le roye . my magistrates were all so ready prest in skarlet rich , this potent prince to greet : my wealthy free-men also wrought their best , preparing pageants in each famous street● my marchant-strangers laboured hands and feete , and scattered coyne , like ivpiters showres of golde , hoping with ioy this cesar to behold . and as those men the wealthiest in my bower , was neuer sparing in this good intent , so did my artisauts with all their power , for loue or gaine , to worke were ready bent . pigmalion foorth his skilfull caruers sent ? cunning appelles with his pencill drew prospectious strange , for king and peeres to veiw . but oh , a sudden qualme doth crosse my heart twixt cup and lip are dangers oft we see , vnwelcome death approcheth with his dart , yelping , oh , london , thou must yeeld to mee : i must hau● rootes and branches for my fee. the fruits full ripe and blossomes that might grow are mine , not thine , the fates decree'd it so . drown'd in deepe seas ( poore lady ) thus i lye , vnlesse some speedie helpe a comfort yeeld : is there no wife nor widdow that will hye , and reach a hand that hath some sorrowes felt , my griefes are more then i my selfe can welde , helpe some good woman with your soules-sigh deepe , for you are tender hearted and can weepe . vvhat none ? nay , then i see the prouerbe old is true , the widdowes care is st●dious where to loue , sith women are so fickle , men to you , london laments , will ye her plaints remoue . i heare no eccho ; men like women proue , vvidowers for wiues , widdowes for husbands seeke , before the teares are dryed from their cheekes . to children then i will my sorrowes shew , vvhole parent● lately in the graue were layde ; their hearts with sighs will cause fresh teares to flow , and reach a hand for sorrowing londons ayde . come children mourne , i cry but am denayde , their parents riches so inflames their brest , that they long since did wish them at their rest . vvhere , or to whom , may i my voyce set forth ? men mourne for men , where friendship long hath bred : fye no ( good lady ) there is found small troth , the liuing friend deceiues the friend that 's dead , robbing his children with a subtill head : by reason he executor , made the drowne by wresting law , the riches are his owne . oh ( helplesse lady ) whither shall i ●lye , to find true mourners in this sad lament ? to aged people ; no , their heads are dry , they cannot weepe , long since their teares were spent : to middle age ? ( alas ) their wits are bent to purchase lands and liuings for their heires , or by long life , ●o gainé which other spares . the louing seruant may yet helpe at neede , that now hath lost his master and his stay , sending foorth sithings till the heart doth bleed : oh , london , thou in vaine to him doest pray , his power and wits he bends another way : his masters custome , shoppe , and trade to get , is all the teares , the blithe yong man can let . is there none then , that will take londons part ? and help to sing , a welcome vnto wo ? is there none founde , that feeles a present smart ? nor none a liue , that can c●use teares to flow ? if any be ? then freely them bestow . two mourne together , swage e●h others grief , weepe on a while , and i will be the chiefe . i heare no answere yet in these estates , let me but study , where , and whom to seeke , oh , now i haue bethought me , come on mates , for you and i , must mourne it by the weeke : and neuer will , new teares , be long to seeke● for parents loue , vnto their children deare , in iudgment sounde , nothing can come more neare . the loue of pare●ts , are like graftes that grow , euer encreasing , till it proue a tree : the loue of children , like the melting snow , euer decreasing , till an ende there be , dayly experience , proues this true we see , loue to the children , euermore dependes : but to the parents , seldome re-discendes . and now i haue , with trauel , griefe and paine , founde foorth two mourners , that will agents be : choose which of vs , shal settle to complaine , or if you will , leau● all the chardge to me : onely i with you , to abandon glee . and to my voice , prepare your glowing eares , with sighes and groanes , and sometimes scalding teares . and if to high my warbling notes ascendes , iudge me not bolde but zealous in my loue : if that too lowe , thinke that with sigh●s for friendes , my voice is hoarse , yet i againe will proue , the vtmost power , i can for to remoue , your too forgetfull , sorrowes which are drye , and place them now , a fresh in memory , art thou a father , or a mother deare ? hadst thou a sonne , or daughter of thy side : were not their voice , sweete musicke in thy eare , or from their smiles , could'st thou thy countnance hide . nay , were they not , the glories of thy pride ? i doubt too much , thy loue on them were set , that whilst thou liuest , thou canst not them forget . remember well , you dames of london cittie , as for you men , i le leaue you for a while , because small paines , deserues the lesser pity , and you are stronger , sorrowes to begyle : a space we will , your company exile , and bid you farewell , till another day , when time and place , will giue you cause of stay . and now my harts , olde widdowes and yong wiues , you that in silence , sit so sad and mute : you that wring hands , as weary of your liues , heare london speake , she wil expresse your suite . i know your sighes , is for your tender fruite . fruite in the budde , in blossome ripe and growne , all deare to you , now death hath made his owne . and as the greedy wolfe , from harmeles ewes , robbs them of lambes , sucking their tender tett : and in his rigour , no compassion shewes , but gormondizing , kils them for his meate . euen so deaths fury , now is growne so great , the tender lambe , will not his fury stay . both lambes and ewes , he swalowes for his pray . witnes i ca● , poore london for my part , what palefac't death , within fiue monthes hath wrought● seauen hundred widdowes , wounded to the hart , with their sweet babes , which they full dearely bought● some dead new borne , some neuer forth were brought , you mothers weepe , if euer you bore any , to thinke how sore , death did perplexe so many . not yet content , he rageth vp and downe , and secretly , his heauy visage shewes : in euery streete , and corner of the towne , emptyeing whole hou●es , soone whereas he goes , taking away , both olde and young g●d knowes , the weeping mother , and the infant cleare , the louing brother , and the sister deare . oh , mothers sigh , sit and shed teares a while , expell your idle pleasures , thinke on woes : make not so much as countenance of a smile but with downe lookes , which inward sorrow showes , and now a fresh , remember all your throwes , your g●ipes your panges , your bodies pincht with paine , as if this instant , you did them sustaine let not so much , forgotten be of you , as the least qualme , that then your harts opprest : no nor the smallest , dolor did ensue , as heauy wincks and too too little rest ; remember al , the sorrowes of thy breast , which in the bre●ding , bearing and deliuery , you did indure , with paine yet willing againe bethinke you , at that instant hower , the little diff●r●nce , was twixt li●e and death : when as the insant , with his naked power , laboured for life , to haue his right●ull birth , and with the sickly , mother gaspt for breath , the one ne●e dead , as nigh to death the other , sore to the babe , worse trauell for the mother . if any mother , can forget this smart , her for a woman , i will neuer take : and out of londons , fauor may she part , and all such brutish , strumpets for her sake : for such light hus-wiues , i a wish will make , that neuer any , may approch my citty , euer to want , a●d no hart them to pittie . and now ●eturne i , to you honest wiues , who grieuing sits , and sighing send forth teares , which to your husbands , lyue chast and true liues , and with your children , passeth forth your yeares , to you that londons , lamentations heares . and are true parteners , in my pla●nts and mones , experience shewes it , by your inward gro●es . the child new borne , the mother some de●le well are all the griefes , and sorrows at an end : no cares and troubles , yet i haue to tell , though child be swath'de , and sickly mother mende , the feeble infant , many a fret doth send . which grieues the mother , till she weepe againe , to heare and see , the infant in such paine . and with her seeble , hand and weakely strength , she playes and d●llyes , for the babyes good : and to her milke-white , brestes doth lay at length the prety foole , who learnes to take his foode . his onely meanes , to nourish life and bloud , he fed● , she paynd , he drawes , poore mother yeelds , whose louing brests both shutes and prickings feeles , and when the babe doth gather strength a maine , most strongly labouring at his mothers dugge . she patiently endureth all the paine , su●fering his lipp●s her nipple still to lugge , and with her armes most closely doth it hugge , as she should say , draw childe and spare not mee , my brests are thine , i feele no paine with thee . though that poore heart her brest doth ake full sore , and inwardly sell prickings shee indures , till eyes gush teares , and lippes reach kisses store ; which in true mothers gladsome ioyes procures , and to more a●dent loue them still allures : that toares and kisses greet the babe together , like to sunne-shine when it is dropping weather , ymmagin heere , the pretty lambe doth cry , the mother strong , and times of custome past : will , she then leaue it , to the worldes broad eye , no , whilst her life , and vitall powers last , the mothers loue , to child is fixte so fast . she stills it straight , and layes it to her brest , with kisses more , then venvs could disgest and with h●r armes , she heaues it high and lowe , as if a cradle , it sweete foole lay in : doubt you not to , she kisses did bestow , and if it smile , a fresh she doth begin . on prety looke , a hundred kisses winne my more then sweete , vnto her child she saith , i would not for , a kingdome wish thy death . now is her minde , full straight with inward ioy● as if all things , she thought should come to passe : vttering forth sighes , vnto her prety boy , shall death haue thee , and lay thee in the grasse , i le rather goe , to earth from whence i was , fell death goe seeke , for crooked age and olde , my child is fayre , vnfitting for the molde . i hope to see , more comfort and more ioy , of this sweete babe , which cost my life almost : i pray thee grimme death , doe not him annoy , goe get thee further , to some other coast. to kill an infant giues small cause of boast . there 's many liuing , that would gladly dye , take them away , but spare my childe and i. chast london wiues● me thinkes i see you all , each seuerall mother , hau●ng greefes to shewe , and with your greefes , i see the teares doe fall , the onely phisicke , women can bestow , oh , that i could , but ease your hart sicke woe , london would spare , no labour cost not time , to wipe the water , from your blubbered eyen . but i a skilfull surgeons part will play , first search the sore , then minister things meete : vnto yovr memories , i your plants will lay , causing a fresh your heauie eyes to greet . then gentler salues , i meane perswasions sweete ; this is the surgery wounded london layes to all her patients , that her hests obayes . one tender mother cryeth loude and shrill , wringing her hands , my children both are dead : sweet louing henry , and my eldest gyrle , ah besse , my wench thou hadst thy mother sped with sorrowes , that will neuer from my head . thy forward wit to learning and to awe , a sweeter daughter neuer woman sawe . thy flaxen haire , thy collour red and white , thy yeeres full ten , thy body straight and tall , thy countnance smilling , neither sad nor light , thy pleasant eyes , thy hands with fingers small , thy manners milde , thy reading best of all , with needle pregnant , as thy sampler shewes , patient in death like sucking lambe she goes● my hopes were that i might haue kept thy life to see more yeeres , and be a beutious mayde ; to see thee match't , and be a london wife , to see thy childe-bed , and be safely layde , to see thy children in the streete haue playde : to cheere my age , as should a louing daughter , but thou art gone , and i must follow after . my little henrie , oh , that prety foole ; that oft hath made my sorrowing heart full glad , his words were mamma : sit , here is a stoole , some bread and butter i haue nothing had ; i le busse you well , ( good mamma ) be not sad , vp on cock-high , i will sit in your lappe , where oft ( poore sweeting ) he hath caught a nappe . and if sometimes , he hearde his father chide , as housholde wordes , may passe twixt man and wife : vnto my husbande , presently he hyed as he should say , i will appease the strife ; and with his childish ●hirth , and pleasvres rise . abates the heat , and makes vs both to ioy : to see such nature , in the little boy . but death , oh death , that hater of my wealth hath slaine my d●ughter , and my little sonne : both of them proppes , vnto my wished health both to haue kept . i woulde barefoote haue runne : fel atropos , her fatall stroke hath done ; with the eternall . i beleue they rest , oh , happy babes , for euer they are blest . step after step , i see an other come , casting her handes , abroade , as shee were wood : seeming to tell a heauy tale to some , but silly dame , thou art not vnderstoode ; speake mildely , lowly , not with chafing bloude : for hastie speach , hath seldome reason showne , when soft deliuerance , makes the matter knowne . i am a widdow poore , christ shew me pittie , feeble and weake of yeeres , three score and ten : i had two daughters , married in the cittie , both of them well , & vnto honest men ; they had my loues , and i had ●heirs againe : with them i hop't to spend my aged yeeres , and to be buried , with their funerall teares . to them i gaue , that little i possest , with them to dwel , as long as life ensured : three monthes with one , my custome was to rest , then , with the other , i like space endured : with vs the diuel , no iarres nor brawles procured . but liued and lou'de , as quiet as might be , i bore with them , they dayly honouring me . but now alas , a heauy tale to tell , as with my chickins , i at pleasure slept : comes the great puttocke , with his tallantes fel , and from me quite , my youngest chicken swept ; then to the other , he full nimbly leapt , seazing on her , as hee had done the other , oh greedy death , could'st thou not take their mother ? my age is fitter for the yawning graue , their yeeres more tender in the worlde to stay : my bones are dry , and would their porcions haue , their lymmes were nimble , and a while might play ; my bloude is colde , theires hote , mine weares away . they both were matched , & fruite might bring foorth store i olde and withered , and can yeelde no more . thou cruel leane , and ill deformed death , thou great intruder , and vn-welcomde guest : thou palefac't hog , thou shortner of long breath , thou mighty murdrer , of both man & beast : vvhy doest thou not , inuite me to thy feast ? and on my body , shew thy fury great that lackes house , lodging , sight , & what to eate . vvith lamentations , and with teares good store , ymmagin now , you heare a mothers griefe : shee most of all , her sorrowes doth deplore , vttring foorth woordes , as helples of reliefe , she is depriu'de , of all , both lesse and chiefe ; aswell her children , as her husbande good , vvith labouring seruantes that did earne their foode . ah my sweet babes , what woulde not i haue done ? to yeelde you comfort , & maintaine you heer● : early and late , no labour woulde i shun , to feede your mouthes , though hunger pincht me neere ; all three at once , i woulde your bodies cheere . twaine in my lappe , shoulde sucke their tender mother , and with my foot , i woulde haue rockt the other . me thinkes i see them still , and heare their cryes chiefly a nights when i on bed am layde , which make fresh teares goe from my watry eyes , when i awake and finde i am deceiued ; sweet pretie babes , christ hath your souls receiued ; faire babes to mee , you nere shall come againe , but where you are , i trust aye to remaine . your louing father tooke a great delight , o●ten in armes to haue those children small , and now he hath them euer in his sight , not one or two , the heauens possesse them all , father and babes obayde when christ did call . they all are gone , i onely left with breath , to byde more sorrowes in this wretched earth . poore and in want yong widddow left am i , kindles and friendlesse , lacking meanes to liue , had but my seruants stayde their worke to plye their labour , would some comfort to me giue , my hopes are like to water powrde in syue . onely i trust god will increase my health , that i may worke and hate dishonest wealth . many more sorrowes might i here repeate , of grieued mothers for their children deare , but times are precious and worke too great for my hoarse voice to shew and vtter here , onely i pray you listen and giue eare to londons sorrowes , which so many are , my clacking tongue cannot them hal●e declare . and as with paine i did endure to tell your too too heauie and vnwelcom'd woés , wherein poore london labour'd to do well , but wanting giftes , the best she can she showes the willing minde , that all she hath bestowes , must needes be reconed for a friendly part , deseruing thankes , with as cheerefull a heart , excuse me then , and heare me too , a while , for many sorrowes compasse me throughout : neuer since brvte set footing in this isle , nor nere since it was walled round about : more blessed newes , nor happy spring cold sprout ; then did to london , in this present yeere , when englands cesar came this citie neere . all went as●aunt , happy that marchant was which had rich wares to please his chapmans eyes the finest shagges , wrought stuffes , and purest glasse , rare cloth of gold , and silkes of euery dye : who for his money could know where to buy , both went and sent to fetch in wares good store , not doubting sale for that and three times more . and as they thought a while it did continue , doings waxt quicke , and wares a pace did sell , great men of honours with their retinue , approch't my citie minding here to dwell , houses and chambers were let deare and well , there was no corner in me did remaine , but the true owner might imploy to gaine , with icarvs , i soring then aloft , bathing my limbes in heat of highest sonne , till waxen wings with melting heate were soft , and had no power me from the waues to shunne , downe must i fall , my glorie quite vndone , he sits aboue that looketh downe below , comm●nding powers his iustice here to show . and with king davids chance doth me correct , spreading his plague , where pleaseth him to strike ; because in health his lawes i did reiect , trusting in menes , in man , in horse , and pike : boasting of riches , beautie and such like . neuer redeeming of swift passing times , but still committing new and vgly crimes . and to the ende , none dwelling in my cittie should thinke themselues more safer then the rest , iudging their slights and not gods lasting pittie , to be the cause why they with health are blest ; gods iudgement vpon all degrees are prest , from poorest begger , to the wealthiest squire , from yongest infant , to the oldest syre . for if the aged people hee should spare , they would attribute to themselues too much , and say their bloudes are drye , their bones so bare , the pestilence ●heir bodies cannot touch . if middle age should scape , their wits are such , that through their dyet● or by letting blood , they wonne the victorie , and the plague with-stood . the frolicke youths would iudge the strengths the meane , boasting of ioyntes , armes , legges and sinewes strong , the little infant being weake and leane , wants substance for the plague to worke vpon . these are excuses , but effects haue none ; gods messenger ( the plague ) doth feare no states , but strikes both lowest and the highest mates . now for the rich which haue of golde such store , feeding their bodyes with dilicious fare , keeping great fires , stirre not out of doore , vsing perfumes , shunning infected ayre ; shall they escape ? no , the plague will them not spare : because they shall not thinke their heaped treasure , can keepe them longer then it is gods pl●asure . if rich men dye , and poorer people stay , they will exclame with hate and deadly ire , saying with surfects they cousume the day , wallowing in ease like dirtie swyne in myre , iudging thei● scarcitie and their thinne atyre the onely phisicke , poysons to with stand , but they like others haue giuen death their hand . if any then should scape deathes heauie sight , and claime a pardon for a longer day ; the zealous preacher and the godly wight , which for themselues , and sor their hearers pray , might hau● some fauour in this world to stay : but god saith no , they sh●ll yeeld to their kinde , lest they prooue haughti● which remaine behinde . there are a people that doe leawdly liue , swaggering and swearing , prone to euery sinne , sh●ll those men scape ? no , they account shall giue of all the vices they haue wallowed in . such wretched caytiffes , made the lord beginne , to strike poore london● with thy heauie rod , for pleasing sathan , and offending god. what should i say my sorrowes are so many , one for a thousand i cannot repeate , within my liberties scarce any , which haue no● felt gods wrath and mightie threate , either by death , or sicknesse fell and great , if parents scap'de , the children had their part , if both remaine , their seruants felt some smart . the sicke bequeather of his wealth by will , not onely dead , but his executors too , and eke the scriuener that did make the bill , all in one fort-night haue payde death their due , the like vnto the landlord doth ensue , both wealthy father , and succeeding heire , with their poore tenants ended haue their care . the ioyfull brydegroome married as to day , sicke , weake , and feeble before table layde , and the next morrow dead and wrap't in clay , leauing his bride , a widdow , wife and mayde . which sudden change doth make her so dismayde , that griefes and sorrowes doth perplexe her heart , within three dayes she takes her husbands part , much might i speake of other sad laments , and fill your eares with new and seuerall woes , spending a weeke , repeating discontents , which needlesse is , where all both sees and knowes , how many thousands death and graues inclose : making me ( london ) which long time hath slowrish't scorned of those which i both fed and nourish't . and thos● that haue my glory most set forth , boasting that i for beautie did excell ; now to approch vnto me are so loath , as if my presence were a swallowing hell : within their houses they refuse to dwell , and to the countrey flye like swarmes of bees , where wealth and credite many of them leese . but most of all my sorrowing heart doth grieue , for such as worke and take exceeding care , and by their labour knowe not how to liue , going poore soules in garments thinne and bare , the bellie hungry , of flesh leane and spare . pawning and selling clothes , and what they ●aue , to seed their children which for foode doe craue . and when poore hearts their hunger once is stayed , the day insuing brings the like distresse : the painefull parents working all their trade for new supply , fell famine to suppr●sse , but all in vaine their woes are nere the lesse . their worke being made , abroade poore soules they trott , from morne to noone , from noone to night , god wott . offering their wares , and what they haue to sell , vnto such trades-men as haue small pittie , but they like nabals , will not with them mell , vnlesse for halfe the worth they may it buy : the rich man laughs , the poore in heart doth cry , shedding foorth teares in sorrow to his wife , this world doth make me wearie of my life . the wife doth weepe , the needy seruantes play , the children cry for foode where none is bought : the father saith , i cannot sell to day , one iot of worke , that all of vs haue wrought ; in euery shoppe , i haue for mo●ey sought . and can take none , your hunger to sustaine , teares part from him , the children cry amaine . vvhat shall we doe ? a counsell straight they take , meate must be had , our people must not starue , wi●e , take such thinges , & goe without a loate , in hovvndes ditch , pawne them , our great neede to serue , they wil make sure , if that a day we swa●ue ; all will be lost , our garments are their owne , though for a pound we giue a shilling lone . besides the bill a powling groat will cost , and euery moneth our pawne must be renew'd , so was my lease to griping vsurie lost , the first beginner of my sorrowes brew'd , and euer since want vpon want insew'd . my bedding forfeite for a thing of nought , my brasse and pewter , want of conscience bought . if now our clothes which clad out naked skinne , should thus be lost , as was our other good , alas , ( poore wife ) what case are we then in , such shamefast beggers neuer asked food . if honest labour could this griefe withstood , we would haue reckoned day and night as one , to worke for meate , rather then make such mone . o you of london , now heare london speake , especially you magistrates of might , and wealthy citizens , whose store is great , i gently wooe you to haue good fore-sight , and cast your eyes vpon the needy wight , though feare of sicknesse driue you hence as men , yet leaue your purse , and feeling heart with them . remember all , your riches are but lent , though in this world , you beare such power and sway : remember too , how soone your yeares are spent , remember eke , your bodies are but clay , remember death , that rangeth at this day . remember when , poore lazers woes did end , the full fed glutton , to hell , did discend . remember rulers , of each publycke charge , the seuerall branches , of your priuate oath : remember them , that vse a conscience large , and on themselues , the needyes stocke bestow'th , he robbes his god , and his poore neighbours both . he that graunts blessings , to the poore that lends , giues treble cursings , to those it miss-spends . remember likewise , god hath plac't you heere , to be as nursing , fathers to the poore , let then your kindnes , now to them appeare , giue much and be , no niggards of your store : g●d in his wisedome , gaue it you therefore . put foorth your tallents , and gaine ten for fiue , so shall you in , the heauenly cittie thriue . one other boone , doth mournefull london craue , of you on whom , her weale and woes depende when in the senate , house with counsell graue , you sit debating , causes how to end . make some decree , poore working trades to mend , at least set downe , some order for their good , that each man may , with labour earne his foode . restraine the number , of deuouring drones , that sucks the hunny , from the laboring bees . catching by peece-meale , in their bribes and lones , mens whole estates , which are of poore degrees : and brings them quickly , on their naked knees , fower groates a month , for twenty shillings lent , ys like windes tempest , till the house be rent . the number , numb●rlesse of houses vaine , which beere and ale , forsooth make shewe to sell : vnder which couller , doth such vyces rayne my cheeke doth glowe , my toongue refraines to tell , offending god , and pleasing sathan well , like wicked sodome , doth my subburbs lye , a mighty blemish , to faire londons eye . reforme these things , you heads of london citie , punnish lewd vice , let vertue spring and grow : then gods iust wrath , now hot will turne to pittie , and for his children , you againe doe know : your former health , on you he will bestow , the plague and pestilence , wherewith he visites still , to end or send , are in his holy will. you see the runner , in his race is tript , well when he went , dead ere his iourneyes done : you see how soddaine , beauties blase is nipt , which sought all meanes , deaths danger for to shunne , you heare what successe , followe them that runne : most true report , doth tell vs where and how , the countreys plauge , exceedes the citties now . sith then it resteth , in gods mighty power , who when he please , can bid his angell stay : or if he will , destroy you in an hower a thousand yeares , being with him as one day , why should you not , to him for mercy pray . desiring pardon , with a contryte heart , and from your former , wickednes depart . yf this you will , incontinently doe , the lorde in pittie , will his iudgments cease , and many blessings will he powre on you : health and long life , honour & happie peace , your foes shal quaile , your friendes shall still increase , your vviues shall flourish like a fruitfull vine , your children prosper , and your griefes decline● your termes shall holde , your men of worth shall stay , your marchants trafficke , and great riches gaine , your trades-mens sorrows shall bee done away , true loyall seruants shall with them remaine : your artisants shall neuer more complaine , their honest labour so shall thriue and speede , that they shall giue to others that haue neede . and i that long haue beene a loathed dame , shall frolicke then with myrth and inward glee , renowned lady , now must be my name , o famous london , who is like to thee ; thy god is serude by men of each degree , thy churches filde , thy preachers burne with zeale , thy glory shines , o blessed common-weale . my crowned cesar and his peerlesse queene , comes now tryumphing with their princely sonne , deck●t with rich robes the like was neuer seene , nor neuer none more welcome to london , me thinkes i see the people how they runne , to get them roome this happy sight to see , that this may come say all amen , with mee . finis . a godly and zealous prayer vnto god , for the surceasing of his irefull plague , and grieuous pestilence . o lord god almightie , the father of mercies and god of all consolation , we miserable distressed creatures , wounded with th● multitude of our grieuous sins , repayre vnto thee ( the phisition of our soules ) for balme to cure our sores . o lord , we acknowledge and confesse our owne vnworthinesse : great is thy goodnesse towards vs , and great is our ingratitude towardes thee . thou hast opened the windowes of heauen , and powred out thy blessings vpon vs , as out of a store-house or treasurie : thou hast giuen vs of the fatte of the earth , and fed vs with the dewe of heauen : peace and plentie haue beene our portion , and inheritance these many yeeres : the sword hath not deuoured vs , hunger and famine haue not come neere vs : the knowledge of thy word hath florished amongst vs : and whereas other nations sit in darkenesse , and grope at noone day , being ouerwhelmed with the fogges & mystes of error and supersticion , wee still inioy the fruition of thy glorious gospell , and the sunne of righteousnes still shineth cleerely in our climate : whose sweete influence might hau● caused vs ( had we not bene barren trees ) to haue brought foorth much fruite . but alas , in vaine hath the doctrine of thy sonne christ iesus , dropped as the deaw : in vaine haue the sweet distilling showres of thy mercies beene powred out vpon this land. for we haue not yet brought forth the first fruites of the spirit : we haue had the first , and the latter raine ; but we bring foorth the fruit of righteousnes , neither first nor last : our wine is bitter as the wine of sodom , and our grapes as the grapes of gomorrah : wee are become as the seede of the wicked corrupt children , disobedient seruantes , a rebellious people , & now that we are rich , and are waxen fat , we spurne with the h●ele , like the vnruly heifar , we are sicke of long prosperity , & haue surfeited of peace and plentie : fulnes of bread hath caused vs to ●●n against thre , & we haue wearied thee with our iniquities , they are too sore and heauy a burthen for vs to beare . therfore is thy visitation come amongst vs , & thine hand i● sore against vs : therefore hast th●u armed thy selfe with displeasure , like a man of warre , thou hast prepared thy instruments of wrath , thou hast whet thy sword , thou hast bent thy bow , thou hast put thine hand to the quiuer , thou hast shot ●ut thine arrowes of indignation against vs , like a gyaunt refreshed with wine , hast smitten vs , and wee are wounded at the heart . woe vnto vs , for the voyce of lamentation and mourning is heard in our cities , as when thou slewest the first borne of egypt . our houses are left desolate , and men abhorre their owne inheritance . wee are one afraid of another , men hardly trust themselues , yea , scarcely the clothes of their backes . where are our solemne meetings , and frequent assemblies : men stand a farre off : the streates and high wayes mourne : trafficke ceaseth : marchandize decayeth : the craftes-man and cunning artificer is ashamed of his pouertie . these things doe we iustly suffer for our sinnes , at thy hands ; o god , and yet still we goe forwards in our sinnes , like the swift dromedorie in his ●ourse : or like the asse in the mountaines , which draweth in the ayre at her pleasure , we haue not comforted the weake and feeble knees , we haue not wept with them that weepe . we haue not had that sympathy , and fellow-s●lling of each others miserie , which ought to bee in the members of christ , nay , often times while one prayeth in the bitternesse and anguish of his spirit , another blasphemeth in the pride and presumption of his heart . heare one groueleth on the ground , gasping & gaping after life , there another walloweth in th● sincke of sin , and puddle of iniquitie , vomiting vp his own● shame . o god , how displeasing a spectacle is this to thin● eyes : how harsh musicke ( and distempered harmony ) is it to thine eares . therefore thine hand is stretched out , to smit● off the withered brāches of those trees which are corrupt . o lord , thou knowest that it is not in man to direct his owne wayes . turne vs vnto thee , and we shall be turned . draw thou vs , and we wil run after the smell of thine oyntments . touch our ●linty hearts , and our eyes shall gush out with water , as the stonie rocke which moses smote : then wilt thou repent thee of this euill , when wee haue repented vs of our sinnes : then wilt thou turne from vs thy fierce wrath , when wee haue turned from our iniquities : then will we offer vp with the calues of our lips a sacrifice of prayse and thankesgiuing , when thou hast raised vs vp , out of the pit of our grieued desolatiō , then shalt thou put myrth and gladnesse into our heartes . most mercifull father , let it be ynough that we haue hitherto borne the stormes of thy displeasure , now let thy angry angell hold his destroying hand : let vs not all dye in our sinnes for whom christ dye● , that wee might liue vnto thee , take away thy cup of indignation from vs , and let vs drinke no more of the dreg● of thy furie ; saue the remnant that are left with thy preseruatiues of grace , send thy good angell vnto the ●ings court , and giue him charge ouer his maiestie , that the arrowes that flye by night touch not his sacred pers●n , nor come nere his princely progeny . let treacherie , and conspiracie blush and be ashamed and confounded at their presence : let prosperitie attend them on the right hand and on the left : lord giue vnto the nobles , & senators of this land , the spirit of wisedome , counsell and vnderstanding : the spirit of true fortitiude , courage● and magnanimitie . inspire the ministers of thy gospel with knowledge of thy word , inflame their hearts with a feruent zeale for thy glory : giue vnto all superiors , discretion & moderation : vnto all inferiors , loyalty and obdedience . more perticulerly , for our selues , wee pray thee blesse our downe sitting and our vprising , blesse our going foorth , and our comming in : saue vs from the noysome plague and pestilence , which i● the rod of thy furie , and the hammer of thine indignation , which breakest in peices like a potters vessell irrepentant sinners , therefore suffer vs not , we beseech thee , to walke any longer in the stubburnesse of our owne hearts , least we hoard vp vengeanc● for our selues in the day of wrath . o lord illuminate our vnderstanding● , reforme oure irreguler disordered affections , mortifie our sinnes , let them dye in this nights rest , that to morrow whē we awake , we may shake off sinnes , and liue vnto righteousnesse , neuer fea●ing to goe foreward from grace to grace , from vertue to vertue , vntill we haue arriued at the hauen of rest : whither christ bring vs , which bought vs for his mercies sake : to wh●m with the father and the holy ghost , be all honour , power , and dominion , for euermore . amen . finis . a true relation of al that haue bin buried of all diseases , in euery seuerall parish ; aswell within the cittie of london , & liberties thereof , as also in the out parishes neere therevnto adioyning , from the 14 of iuly last past , 1603 , to the 17. of nouember following . albones in woodstreet 174 alhallowes lumbarstr . 107 alhallowes the great 278 alhallowes the lesse 220 alhallowes bredstreet 27 alhallowes staynings 121 alhallowes the wall . ●11 alhallowes hony-lane 14 alhallowes barking 411 alphage at cripplegate 168 androwes by the wardrope 282 androwes eastcheape 104 androwes vndershaft 159 annes at aldersgate 140 annes black fryers 240 auntlins parish 34 austines parish 91 bartholmew at the exch : 76 bennets at pauls-wharf . 190 bennets grace-church 39 bennets finck 93 bennets sherhogg 26 buttols billinsgate 18 christ church parish 323 christophers parish 36 clements by east-cheape 46 dennis back-church 105 dunstones in the east 222 edmunds in lumbard-st 72 ethelborow within bishopsg 156 s. faithes 101 s. fosters in foster-lane 93 gabriel fan-church 66 georges buttolph-lane 35 gregories by paules 260 hellens within bishopsg . 95 iames by garlick-hith 136 iohn euangelist 9 iohn zacharies 131 iohns in the walbrooke 133 katherines cree-church 391 katherines colemans 180 laurence in the iury 86 laurence pountney 157 leonards foster-lane 239 leonards eastcheape 50 magnus parish by the bridge 107 margrets new fishstreet 81 margrets pa●tens 51 margrets moyses 67 margrets lothbery 99 martins in the vintry 242 martins orga●s 89 martins iremonger lane 25 martins at ludgate 19● martins outwich 38 mary le booe 26 mary bothaw 39 mary at the hill 1●9 mary abchurch 120 mary woolchurch 48 mary colchurch 10 mary woolnoth 85 mary aldermary 75 mary aldermanbery 78 mary stayning● 49 mary mountawe 47 mary sommersets 193 mathew friday-street 16 maudlins in milke-street 32 maudlins by oldfishstreet 128 mighels bassie shaw 135 mighels cornehill 119 mighels in woodstreet 151 mighel● in the ryall 99 mighels in the querne 59 mighels queene-hith 128 mighel crooked lane 139 mildreds poultry 79 mildreds bredstreet 39 nicholas acons 32 nicholas cole-abbay 139 nicholas olaue 80 olaues in the iury 40 olaues in hartstreet 186 olaues in siluer-street 111 pancras by soperlaue 18 pete●s in cornehill 132 peters in cheape 45 peters the poore in broadstr , 44 peters at pauls-wharfe 95 steuens in colman-street 339 steuens in the walbrok 22 swithins at london-stone 116 thomas apostles 83 trinitie parish 116 vvithout the vvals of london . androwes in holborn 1178 barthelmew the lesse smith● 84 barthelmew the great smit● 200 brides parish 907 buttols algate 1465 buttols bishopsgate 1202 buttols without aldersg . 556 dunstones in the west 484 georges in southwarke 895 giles without creeplegate 2455 olaues in southwarke 2459 sauiours in southwarke 1858 sepulchers parish 2219 thomas in southwark 245 trinitie in the minories 39 clements without templeb . 624 giles in the fields 439 iames at clarkenwell 716 katherines by the tower 639 leonards shoredich 856 martins in the fields 458 mary whitechappel 1534 magdalens in barmondsey — streete . 578 bridewel precinct . 103 at the pest-house 134 the true number of al that haue bin buried , aswel within the cittie of london : as also within the liberties and subburbes thereof , of all diseases , since the first beginning of this uisitation , is 37717. finis . an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of person infected with the plague laws, etc. england and wales. 1630 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06247 stc 16731.5 estc s3075 33142561 ocm 33142561 28134 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06247) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28134) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1881:12) an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of person infected with the plague laws, etc. england and wales. 2 leaves. printed by robert young, printer to the honorable citie of london, [london] : 1630. caption title. imprint from colophon. arms at top of sheet contain initials "c r", however, above the title is the heading "anno primo iacobi regis". reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hone soit qvi mal y pense cr royal blazon or coat of arms anno primo iacobi regis . an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague . forasmuch as the inhabitants of diuers cities , boroughs , townes corporate , and of other parishes and places being visited with the plague , are found to be vnable to relieue the poorer sort of such people so infected , who of necessitie must be by some charitable course prouided for , lest they should wander abroad , and thereby infect others : and forasmuch as diuers persons infected with that disease , and others inhabiting in places infected , aswell poore people and vnable to relieue themselues , that are carefully prouided for , as other which of themselues are of abilitie , being commanded by the magistrate or officer , of or within the place where the infection shall bee , to keep their houses , or otherwise to separate themselues from company , for the auoiding of further infection , doe notwithstanding very dangerously and disorderly demeane themselues : be it therefore enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that the maior , bailiffes , head officers , and iustices of the peace , of euery citie , borough , towne corporate , and places priuiledged , where any maior , and baliffes , head officers , or iustices of peace are or shall be , or any two of them , shall haue power and authority from time to time , to taxe and assesse all and euery inhabitant , and all houses of habitation , lands , tenements and hereditaments within the said city , borough , towne corporate , and places priuiledged , or the liberties or precincts thereof , at such reasonable taxes and paiments , as they shall thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of such persons infected , or inhabiting in houses and places infected in the same cities , boroughes , and townes corporate , and places priuiledged , and from time to time leuie the same taxes , of the goods of euery person refusing or neglecting to pay the said taxes , by warrant vnder the hand and seale of the maior and bailifs , and head officers aforesaid , or two such iustices of peace , to bee directed to any person or persons for the execution thereof . and if the party to whom such warrant is or shall be directed , shall not finde any goods to leuie the same , and the party taxed shall refuse to pay the same taxe , that then vpon returne thereof the said maior , bailifs , head officers or iustices of peace , or any two of them , shall by like warrant vnder their hands and seales , cause the same person so taxed to bee arrested and committed to the gaole , without baile or maineprise ▪ vntill he shall satisfie the same taxation , and the arrerages thereof . and if the inhabitants of any such citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , shall finde themselues vnable to relieue their said poore infected persons , and others as aforesaid , that then vpon certificate thereof by the maior , bailife , head officers , and other the said iustices of peace or any two of them , to the iustices of peace of the countie of or neere to the said city , borough , towne corporate , or priuiledged place so infected , or any two of them to be made , the said iustices of or neer the said county or any two of them shall or may taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the county within fiue miles of the said place infected , at such reasonable and weekely taxes and rates as they shall thinke fit to be leuied , by warrant from any such two iustices of peace , of or neer the county , by the sale of goods , and in default thereof , by imprisonment of the bodie of the party taxed , as aforesaid . and if any such infection shall be in any borough , towne corporate , or priuiledged place , where there are or shall be no iustices of peace , or in any village or hamlet within any county , that then it shall or may be lawfull for any two iustices of peace of the said county , wherein the said place infected is or shall be , to taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the said county , within fiue miles of the said place infected , at such reasonable weekely taxes and rates , as they shall thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of the said places infected , to be leuied by warrant from the said iustices of peace of the same county by sale of goods , and in default thereof , by imprisonment of the body of euery party so taxed , as aforesaid : the same taxes made by the said iustices of peace of the county , for the reliefe of such cities , boroughes , townes corporate , and places priuiledged , where there are no iustices of peace , to be disposed as they shall thinke fit . and where there are iustices of peace , then in such sort as to the maior , bailifs , head officers , and iustices of peace there , or any two of them shall seeme fit and conuenient . all which taxes and rates made within any such city , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , shall be certified at the next quarter sessions to be holden within the same city , borough . town corporate , or place priuiledged , and the said taxes and rates made within any part of the said county , shal in like sort be certified at the next quarter sessions to be holden in and for the said county , and that if the iustices of peace at such quarter sessions respectiuely , or the more part of them shall think fit the said taxe or rate should continue , or be enlarged , or extended to any other parts of the county , or otherwise determined , then the same to be so enlarged , extended or determined , increased , or taxed and leuied , in maner and forme aforesaid , as to the said iustices at the quarter sessions respectiuely shall be thought fit & conuenient , and euery constable , & other officer that shall wilfully make default in leuying such mony , as they shall be commanded by the said warrant or warrants , shal forfeit for euery such offence ten shillings , to be employed on the charitable vses aforesaid . and be it further enacted , that if any person or persons infected , or being or dwelling in any house infected , shal be by the maior , bailifs , constable , or other head officer of any city , borough , town corporate , priuiledged place , or market town , or by any iustice of peace , constable , headborough , or other officer of the county , ( if any such infection be out of any city , borough , towne corporate , priuiledged place , or market town ) commanded or appointed , as aforesaid , to keep his or their house , for auoyding of further infection , & shall not withstanding wilfully & contemptuously disobey such direction & appointment , offring & attempting to break & go abroad , & to resist , or going abroad , & resisting such keepers or watchmen as shall be appointed , as aforesaid , to see them kept in , that then it shall be lawfull for such watchmen , with violence to enforce them to keep their houses . and if any hurt come by such enforcement to such disobedient persons , that then the said keepers , watchmen , and any other their assistants , shall not be impeached therefore . and if any infected person as aforesaid , so commanded to keep house , shal contrary to such commandement , wilfully and contemptuously go abroad , & shal conuerse in company , hauing any infectious sore vpon him vncured , that then such person & persons shal be taken , deemed , & adiudged as a felon , & to suffer pains of death , as in case of felony . but if such person shall not haue any such sore found about him , then for his said offence , to be punished as a vagabond in all respects should , or ought to be , by the statute made in the nine and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of our late souereigne ladie queene elizabeth , for the punishment of rogues and vagabonds , and further to be bound to his or their good behauiour for one whole yeere . prouided , that no attainder of felonie by vertue of this act , shall extend to any attainder or corruption of blood , or forfeiture of any goods , chattels , lands , tenements , or hereditaments . and be it further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that it shall be lawfull for iustices of peace , maiors , bailifs , & other head officers aforesaid , to appoint within the seuerall limits , searchers , watchmen , examiners , keepers , & buriers for the persons & places respectiuely , infected as aforesaid , & to minister vnto them othes for the performance of their offices of searchers , examiners watchmen , keepers & buryers , & giue them other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity shall seeme good in their discretions . and this act to continue no longer then vntill the end of the first session of the next parliament . prouided alwaies , and be it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that no maior , bailifs , head officers , or any iustices of peace , shall by force or pretext of any thing in this act contained , doe or execute any thing before mentioned , within either the vniuersities of cambridge or oxford , or within any cathedrall church , or the liberties or precincts thereof , in this realme of england , or within the colledges of eaton or winchester , but that the vicechancellor of either of the vniuersities for the time being , within either of the same respectiuely , & the bishop & deane of euery such cathedrall church , or one of them , within such cathedrall church , & the prouost or warden of either of the said colledges within the same , shall haue all such power & authoritie , & shall doe & execute all & euery such act & acts , thing & things in this act before mentioned , within their seueral precincts & iurisdictions abouesaid , as wholly , absolutely , & fully to all intents & purposes , as any maior , bailifs , head offices , or iustices of peace within their seuerall precincts and iurisdictions , may elsewhere by force of this act doe and execute . god saue the king. printed by robert young , printer to the honourable citie of london , 1630. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06247-e10 taxing others for the reliefe of the sicke of the plague . the inhabitants vnable to reliefe the infected . an infected person commanded to keep his house , disobeyeth . infected persons , how felons . attendants appointed vpon the infected the vniuersities , cathedrall churches , eaton , winchester . golgotha; or, a looking-glass for london, and the suburbs thereof shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / by j.v. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. j. v. 1665 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65193 wing v7b estc r219530 99830997 99830997 35459 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65193) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35459) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2084:12) golgotha; or, a looking-glass for london, and the suburbs thereof shewing the causes, nature and efficacy of the present plagues; and the most hopeful way for healing. with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting-up unto oppression. both now and formerly experienced to encrease, rather than prevent the spreading thereof. / by j.v. grieved by the poor, who perish daily hereby. j. v. 24 p. printed for the author, london : anno 1665. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -prevention -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion golgotha ; or , a looking-glass for london , and the suburbs thereof . shewing the causes , nature and efficacy of the present plagues ; and the most hopeful way for healing . with an humble witness against the cruel advice and practice of shutting — up unto oppression . both now and formerly experienced to encrease , rather than prevent the spreading thereof . by j. v. grieved for the poor , who perish daily hereby . prov. 22. 22 , 23. rob not the poor , because he is poor , neither oppress the afflicted in the gate . for the lord will plead their cause , and spoile the soul of those that spoiled them . psal . 41. 1 , 3. blessed is he that considereth the poor , the lord will deliver him in time of trouble . the lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing ; thou wilt make all his bed in his sickness . london , printed for the author , anno 1665. golgotha : or , a looking-glass for london , &c. whoever would administer to the cure , must first consider the cause and nature of any visitation , and especially reverence any light given from god , who hath been pleased above all to appropriate this of the pestilence as his imediate sword : and hath acquainted the sons of men , as with the causes , so with the dreadful efficacy and nature thereof , ezek. 6. 12. & chap. 33. 27. & 7. 12. & 13. 15. and hath very expresly prescribed the cure in its season , ver . 16. 2 chron. 7. 14. signifying also when it will be so contagious and incurable , as the usual way prescribed shall not effect the recovery of either son or daughter , but him or them that find mercy so timely in a right spirit to apply the preservative the lord directeth ; jer. 14 , 12. ezek. 14. 16 , 21. and his wayes are everlasting , hab. 3. 6. so that the present age will experience the advantage of timely applying , or disadvantage of neglecting the antient advice of god , which having no weekly intelligencer , or skilful physician , to set forth , for lack of knowledge the people perish , and the plague doth double it self in defiance of all the directions the most skilful doctors do industriously divulge now daily in the world , and that decree is verifying but the more apparently , isa . 2. 17. and the loftiness of man shall be bowed down , and the haughtiness of men shall be laid low , and the lord alone shall be exalted in that day . and to that end therefore i shall endeavour to declare the causes of the present plagues . the cavses . to speak clearly hereunto , we ought wisely to consider the constitution of the country under visitation , whether prophane or professors , whether egypt or israel , or a mingled people much of the same spirit and path , who may be both then ( how-ever they differ in profession ) partakers of the same plagues , jer. 9. 26. rev. 18. 4. or whether for different causes . and first , for a people of an egyptian oppressing spirit , at enmity with god and christ , and saints and scripture , whereof this nation under profession hath dreadfully abounded , exceeding sodom in odious beastly enmity , and cruel tumults and decrees against the lord's name , wayes and people , fulfilling in their confederacy therein the prophecy , psal . 83. to the full ; know ye for a certain , as you have lived after the manner of egypt , so are you , and now will be more plagued after the manner thereof , till you in very good earnest let israel go , exod. 11. 1 & 12. 33. yea , till for your own safety you take the good counsel tendred unto you , psal . 2. 10 , 11. for certain i am , though some of god's israel may fall by this visitation , yet is the lord hereby gone out further for salvation with his anointed , and this pestilence is the harbinger of that saviour , and high-one , who will surely save his poor people from your fury ; who came out to scatter them as with a whirlwind , to fulfill the third of habakkuk ; and those of them whose habitation in this tempest shall be the most high , shall only with their eyes behold and see the reward of the wicked , psal . 91. 8 , 9. it therefore concerns you his most proud vile adversaries to see what this angel did to egypt , exod. 9. 13 , 14 , 15. compared with psal . 78. 49 , 50 , 51. to zidon , ezek. 28. 23 , 24. to the assyrian , 2 king. 19. 25. and will do to gog , ezek. 38. 22. and the assyrian-like adversary in the latter-day , micah 5. 15. o it concerns you to bewail your oppression and hacred of the upright , and to tremble timely unto true subjection to him , who is measuring the earth and driving asunder the nations , and bringing the tents of cushan into affliction , before whom goeth this pestilence , hab. 3. 5 , 6 , 7. your way is dark-and slippery , and the angel of the lord doth chase you , psal . 35. 6. you shall go into the clefts of the rocks , and into the tops of the ragged rocks , for fear of the lord , and for the glory of his majesty , isa . 2. 21. rev. 6. 16. yea , flee ye afar off , live ye alene , there shall the angel of the almighty search you , ezek. 33. 27. amos 9. 2 , 5. this is the word of the lord against you , save only such as shall be reckoned israel , by joyning timely and truly to the lord in the day of these destructions , isa . 19. 18. and in israel the divers causes of this visitation have been also signified plainly from their god : as , 1. neglect of his true worship , laws , statutes , ordinances , exod. 5. 3. lev. 26. 25. deut. 28. 15 , 21. and not being spiritual in them , 1 cor. 11. 29 , 30. 2. false-worship , or bringing into his worship the detestible things of mens devising or invention , to the changing his ordinances ; ezek. 5. 11 , 12 , 17. isa . 24. 5. 3. unbelief , especially under signs of his power and presence ; numb . 14. 11 , 12 , 37. 4. carnal security , and confidence in our own righteousness ; amos 9. 10. 5. unthankfulness to the lord under his salvations ; exod. 30. 12. 6. pride , sensuality and violence , under fulness and prosperity ; ezek. 7. 10. to 16. chap. 33. 26 , 27. numb . 11. 33. compared with psal . 78. 30 , 31. 7. unprofitableness and impenitency under other judgments , jer. 24. 8 , 9 , 10. prov. 29. 1. 8. fleshly confidence in the numbers of israel , 2 sam. 24. 15. 9. wandring from the lord after other lovers , provoking him with their abominations ; 1 cor. 10. 8. jer. 14. 10 , 11. ezek. 6. 9 , to 12. 10. making false refuges in times of judgment , jer. 42. 17 , 22. compared with isa . 30. 1. & ch . 31. 2 , 3. jer. 44. 12 , 13. 11. discontent with the lord 's righteous judgements on eminent malefactors ; numb . 16. 41 , 47 , 48. and , 12. hearkning to false prophets , that abuse promises to comfort the impenitent , in want of humble and mournful subjection to the lord 's fore judgments for sin , in bringing over them those that hate them , and attempts to deliver themselves from the sword of the enemy by any fleshly strength , without true repentance for the causes of their captivity ; jer. 27. 8 to 13. chap. 28. 15. & chap. 21. 4. to 9. compared with isa . 22. 8 to 12. moreover , the pestilence is a sign of , and appointed to prepare for the near approaching kingdom of christ monarchical in the earth , psal . 89. 23. hab. 3. 5. mat. 24. 7. now in as much as all the aforesaid causes for sin have evidently abounded even in the israel of god in this generation , we have great reason to expect ( however some may flatter themselves ) that by this angel israel may lose children , and in their prayer , hos . 14. 2. take away all iniquity , and receive us graciously ; may finde it necessary to be brought upon a bed of visitation and dissolution too , to separate from them some beloved sin , which by no means short would be purged away , isa . 22. 14. hence god expostulateth with israel , amos 4. 10 , 11. i have sent amongst you the pestilence , after the manner of egypt , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . i have overthrown some of you , as god overthrew sodom , &c. yet have ye not returned unto me . therefore will i do thus unto thee , o israel ; and because i will do thus unto thee , prepare to meet thy god , o israel . and indeed this is not only consistent with , but contained in the new covenant , so to correct ; if need be , to take away the heart of stone , and to make us partakers of his holiness . and when i seriously consider what he did to his dear moses , eli , job , david , asaph , hezekiah , josiah , asa and others , for less provocation , i fear much what the lord may do with me and others of his children , after so long gentleness , goodness and forbearance , as necessary to vindicate his name , which we have polluted before the heathen to their hurt : yea , o the pride , sensuality , covetousness , meanness , indifferency , empty formality and fruitlesness in the profession of the worship of god ▪ yea , apostacy , perjury , treachery , hypocrisie , and yet impenitency under all , that might intercede against israel to the day ! what reason is there upon all , to sigh therefore , and smite upon the thigh before their eyes , as ezek. 21. 6 , 12. and to be apart in the spirit of grace and supplication , as zech. 12. 10. yea , every one ( though upon the highest mountains of faith and expectation ) to be like doves in the valleys , all of them mourning , every one for his iniquity , prescribed of god for escape from the pestilence and other calamities , ezek. 7. 16. & 9. 4. o therefore that poor sinners also with israel may imbrace the advice in isa . 2. 10. to enter into the rock , and there hide in the dust , for fear of the lord , and the glory of his majesty . and , as in ver . 22. to cease more from man , whose breath is in his nostrils ; for wherein is he to be accounted of ? yet , as it becomes all humbly to do what they can in a day of such calamity , i shall more particularly cast in my mite towards the cure of this contagion , with my dissent from , and witness against two things directed by the colledge-doctors . the cure . in speaking to the cure , i shall first shew what is not likely to effect it ; 2dly , what is ; and lastly , giving those that have worthily gone before me , their real due in the prescript of outward medicines , i shall cast in my mite of that sort also , in addition only to any thing i have seen , without detraction from any , or seeking gain , or the honour which is from men , i trust , but that which is of god only . it is not then first to look to the physicians , how able or eminent soever , wherein good asa failed , 2 chron. 16. 12. and hath but too many followers . neither would this sort at any time ( and much less now ) be , as other diseases , much abated by all the doctors in the world , except to humbled souls , as hezekiah , to whom then poor isaiah went , and may go again successfully with his bunch of figs , which gave a reverence to the use of outward means , but in the second place . though ( till god weary them with his hand ) it 's feared men will arrogate his healings to their art , when in tender mercy to his people , or for further probation , it may in a moment cease , or be abated , as at this time in holland ; not ( i believe ) as the effect of the pouder , nor perfume , so much boasted of in every news-book , i am perswaded to further provocation and infection , which hath doubled weekly since the published stories of the infallibleness thereof , which consists ( i fear ) but in the filling the purse of some of the projectors . and as to the publick order of the colledge-doctors , though i could wail over the view of those strong-scented ingredients of pride and presumption in the latter part of their epistle , as tending to the infection of themselves , beyond their skill to avoid or cure ; and others that have them in too high esteem , to fulfil the word of the lord , isa . 2. 17 , 18. yet i count my self , for my country and conscience-sake , obliged humbly to witness against two principal parts of their advice only : with reverence indeed to most of their prescripts , which yet exceed neither their fore-fathers , nor add much , if any thing , to the common knowledge , capacity and experience of an ordinary man , in this day of removing the face of the covering that hath been over the face of all nations . but first , their advice of observing church-orders for prayer , as in former times , i desire may be carefully mingled with the counter-poisons of the scripture-discoveries already laid down concerning false-worship and neglect of true , as principal causes of contagion , so as the former times they speak of may be explained to be such , as phineas , moses , and samuel , noah , daniel and job , david , jehoshaphat , isaiah , hezekiah , ezekiel , jeremiah , &c. or men of like spirit , influenced in solemn intercession acceptably to turn away wrath from a provoking generation ; and no times wherein the wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land , which is on record to be to visitation and ruine , jer. 5. 29 , 30 , 31. else their direction is hereby dissented from . but secondly ; i humbly dissent also from their direction for shutting-up unto such oppression and hazard of both sick and well , shut up , and others , as is unavoidable ruine to many after the manner thereof , and so an high provocation to him , who hath torn , and who onely can heal ; who hath smitten , and can bind up , hos . 6. 1. and who visiteth with pestilence ( as i have shewed ) for violence , and ( i fear ) increaseth it for such continuance thereof . now because some carelesly dream of scripture-colour in the case , i shall shew you first how cruelly remote it is from that case . 2dly . how much it errs from that standing rule amongst men , mat. 7. 12. therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them : for this is the law and the prophets . 3dly . what ill effects it naturally hath towards the encrease of plagues . 4thly . appeal to the experience of all , reflecting upon former and present times , both in this and other neighbouring-nations . first then , the scripture-case is only in the plague of leprosie , when the party onely apparently visited was to be viewed by the high-priest , or his sons ; and being found by him , or them , to be so , was in special over-sight to be separated from the rest of israel , and shut-up but for seven dayes , to be viewed then again by the high-priest , &c. and if found whole , to be cleansed and restored presently , or otherwise so sequestred for seven dayes more , until such recovery , levit. 13 , at large , but not to be shut up after . and hezekiah also being cured of his sore , on the third day was to appear in the house of the lord , 2 king. 20. 5 , 8. nor is the scripture colour for shutting-up one well-person , not the sick after such recovery , upon such weekly view of him , if the case in hand held parallel : but well saith the scripture , the world by wisdom know not god , 1 cor. 1. 21. and this their way of being wiser than god , is as the tender mercies of the wicked , prov. 12. 10. 2dly . it so errs also from that rule , mat. 7. 12. that i dare say the doctors , and those who stand upon their sword to execute this violent advice upon the poor so generally , would not be willing to be so done unto , or have their wives and children so dealt with in their calamity : and he that rolleth a stone so against the very nature of humanity , may fear it will return again upon him , prov. 26. 27. let me suppose thex case therefore to their consciences . whether , if four or five , or more , of the skilfullest and hardiest of themselves , who have given this advice as orthodox , against so many thousand poor innocents , were to be coobed-up in one of the poor houses , whereout but one dyed , and have with them an old woman , or some poor ignorant creature ( a stranger to them , as is usual ) for their nurse , and a sturdy fellow without with an halberd ( or some stricter watch , as they have advised for others ) to have each of them no more than the parish allows ; and the searchers , chyrurgions , &c. they have allowed to visit others , to visit them : if in a month or forty dayes after the last man of them dies , at such a season , so used , they do not think in their own consciences , with all their skill , their carcasses would all or most of them be carried away in the night-cart ; which now ( for fear thereof ) are , many of them , got into their country-gardens , after their epistolary vapour and cruel direction aforesaid ? how then may poor . women with child , widows , helpless , friendless , fatherless and sucklings , exposed ( without such help , as many have been ) and half dead before , it may be by the sudden death of their first visited nearest relation , escape the ruine of such further violence upon them ? again , i query ; if one in the parish-meeting-place fall suddenly sick , or dye , after sitting there in the crowd two or three hours amongst the multitude ; were it not as equal the doors should be shut upon the assembly , or they in their several houses shut-up , as that some families ( who were further off from the single sick person that dyed therein ) should be presently so violently used and exposed ? o surely , if we would not be so done unto , these wayes then are unequal , and this violent course not like to abate our plagues , but is rather a sign and earnest of further wrath : and god by leaving the nation to be in love with such unnatural advice ) is , it 's to be feared , paving a way for his anger , in that more general shutting-up , as a just judgment upon many accounts , prophesied of such a provoking city , isa . 24. 10 , 11 , 12. the city of confusion is broken down , every house is shut-up , &c. 3dly . it 's full of evil effects , to the encrease of plagues , and that not only as it provokes god as aforesaid , but naturally distracts men , filling them with horror of heart , both those that are shut-up , and those that live daily in the fear thereof ; most that are shut-up being surprized , unprovided , unsetled in heart and house , needing then most the use of a sure friend , made for the day of adversity . pro. 17. 17. an interpreter , as elihu speaks , job 33. 23. one of a thousand , &c. and are under soul-sinkings , and none to succour them ; their hearts dye within them , as nabals , upon this bad news ; not a friend to come nigh them in their many , many , heart and house cares and perplexities , compelled ( though well ) to lie by , or upon the death-bed ( perhaps ) of their dear relation , drag'd away before their eyes , afrighted children howling by their side , fitted by fainting affliction to receive the impression of a thousand fearful thoughts of the long night they have to reckon before release , after the last of the family , so dismally exposed , shall sink by degrees , one after another , in the den of this dismal likeness to hell , contrived by the advice of the english-colledge of doctors : no drop of water ( perhaps ) but what comes at the leisure of a drunken or careless halbert-bearer at the door : no seasonable administration being at a certainty then for their support , and innumerable evils of this sort incident hereunto : whereof if the ear of any concerned were opened to the cry of the poor herein , i could ( upon knowledge ) instance and give plentiful proof of one months misery and ruine already hereby upon many , enough to make the ears of every one that heareth , tingle ; and lay the blood of innocents at the door of the devisers and prosecutors of this barbarism ; who also hereby bring no small consternation hourly upon the minds of those who are at liberty thoughtful ( to terror ) whose turn may be next to fall out of the oversight of their nearest friends , into the hands of the halberd , searchers and chyrurgion , all strangers to them , so as it may be plague enough to be haunted with , under such distraction and affliction . hence ( i say ) are a thousand thoughts created , to such , swoondings , faintings , fears , ( fitting for infection naturally ) as have occasioned some already to lose their precious lives , and many have hardly escaped the effect thereof ; who otherwise would not so dread the visitation , that yet sink down and shiver now through fear hereof , but upon the sudden sight of a house shut-up , and clusters of little children and tender ones in their windows , who might more rationally continue well by separation as they are able , or might be advised by a more charitable care of them , than by such miserable , noisom , melancholy , close imprisonment , which exposeth the well ( shut-up ) daily to destruction , and also doth really but prepare a more unquenchable stench , and fest to wreak out of the windows ( whilst so shut up ) and disperse it self into the city by a more violent concourse to them at the window ( though less to their relief ) and by opening the doors ( upon such choaking-up ) for the searchers and bearers of the dead ( so daily more prepared for them ) and other allowed visitors , whose walks are far more perilous than twenty times so many left open to keep themselves clean and at distance from the sick and dead , as else they would , to prevent their own infection . yea , after the house is allowed to be open , and all that are left alive are well after this usage , both they and it are far more dangerous hereby to others , than before , they were crouded up so long to such a nasty and infecting station , being the natural and artificial way also hermetically to effect the most forcible and noisom putrifactions , when the embrio shal be unsealed ; common experience having proved it naturally less perilous to go to twenty visited , kept sweet and clean , than to two so noisomly exposed . to which i may add , that many for fear thereof do hide their sores , and ( after a sweat or two ) their sickness also , and go daily about their business so long as they can stand , mingled to much more danger every way : nor dare any do the office of a nurse or friend to those shut-up ( however ne-necessary for the present distress ) till help can be procured ( whereby some have been neglected ) because it is so pen●l , that they must be inclosed then themselves , how inconsistent soever to their charge and business , by which there comes no small inconveniency to the sick , who are forced to take any ignorant nurse ( or worse ) in haste , to their great hazard . but lastly , i appeal to the experience of this and other parts ; how apparantly did the hand of the lord rest ( as the antient citizens familiarly do observe ) in the former great plagues upon this city , when the people were wearied out of this oppression , under cause enough to mourn unto this day , over the cruelty every mercinary had opportunity to commit ( as now ) under colour hereof . ireland also , about the year 1650 , and 1651. ( under a far greater contagion ) was made ashamed hereof , and forced to desist ; and what should now encourage it , under a weekly doubling the destroyed , under ( if not directly by ) it , since the doctors gave this advice ? and some affirm the hollanders , from whence the plague is so soon ( it 's said ) departed , never practised it , but ordered the inhabitants of houses visited , to walk and air themselves , with some mark of distinction , at times appointed : and yet i will shew you a more excellent way for the quick and thorow cure thereof , now positively , if it be not for too long oppression , transgression and impenitency irrecoverable , as in jer. 14. 12. ezek. 14. 16 , 21. which god forbid . now the scripture-means for effectual healing , whilst it is called to day , are set down as followeth . first , for the lord 's faithful remnant , grieved , as lot , for the filthy conversation of the wicked , and for what hath been committed in the midst of jerusalem , as ezek. 9. to sanctifie a solemn assembly in the earnestness and humility , joel 2. and seriously therein ( and in secret ) bring forth these sores before their high-priest in quick and speedy intercession and application of the blood of sprinkling , numb . 16. 16 , 46. exod. 12. 7. 2 sam. 24. 25. secondly , in true sence of , and humiliation for , the plague of their own hearts , timely to seek the face of god , and turn from the evil of their doings , 1 king. 8. 37. 2 chron. 7. 13 , 14. ezek. 7. 16. thirdly , more truly to set their hearts on god , and make the most high their habitation , psal . 91. 9 , 10 , 14. and to try the truth hereof as followeth . 1. by faith in christ jesus , john 14. 6. to 11. 2. by their soveraign love , 1 john 4. 12 , 16. 3. by their unfeigned obedience , 1 john 3. 24. but more particularly , 1. to make him more their place of residence and safety , as men do their habitation , psal . 31. 2. & 71. 3. 2. their place of retirement , and rest from disturbance , psal . 37.7 . prov. 24. 15. isa . 32. 18. psal . 116. 7. 3. to have their conversation more in god , as rev. 13. 6. phil. 3. 20. that men may know were to find professors more at home . 4. to be feeding more in him , john 6. 56. and entertaining their acquaintance there , cant. 4. 11. psal . 145. 1 , to 11. & 66. 16. 5. to be working in him , hiding themselves , and placing their safety and treasure in him , more , john 3. 21. psal . 91. 1 , 2. col. 3. 3. mat. 6. 19 , 20 , 21. o this life of thus inhabiting god , christ lived ; and this manifests saintship and sincerity in all ages , psal . 90. 1. & 140. 13. and wandrings from hence , have much exposed god's own people , jer. 9. 6. & 50. 6 , 7. but this life in god now , is , both an earnest of our habitation at hand , where neither sin nor sickness shall a●oy , 1 cor. 5. 1,6 . and is such a present refuge and safe shelter , as either this pestilence shall not come at all , or coming shall not be a plague , but lose its hurtful nature , to such as do dwell in , or now truly and timely shall make refuge unto , and reside in him , as their habitation , psal . 91. 1 , to 10. deut. 33. 27. psa . 23. 4 , 5 , 6. job 5. 22 , 23. rom. 8. 38. 1 cor. 3. 21. on then that poor souls , who have no refuge but country-houses now , when they will meet with sorrow enough , as amos 9. 1. would in the encouragement of the new-covenant , by the new and living way , hasten for refuge unto this safe habitation , heb. 6. 18. yea , o that that may be now fulfilled , which is written psa . 22. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. all the ends of the world shall remember and turn to the lord , and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before thee ; for the kingdom is the lords , and he is the governour among the nations &c. run ye then out of the world whose works will be burnt up , ye righteous , into your strong tower ! turn ye to the strong hold , ye wandering children , hasten into your habitation , prov. 18. 10. and ye visited ones of god , happy may ye be by this visitation , o that you may experience , through grace , as hezekiah , that herein is the life of your spirit , isa . 38. 16. and be able , as job 10. 12. to say with thankfulness , thou hast vouchsafed me life and favour , and thy visitations have preserved my spirit ; and as psa . 119. 67 , 71. experience the good hereof , behold , happy is the man who to this end is corrected of the lord : for he maketh sore , and bindeth up ; he woundeth , and his hands make whole , job 5. 18. lo , all these things worketh god often-times with man , to hide pride from man , to bring back his soul from the pit , to be enlightned with the light of the living , job 33. 17 , 29 , 30. indeed i could dwell on this direction for our cure , for the sake of my own soul , and for the sakes of my poor country-men , of every sort , beyond what this paper may contain , and bring you a most rare experiment of one that made jerusalem run with blood , and was almost as profound to slaughter , as poor m. g. b. who yet found safety in refuge hither in his distress ; though i confess under less light and warnings by signs and wonders , yet also , being under less stumblings by professors , i retain my hope that god may yet shew mercy , even to such as him , making speedy refuge hither : and i could give blessed presidents also to encourage poor wandring children , who have played the harlot after many lovers , to return now quickly to their habitation , as jer. 3. 1. but thou hast played the harlot with many lovers , yet return unto me saith the lord ▪ only acknowledge thine iniquity , &c. ver . 13. towards which i will 〈◊〉 give you a fourth scripture-direction for cure. fourthly then , that the lords people also humbly accept the punishment of their iniquity , considering ezek. 14. 23. and declare also all their abominations , even before the heathen , under the hand of the almighty , lev. 26. 40 , 41. ezek. 12 , 16. and lastly , to waite in hope on god for special execution of judgment in general defilement and defection , num. 25. 8. compared with psal . 106. 30. and jer. 5. 1. amos 5. 15. and in all , with bowels of compassion to poor infants that know not their right hand from their left , at midnight to awake in the sence of their calamity , as lam. 2. 19. arise , cry out in the night : in the beginning of the watches pour out thine heart like water before the lord ; lift up thine hands towards him , for the life of thy young children , that faint for hunger in the top of every street . for with the merciful , thou wilt shew thy self merciful , &c. psa . 18. 25. and to you that fear his name , shall the sun of righteousness arise with healing in his wings , mal. 4. 2. even so , come , lord jesus , come quickly , amen . a little mite added , to the multitude of outward means , published by many others , towards cure and prevention of the present plague . now seeing so grent a plenty of outward means already prescribed by the colledge in general , and some of their number , and others in particular , amongst whom one mr. dixon hath in an ingenious way performed the office of a real neighbour , according to luke 10. 36. i shall but humbly cast in a mite only of such things as i have observed to be very effectual in the like , and this contagion , which i have not yet seen published ; and first for the plenteous use of spirit of sulphur , which i advise all to have by them , it being not above three shillings the ounce , and is ve●y specifick to remove malignity , to open great obstruction , quench cholor , strengthen the spirits , and further sweat , and the effect of other antidotes , if plenteously and rightly used . i advise then , that the general posset-drinks both for sweat , and in stead of julips , may be made hereof thus ; take white-wine , a pint , and spirit of sulphur , forty drops ; mix them , set on three pints of milk , and when it boyles up , pour in the white-wine and spirit , it will make your posset , wherein you may boyl the ingredients for sweat , directed by the doctors , or mr. dixon , &c. butter-bu●-root especially , and cast in half a drachm of whole cochinel ; strain it and give , to cause sweat plentifully , after a dose of metridate , or venice-treacle , or thirty drops of spirit of harts-horn in the first draught thereof . also for julip , either the plain posset before mentioned ( before the other ingredients be in it ) or without the wine , take sixty drops of spirit of sulphur ; with it only you may turn three pints of milk to a clear whey , stirring it gently ; sweeten it with syrup of citron , or oranges , or wood-sorrel , or a syrup made of sage-flowers , or mary-gold , made by a strong infusion , in their own distilled waters , or in borrage , or bawme-waters , the marigolds for the syrrup being first bruised , with which this whey may be sweetned : 't will be very pleasant and profitable drink for refreshment . salt of sage especially , or of harts-horn , or ivory , twenty grains of either of them in broth , expel malignity wonderfully : and by such helps added to the usual antidotes with proper cordials and outward applications , god hath comforted me with the lives of many , in appearance past hope ; and i dare do no less now , than call upon the skilful , as the disease is extraordinary , timely to reinforce the ordinary means of their practice to their uttermost capacity , to reach the head of the malignity within the bound of discretion ( though out of old form ) the neglect whereof will be as hazardous as the handsing these edge-tools on the other hand ignorantly . jellyes of harts-horn and ivory made in white-wine and borrage , or pippin-water , or the like , are needful often ; and for broths , capon or cock , rather than chicken in this case , and with the help of cordial and aromatick hearbs also , ( with coolers ) as marigolds plenteously , sweet majorum , bawm , time , rosemary , with woodsorrel ; and in all pimpernel , and the roots of butter-but , which an eminent doctor who out-lived his brethren and the sore long plague in ireland , thought he could not too often commend unto me upon his observations . sheepshead-broath above all was in esteem there , ( perhaps as more appropriate to the parts affected ) though they had chickens enow . the rich in every draught may drink twenty grains of pearl , and ten grains of confectio de hyacintho , from the first assault of their natural spirits , besides their sweat-drivers . and the poor be refreshed aswel with a draught of french-wine and water , boyled with a blade of mace , and an ounce of burnt hartshorn , or clear sack-posset-drink , made with a quarter of a pint of sack , and ten drops of spirit of sulphur to a pint of milk. in their broath also of sheepshead ( if they take my advice ) a spoonful of vinegar sometimes may do well , or four drops of the spirit of sulphur , about which the extravagant boast of mindererus in his 18th book de pestilentia , may ( with my own long experience of it ) excuse a sober commendation : of which , and spirit of vitriol , he thus speaketh ; there is no putrifaction whose neck they break not , no infection which they do not overcome ; no pravity of humours but they can conquer : verily , to deal clearly , if i should be forbidden or hindred from the use of vitriolated medicaments , i should never come to cure the plague , or alwayes without my weapons . i have also long used , and commend this tincture , having found much good thereby : take salts of sage , hartshorn , ivory , wormwood and rosemary , equal parts of each ; put them into a glass , pour into them spirit of sulphur six ounces , spirit of vitriol two ounces ; shake them often , and let them stand for use close waxed . of this or the like ( as you can get them ) in dangerous obstructions , turn posset-drinks as aforesaid , with eighty drops to two quarts of milk. of late , since the contagion , ladded to my glass as much cochineel as it will drink ▪ and to the end that all my spirits might not be suck'd up , i added two parts of sage water : a good spoonful hereof readily turns three pints of milk ; but because the curd steals away the best of the cochinel , i order the posset to be made first of white-wine , and then mix the tincture therewith . but these are my private improvements of proper materials , which i mention for an example , to encourage a little beyond old authors . in swellings and carbuncles . in ordinary swellings the doctors have directed many apt poultices ; i remember their emollient with mallows , &c. i used to make at the learned direction of the eldest of them , and other learned physicians , twenty four years since , in my apprentiship , but alwayes with saffron , which perhaps is forgot : i am sure it would help suppuration , and ripen speedily , and cherish the rising . but they do well to refer much to chyrurgions herein : and the antient had need to give the younger chyrurgions good instructions in cases that have not come in their time . the irish chyrurgions ( at last , in the failer of other applications ) used to lance a multitude every morning with good success ; which i advised lately to some that do well , when certainly ripened ; but lest they should be too quick or slow , requires their skill to judge , and conscientious care , as they are tender of lives . but mr. dixons soap-poultice with figgs , i hope may be effectual , and save them much labour ; and i take leave to advantage it with an offer of salt of tobacco , where it may be had , in the room of bay-salt , and abundance may be made thereof quickly ; by which , or only mixt with emollients and suppurators , i have suck'd out incredible quantities of the thinner matter presently , and the very root , or last core , soon after , when it hath lain very deep in the flesh : but sometimes the patient hath not been able to sleep for the anguish , in which case the poultice , with mallows , lilly-roots , figs , lintseed , with hogs-grease , or palm-oyl ; may be laid by night , and the other again in the morning : or white bread and milk , with a lilly-root and oyl only , with advantage , to give ease for necessary rest . the patient must be sure to keep his bed carefully till the sore have run two dayes at least . i have known strong-men cast away by rising against advice , before the swelling be perfect ; and greatest care must be used in the coming out of sweat , with a comfortable draught before ; and before the dressing the sore , especially if lanced , which may then best be tented with fine spunge , to keep on the running , prest in mellilot and basillicon , but not made too big , to put the patient to pain when it swelleth ; which a discreet chyrurgion can easily avoid : but in medling with such wound , for feat of accidents , he must not be absent from the party too long , or give notice where he may certainly be found to give timely ease . if a loosness happen in spots , or whilst a swelling is rising , or before it be discharged , let the party presently take two drachms of diascordium , or diascordium and conserve of red roses , of each one drachm , and mithridate half a drachm ; to which also may be added true bole , or confect de hyacintho , ten grains : also in his drink boyl good store of burnt hartshorn , and some bolaustins . and if the swelling be too sluggish , or by any accident threaten to retire , it might be worth the expert chyrurgions consultation , whether the applying a cupping-glass to it without scarification , might not advantage a cataplasm or dyacilon cum gummis thereon after , to certain effect . the party visited , may do well to have the epispastick-plaister alwayes by him , to apply in diverse parts before the swelling begin to arise ; else it s rational not to come too nigh it ( if there be need of them at all ) left the blister detract from the swelling , and cause it to fall . for example , if the swelling arise in the arm-pit , to lay no blistering application above the elbow ; or if in the groin , not above the knees , &c. and if any inconveniency be sencibly found in the use of the sharp-drink , so frequently as aforesaid , which will soon then , be felt , by the intolerable sharpness of the urine or seige , you may a●ay , or wholly suspend a day or two , and use emulsions and softer julips ; sweetned also , with conserve of red-roses , strained ; in case of cholerich loosness , applying still , suitable sweat-drivers , alone or mixt , at discretion . to which end , i would advise all to have by them at the rate of every six in a family , these quantities at least of these common things following , viz. mithredate and london-treacle , of each four ounces ; venice-treacle and diascordium , of each two ounces ; conserve of red roses and wood-sorrel , of each four ounces ; spirit of sulphur ( set out of the way of children and liquorish ignorant ones , that they tast not of it ) one ounce : the plague-water of matthias , or at least treacle-water , half a pint ; syrup of woodsorrel , as much : the plaisters to raise blisters at first sickning , four ounces ; and as much mellilot to dress them . by which plain and cheapest things , they may have something material at hand for sick and well to preserve , till they can apply to their physician , for want of which it hath gone ill with some shut-up suddenly . but i desire none to follow any direction of mine , that do not first consider humbly the causes of visitation , and above all , apply the blood of sprinkling , and all other helps , as purchased thereby ; and beware lest they render their cure impossible through impenitency : likewise if they first endeavour to set their house and heart in order , they might more sweetly rest , and make the cure the more easie in their sickness . for prevention . a multitude of antidotes are fairly set down by the physitians , but in all ( though but that common one of concerve of wood-sorrel and mithridate , or venice-treacle ; yea in ordinary mornings draughts ) i commend the use of true spirit of sulphur . yet because the pill rufus hath so good report by the colledg , and is especially again commended by dr. middlethwite's print for weekly use , with reverence to them , who may ( perhaps ) use it themselves , and for the weak stomach sake of such as cannot well digest dirt , and then wonder what aile them ; i desire it may be wash'd in spirit of wine , by the art of their apothecaries , who know there is cause through the shameful adulteration of the cheif materials thereof . take then myrrh six ounces , aloes half a pound , mastick four ounces , saffron two ounces ; infuse them apart in boultheads in spirit of wine close stopt in balne● , till the wine be tinctured of a deep colour , then pour the tinctured-spirits from the ingredients , and add more spirits to the feces until it will yeild no more tincture ; then filture all the tinctures through a brown paper , put it then into a glasse body with head and cooler on it , and so distil off the spirits gently ; and when a film cometh on it , take off the head , and stir it to a due consistence . now this pill in surfeits is excellent , and where there is needof purging , safe ; in violent suspition of malignity , having in addition to the three ingreedients of rufus , the cordial friend of spirit of wine , and mastick , to bridle it ; and eminently in that , there is so little lucid aloes of the four sorts that is vended by the druggist , and so much earth and dirt ( to the disadvantage of pills ) both in it and ordinary myrrh , hereby separated from it , the terrene and spurious corruption removed , being as much almost in bulk as all was at first , though spiritless and good for nothing but its center the earth , which should not therefore incumber any corner of a wise-man's stomach . besides , this child is not only as nobly descended , but of age to speak for it self sufficiently , and hath done good service to many hundred surfeited , crude and flegmatick stomachs more certainly . two or three pills at night going to bed , and a draught of warm broath in the morning before you go abroad , will make you in love therewith , and you will find the difference , if you still should be minded to try both for experiment . a pill for a child suspected to have the worms , or to have been surfeited with fruit , or that hath a crude flegmatick stomach , is very excellent , in syrup of violets at night going to bed ; and what pill can be better for old people on young , who are weak , consumptive , sickly , and obstructed ? but i publish it now rather , for fear of grosser and dul●●● purging at such a time ( of surfeiting , &c. ) by the very materials thereof , and hope young physicians will beware of any violent purge in symptomes of pestilence , by which some have been lately purged away by them unawares , and others hardly recovered : but this can scarce have an evil effect ; for though it work not , it will leave nothing behind ; yea , they will find good , that may never feel any motion thereof . for such as cannot take any thing more medicinal , a little conserve of roman-wormwood , or of wood-sorrel alone , in a morning ; or to have two ounces of juniper-berries , and a little sage in each kinderkin of beer , is profitable . the english in ireland found much benefit by the moderate use of angelica and wormwood-waters after meals , and with a toast in a spoonful in the morning : those , and juniper-water so taken , maybe profitable to cold stomachs , especially in winter ; or coffee , received with thanksgiving ( as i fear it too seldom is ) is exceeding wholsome for moist constitutions , though the tipling , tatling , waste-time , and wantonway therein , is a high provocation to wrath from god , a stage of wrong to men , whereby also professors shamefully neglect their families and their own poor souls to mourn at the last , as prov. 5. 11 , 12 , 13. french-wines , especially advantaged with marigolds , clove-gilliflowers , juniper-berries , sage-flowers , bawm , rosemary-flowers , spanish-angelica-roots , roots of sinkfoyl , or of burnet , zedoary , orris , tops of wormwood , or the like ( as the party may affect , and is able to attain ) may be very useful , with moderation , at meals , &c. the cask or bottle being first smoaked well with sulphur , and vinegers of elder-flowers , juniper-berries , marigolds , clove-gilli-flowers , sage-flowers , cowslip , taragon , mint , barberries , tender shoots from the orange-seeds , &c. to take in broth ; or with meat , with their substances , except the juniper-berries , which being put into the vinegar whole , may be taken out , and new ones put in , to carry about and ear , as the doctors direct . issues for corpulent and rheumatick persons , men , women and children , were never more necessary , and were used much to good advantage by the english in the irish infection , fo● want of which many suffer more than an aching-head . of smells . of smells those are certainly best , that being taken inwardly , are proper for the heart and head ( the chief seat of the malignity ) and suppress vapours too ; the chief are these : chymical oyls of rhue , wormwood , hartshorn , amber , thime or origany , rosemary , chamomile , castor , juniper-berries , the stinking oyl of sulphur , castor & camphir , &c. and that of tar is a toy now in fashion ; but sweet-scented pomanders were exploded of the learned physicians long since , as a costly mischief , many wayes inconvenient ; nor can any of the former in an ivory-box more mischieve the brain by heat , ( as pomander-men prate ) yet the use of any are best avoided , except for the present passando by anoyance ; because by much use they open the pores , and fit the more ( as they that come out of clear air to stinking and thick ) to receive in ill scents , longer than they hold the other to their nose . and of all fumes ( if i may not countenance the idle use thereof ) i might affirm and demonstrate tobacco to be the best ; because it doth not vanish away quickly , but possesseth and keepeth the place , out of which it driveth other anoyances : wherefore gunpowder , more quickly vanishing through its nitral part , after long use of it in ireland , was left , and tobacco stood in lasting esteem ; as also brimstone by it self , which will abide , whereas the saltpeter-puff is gone in an instant , and makes the air so thin , as way is sooner made thereby also for infection , if you stir abroad : whereas experience shews that tobacco , where it is smoaked much , will furnish a room for continuance , and they that take it will stink of it long . i will now end this subject , with a word of advice to remove a very noisom cause of infection , viz. the multitude of dead dogs and cats , that float on the river , and lie on the shoar , as wind and tide serveth , one of which is more infectious than as hundred alive ; which some already have sadly experienced , and it 's feared more will daily , unless timely removed . finis . by the king, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22370 stc 8780 estc s122666 23959483 ocm 23959483 27023 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22370) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27023) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1813:37) by the king, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] p. by bonham norton and iohn bill ..., printed at london : m.dc.xxv. [1625] caption title. imprint taken from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the seuenteenth day of may, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland."--p. [2]. contains plague precautions for meeting the queen at summer progresses to dover and elsewhere.--cf. stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to his court , or the townes or parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the citie of london , and confines of the same ; and being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of his priuie councell , by this proclamation to publish and declare his royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , that although his maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when his louing subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the persons of himselfe , or of his deare consort the queene , who is ( by gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into england ; yet , in his princely care of his people , hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the infection into other parts of the realme , where his maiestie shall keepe his royall court and residence . and therefore his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , that aswell in the iourney , which himselfe shortly intendeth to douer in kent , for the reception of his deare consort , the queene , at her arriuall , as also in his , and her maiesties returne from thence , and in all other iourneys and progresses , which they or either of them shall make this summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in winter , no person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the court for his maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the court with petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any citie , towne , uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his maiesties iust and royall commandement . and whereas many of his maiesties louing subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called the kings euill , his maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , that vntill michaelmas next , and after his coronation shall be solemnized , he wil not admit any person or persons to come to the court for healing ; and doth straitly charge and forbid , that no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his maiestie in that behalfe : and for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his maiestie , or his court for healing of that disease , without bringing a certificate from the minister , and churchwardens of the parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his maiestie , or the late king : and to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the almoner , his maiestie hath taken order , that in all the townes and parishes , through which hee shall passe , his maiesties sayd almoner shall deliuer his maiesties almes to the ouerseers of the poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other officers , to take due care of accordingly . and for other wandering poore , uagabonds , rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the knight marshall of his houshold and his deputies , as all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other his maiesties officers and louing subiects , to cause such as bee impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of correction , or otherwise ordered according to the lawes : to which end also , his maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd sheriffes , iustices , and other officers , to cause diligent watch by night , and ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery citie , towne , uillage , and parish , through which his maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his maiesties passage or court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his maiesties seruants , or followers of the court , and craue lodging without hauing billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the knight marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his maiesties seruice . and because his maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , his maiesty straitly forbiddeth , that any of his seruants do either in this iourney of his maiesties intended to douer , or elsewhere in his summers progresse , or vntil his maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in winter , resort to the court , execpt such onely of his maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the lord chamberlaine of his maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the treasurer and comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the knight marshall , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure , and incurring the censure of a high contempt . and to the end his maiesties royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth his knight marshall , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , bayliffes , and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the seuenteenth day of may , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . a vvatch-man for the pest teaching the true rules of preservation from the pestilent contagion, at this time fearefully over-flowing this famous cittie of london. collected out of the best authors, mixed with auncient experience, and moulded into a new and most plaine method; by steven bradvvell of london, physition. 1625. bradwell, stephen. 1625 approx. 144 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16629 stc 3537 estc s115636 99850854 99850854 16086 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16629) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16086) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1624:14) a vvatch-man for the pest teaching the true rules of preservation from the pestilent contagion, at this time fearefully over-flowing this famous cittie of london. collected out of the best authors, mixed with auncient experience, and moulded into a new and most plaine method; by steven bradvvell of london, physition. 1625. bradwell, stephen. [4], 57, [3] p. printed by iohn dawson for george vincent, and are to be sold at pauls-gate at the signe of the crosse-keyes, london : 1625. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -treatment -early works to 1800. medicine -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-08 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vvatch-man for the pest . teaching the true rules of preservation from the pestilent contagion , at this time fearefully over-flowing this famous cittie of london . collected out of the best authors , mixed with auncient experience , and moulded into a new and most plaine method ; by steven bradvvell of london , physition . 1625. london printed by iohn dawson for george vincent , and are to be sold at pauls-gate at the signe of the crosse-keyes . 1625. ¶ to the reader . hippocrates saith , that good physitians doe applie themselues to the present time , and to take hold of the occasion . the present time ( good reader ) is woefull , & the occasion , dangerous : i know it was not his meaning that we should onely grieue for the first , and flee from the latter ; but to lend our assistance to the necessitie of the times calamitie . i haue but little water to draw , yet would i gladly bring my bucket-full to the quenching of this contagious flame ; and if it be but kindly regarded ; i am friendly rewarded : for i professe , not affectation , but true affection ; not a hope of prayse , but a heart of pittie , draws me ( or rather driues me ) to offer my counsell in this case . london is my mother ; in her wombe had i both birth and breeding . what sonne can see his mother woefully afflicted , dangerously sicke , and desperately forsaken ; but he must needs weepe for her teares , labour her recovery , and lend a hand ( at least ) to hold her vp ? i may not take vpon me to cure the sicke , because i meddle not with the sicknesse ( for to practise on the plague now , would proue a plague to my practise hereafter ) but i must labour to preserue the sound ; because by profession i am a physition . therefore i call this booke , a watch-man for the pest , because it doth onely ( as if it were a warder ) stand at the dore without , and deliver things necessary for preservation to those within ; but neither enters the infected house , nor meddles with the cure of the contagious . i expect from diverse conceits diverse censures of this booke . it is too long , too short , too solid , too idle , too full , too slender ; and i know not what . yet i hope the judicious will vouchsafe it the reading ; and the wise , the observing : as for the rest , i will neither favour the frivolous , feare the envious , nor flatter the curious . i know though hercules labour his heart out , he shall not be able to appease a iuno , nor please an eurystheus . therefore if i be not relished , i shall thinke the mouth is out of taste , since there is scarce a word , but i can proue his worth from good authoritie . if i be gratefull to thy palate ( good reader ) i will not be vngratefull to thy person ; but if ever thou wilt vse me , thou shalt finde me from my study in mugwell-street . iuly 18. 1625. ready to my power to do thee any pleasure , stephen bradvvell . a vvatch-man for the pest . tvlly ( whose method was as pleasing as his matter ) sets this downe as a savoury maxime in method ; omnis quae à ratione suscipitur de aliqua re institutio , debet à definitione proficisci , vt intelligatur quid sit id de quo disputatur . l. 1. de officijs . to follow him therefore , though ( but as ascanius followed his father aeneas ) non passibus aequis ; him , i say , whom hardly any hath happened to goe along with foote by foote in fluent sweetnesse : i will begin this discourse with the definition of the pest ; and while i lay open the severall points of the definition , i will discover the causes , the kinde and qualities , and the signes and symptomes of it . and withall ( in their severall places ) i will lay downe the rules of preservation , with good medicines ; whereby the further spreading of the pestilent infection may ( by gods blessing ) be prevented . ¶ the definition . the plague , is a popular disease : sent immediatly from god ; wrought by the constellations of the heavens , the corruption of the aire , and the disorder of mans diet : at the first striking to the heart , is venemous , deadly , and infectious : and for the most part accompanied with a feavor ; as also with spots called gods-tokens , or with a blayne , or botch , or carbuncle . this word plague ; in latine pestis ; in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : signifieth a deadly fretting . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod efficiat defectum hominum ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pernicies , seu exitium . hippocrates giues it a stile of distinction , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morbus communis : a common or popular disease . that it is a disease , needeth no proofe at all , since it manifestly affecteth the body contrary to nature , and hurteth the actions thereof . that it is popular is also apparent , in this , that when it once entreth into a countrey , cittie , or towne ; it over-runneth the same like a torrent , and few escape at least a scratching with it , if they be not deeply bitten by it : yea more are stricken and slaine by it , many times ( especially in the place where it hath gotten full strength ) then of all kindes of diseases else what-soever . and so much for his title . now , that it is immediately sent from god , it is evident by many proofes of holy scripture . as deut. 28.21 . and in the same chapter at the 22. verse , he saith ; the lord shall smite thee with a feavor , and with a consumption , with an inflamation , and with an extreame burning . in which words are expressed the painfull symptoms of the plague : viz. a feavor , ( which i shall proue hereafter ) a consumption ( which being vnderstood of calor naturalis , the heat and life of nature , is apparent ) an inflamation , by which the swelling called the botch is signified ; and by an extreame burning , the deadly carbuncle is liuely described . if we desire examples ; the botch is plainly specified in the plague of pharaoh and his servants ; exod. 9. chap. 10. and 11. verses , and in the sicknesse of hezekiah , isaiah 38.21 . seeing then the all-mightie god of heaven and earth in wrath & justice sendeth this plague vpon vs , let vs know that as the triacle for our bodies is consected of the flesh of earthly serpents : so the triale for our soules must be made of the blood of that brasen serpent , which was lifted vpon the crosse for our sinnes . let every man be to his owne soule and familie an aaron to take with speed his censor of repentance ; fill it with fire from the altar ( of the exceeding great and precious promises of god in christ . 2 pet. 1.4 . ) and put the incense of faithfull prayer thereon ; and runne quickly and make an atonement : for there is wrath gone out from the lord ; the plague is begun . somtimes the constellations of the heavens are the second cause by which god worketh and bringeth these iudgements on men . for astrologers are of opinion , that if saturn and mars haue dominion ( especially vnder aries , sagittarius , and capricornus ) the pestilence is shortly to be expected . or if those two ( the most maleuolent ) be in opposition to the gentle planet iupiter ; the effect of that opposition is the plague . as the poet singeth : coelitus imbuitur tabo difflatilis aura , mars quando obij●itur falcitenensque iovi . i know there be many learned men that thinke the starres because they are good and pure creatures , can bring forth no evill , nor impure effects : and amongst these valeriola ( in append. ad loc . com . cap. 2. ) thinks he hath so absolutely satisfied the point , that no obiection may ever be made more : yet i am of mercurialis his opinion , that though of themselues primarily they doe no evill ; yet accidentally , they may and doe . for the sunne of it selfe being the purest of them all , by drawing the vapours out of dunghills and other corrupt things , causeth a noysome stench by accident . but i intend not this treatise for disputation . if the starres be pestilently bent against vs ; neither arts , nor armes ; perfumes , nor prayers , can prevaile with them , who haue neither pittie nor sense , nor power to alter their appointed motion . but he that commandeth their course , and altereth them at his pleasure ; he that made the sunne and moone stand still for iosuah : yea , drew the sunne backe ten degrees for hezekiah , and caused the starres to fight in their courses against sisera . he is able both to hinder and heale all infections can arise from their influences . the cure of this cause ( therefore ) is the same with the former . the third cause of the pestilence , is ; the corruption of the aire . which corruption ariseth as well from sublinarie accidents , as from the influences of the starres . for noysome vapours arising from filthy sincks , stincking sewers , channells , gutters , privies , sluttish corners , dunghils , and vncast ditches ; as also the mists and fogs that commonly arise out of fens , moores , mines , and standing lakes ; doe greatly corrupt the aire : and in like manner the lying of dead rotting carrions in channels , ditches , and dunghills ; cause a contagious aire . as the poet affirmeth : corpora foeda iacent , vitiantur odoribus aurae . and even without these vapours , the aire sometimes is corrupted by the vnseasonablenesse of the weather , quum tempestiva intempestivè redduntur , as sayth hippocrates : when the weather is vnseasonable for the season of the yeare ; being hot when it should be cold ; moyst when it should be drie ; and contrarily . these preposterous orders , or rather disorders in the constitution of the aire , render it vnholesome , and infectious . and this is caused chiefly by the aspects of the planets , and many times also by vnholesome windes ; as especially the south winde , who ( being of temperature moyst and warme ) fills the aire with such a corrupt qualitie , as is soone turned into putrefaction , and many times doth easily transport a contagion from one coast to another . now for the temperature of the aire , the whole streame of opinions runneth vpon hot and moyst , as the fittest matter for infection , because most apt to putrefaction . so hippocrates ( in the second of his epidem . ) saith , that in cranon a cittie of thessalie , there arose putrid vlcers , pustuls , and carbuncles ; through the hot and moyst constitution of the aire . and the same he vrgeth againe in the third booke of the same treatise . and galen in 1 de temperam . cap. 4. affirmeth , that the hot and moyst constitution of the aire doth most of all breed pestilent diseases . and from these a multitude of later writers haue learned to speak the same thing . but for all this we know that the hot and dry weather also may cause a pestilent aire . and so saith avenzoar in his third booke , third tract . and 1. chap. and titus livius in li. primo , decad . 4. recordeth that rome was once infected with the plague by a hot and drie distemper of the aire . and wee cannot forget what a hot & dry parching summer we had this last yeare ; most fit to be the vnfortunate forerunner of this yeares pestilence : which now being seconded with such abundance of moyst weather all this spring and summer hitherto ; we may well doubt that a deluge of destruction is comming vpon vs. hence we may see the misery of man , that ( be the aire never so corrupt ) he must draw it in with his breath continually , for without it we cannot liue a moment : for as meate and drinke are the nourishments of our bodies , so is the aire the nourishment of our spirits : as therefore by corrupt meats our bodies are corrupted and diseased ; so by corrupt aire our spirits are easily infected , and soone extinguished . therefore we haue great cause to take heed that the aire we draw be pure and wholesome . and this may be effected two wayes : either by flying into a good , or by purifying the euill aire . the surest way to safetie is to flie from the impure into a pure aire . those therefore ( that haue meanes , and no speciall calling to hinder them ) doe well to take hold of this counsell . which 1. nature teacheth in giving man two legs , as well as two armes , that if his enemy be too fierce for resistance , he may escape by running . now nature hath no worse enemy then death ; nor death a better 〈◊〉 then the plague . secondly , the holy scripture teacheth it . 〈…〉 verse . come my people enter into thy secret place , shut thy dores about thee , hide thy selfe as it were for a season , vntill the indignation be over past . so pro. 22.3 . the prudent man foreseeth the plague , and hideth himselfe . and david was this prudent man , for ( 1 chron. 2● . last ) he durst not goe to the tabernacle to offer at gibeon , because he feared the sword of the angell . and thirdly , physicke adviseth it . for hippocrates , the prince of physitions ( in his booke de natura humana ) counselleth it in these words ; providendum est vt quàm paucissimus aeris influxus corpus ingrediatur , et vt ille ipse quàm peregrinissimus existat : regionum etiam locos , in quibus morbus consistit , quantùm eius fieri potest permutare oportet . by which he intendeth that a man must be carefull to let into his body as little aire as can be possibly ; and that that aire which he doth entertaine , be a stranger to the infected . and this be interpreteth in the clause following , where he saith , he must ( as farre as he may ) change the place of the region in which the sicknesse raigneth , for some other that is free from it . and this is that which is meant by citò , longè , and tardè . which iordanus calleth an antidote made of three adverbs : and thus versifieth vpon them . haec tria tabificam pellunt adverbia pestem : mòx , longè , tardè ; cede , recede , redi . i will be bold a little to comment vpon these words , in this wise . fly with speed from the infected place , lest by a little lingering , that infection ( which you would leaue behinde you ) goe along with you . and nothing can be more dangerous then for one to travaile with his humors already corrupted by an infected aire . for with the motion of his body , those humors are stirred , disturbed , and heat ; which causeth them to putrefie presently : by which putrefaction of the humors , the vitall spirits are instantly enflamed and infected , and life it selfe soone extinguished . besides that , in their going forth , before they are gotten beyond the limits of the evill aire ; in the labouring of their body , they fetch their breath oftener and deeper then at other times ; whereby they draw in a greater quantitie of the corrupt aire to minister more matter to the putrefaction begun . therefore flie quickly , and in flying goe softly , till you be quite out of the contagious aire . and flie not a little way , but many miles of , whither there is no probabilitie of common trading , or recourse of people from the place forsaken : and where there are high hills betwixt you and the infected coast ; which may breake of those blasts of wind that would at somtimes blow that corrupted aire from thence vpon you . moreover , if you be able , choose your habitation well and health-fully scituated . a house is well scituated that stands on high ground , farre from fennes , moores , marishes , and mines : having the dores and windows opening to the north and east ; not to the west , for that is not wholsome ; nor ( by any meanes ) to the south , for that being hot and moyst , is most subiect to contagion in sickly times . let the house be large , and the roomes many and spacious . in hot weather , open those windows that are toward the north ; in cold , those that are to the east . if there be dores or windows toward the other coasts , keepe them for the most part very close shut . in the night , leaue no window open at all . if the weather be moyst , open your windows toward the good coasts two houres after sunne-rising , and let them not stand open aboue two houres space : and so againe , for two houres before sunne-set . lastly , be not hasty to returne , so soone as you heare that the heat of the contagion is abated ; but keepe away as long as any signe of the sicknesse remaineth ; taking this for a sure rule , that it is lesse danger to tarry still in the infected aire , then to come into it from that which is pure and wholesome : for a fresh commer is aptest to catch the least contagion , and the very reliques of infection are sufficient to kill him . learne therefore of the wolues of thracia , who in winter , when the rivers are covered with ice , will not venter over for their prey ( though they be never so hungry ) till they haue layd their eare close to the ice ; then if they heare no noyse of water vnder it , they know the ice is thicke enough to beare them , and over they goe ; otherwise not . let the space of three moneths passe vpon the last infected person in that quarter whither you desire to resort : and let the house all that time ( and all the stuffe therein ) be throughly well aired , and perfumed before you returne . for the infection will cleaue to the walles and stuffe a long time , and will hardly be purged out of them : especially garments and bedding , if they haue beene vsed by the sicke of the plague . woolen cloaths will retaine the infection three or foure yeares , except they be well and throughly aired . blankets , coverlets , and ruggs must haue much airing before they may be trusted . furres also retaine it long , and it is hardly gotten out of them ; as appeareth by a story which fracastorius telleth of a furred govvne that was the death of fiue and twentie men in verona , in the yeare 1511. who one after the other wore it , thinking they had still aired it sufficiently . featherbeds will remaine seaven yeares infected , if alexander benedictus may be beleeved ; and these are best to be purged by opening the tikes , and spreading the feathers abroad very thin , perfuming them very often , and ever as they are airing , let them be turned with staues or stickes ; and let this be so done for many dayes together . as for mattrises , mats , and such like , it is best that they be burnt , for that is the surest way to free them from infection . but now , some men cannot , and some must not flie . some through povertie , and want of friends in the countrey ; or by reason of the dependance of their living vpon the towne infected , cannot leaue it . others whose calling and learning hath set them apart for the common good , must not goe . as maiestrates and other officers who are called to see the peace and good orders kept . ministers that haue pastorall charges , and are commanded of god to preach in season and out of season , and to administer the sacramēts to those which are able to repaire to the church . also physitians , chyrurgians , apothecaries , midwifes , keepers , and searchers , whose callings are to be helpfull to the sicke and weake ( though not of the plague , yet of other griefes ) they ought ( at least a convenient number of them , for the number of people remaining ) to tarry and follow those christian employments which they haue vndertaken , not for their owne benefit only , but for the common-wealth chiefly . such therefore as must tarry , let them obserue these rules following . first , flie from company , and be contented to liue as solitarily as your calling and buisinesse will giue leaue . let those that come to speake with you , come no nearer you then they must needs ; and if you stand to talke with another , be distant from him the space of two yards . but if you suspect the party to haue the infection , let the space of foure yards at the least part you . let the sound man be carefull also to giue the other the winde ; that is , so to stand that the winde may blow from the sound to the suspected , and not contrarily : and let the sound man turne away his face from him , holding and champing also some fit thing in his mouth , and smelling to some odour all the while he is in discourse with the other , or neare vnto him : ( which things in particular i will prescribe hereafter . ) shunne all places that are moyst and wet . in summer keepe you temperate , but alwayes drie : in winter keepe warme , and as much as you can , neare the fire . at all times avoyd all close alleys and lanes ( especially to lodge in them ) or neare common sewers , ditches , or such like noysome places . and keepe out of crowds and assemblies of people as much as you may . dwell not in an house that is pestred with much company in little roome . it is good also for those that are able , to shift beds , and chambers often , airing them every day . when the aire is cloudy , thicke , moyst or misty , goe not forth but vpon necessitie ; and in such weather , keepe the dores and windows shut . walke not abroad in the morning ( if you can choose ) till two houres after sunne rising ; nor at all after sunne-set , vnlesse vrgent occasion enforce . and in the heat of the sunne in summer ( especially about noone ) tarry not abroad ; neither sit , stand , nor walke in the heat of the same . in the full of the moone , goe not forth in the night , and keepe your head somthing warmer at that time then at other times . keepe moderation betweene heate and cold in your lodging and bedding . last of all , whatsoever you receiue from the hands of another ( especially if suspected ) touch it not before it haue beene cleansed , by boyling , or at least by washing in warme water ; if it may not spoyle or deface the thing : otherwise , aire and perfume it well . and thus much for flying into a pure aire . now we are to purifie the purified aire . and herein first i must distinguish aire into two kindes , viz. generall and speciall . by aire generall , i meane the whole open aire of the region . by speciall , i intend , either that which is inclosed in houses ; or that which is immediately next the person of every one , for the space of some few yards compasse round about the body , whether within doores or without , wheresoever it goeth or abideth . and first for the generall aire of the region . that is to be purged and rectified , first by cleane sweeping and washing of the streets , lanes , courts , allyes and other wayes and passages of the cittie ; leaving in them no durtie puddles , dunghills , or dead carrions . also by often casting out the mudde of the towne ditches , and other standing waters . every morning and euening sweep cleane the streets before every mans doore : wash downe the channells to keepe them sweet . but i like not that slabbering of the pavement before the house , which i see many vse in moyst wether ; for it increaseth the dampishnesse of the aire : excpt it be before the stalls of butchers and cookes : or except the durt can no other-wise be purged away ; and then let it be swept drie againe , except the sunne doe shine so cleare and hot , that it is likely to be soone dried thereby . but indeed there is no way of purging the aire like to the making of fires in the streets : so it be done with good discretion ; that is , in the evenings ; when the weather is moyst ; and not soultry hot . we read that hippocrates freed the cittie of cranon ( before mentioned ) and athens also ( as galen testifieth li , 1. de theriaca ad pisonem cap. 16. ) by making great bonefires , & burning sweet odours and costly oyntments in them . aëtius also ( li. 5. cap. 94. ) reports the like to haue been done by acro agrigentinus , whereby he delivered the greatest part of greece from the pestilence . some physicians that they may be singular , invent strange wayes by themselues to purifie the aire . as cardan perswades to burne leather , or any thing that smells strong though never so stinking ; but for my part i am of opinion with rodericu à castro , and laurentius ioubertus , that stinking smells cannot make a wholsome purgation of the aire . therefore i leaue his conceite to accompany that of alexander benedictus , who would haue the dogs that are killed , to be strewed in the streets , that the vapours of their putrefying carcases , might expell the venom of the putrefied aire . with which may also be exploded averroës his potion of vrine , which he esteemes an excellent antidote : i thinke that which is odious to the nostrills , by which way aliment is conveyed to the spirits : and that which is noysome to the stomach , by which nourishment is brought to the body ; can be no cordiall . but for the purging of the aire , rodericus à castro hath another way , and that easy and cheap ( if it be as good . ) he affirmeth that it was wont to be much vsed in spayne in pestilent times : and that is , to drive a great droue of oxen or kine through all the streets every day ; that their sweet wholsome breath may cleanse the impure aire . it is true , that the breath of those cattell are very sweet and wholsome : but it is to be doubted , that the impure aire being much more in quantity then their breath , will sooner infect them , then they purifie it ; which if it doe , then surely all their flesh will proue but vnholsome meat , and may infect more bodies after they haue bene at the butchers ; then they haue purified streets while they went before the drovers . but the spainards eate so little beefe , as they needed the lesse to feare such poysoning . now for my opinion what way is best to purge the generall aire of the region . i must needs say that of hippocrates ( before mentioned ) is the best , but too costly to be received of our cittizens . therefore i would advise that muskets and such like peeces might be discharged in every street , lane , and corner of the cittie every morning , and every euening . this way ( in hot weather ) doth not enflame so much as bonefiers doe by their continued heat , but purifie as much , or rather more . for by the blow , the aire is first forcibly moued , shaken , devided and attenuated , and so prepared for purification ; & then immediatly ( by the heat of the fire ) purified : and that kinde of fire purgeth it better then others , for ( by reason of the sulphur and sault-peeter ) it is exceeding drying ; and very wholsome . and that this opinion is not any conceit of mine owne ; let those that will , read levinus lemnius de occultis naturae miraculis , or crato in consilio 275. or raymundus mindererus li. de pestilentia cap. 20. the heathens could be at great cost in contagious times ; as appeares by the precious odours and sweet oyntments that hippocrates consumed in the fires for those citties before mentioned . why may not wee be at a lesser cost , for the safety of a greater cittie . god is nearer to vs , then he was to them ; we haue his promises to keepe vs in all our wayes ; and to prosper our handy workes ; they had no such comforts to rest vpon ; yet they endevoured and obtained : wee obtaine not , onely because we endevour not . and now i come to the fourth cause of the pestilence , which is the disorder of mans diet. in the name of diet are included six things , wherein a man ought always to be moderate and regular . 1. the aire , and i mean the speciall aire . 2. meate , and drinck . 3. repletion , and evacuation . 4. exercise , and rest . 5. seepe , and watching . 6. passions of the minde . these are the six strings of apollos violl , wherein consisteth the whole harmonie of health . if these be in tune , the body is sound ; but if any of these , be either too high wrested , or too much slackened ( that is , immoderately vsed ) then is the body put out of tune , and made subiect to any sicknesse . as one saith well , who hath thus composed those six points , in these two verses . aër , esca , quies , repletio , gaudia , somnus : haec moderata iuuant , immoderata nocent . let every man ( therefore ) be carefull in these things , and if his owne skill be not sufficient to teach him what is temperance ; let him observe these rules following . first for the aire . the disorders of diet in respect of aire , or ill choyce of habitation ; walking , running or riding at vnseasonable times , as in fogs , mists , dewe , rayne &c. and in vnholsome places , such as haue bene reckoned already : as also in drawing into the body too much of such aire as is pestilent and contagious . to cure this point of diet , we must proceede in purging the aire ; and hauing done with the generall , let vs now goe to purifie the speciall , and first of all that which is inclosed within the house . let every roome be kept continually very cleane ; leaue no sluttish corners ; let no water stand in any vessell so long as to putrifie , which in a corrupt aire ( especially in hot weather ) it will soone doe . cleanse all your vessels often ; wash those roomes that are in continuall vse ( both floores and wainscoting ) every morning ; and ( those which are able , wash the windowes , tables , cupboards , stooles , benches , and all wainscotings , in summer with rose-water , and vineger : and in winter with the decoction of rew , worme wood , balme , &c. and after these are washed , wipe them allwayes drie againe : ( for as i said before of slabbering the streets ; so , much more vnholsome is it to leaue the roomes of the house wet ) & hauing wiped them as drie as you can , aire them also presently with fire . a pan of fire set on the floore in the midst of the roome is the best & quickest way of aireing it . in the meane time let the windows and doores be shut . but obserue this : enter not into the roome , ( at least to tarry ) till it be aired , and the fier taken away : because then the heat and moysture are buisily working together , which for the time of working ( till the heat haue prevailed ) is vnholsome . and if you must needs goe in , during that time ; make hast out againe ; and set the doore wide open while you tarrie ; for such vapours kept close , haue suddenly depriued some of life , before they haue felt themselues offended : as skenckius ( in his observ . li. 2. de partibus vitalibus : observ . xix . ) proveth by diuerse examples . and i could name some also of mine owne knowledge , if need were . moreover while these roomes are thus aireing , you may cast into these fiers , in cold weather ; iuniper , both the wood and the berries ; pitch , turpentine , franckencense , storax , beniamin , oken-leaues , bay leaues , &c. also at such a season , you may strew your windows , shelues , & ledges ; with balme , mints , lavender , worme-wood , rew ; and such like warming smells . and if the heat of them offend , steep them in vineager six houres , and then strew them as before . in hot weather . take a tile , or a fier-shovell heated hot , and poure into it an equall quantitie of whitewine vineager and rose-water wherein a little camphor hath been dissolued , & with this perfume the roomes . at such a time likewise , strew the roomes with primroses , rose-leaues , violets , or some such coole or temperate smelling hearbs , as the season will afford . in temperate weather , rosemary and bay-leaues , in rosewater , heated in a perfuming pot is very sufficient . or take pitch , tarre , turpentine , rosin , of each a like quantitie , melt them together on the fier , and to every pound put in a pinte of vineager . boyle them to the consumption of the vineager . burne some of this daily at all seasons , and in all weathers . and if you adde to it the wood of iuniper made into powder : it will bee excellent . if any vault or vnsauory sincke be so neere as to offend any roome of the house : aire that roome most , and vse it least . the other kinde of speciall aire is sayd to be that which is immediatly next to the person of every one . this is to be purged foure wayes . 1. by things held in the mouth . 2. by odours held to the nose . 3. by apparell . 4. by amulets . for the first . of things held in the mouth , some be simple , and some compound . simple , are cloues , citron pills , roots of tormentill , angelica , zedoarie , and such like . compound , are such as these following . take of london triacle halfe an ounce ; mix it with the muscilage of gumm , dragagant & rose water , and a little sugar . so make it vp into rowles or lozenges , hold one in your mouth ; and let it dissolue therein , all the while you are neare any place or person suspected to be infected . you may also , hold mithridate in your mouth , if the heat offend you not . but a peece of a citron pill alone is best of all in sommer ; and in winter , a slice of angelica roote . likewise generally at all seasons iuniper berres steeped all night in whit-wine vineager . or cloues steeped in rose vineager . and in like manner may you steep slices of the roots of angelica , enulacampane , zedoarie , tormentill &c. in rose-water and vineager ; for they are too hot of themselues . and for those that haue cold stomachs , greene ginger is exceeding good . secondly . odours that are to be carryed in the hand and held to the nose , are also simple and compound . simple , are balme , mints , rue , worm-wood , penniroyall , myrtles , lauender , &c. but these hot hearbs are not fit for any but cold and flegmaticke complexions to vse them simply and alone . and it is a strange thing to see how all sorts of people play the fooles with their owne noses ; all carrying worm-wood , and thrusting it vp into their nostrills . wherein ten doe themselues iniurie , for one that doth good . for though they perceiue not the danger presently ; yet it must needs inflame their braine : which being over heat , will send downe such iuices to the heart , as shall inflame that also , and so bring them into a burning feauor , which is the high way to that sicknes they most desire to shunne . for the brayne is the continuall spring that cooles the heart ; which office if it performe not ; the heart will soone over heat it selfe : how much more will it be over heat then when that which should temper it bringeth distemper to it ? but people will be so skilfull , that they thinke they need aske no counsell in these matters : but like a flocke of sheep leap one after another , they neither know whether nor wherefore . it is good therefore to take the iuices of such hearbs as these and mix them with rose-water and vineager , and so carrie a sponge , or handkercheif dipped therein . and obserue this . allwayes mix cold smells with hot ; and ( even for cold constitutions also . ) let the cold odours be most praedominat : for the greatest danger is in over-heating . for hot things though they purge the aire , yet they inflame the bloud and humors . therefore temper them according to the constitution of the body and weather . let them likewise be something sweet . for vnsauory smells doe dissolue the spirits , and weaken the faculties . it is a sure rule , that those things which nature abhoreth , will alwayes hurt her , but neuer help her : except it be to euacuate in some case of repletion only . now for compound odours . take of london triacle halfe an ounce , vineager an ounce , rose-water two ounces . mixe them together till the triacle be well dissolued . then dip a peece of a sponge in this liquor ; and carry it in some little box peirced full of holes , to smell through . or , take liquid storax , wash it well in wine-vineager and rosewater , wherein some camphor hath beene disolued . then mix with it , of the powder of cloues , and yellow sanders , as much as will make it thick like tarre ; carrie it in some sevit or pomander-box . as for pomanders ; which are the best , both for handsome carriage and continuance of sent . if any will resort to me , i will fit them at diuers prices . furthermore , it is good also to wash the face , mouth , and nostrills often with strong vineager , rose-water and a little wine , wherein hath bene steeped ( for six houres together ) some thin shavings of zedoarie or angelica , or tormentill roots . the poore people may wash them with faire water and vineager , and the iuice of rue . thirdly . apparell is to be a defence against the infectious aire . which becommeth so , by being well made , and well kept . to the well making of garments in this respect , there goe two points ; the stuffe , and the fashion . for the stuffe , all woolen cloth would be avoided , because it retaineth the infection long : buffe also , shamoys , and such kinds of leather are naught , because they ( through their sponginesse ) doe draw and keep it much more then other wearings : feathers likewise and fans ; being the most needlesse ornaments , should now be layd aside , for they are also of a nature that retaineth infection long : and so are all kinde of furrs ; therefore weare none of these if you may choose . but if your purse will serue , buy grograms , chamlets , &c. such as may be watred : for the watering of stuffes through their gumminesse , doth best exclude the aire from entring or taking vp any loging in the stuffs so dressed . and let the doublets & hose be lined rather with linnen then fustian , because the woolinesse of fustian is of kin to the other allready found fault with-all . as for silkes , as grograms , taffaties , sattins , they are also very good , but veluets , plush , shag and such like are not so good . let them be also fitted with linings according to the weather , that they occasion not the body to sweat through heat , to bee tired with waight , nor to catch cold with thinnesse . for these inconveniences may be occasions of much harme ; but taking of cold is the most dangerous of all ; for there vpon follow putrid feauors : and all of them are friends to the plague . for the fashion , avoyd much quiltings , and stuffing with bombast and haire , for into such things the infected aire will easily get , and hardly forsake them . women vsually haue whale-bone bodies which are as good armour as any other . let the greatest care be to guard the vitall parts : but withall there must be some care of all the body : which to guard the better , it is good to weare long cloakes of such watered stuffes as i haue mentioned ; which being outermost , excludeth well the outward aire while one is abroad ; and when one is come home , they may be layd by , till they haue beene aired . but for physitians and chyrurgians , and such as come among the sicke : it is good for them to haue long gownes of such stuffes ; which as soone as they come forth of the sicke chambers , they may throw off to be aired . and so much for the well-making . now for the well keeping of garments ; this is done by keeping them cleane and sweet . to keepe them cleane , requires varietie and often shifting . to keepe them sweet is required much airing and perfuming . as when you put them on , or lay them by , and that according to the weather . as in cold weather . take iuniper slices , iuniper berries bruised ; rosemarie , bay-leaues , and wormwood cut small ; and franckincense grossely powdered . burne them together on a chafing dish of coales , and so perfume your cloaths . in hot weather . take dried rose-leaues steeped in rose-water , wherein camphor hath been dissolved , and adde to it a little vineager . vpon a hot fire-shouell make a fume : and perfume your apparell . in temperate times . take iuniper berries , gum dragagant , and franckincense , all grossely powdered ; of each a like quantitie . steepe them in vineager and rose-water , six houres . then spread the same on a hot tile or fire-shouell , and perfume your cloaths therewith . fourthly , amulets , are things made to hang about the necke , to touch the naked skin next the heart . these are of some with a kinde of superstition esteemed . but though carpus the chirurgian of bononia perswaded himselfe and others , that he was preserved from the plague by wearing arsenicke in a clout vpon the region of the heart ; yet many in london haue died of the plague with those bables about them : and as for arsenicke and other such poysonous stuffe , i could speake enough against them ; but a learned dr of physicke hath saued me that labour . but for some cordiall things ; i will for the readers satisfaction giue a taste of them . they may be of two sorts , simple , and compounded . simple , as vnicornes horne , bezoar stone , ( which is the best of all , if a man can get it ) the hiacinth also and smaragdus , and such like ; but how the influence of such stones may be conveyed out of their hard bodies to the heart , is hard for me to vnderstand . the former are more likely ; for galen reports ( li. 6. de simp. medic. facult . ) that he cured a boy of the falling-sicknesse , by hanging a paeonie roote about his necke . yet i thinke he could never say so but that once : therefore i would wish none to put any confidence in such disputable things . neverthelesse , since i haue divided them into simple and compounded ; i will giue you a composition , which may be vsed in stead of an amulet , and that to good purpose . take the leaues of red roses dried , two drams , all the saunders , lignum , aloes , zedoarie roote , angelica roote , sage , white dittanie , baulme , citron pills , of each halfe a dram . make them into powder , and sew them vp in a peece of red taffarie or calico ; and make a quilt thereof . heat it on a pewter dish vpon a chasing dish of coales ; and sprinckle it with rose-vineager : so apply it warme to the place , and renew it once in six houres . i cannot but let thee know ( good reader ) that even now while i was writing vpon this subiect , there hath beene a patient with me , who is poysoned with with a venemous amulet . be warned therefore by the harmes of others to take heed of such pernicious things . thus haue i finished the first part of diet ; concerning aire . the second part followeth . which consisteth of meate and drinke . disorder in meate and drinke is chiefly committed either in regard of the qualitie , or quantitie of them . in qualitie , when that meat or drinke which is vsed , is either generally vnwholsome for all men ( as venemous mushroms ; stincking or raw meate ; musty , or new , or dead drinkes ; these breed venom in the humors , and so a iust occasion for infection ) or els particularly naught for the proper constitution of him that eats or drinkes it . as meat of hard digestion to a weake stomach , ( for that denyeth nourishment ) meate of easie concoction to a strong stomach , ( for that putresies in the stomach , and so corrupts the bloud ) hot spices and inflaming drinkes to a hot constitution , &c. these breed many diseases in the purest aire ; and in a contagious , they easily make way for the plague . therefore we are to be carefull what we eat or drinke . and our care must be two fold ; first , to refuse things noysome ; secondly , to choose things wholsome . in refusing things noysome take these rules . beware of piercing and attenuating things ; for they are heating ; and by opening the body , they expose it to the corruption of the aire . on the contrary also thicke and slimie things are stopping , breeding crudities and putrefaction ; by reason of that crassitude , moysture , and accidentall heat which is in them . sweet and fatty things likewise are to be avoyded ▪ because they easily turne to choller , and so kindle hot feavors . very moyst meates , as wee see they are hardly kept sweet in hot weather , so by the heat of the stomach , they easily turne to putrefaction ; especially to hot and chollericke constitutions . but of all things those that are both moyst and hot ( especially wherin the moyst is predominant ) are most dangerous , because they are as it were the very seed of putrefaction . cold mixed with moyst is not so ill , because not so apt presently to putrefie ; but wheresoever the moyst is stronger , the blood is made watrish and weaker ; and therefore not so nourishing as nature needs it . also meats of hard digestion , melancholicke , salt , and windie are to be eschewed . beware of all things that are hot and enflaming . much vse of very sharpe things , are very hurtfull . shunne also all things that increase much blood , for the body must be kept low in contagious times . also all things that are loathsome to the pallat or stomach must be reiected ; for that which nature abhorreth , dissipateth the spirits . having thus taught by their qualitie in generall what meates and drinkes are to be forborne : now i will more particularly reckon vp such as are most commonly known and vsed : being most to be avoyded in times of infection . and first for your bread. be carefull that it be not mustie , nor mouldie : neither eat it hot , nor before it be a day olde . it is best for them that can haue ouens at home , not to send their bread to other houses to be baked : nor to receiue any continually from the hand of common bakers that serue to many severall houses . very salt and long powdered beefe ( though never so much watered afterward to get out the salt ) is not good ; yea all that watering and moystening makes it worse . also bacon , and porke , especially boyled : the hare , especially when he is olde . venison both of fallow and red deere , that liue in a corrupted aire , are vnwholsome : not alone for the reason that some giue of their liuing alwayes in the open aire ; and much running & heating their bodies therein ( which makes them apt to be corrupted by the contagion ) but also in regard of the manner of killing them ; which is by hunting them to death : for in that action they poyson their flesh very much by tyring their bodies and weakening their spirits to the death ; and by the infinite working of the passion of feare in them : which how apt that is to poyson any body ; i shall shew in his place . foules that liue in fens or waters , are all naught , as the goose , ducke , mallard , teale , hearon , &c. meats made of the inwards of beasts , are not good , as puddings , tripes , chitterlings , kidneys , livers , lights , milts , &c. of fishes , such as liue in standing pooles and ponds , ( especially in muddy waters ) are very evill ; as , carps , eeles , lampreys , and such like : for they corrupt the humors and breed obstructions . salt-fish and sea fish , sharpen the humors . oysters , cockles , muskles , peruinckles , are hurtfull . grisly fish ( as mayds , thornbacke , and such like ) are to be avoyded . egges of geese , ducks , pigeons , &c. are to be reiected . milke , ( because it is of all meates most easie of digestion ) soone corrupteth in the stomach , and therefore is disallowed . so is creame , because it makes grosse blood . likewise cheese , because it is stopping . and also whey , because it is opening , and not nourishing . of fruits , all such as are worme-eaten , are to be accounted corrupted and naught . all sweete and luscious fruits ; as cherries , plums , greene figs , sweete grapes , black-berries , &c. also melons , pompions , pomcitrons , &c. forbeare generally all summer fruits ; because they breed crudities and grosse humors . among the rest also beanes and pease are accounted vnfit meats . roots , such as are watrish , are to be refrained ; so also is garlicke ; ( for all it is called , the poore-mans triacle ) because it openeth and heateth too much ; therefore it is seldome fit in these times . hearbs that are hot are not to be vsed but with good advise , and tempering them with such as are cooling . and beware of cabages , coleworts , lettice , and rocket ; and all moyst and cold hearbs ; for they breed obstructions and crudities . let not your sauces be sweet ; for such increase choller ; nor too full of taste , for that whets the appetite beyond the desire of nature , & provokes to too liberall feeding . among other sauces , mustard is chiefly to be forbidden , because it openeth , and discusseth . beware of hot spices , vse them sparingly ; and then well allayed with cooling things . pottage and broths , are no fit food for these times : because if they be thicke and strong , they nourish too fast : or if they be thin and not nourishing , they fill the body with moysture more then needs . for manardus ( li. 5. epist . 3. ) saith , the body ought rather to be dried then moystened . some haue ( from strangers ) taken vp a foolish tricke of eating mushroms or toadstooles . but let them now be warned to cast them away ; for the best authors hold the best of them at all times in a degree venomous , and therefore in time of pestilence much more dangerous . now for the manner of dressing your meat , briefly obserue ; that baked meats ( because their vapours are restrained within their coffins ) are not so well purified by the fire , as meats otherwise cooked : therefore they are suspected to haue in them a degree of venom ; especially , if the meat haue beene kept any long while in the infected aire : much more if it be venison , for the reasons before-named . but if any be earnestly desirous of baked meats , let them first take heed they be not too full of taste and gluttonous : and also let the pie or pastie , be opened as soone as it comes out of the oven , and so let it breath it selfe till it be cold . also sowsed and pickled meats are not good ; neither are boyled meats so good as rosted . of drinkes . beere or ale that is new , strong , heady , and fuming ; also bitter , fl●t , dead , or fusty , are to be avoyded . likewise such as are sophisticated with lemons , spices , &c. and those that are made with sage , worm-wood , scorby-grasse ; and other such ingredients : vnto which may be added metheglin , mead , bragget , vsquebath , hippocras , aqua-vitae , rosa solis , aqua composita ; and all strong and compounded waters . as these are indeed no other then medicines , so neither are they otherwise to be vsed ; that is , alwayes with good caution , vpon good cause , and with skilfull counsell pery and sweet cyder , are to be refused for their sweetness and coldness . wines , though they are frequently vsed among sober people ; yet they are not so fit for the constitution of english men , as beere and ale. and this is evident in that the onely wise god ( who knoweth best what is fittest for every region ) hath forbidden this soyle to bring forth such things ; because they are either needlesse or not naturall to the inhabitants . therefore it were good if all kindes of wines were vsed of vs , but as so many kindes of medicines also ; that is , onely to helpe nature when shee is too weake to helpe her selfe in concoction , retention , and excretion . and among wines ( in regard of the sicknesse ) those that are new , sweet , blacke , and troubled , are forbidden . piercing wines ; such as white and rhenish ( for the reasons already alleaged in piercing and attenuating things ) i cannot allow of for ordinary vse : though some physitions doe . as for muskadell and malego , their sweet taste , and that dullnesse of spirit which is caused by them , betrayes their vnfitnesse in times of contagion . and before i leaue this point , let me leaue with you this caveat . take heed into what houses you enter to drinke with your friend : lest in stead of a health , you drinke your death . let euery man drinke in his own cup , and let none trust the breath of his brother . also take heed of all drinkes that smell or taste of the caske . now me-thinkes i heare one whisper in mine eare , hee would faine know what i thinke of tobacco ; he takes it to be the onely antidote against the plague . i cannot stand to dispute the case deepely : but i will briefly shew my opinion . tobacco hath these manifest qualities : it is heating and drying ; it evacuateth grosse humors ; it draweth away rheums ; it provoketh vrine , and keepeth the belly soluble . there may be some times , and some bodies wherein a medicine having these opening qualities may be vsed ; as namely , to a cold and flegmaticke complexion , full of grosse humors ; the partie for the time keeping himselfe warme , and within dores . but for the common fashion of taking it , by every man , every day ( yea almost every houre ) in shops and open places , without consideration of constitution , or iust cause ; i cannot approue of it at all : much lesse as any antidote . but let vs examine it a little further , for their sakes that would vse it more orderly : and see whither it may be accounted a preservatiue medicine or no. i haue already reckoned the best qualities it hath , being taken in the pipe ( for so onely i discourse of it ) and the first of those qualities indeed shews a faire countenance to the case : but the foure latter talke too much of penetration , and evacuation : wherewith it opens the pores , and makes the body fit to receiue the contagious aire ; it also dissolues the braine , and causeth the humors thereof to fall downe into all parts of the body distempered with a heat contrary to nature ; wherupon it enflames the blood , turns it to melancholy , and resteth not till it haue also turned blacke choller into burnt choller . and in all this doing , his heat carries no cordiall to the spirits ( which must never be absent from an antidote ) for it is mixed with a nauseous qualitie , noysome to the stomach , and offensiue to nature ; as appeares by the violence it offers in vomiting , when a little of the iuice is given to that purpose . these things considered , i thinke tobacco hath very little good vse in pestilent times . and thus much for noysome things to be avoided . now we come to reckon vp holsome things to be elected . let the qualities of your meats and drinkes be temperate betwixt hot and cold , and rather drie then moyst . and ( if the stomach may endure it ) let them for the most part haue a sharp or sower smacke with them . let them be of easie digestion , breeding good blood , and sincere humors in the body . let your bread be made of the best and purest wheat ( which alone maketh the best bread ) or mixe it with some rie . let the corne be such as harvest hath housed before the aire became infectious . leauened bread is the most holsome , because of the sowernesse . let those that may , bake their bread at home . rosted beefe may be eaten with vineager . a rosting pigge is not to be denyed , if his belly be stuffed with sage , sweete marioram , spinach , parsley , and mints : the sauce also made sharpe with vineager and spiced with a little pepper , or ginger . veale , mutton , lamb , kid , and coney are very holsome : but let them not be very fat . of fowles , such as fly neerest the sunne , and build their nests on high , feeding on sweet and holsome graine , are best approved by the best authors : because they receiue lesse infection from the lower aire , which is the most contagious . but if we examine which are they , we shall finde but a few that keepe all these conditions . for the hearon flies high , and builds high ; but feeds in fenny and moorish places , and on moyst meates . the kite , hawke , raven , and such like , feed on carrion , and are never counted worthy to be served as a dish at the table . the larke flies high and neare the sunne , but hath his nest on the earth . the rookes in deed flie somthing high , build high , and feed on the best corne ; and their young ones are esteemed daintie food : but these are not for every ones dish . therefore we may not be so over-curious in the choice of these creatures . let these suffice as most holsome , viz. capon , turkey , henne , pullet , chicken , partridge , pheasant , tame pigeons , yong wilde pigeons , turtles , larks , black-birds , thrushes , and finches . some inwards of beasts and fowles also , are very good and holsome : as the gizards and livers of hens , and capons : the hearts of veale , mutton , and lambe : also lamb-stones , and young cock-stones are excellent meat , and fit for the state of some bodies . but whosoever he be that makes choice of them for the nourishment of his lust , let him remember the israelites quailes , and tremble ; lest while the meat is in his mouth , the hand of god be at his heart ; and in the messe of his sinne , the plague salute him with the message of death . fishes that are of rivers , and cleare running waters are best : as plaise , flounders , &c. fresh salmon , trouts , barbels , shrimps &c. of sea-fish there are but a few fit to be vsed in these times : and those are gogions , mullets , soales , gurnards , lobsters , and cray-fishes : but fish must be seldomer vsed then flesh ; and onely for change of diet to weake and longing stomachs . for all kindes of fish breed but a watrish kinde of blood . egges of hens ( if they be eaten new and reare dressed ) are good , whither they be rosted , boyled , fried , or poached ; and eaten with veriuice , or vineager , and the iuice of a lemon . also turkey egges so vsed are good : but eate them seldomer , because they afford a little too rancke nourishment . in summer time , eate flesh and egges more sparingly then in winter , lest you increase blood too much , or turne it to choller ; which also turneth to inflamation , and putrefaction . butter is very good , and so is buttermilke : ( if moderately vsed ) but they doe easily inflame a chollericke stomacke : and send vp hot fumes into the head . the milke also purgeth some bodies : such therefore are the more to forbeare it . fruits may be allowed ( but seldome and in little quantitie to be vsed ) the sower and sharpe are best ; as sower cherries and plums ( but these preserved , or in tarts , or at least scalded , rather then raw ) the norwich , and katherin peares : the peppins , pearmains , & harvie apples being growne old ; are counted cordialls . also peaches , quinces , pomgranets , oranges , lemons , medlars , sarvices , strawberries , gooseberries , barberies , raspes , mulberries ; likewise dried fruits , as dried peares , plums , cherries , figs , raisins , damask proins , &c. those that haue hot stomachs , and desire cucumbers , may eat them beaten with an onion and salt , and sauced with vineager , and a little sprinckled with pepper . french beanes also ( called à formâ , kidney beanes ) may now and then be vsed , as the best sort of pulse for meate . so may hartichokes with butter and vineager , or the iuice of a lemon . if you earnestly desire sometime to eate of the moyster fruits : eat after them an orange with a little fennell and salt. and if you feele your stomach over-cooled with such kinde of moyst fruits ; drinke also a draught of good white wine : at such a time ; that wine is good to warme the stomach , and carrie away the crudities . of roots , these are the best , turneps , carrots , parsnips , hartichokes of ierusalem . also onions , and radishes , for they are esteemed of great vertue against venoms . and so are leekes , because they cleanse the blood . of hearbs ; the warme and drying are of greatest vse , as rue , wormwood , baulm , mints , peni royall , rosemary , and many such like ; with which you may stuffe and temper moyst meats . but for sallets and sauces : fennell , sweet marior●m , sage , time , parsley , succorie . but of all ; sharpe and sower hearbs are best : and therefore sorrell is in good request , and endiue or succorie mixed therewith ; because of themselues they are opening . hot spices may be vsed in moyst meats , and to temper cold and sower fruits . also in winter time , and to a cold stomach , they may be allowed simple ; or with little qualification : otherwise there is no vse of them , but to mixe with sauces . what spices i meane , are easily knowne : viz. pepper , cloues , mace , nutmegs , ginger ; and to these i adde saffron , and the roots of enula campane , zedoarie , angelica , and tormentill ; which are very vsefull . the fittest sauces are sharpe and sower ones . as sorrell and vineager , or veriuice , or the iuice of lemons , or oranges . also capers and vineager , are very good . when the weather is cold & your stomach craues it , you may mixe them with spices to make them warmer ; and in these cases if you doubt the weaknesse of your stomach , & the binding in of your spirits , by cold sower sauces ; then temper your meats with sugar , a little salt , cinnamon , pepper , safron , and some fennell : or with egges , butter , and the iuice of lemons , and a little fennell and saffron . broths must be very thin , and something sharpened with lemons , or vineager . in stead of them also you may somtimes vse posset-ale turned with vineager , or a lemon ; and after boyled with some of these hearbs before commended . or aleberries for those that cannot away with flesh . and let those that feed on these things , forbeare drinke . gellyes also are good for weake bodies , if they be not intemperately spiced . as for the manner of dressing : rost is better then boyled ; fish is beft ●● fried then boyled . but if any desire boyled meat rather , then let it be flesh of the drier sort : or if yet it must needs be of the moyster , let it be well sauced with sharpe and sower things , with a little pepper , cinnamon , prepared coriander seeds and salt . sorrell and marigold flowers may be added at your pleasure . i haue still prescribed vineager as a thing of generall vse , because being cooling and drying , it resisteth all kinds of poyson , and repelleth putrefaction . which is apparent ( as ambrosius paraeus li. de peste . cap. 8. testifieth ) in the embalming of dead bodies , who are washed in vineager , to keepe them from putrefying . but here i must giue a caveat to women : for ( as crato in consil . 275. saith ) it hurteth the mother : therefore they must allay it with white wine and sugar . now for drinke . middling beere or ale is generally best for common vse : but the constitution of every one must fit it selfe . onely take heed of extremities ; very strong enflames : and very small makes watrish blood . let your drinke be well boyled , and stale ; but quicke and fresh . cyder made of sharpe apples is not amisse to be vsed somtimes , to refresh the pallat with varietie . those that haue need of wine to helpe their stomachs , let them vse good claret , sherries sacke , or canarie : and now and then a draught of white wine . but if your stomach doe not much require them simply : allay them with water . let your wine be cleare , briske , old , and pleasant . to a weake stomach , and a feeble nature , wine is an antidote against all poysons ; as celsus li. 8. de re medica . cap. 27. affirmeth . and senectutis summa est medicina : it is the best medicine for old age , as aëtius teacheth in tetr . 1. serm . 4. cap. 30. but let not youths , and men of strength thinke they may be so bold with wine in these contagious seasons , as they haue bin wont to be at other times . for it must needs inflame their bloud , and inflamation is certainly seconded with putrefaction ; and putrefaction is no lesse then a degree of poyson in the humors , which will easily turne to the pestilence . and so much for the disorder of mans diet in qualitie of meat & drinke . now we come to quantitie . and herein ; the disease is surfeiting , and the remedie must be sobrietie . i will therefore lay open , first the danger of the disease , and then the course of the cure. in this disorder of quantitie , i cannot but admire at my countrey men : for if heliogabalus were now among the liuing , he might finde enough companions among englishmen . it was wont to be said , the drunken-dutchman : but the dutch haue playd the god-fathers , & haue too kindly , bestowd their names vpon our men , such names i meane as diotemus of athens had ; who was intituled the tunnell , for his filthy delight in drinking and drinking in a tunnell . for the liues of many are so monstrous , that a man might say of some among vs , as valerius aurelianus the emperour was wont to say of bonosus , a spaniard : that he was borne ; not to liue , but to drinke . these riotous abuses of gods good gifts , are a maine cause why the lord at this time striketh this land with sicknesse , and threatneth it with the famine . and if any of that luxurious sect be at this time sober , let them but listen to the testimonies of learned experience , who will tell them into what bodily dangers they plunge themselues by this detestable disorder . hippocrates hath an aphorisme to this purpose , that meat or drinke immoderately taken causeth sicknesse . paulus aegineta goes yet further , saying , that the veynes being filled too full ; are afflicted , distended , or els broken : obstructed , filled with winde , and over-charged . and of all diseases , he affirmeth , that the over-charging of the veines is the worst . galen affirmeth , that drunkennesse and crudities ( which arise from intemperance ) doe breed new diseases . and in another place , he sayth , whereas wine moderately taken increaseth naturall heat ; as being his proper aliment : by drunkennesse commeth astonishment of the brayne , the falling sicknesse , or some mayme either to sense or motion . and so , the best meats , which afford most nourishment , being immoderately eaten , ingender cold diseases . but avicen more particularly layes downe the dangers that follow this over repletion , in these words : eating much nourisheth not ; but fills the body with crudities and raw humors stops the pores , weakens the powers of nature ; causes putrefaction , mixed feavors , short breath , sciatica , and ioynt-aches . againe , in another place he speakes of drinking , thus : much drinking of wine in sanguine and chollericke complexions , overheats the bloud , and causeth choller to superabound ; and by too much repletion of the veynes and vessells , there may follow a hot apoplexie , and suddain death . in cold complexions it breeds diseases of the sinews ; and that for two causes : the first is the over moystening of the sinews ; the other , the turning of the drinke into vineager before it can passe through the body : so the nerves are by the former relaxed , and by the latter corroded . whereupon follows the cold apoplexie , astonishment , senslesnesse , lethargie , palsey , trembling of the limbs , and convulsions of the mouth . these are the fearefull mischiefs that befall their bodies ; besides the miserable wants that grow like eating cankers into their estates , and the hideous hell-torments which attend their soules . and note this also , that what these haue said of wine , the same is true likewise of all other strong drinkes . now to cure this bruitish disease , there is no better way then prevention ; and gluttonie is prevented by sobrietie . therefore againe hearken to avicen , who adviseth alwayes to rise from meate with some remainder of appetite : for within halfe an houre , or as soone as the meate ( first eaten ) beginneth to digest , our hunger ceaseth . li. 1. fen. 3. doct. 2. cap. 7. and hence it is , that some ( greedily following the sense of their appetite ) overcharge their stomachs even to vomiting , before they feele themselues satisfied ; because , though the vessell be over-full , yet the appetite is not appeased till concoction haue begun her worke vpon some part of that which is already received . these things are especially to be regarded in a contagious time . for repletion is the originall of all mischiefs that crudities can produce , and they can cause speedy putrefaction , & that speeds them with the pestilence . but as for a strict quantitie of eating and drinking , i cannot stint every mans stomach ; but must conclude with hippocrates , aph. 17. li. 1. concedendum est aliquid tempori , regioni , aetatt , et consuetudini . the time , place , age , and custome , must beare some sway in these things . onely in these times , i would wish all men , women , and children to be so moderate ( as avicen counselleth ) that they still keepe in the fire of their appetite ; and how sparing so ●ver they are wont ( naturally or customarily ) to be ; let them be now somthing more sparing . make sewer and shorter meales . i would wish those that haue not very weake and windie stomachs , to eat but twice a day : that is , breakfast and dinner : to goe to bed without a supper is very holsome ; thereby we giue sleepe leaue to supply the evenings nourishment , which it will better performe when neither the stomach troubles it with vapours ; nor it hinders the stomach from digestion . let your drinke also be lesse then your meat : and drinke not betweene meales , if you can forbeare . laertius li. 2. saith , that socrates liued in athens in divers plague times , and was never sicke of it : and the reason was , his great temperance in diet . in winter and cold weather , eate your meat hot from the fire . in summer eat it for the most part cold . let the times of eating be ; for your breakfast two houres after you are vp , and haue taken some antidote . and your dinner fiue houres after that againe . your supper also ( if the weaknesse of your stomach craue it ) fiue houres after your dinner . frame not to your selfe an antidote without skill : but take advice of the physition : who will consider what will best agree with the particular temper of your body : for mithridate and triacle , are generally good for all ; but not particularly for every one . but because every one will not be brought to breake their old customary times of meales ; as dinner at twelue , and supper at seaven : i am content to yeeld to custome in these cases . onely let them never goe forth without their breakfast : that they may be armed against winde and emptinesse . and their antidote taken two houres before ; that they may be armed against evill aires . now for those that must therfore make three meales a day ; let their breakfast ( if they be of a cold constitution ) be some bread and butter with nutmeg grated , and a little citron pill powdered , and strewed vpon it . or els bread and sallet oyle ( for such as loue it ) spiced with the powder of enula campane roote . or els ( especially in cold and moyst weather ) eate a few figs with a little penniroyall and salt . but for hot stomachs and chollericke complexions ; let such dip some bread in beere and vineager , and eat it . or take good wine vineager , steepe in it ( for three dayes together ) the powder of brimston and a few fennell-seeds , soppe your bread in it , and make it your break-fast and for those that must make three meales a day , let their breakfast be little in quantitie . at other meales , eat the lightest meats first , and then those that are more hard of digestion : eat no butter last , and drinke not last after your meate . neither is cheese so commonly to be eaten at these times , for if it be full of butter , it is fuming ; if not , it is binding : and both these are faults ; except the inclination of the body require it at sometimes . after dinner also , if you haue a cold stomach , close it with a bit of bread , and a few coriander seeds prepared . and this likewise will doe well for breastfast , if you be troubled with winde and gripings . eate not of aboue two or three dishes at dinner , and at supper , let one suffice you . quercitavus ( in diaetet : polyhist . sect. 2. cap. 8. ) proues , that the eating of varietie of meates , and drinking of divers kindes of drinkes at one meale , makes such a confused heape in the stomach , as turneth to infinite tumults in concoction ; while some are sower , and some speedier in softening , digesting , and distributing into the parts of the body . to conclude ; let custome somthing prevaile in all points of diet , with those that haue vsed temperance in former times ; and onely pare it somthing thinner in respect of the present pestilent time . as for those that never knew the rules of order yet : let them learne shortly , if they desire to liue long . and so much for the second part of diet : meate and drinke . the third poynt of diet , is repletion , and evacuation . galen ( li. 1. de differ . feb . cap. 4. ) sayth , that the body ought especially to be kept free from superfluities . and hippocrates ( in the third aph. of his first booke ) proveth that plethoricke bodies are subiect to great dangers : wherefore he counselleth evacuation ; and yet withall to goe no further therein then nature will safely beare . for as too much repletion is hurtfull , so too long fasting makes the stomach languish ; therefore suffer not too much emptinesse . hunger sharpens the humors and weakens the spirits : and thirst makes the heart hot , and enflames the spirits ; who therefore desiring to be cooled , doe draw in more quantitie of the evill aire by breathing , then they should , and that i haue alreadie proved to be dangerous . therefore it is better to eate the oftener , so it be the lesse at once . when you rise in the morning rub your sides , armes , and legges a little : your cloths being on ; comb your head , and rub it ; hauke and spit ; and blow your nose , to evacuate those excrements . then wash your hands and face with faire water first , in regard of cleansing ; but afterward ( in respect of preservation ) wash your face , nose , mouth , and eye-lids ( closing your eyes ) with rose-water and vineager and white wine . or with faire water and a little vineager , wherein rue hath shred and steeped all night . assay also to make water , and goe to stoole . be carefull to bring your body to a custome of evacuation at that time . and after that eat your antidote . if you be costiue , vse some suppositorie , or clyster ; if such slighter meanes ( whereof every man can prescribe one or other ) will not prevaile , consult with the physition : and suffer not two whole dayes to passe without such evacuations . be carefull likewise to keepe your selfe neate and cleanly at all times . wash your feete once a fortnight in warme water , wherein are boyled rose-leaues ( either fresh or dried ) vine-leaues , bay leaues , rosmarie , fennell , camomill , and some bay salt. flee all other bathings , and especially washing and swimming in rivers , ponds , and such open places , ( as the thames , and such like ) within the region of the aire infected : for it is most dangerous . if vrine stop , or menstrua flow not as they should ; seeke remedie of the physition speedily . fly venus as much as you may , for shee hath an ill report in times of pestilence . in a pestilent aire , every disease becommeth somthing pestilent , and more deadly then ever before : and any kinde of feavor easily turneth to the plague it selfe . therefore if any perceiue blood , or any other humor to abound , or to be corrupted ( what time of the yeare , or what weather soever it be ) let him begin to abate it by moderate abstinence ; or els take the advise of a physition ; for opening a veine , or some other course , such as the artist shall thinke fit . and let them not put it off till they be worse , in hope of growing better by their owne strength : for nature for the most part struggles in vaine without helpe : and contagious cases are not to be trusted to . naturall sweating , that commeth easily , and of it selfe is good ; hinder it not therefore , and yet embrace it not too earnestly . to conclude ; if a man or woman haue an issue , or fontanell in arme or legge ; or haue any running soare ; heale it not vp , for it is a good meanes to keepe safe from infection ; because nature will ( lightly ) be strong enough to expell any venom by such a common sewer . but yet make not this thy sheild of confidence , for though few such haue beene stricken ; yet i can name some that haue died of the plague , for all that they had issues , and those at that time well and plentifully running . the fourth poynt of diet , is exercise and rest . some are so lazie as they will not stirre their bodies at all ; these suffer superfluous humors to increase , because they doe not breath them out by exercise . ovid. de ponto , resembles such to standing pooles , which corrupt for lacke of purging themselues by motion . cernis vt ignavum corrumpunt otia corpus ? vt capiunt vitium ni moveantur aquae ? others againe are so violent in their labour and exercise , that they prodigally waste the treasure of those good humors that should nourish them . of these againe the poet singeth ; otia corpus alunt , animus quoque pascitur illis . immodicus contra carpit vtrumque labor . such exercises as running , wrestling , much leaping , violent dancing , hard riding , foot-ball-playing , tennise , and the like ; which cause a man to swear in open aire , are very dangerous . for thereby the pores are opened to let in that aire which bringeth poyson with it . also the lungs fetching short and deepe breathing ( as i haue else where sayd already ) draw it as fast into the vitall parts . moderate exercise stirreth vp and nourisheth naturall heat ; fills the members thereby with activitie and aptnesse to motion ; also it helps concoction and evacuation of excrements . therefore let your exercise be walking , and gentle stirring , ad ruborem , non ad sudorem : till you be warme , not till you sweat . let the time of exercise be the morning fasting , two houres after the sunne is vp ; for by that time , his beames will haue dispelled and dispersed the night vapours . the fittest place , is some large roome , enclosed from the common aire ; and where is little or no company , that their breaths distemper not the aire wherein you are ( by motion ) to breath somthing more largely . and it is good to perfume the roome also before hand , that the aire may be the purer . at all times , beware you take no cold . for great colds and rheums doe easily breed putrid feavors , and they as easily turne to the plague . the fifth poynt of diet , is sleepe and watching . if sleepe be immoderate or vnseasonable , it hindereth concoction , it heapeth vp many crude and superfluous humors , it extinguisheth the vitall spirits , and taketh away the liuelinesse of the animall faculties . overmuch watching also and want of sleepe , dries vp the good humors , and sets them in a heat , and ( which is most dangerous ) weakens the naturall forces . therefore obserue due times for sleepe . goe to bed betimes , and rise betimes ; for that is holsomest . sleepe not vpon meate , or after dinner ; especially if you haue fed any thing liberally : and by no meanes giue way to sleepe at such times lying along : but if you must needs take such repose , sit in a chaire vpright , and doe but take him napping ; let not such a sleepe be aboue halfe an houre long ; for a little yeelding satisfieth ; and by further indulgence the head will grow the more dull and drowsie . i counsell therefore rather to yeeld a little in this aforesayd manner , then by striving too much against it , to make the head ake ; but let some friend or servant ( within the time limited ) awake you gently , not sodainly to make you fright or start ; for that would disturbe those spirits and humors which your nap had setled . the night is the naturall time for sleepe . but let it be two houres at the soonest after supper ( if you must sup ) that the stomach may haue made some good progresse in concoction , before sleepe make holiday with the functions of nature . and then sleepe not aboue fiue or six houres at the most . let the chamber wherein you lie , be conveniently warme , the dores and windows close shut , to keepe out the evill aire of the night ; and before-hand perfumed to expell the pestilent . sleepe not without dores ; neither sit , nor lie vpon the ground or grasse in the fields or garden plots ; for the nearer the earth , the more deadly is the aire : and the immediate stroke of the cold ground is very dangerous . the sixt and last poynt , is the passions of the minde . all kindes of passions if they be vehement doe offer violence to the spirits . yea though they be of the better , and more naturall sort . as , ioy and laughter , if they be vnbridled and too profuse , doe exceedingly enervate and resolue both the spirits and body ; in so much as the breast and sides are pained , the breath is streightened , and many times the soule it selfe is ready to depart . so also care , suspition , enuie , iealousie , and such like vnquietnesses , doe ouer-heat the spirits , and drie vp and consume the good humors . but there be foure passions more violent then the rest . viz. immoderate ioy , sorrow , anger , and feare . immoderate ioy , by suddaine and violent dilatation of the heart , le ts the spirits fly forth so abundantly , that naturall heat is left naked and so is sodainly extinguished . if it breake forth into laughter , the danger is as i haue alreadie said . it is recorded of chrysippus , that onely vpon seeing an asse eate figs , he fell into such an vnmeasurable laughter , that he fell downe and died . and zeuxis that excellent paynter ( who made a most curious beautifull picture of the spartan helen ) vpon the sight of a very ill favor'd old woman , burst out into such an vnmeasurable laughter , that he laughed himselfe to death . but somtimes this immoderate ioy killeth before it venteth it selfe in laughter . for so sophocles the tragedian receiving a wonderfull applause of the people for the last tragedy he writ ; was so over-ioyed at it , that he fell downe and died presently . and it is recorded of one rhodius diagoras , who when he saw his three sonnes all at one time crowned with victory at the olympian games , ranne to meet them ; and while he embraced them in his armes , and they set their garlands on his head ; he was so overcome with ioy , that he fell downe dead in the midst of them ; and so turned their triumphs into a funerall . sorrow on the other side afflicts the heart , disturbs the faculties , melts the brayne , vitiates the humors ; and so weakens all the principall parts ; consumes the nourishments of the spirits and naturall heate ; and somtimes brings sodaine death . as adrastus king of the argiues , being told of the death of his sonne , was taken with so sodain a sorrow , that he fell downe and died presently . and so iulia the daughter of iulius caesar , and wife of pompey ; when she heard the newes of her husbands death , fell downe also suddainly and died . anger is so furious a passion , that it worketh wonderfully vpon the spirits and faculties ; disturbing them exceedingly , as appeareth by the shaking and tossing of the body too and fro ; the fiery sparkling of the eyes ; the colour comming and going , now red , now pale : so that the humors appeare to be inflamed ( especially choller ) and the spirits hurried this way and that way ; somtime haled outward , and presently driven inward againe . by which violent motions an vnnaturall heat in the spirits , and corruption in the humors are ingendred . hereupon ( many times ) follow burning and cholericke feavors , pulseys , iaundis , pleurisies , and all kinds of inflamations ; violent bleeding at the nose which can hardly be stanched ; and somtime death it selfe . nerva the emperour , being highly displeased with one regulus , fell into such a fury against him , that he was stricken therewith into a feavor , whereof he died shortly after . wencestaus king of bohemia , in a furious anger conceived against his cup bearer , would needs kill him presently with his owne hand ; but in the endevour he was stricken with a palsey , whereof he died in few dayes after . valentinianus the emperour in a great rage would needs destroy the whole countrey of sarmatia ; but he breathed forth his menaces with such vnbridled fury , that he burst out into bleeding and died . in the yeare of our lord , 1623. a poore olde man in the north part of devonshire ( dwelling in a part of a little village called little poderidge ) came to the house of sr thomas monck ( where i at that time was ) and standing at the buttery dore to receiue some beere ( which , together with other victualls , was every day given very liberally to all the poore thereabouts ) because the butler did not presently fill his tanckerd ; the olde man fell into such a furious rage against her , that with the very passion , he presently fell downe ; was taken vp dead , was with much adoe ( by me ) recovered to life and sense ; but never spake more , and died within two dayes after . feare also gathers the spirits to the heart , and dissolues the brayne , making the humors thereof to shed and slide downe into the externall parts , causing a chilnesse , and shaking over all the body : it abuseth the phantasie and senses , brings a lethargie vpon the organs of motion , and depriues the heart of all spirit and vigour : somtimes also it makes a mans will for him , and vnkindly bequeaths his estate to death . as cassander the sonne of antipater vpon sight of alexanders statue , fell into such a terror and trembling , that he could hardly shift himselfe out of the place , and had much adoe to recover his spirits againe . i could relate a story of one who ( receiving but a slight wound in the arme , in a place of no danger , and with very little losse of blood ) died presently with the very feare of being killed . but i should be too tedious if i should reckon vp more examples . now , if these passions could be so deadly in pure aires , and holsome seasons ; how much more ( thinke we ) are they pernicious in pestilentiall times ? but in respect of contagion , there is no passion so dangerous as feare . for by it the spirits are enforced to retire inward to the heart , to guard that prince of life from the danger feared . by this retiring they leaue the outward parts infirme , as appeareth plainely by the palenesse & trembling of one in great feare . so that , the walls being forsaken ( which are continually besieged by the contagious aire ) in come the enemies without resistance ; the spirits which are the souldiers that should repell them , having cowardly sounded a retrait . and hereby there is not onely way made for the evill aire to enter , but also the spirits ( wherein is all our heat ) being all drawne inward , doe draw in such vapours after them as are about the body ; even as the sunne draweth towards it , the vapours of the earth . and here-hence it is , that feare brings infection faster and sooner then any other occasion . now for remedie against these passions , we must know that they are diseases of the soule , and the cure of them belongeth chiefly to divines . they are the phisitians to deale inwardly with these diseases : to purge out the loue of this world , and the distrust of gods providence and mercies , as also to minister the cordialls of faith , hope , patience , contentednesse , &c. and to ordaine the strict diet of holy exercises , a good conversation , and walking with god. wee that are phisitians to the body , are but chirurgians to the soule : wee can but talke of topicall remedies , as to apply mirth , musicke , good company , and lawfull recreations ; such as may take away all time and occasions for carefull thoughts and passionate affections . thus haue i brought you through that part of the definition , wherein are the causes of the plague discovered . now we are to lay open the qualities of it , described before in the definition , thus which at the very first striketh to the heart , is venomous , deadly , and infectious . at the very first it striketh to the heart . therefore it is called morbus cordis , a disease of the heart . and that this is first stricken , is apparent by this , that at the first infection the vitall facultie sinkes , and languishes ; the whole strength of the body is suddainly turned to weaknesse ; the vitall spirits are greatly oppressed and discouraged . whereas the animall facultie commonly remaineth ( for a while ) in good plight and perfect in the vse of sense , vnderstanding , iudgement , memorie and motion . the naturall facultie also is not so presently hurt , but there is concoction and all other actions performed by the liver , stomach , reyns , guts , bladder , and other parts , as nature requireth . though indeed in a little time , these and the brayne also are overcome , as appeareth by the symptoms that follow , as lethargies , frenzies , vomitings , fluxes , &c. that it is venomous , is graunted of all both physitians and philosophers . and it is apparent by his secret and insensible insinuation of himselfe into the vitall spirits ; to which as soone as he is gotten , he shews himselfe a mortall enemie , with suddain violence choking and extinguishing them . therefore , his subtle entrance , his sly crueltie , his swift destroying ; the vnfaithfulnesse of his crisis , and other prognosticke signes ; and the vehemencie , grievousnesse , and ill behaviour of his symptoms , are manifest proofes of his venomous qualitie . for in this disease , the seidge , vrine , and sweat , haue an abhominable savour ; the breath is vile and noysome ; evill coloured spots , pustles , blisters , swellings ; and vlcers full of filthy matter arise in the outward parts of the body : such as no superfluitie or sharpnesse of humors , nor no putrefaction of matter ( without a venomous qualitie ioyned with it ) can possibly produce . it is deadly . this needs no proofe , the weekly bills argue it , and our owne eyes witnesse it , while we see continuall burialls , and some die in the very streets : and while we finde also that few of those that are stricken doe recover againe . but that it is infectious , is among many of the common ignorant sort more disputable , then among the learned . yet is it apparent enough by much experience ; for garments and houshold-stuffe haue beene infected , and haue infected many , as i haue shewed alreadie in the examples of a gowne and a feather-bed . now though this infection be not apparent to sense ( as indeed the deadliest poysons haue neither taste nor smell ) yet their lurking qualitie may be plainely demonstrated by such as are sensible . for we know that garments will a long time retaine any strong or sweete sent wherewith they haue beene fumed , or with which they haue beene layd vp ; now the sent is meerely a qualitie , and his substance is the aire , which is the vehiculum or seat of the sent wherein it is carried , & by which it is made permanent . other experiences we haue also ; as liue pageons being laid to the soares , are taken away dead , having not beene wounded , crushed , nor hurt by any hand at all . and lastly , many that are infected , can directly tell where , and of whom they tooke it . but say some againe , then why is not one infected as well as another ? i haue eaten and drunke , and lyen with them that haue had it , and the soares running on them . and yet i was not infected . i say they haue the more cause to magnifie the mercy of god to their particular ; and not to obscure it , by saying it is not infectious . this argument is not vnlike that of the mountebanks , who tell you that such and such haue beene cured by his medicines , but conceales how many haue died by the misapplication . if one should aske this man , i pray you , how many haue so conversed with the infected and haue so escaped ? i am sure they cannot name one of twentie . yea but sayth another , i hold the plague to be nothing els but the very influence of the striking angell , sent of god to destroy here one and there another , as hee hath particularly fore-poynted them out . such kindes of plagues indeed we reade of in sacred scripture , as exod. 12. numb . 11. v. 33. numb . 16. numb . 25. and 2 sam. 24. but there is great difference betwixt those plagues and these of ours . for in those , great multitudes suddainly , and all at once ( as one would say ) in a very short space of time were both smitten and slaine . the longest time of striking being but three dayes , namely that for davids numbering the people . in those plagues therefore the cause was onely supernaturall : for there was no time allowed for corruption and putrefaction of the aire . but in these of ours ( and in very many moe in all countreys and kingdomes , and in all ages of the world ) there hath beene sufficient time to breed and increase the contagion in the aire : in which time of breeding also , the antient naturall observations haue beene found true from age to age ; for many noysome things haue apparently discovered themselues , as fruits of the aires putrefaction , and prognosticks of the plague threatened . and when it hath begun , it spreads but by degrees ; first striking one man onely ; then two or three ; after that a few more ; and so multiplying the succeeding number , as it evidently groweth more contagious by the number of bodies already infected . besides those plagues before mentioned , doe discover a stroke , but no sicknesse ; but that of hezekiah discovered a sicknesse and no stroke of any angell . for it is plainly sayd , that hezekiah was sicke . isaiah 38. and that his sicknesse was the plague , appeares by the soare which was vpon him , and the medicine by which that soare was cured . this to the reasonable is reason sufficient . but ere i part with this poynt of infection ; i thinke it good to discover what bodies are most , or least apt to be infected . and to finde this we must first know that bodies are infected two wayes ; first , from without , in regard of the aire ; and secondly , from within , in respect of the present state of the bodie . from without , those are most subiect to it , who haue thin bodies , and open pores ; and whose hearts are so hot , that they need much attraction of aire to coole them . from within , they are most apt , whose veyns and vessells are full of grosse humors , and corrupt iuices ; the evill matter ( being thicke , and therefore cannot breath out through the pores ) increaseth her putrefaction ( by the heat within ) vnto the greater malignitie , and so becommeth pestilent . therefore those bodies that are moyst , and full of iuice ; whose veines are streit ( and therefore apter to intercept then intertaine the iuices ) and the thicknesse of whose skin denies the transpiration of the excrements ; these are easily poluted and infected . and such are women ; especially women with childe , for their bodies are full of excrementitious iuices , & much heat withall ; which is as oyle and flame put together . also those that are very costiue , or haue their water stopped ; the noysome vapours that are by these excrements ingendered , make the body subiect to infection . young children , in regard of their tender and soft bodies are apt to admit of any alteration vpon the lightest occasion : and because they fetch their breath short ( having but little roome for respiration ) they draw in much aire , with which the seed of contagion is attracted : and so are apt to be infected from without . and likewise because they are naturally moyst , and feed vpon the moyster kindes of meates ; and feed also with more appetite then iudgement ; they are therefore the more subiect to pestilent infection from within . likewise , the sanguine and delicate faire complexion , ( whose bloud and iuices are finer and thinner then others , and therefore more subiect to mutation ) are quickly infected : for the plague is able to insinuate it selfe into all the humors ; but into some more easily then others ; as into bloud first , choler next , fleam after , and melancholie last . poore people , ( by reason of their great want ) living sluttishly , feeding nastily on offals , or the worst & vnholsomest meates ; and many times too long lacking food altogether ; haue both their bodies much corrupted , and their spirits exceedingly weakened : whereby they become ( of all others ) most subiect to this sicknesse . and therefore we see the plague sweeps vp such people in greatest heapes . indeed in regard of the aire , the rich are as subiect as they ; for both breath the same : and delicacie of feeding makes the rich as apt to corruption : but then they haue meanes to get holsome food , good attendance , and precious antidotes to preserue them ; for we see by experience that ordinary things doe little prevaile . and this is the reason also why fewest of the rich doe die of the plague . great eaters and drinkers ( who can never be free from crudities ) as also luxurious idle livers , and whore hunters ( who spend the strength of their bodies prodigally ) are very apt to be infected . also such as in former times haue had customary evacuations by sweat , haemorrhoids , vomitings , menstrua , fontanells , or other like wayes of expelling noxious humors ; and haue them now stopped . those likewise that fast much ( their bodies being emptie ) receiue more aire in , then they let out . those also that are fearefull ; as i haue alreadie shewed in the point of passions . furthermore , nearenesse of bloud or kindred , by reason of the sympathy of natures , maketh men very apt to receiue infection from one of their owne bloud . and so those that are neare the sicke in body , being continually conversant with them , or often comming about them ; as chirurgians , keepers , searchers , and such like . lastly , virgins that are ripe and marriageable ; are apt to receiue infection , and being once stricken , seldome or never escape , without great and precious meanes . quia spirituosum semen in motu cum sit , facilè succenditur ; vel , quia intùs detentum facilè corrumpitur , & in veneni perniciem abit . mindererus de pestilentia . cap. 10. but some thinke by the strength of nature to prevaile against against this infection . but wee see strong and well nourished bodies die as fast as others : and that not because it is safer to be weake ; but as hippocrates sayth , corpora impura quò magis aluntur , eò magis laeduntur . their taking of the infection proues their body to be impure ( though strong ) and the more an impure body is nourished , the more it is endangered . but those are most likely to escape infection , that are troubled with the gout ; in whom the nobler parts of the body doe expell the noxious humors to the ignobler . those that haue fontanells , or any other kinde of issue , as vlcers , haemorrhoids , or plentie of other evacuations ; whereby the hurtfull humors are drayned away . olde folkes , whose bodies are dry and cold . also bold and confident spirits , whose courage can resist all feares , are to themselues an antidote ; if their body be withall kept cleane and pure by the common rules of preservation . lastly , those who keepe themselues private , and vse antidotes and meanes preservatiue , reposing themselues in god with david in the fourth psalme , and last verse . he will giue his angells charge over them , to keepe them in all their wayes , &c. psal . 91.5.6.7 . and 3. verses . but they must then walke in the way that god hath set before them , and that is , the vse of physicke . for , the lord hath created medicines out of the earth , and he that is wise will not abhorre them . ecclus. 38.4 . and with such doth he heale men , and take away their paynes . vers . 7. and in the sixt verse , he hath given men skill , that he might be honoured in his marveilous workes . then forsake not the physitian ; neither by thy scorning of his skill , force him to forsake thee : for as st paul said of the marriners in his ship. acts. 27.31 . so may i say of physitians in this cittie ; except these tarry , wee cannot be saved . and so much for the qualitie of the plague . now i come to the last part of the definition , discovering the signes and symptoms of it , in these words : and for the most part is accompanied with a feavor ; as also with spots called gods-tokens , or with a blayne , or botch , or carbuncle . i say , for the most part it is thus accompanied ; but not alwayes . for some are suddainly stricken , and die before they haue any acquaintance , either with distemper or outward paine . some haue thought there may be a plague and yet no feavor : but mindererus proues that to be an idle conceit . li. de pest . cap. 6. some also , haue died of the plague , and yet nothing hath appeared outwardly : and such as die suddainly , haue seldome any spots , or such like outward signe : and are therefore lesse infectious then others , if they be not too long kept vnburied . but to come to the severall points , which haue two generalls , to wit , inward signes , and outward signes . the inward is a feavor , and his symptoms . the outward are , the tokens , the blayne , the botch , and the carbuncle . the first and inward signe , is a feavor . as soone as the heart is stricken with the putrid vapour , the spirits grow distempered and inflamed . and this distemperature is a feavor ( not proper , but symptomaticall or accidentall ) and this feavor is not of one kinde in every one ; but diverse , and such are his symptoms also . as sometime pleuriticke , sometime squinanticke , sometimes cholericke , sometimes continuall , and sometimes intermitting . these distempers relate the cruell combate begun betwixt nature and her m●●●all enemie . the outward signes bring newes of the hopes or feares to which side the victorie is like to fall . for , if nature expell any part of the venom outward , it is a signe of some strength in her . if the tokens appeare , either the enemie is but weake ; or els nature is but weake , and shews her good will more then her power . for except the assault be but slight ; those repulses will not get the conquest . if there be a blayne or blister , it shewes nature is a little stronger , and the enemy not a little curs●er . if the botch or great apostumation rise . then hath nature a crowd of corrupt matter to encounter with ; an armie of enemies , against which shee stoutly bestirres her selfe . if shee driue forth a great quantitie of matter , and withall be well fortified ( within by antidotes , to maintaine her spirits , and strength : and without by perfumes ) that while the body of the battalion is driven out , the skouts of straggling vapours that arise from it , steale not in againe by the mouth , nostrills , and other outward passages ; then is she like to winne the day . and by the places where she driues them out ; it appeares , against which of the three castles of nature the greatest assault is given and continued . for if the swelling arise in the armepits , it shews that the the seidge is continued ( where it first begun ) at the heart . if in the necke , then is the battery layd at the brayne . and if in the groyne , then is the liver beleaguered . but sometimes these princes are all at once assaulted ; and then is it altogether vnlikely that nature can recover . for though both she and they be never so stout , and seeme for a time to prevaile , by expelling abundance of matter ( in the breaking of the botches ) yet nature may be so over-charged ; and the enemie ( whose venome is sly and subtle ) may shew himselfe such a machavilian , as one way or other he weakens her forces , puts her braue spirits to flight , and tyrant-like demolisheth all her beautious buildings . if the carbuncle arise . then we may say , nature playes the lion , but alas shee hath to deale with a fiery dragon : this of all venoms being the most malicious and cruell . but that the colours of these bloudy ensignes , may the better be discovered , i will play the herald , and blazon every signe by himselfe . so many ( i meane ) as are most inseparable from the plague , & therfore chiefly to be respected . as for the rest , ( though they be many ) they belong as well ( and more properly ) to other diseases ; and are more deceitfull , and lesse vsefull to any but the physitian onely . the signes of the plague ( therefore ) are commonly these . first , a secret sinking of the spirits and powers of nature , with a painfull wearinesse of the bones , and all without any manifest cause . then follows great trouble and oppression of the heart , that the partie vnquietly rowles vp and downe for rest from one place to another ; sighing often , and either offering to vomit , or vomiting filthy stuffe of divers colours , yellow , greene , and blackish ; then come paines in the head , which still increase ; and faintnesse . but after these come the surest signes , which are the tokens , blayne , botch , and carbuncle . the tokens are spots of the bignesse of flea-bitings , some bigger , some as bigge as a penny . they shew themselues commonly in the brest and backe ; but they will sometimes appeare in other places also . in some they will be many , in some but a few , in others but one or two . in colour they are for the most part of a pale blew , but somtimes also purple or blackish , circled with a reddish circle . the blayne is a little blister somwhat like one of the swine-pocks ; and many times of the same colour ; but somtimes , of a blewish or leaden colour ; and being opened , affordeth filthy matter of the like complexion . round about the blister , there is a rednesse the breadth of a groat , six-pence , or nine-pence : these will rise in any part : somtimes one alone , somtimes two or three ; but never very many . and these will breake , and fall , and leaue a dry crust , which will scale off . the botch is a hard swelling , rising as i sayd before in the necke , vnder the eares , or vnder the chinne ; in the armepits ; & in the groynes . it swelleth somtimes no bigger then a nutmeg ; somtimes as bigge as a wall-nut ; others as a hens egge , and some as bigge as a mans fist . also in some it swelleth out very fully to be seene plainly , and becommeth so soare that it can endure nothing to touch it ; in others it lieth low and deepe in the flesh , onely to be found by feeling ; and somtimes also scarcely to be felt ; but if you touch the place , it is painfull . those that lie high and plaine to be seene , are more hopefull ; the low lurking ones are very ominous and pernicious . the carbuncle riseth like a little push or pustle , with a prettie broad compasse of rednesse round about it . it is wonderfull angry , and furiously enflaming , as if a quicke coale of fire were held to the place : whence it hath his name carbunculus , a little coale of fire . it creepeth secretly in the flesh next vnder the skin , and is full of such a furious malignant poyson , as it will quickly consume and eate out so great a peece of flesh ( for the capacitie it is in ) as a man would wonder how it could so suddainly be done : being as if one did burne a hole with a hot iron . and it is strange to see that so small a tumor should be so devilish and dangerous to life : for if it be not with great care , and exceeding good meanes attended , it bringeth speedy death . but moreover obserue this . somtimes ( as i said before ) a man dies of the plague , when neither before nor after he is dead , there appeareth any tokens , or blayne , botch , or carbuncle . and yet there will be a signe which few haue observed ; my grand father ( who was a famous man , and of great experience ) hath taught it me ; and my father ( a physitian of aboue fortie yeares practise and experience ) hath confirmed it vnto me . that is , that after such a body is dead , in one place or other the flesh will grow softer then the rest : and the whole body will also grow softer & softer , and the longer the body lies , the softer will be the flesh . which shews the vilenesse of the putrefaction within . heurnius mentions this also among his signes in his booke de peste ; and addeth also these . that in a body dead of the plague , the nose lookes very blew , or blackish blow ; as if it had beene beaten or bruised . the like colour is in the eares and nayles : and ever worse coloured then other dead bodies vse to be . thus haue i displayed those signes which are least fayling : that the searchers may rightly informed themselues ; and not mistake ( as many haue done ) calling the purple spots of the pestilent feavor gods tokens . and somtimes letting bodies passe as not dead of the plague , because they had neither tokens , botch , nor carbuncle . i haue done it also to teach people how they may know when they are stricken with this infection ; that they may presently haue recourse to some skilfull man , and good meanes to recover them before it be too late . an houre is a precious space of time , and cannot be let slip but with hazard . and having thus shewed you what this dreadfull sicknesse is , what are the causes , qualities , and signes of it . before i leaue you , i will leaue with you a short generall direction to keepe your body safe from infection : and also ( if you feele suspicious signes of being taken ) how to begin to driue the venome from the heart , till such time as you may haue some more speciall meanes ( particularly fitting your present constitution and state of body ) by the counsell of some skilfull physitian . while health continueth , it is necessary that twise in the weeke , the body be evacuated with some gentle purging pill , to keepe the humors from superfluous increase . and in this case the pills of ruffus ( which are to be had in every apothecaries shop ) are very apt and good . or take of these pills of mine twice or thrice in a weeke . rs. aloës rosatae , vnc . j. rhabarbari , croci , ana drach . iij. myrrhae , drach . vj. santali citrini , drach . j. ambrae grifiae , scrup . j. cum syr . de succo citri , q. s . fiat massa pillularum . make pills of 8. or 10. grains a peece . take ij . or more of them in the morning fasting , foure or fiue houres before meate ; they may be taken best in syrup of roses solutiue , or in conserue of violets . and presently after them drinke a little white wine mixed with a little balme-water ( in cold weather ) : with rose water , and a little rose-vineager ( in hot weather ) : and with carduus , or scabious water in temperate weather . on the other dayes wherein you take no pills . take every morning fasting a dram or two ( or the quantitie of a nutmeg ) of london triacle , with as much conserue of red roses : this is for a temperate constitution . a cold constitution may take the triacle alone , onely sweetening it with a little sugar . and a hot complexion may mixe both the triacle and conserue in a few spoonefulls of rose-water and vineager . these powders following are good to cast into the broths of such as are sicke , or haue weake stomachs . take of red saunders , halfe an ounce , cynamom iij. drams and halfe , saffron , halfe a dram . powder them fine , and mixe them together . another . take of cynamom , halfe an ounce . cloues , halfe a dram . red corall , ij . scruples . saffron , halfe a dram . and the weight of all in sugar . make these into powder , and mixe them together . some giue this . take of pearle prepared , ij . drams . corall red , and white , of each halfe a dram . red rose leaues dried , saffron , spodium , of each a scruple . cynamon a dram . make them into fine powder , and mixe them . this is my counsell for those of ripe age , and for women that are not with childe . but for those women that breed childe , and also for infants or young children , there ought to be another way of preservation : in whom diet , must be most intended , and no purging vsed . for women , therefore , let them keepe their bodie soluble , by some gentle and familiar suppositories ; or gentle clysters , made of posset-ale with camomill flowers , and a little new-drawne cassia . take these in the afternoone : now and then . let them also every morning take the quantitie of a nutmeg of this medicine following . take harts-horne , cynamon , nutmegs , all the saunders , of each a dram . roots of angelica , zedoarie , enula-campane ; of each halfe a dram . powder all these . then take conserue of bugloss and borage , of each iij. drams . with an equall quantitie of syrup of citrons , and of dried roses . mixe all together , and make a conserue . take it ( as is sayd ) fasting , and fast two houres at least after . or els , take harts horne , red and yellow saunders , of each two drams . cloues and cynamon , of each one dram . beat them into fine powder , and mixe them together . with some of this , spice your meate , broth , or cawdell ; or whatsoever you haue to breakfast : and squeez into them a little iuice of a lemon . you may adde also some sugar as you please . let this be your break-fast . for young children . there is nothing better then bole armoniake , with a little tormentill roote , and citron pills made into fine powder : which you may mix with their meats , or cast into their broths : for their breakfast . if they be costiue , put vp a violet comfit or two for a suppositorie . or mix a little cassia , newly drawne , in some broth of a chicken , and giue it them now and then in a morning fasting . let them fast two houres after . and that day vse not the powder , before prescribed . and note this . when you suspect a childe to be sicke of the wormes , in a contagious time ; vse not wormeseed and those common trifling things : but order him as if you suspected he had the plague ; for that disease ( comming of so much putrefaction , as it doth ) is as apt to receiue the infection of the plague , as is tinder to take fire . it must not therefore be dallied with . but at such a time , you may giue twentie or thirtie graines of this powder following , for two or three mornings together . take harts-horne , j. dram . citron pill , rootes of angelica , and tormentill , rhubarb , and coralline , of each halfe a dram . make these into fine powder , and giue it as is said in a little carduus water , sweetned with some sugar . thus much for preservation in health . but if there be suspicion of infection , you must then looke about for a new course . in which case generally i condemne both purging and bleeding : for i know no vse of them in resisting or expelling the venom ; which is no other way effected but by sweating and running of the soares . yet i confesse phlebotomie hath his vse in sanguine and strong bodies ; so it be at the very first , while the spirits are strong and able of themselues to make good resistance . but if that first opportunitie be let slip ; i thinke it better to let it alone altogether ; then to doe it out of season ; and so to impaire naturall strength , which in this case ought most especially to be preserved and augmented . againe , though sweating be the true way , yet it must not be violent ; for that also weakens the spirits , and makes the body faint , therefore those sweating medicines must be mixed with cordialls . as for example . take mithridate , or london triacle , one dram . myrrh , enula campane root , and butter burre roote , of each ten graines . mixe these in a quarter of a pint of posset-ale and white wine mixed together ; to which you may adde some sugar to make the taste somthing gratefull . goe into your warme bed , then drinke this draught prescribed , and cover you with a reasonable weight of cloths ; and so sweat two or three houres , or somewhat more , as your strength will beare . but take heed you sleepe not in this while . then by degrees let the clothes be taken away , first one , and then another ; when you haue sweat sufficiently , or as much as you can endure . and let some one with warme napkins wipe you drie , and shift your linnen ; being very carefull of taking cold . then presently take this iulep . take of carduus water three ounces . syrup of lemons one ounce . bole armoniake , tormentill , angelica roote , of each one scruple . mixe all together , and drinke it off . doe this once in twelue houres , if you finde strength to beare it , till you haue performed it at the least three times : and at the second and third times , before you beginne to sweat , binde vnder either arme-hole , and to eyther groyne , some thin slices of radish roots , beaten with a little bay-salt , and sprinckled with a little vineager and rose-water : wrap them vp in foure little thin rags , and apply them . also , apply to the region of the heart , that quilt which i haue prescribed in stead of an amulet . when this is done , and the soares beginne to shew themselues ; follow the advise of those that are appointed to that purpose . for i must not enter into the infected house . therefore farewell . and the lord in mercie looke vpon this afflicted cittie . finis . if any be pleased to vse my antidotes ; i haue two powders , one is for daily vse , called pulvis pestilentialis ; the other in case of speciall danger , called pulvis vitalis . i haue also an excellent electuarie , which i call antiloimon , for his singular vertue against the plague . i haue likewise lozenges , and trochisks to hold in the mouth ; and rich pomanders to smell too . they were all of my grand-fathers invention , and haue beene proved to be admirably effectuall , both by his and my fathers experience . i confesse they are costly : but slight meanes and cheape medicines ( how ever they promise ) proue as deare as death . for we see by woefull observation , that the plague will not be repelled but by imperious encounters . i could relate very true and admirable stories of the effects of those three medicines aboue mentioned , but i will begge no mans beliefe . whosoever knows any thing of the name of iohn banister , must needs haue heard of many famous medicines by him invented . the first powder is 12. pence a dram : his quantitie , to be taken at once is halfe a dram . the second is 3. pence a graine : the quantitie is 10. or 12. graines . the electuarie is , 2. shillings 6 pence an ounce : the quantitie is one or two drams . because many men know that i haue a whole volume of excellent receipts left me both by my grandfather , and my father ; and lest they should censure me as too strict and covetous in keeping all secret to my selfe , i haue thought fit for the common good ; to divulge this excellent antidote following . electuarium de ovo , stephani bradwelli . rs. vitelli ovi vnius , croci pulveriz . scrup . ij . conterantur simul donec in pultiformam rediguntur . postea imponantur in alia testa vacua , cum exiguo foramine in capite facto ; benè obturetur : et lento igne donec testa nigrescit assetur . dein exempta materia , exiecetur & subtilissime pulverizetur . cui adde rad . tormentillae , zedoariae , angelicae , valerianae , dictamni , aristolochiae rotunda , ana vnc . j. ss . myrrhae , scrup . iiij . baccarum lauri , baccarum iuniperi , and drach . ss . corticis citri , scrup . ij . ss . sem . citri , sem . cardui benedicti , ligni aloës , ana scrup . ij . cornu cervini , boli armeni , ana drach . j. ss . moschi gr . x. pulveriz . omnia subtiliss . adde etiam conservae florum calendulae , vnc . ij . theriacae lond. vnc . j. cum aqua cardui , et sacchari . q. s . fiat electuarium . s . ae . there is a fellow in distaffe lane , that disperseth bills abroad , bragging of a medicine that was my grandfather banisters ; thinking vpon the fame of his name to get both glory and gaine to himselfe . but let me warne all men to take heed of such impudent lyers . my grand-father was very scrupulous of giving any speciall receipts to others . but if any man can say he hath any receipt of his : i am sure , ( if it were of any value ) i haue the coppie of it . but i professe vpon the word and credit of an honest man , that among all his receipts , he hath not prescribed one preservatiue drinke for the plague : and besides , his judgement ever was , that the best forme of an antidote was either powder , pill , or electuarie . therefore this drinke that he talkes of ; was either none of my grandfathers ; or els some very slight thing , by him little esteemed . i cannot beare it , that any should abuse the kings people with sophisticate medicines ; and lay the imputation vpon so famous , and so all beloved a man as master iohn banister was . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a16629-e150 li. de probitate medici boni , ad tempus appositi sunt , ad occasionem eripiendum accōmodati . notes for div a16629-e360 proëmium . the name . the causes . the qualities . the symptoms and signes . the name . the first and principall cause is god. the way of cure. the influence of the starres , the second cause . the cure of this cause , is the same with the former . the corruption of the aire , the third cause . the aire is corrupted by the windes and weather . what constitutiō of the aire is most contagious . the necessitie of the aire . the cure of this cause . flight . citò cede . longè recede . choice of habitation . how to let in fresh aire . tardè redi . who must not flee . how those that tarrie are to order themselues . for then is the braine more full of excrementitious humors & the whole bodie aboundeth more with moysture ; therfore more apt to entertaine putrefaction . purging of the impure aire . purging of the generall aire . fire purgeth the aire best . strang counsels of some learned physitions . the authors opinion . lib. 2. cap. 10. diet in six poynts . the disorders in the point of aire . the cure of the speciall aire in houses . observation . if you must needs be in the ●ome , let the fire be in the chimney . airing in cold weather . in hot weather . in temperate weather . cure of speciall aire about the body . things held in the mouth . odours , simple . compound odours . to wash the face . apparell . perfumes for apparell . amulets . dr. herring . a good quilt to be vsed in stead of an amulet . meate and drinke . disorder in their qualitie . qualities of meates generally to be refused . particular meats to be forborne . bread. flesh of beasts . fowles : inwards . fish . egges . milke . fruits . roots . hearbs . sauces . spices . broths . mushroms . what manner of dressing meates are worst . what drinkes are vnfit ▪ compounded drinkes . pery and cyder . wines . good caveats . tobacco . the cure of this cause . qualities of meates and drinkes generally to be chosen . bread. flesh of beasts . fowles . inwards . numb . 11 33. fish . egges . butter . fruits . roots . hearbs . spices . sauce● broths . gellyes . what manner of dressing meates is best . vineager his vertues . not so good for women . beere and ale. cyder . wine . who are fit to vse wine . quantitie . gluttonie . the dangers of surfeiting . li. 2. aph. 17. de re medicae ▪ li. 1. cap. 32. in com. 2. hipp. de natu. humana . li. de causis morborū . cap. 3. de removendis nocumentis in regimine sanitatis . tract . 4. cap. 1. ibidem . cap. 19. the cure. be sparing in eating . be more sparing in drinking . antidotes must be first taken in the morning . breakfasts . varietie of meats are naught a●● one meale . the cause . the way of cure. what is to be done when one riseth in the morning . keepe the bodie soluble . be cleanly . vrine and menstrua . venus . prevention of ill humors . sweating . issues . the cause . what exercises are not good . what exercise is best . the best time for exercise . the place for exercise . beware of taking cold. inconveniences of much sleepe . inconveniences of much watching . times for sleepe . the place to sleepe in . the dangers of violent . passions . immoderate ioy. examples of vnbridled laughter . examples of immoderate ioy without laughter . sorrow . examples . anger . examples . feare . examples . feare , how it is most apt to bring infection . the cure. the qualities of the plague . how the sicknesse striketh first . the plague is venomous . deadly . infectious . obiection . answer . a new opinion . answer . what bodies are most apt to be infected . who are apt to receiue infection from without . who from within . who are the most likely to escape . the signes & symptoms of the plague . feavor . what kinde of fight is discouered by the tokens . blayne . botch . what part is most affected . carbuncle . signes of being infected . the tokens described . the blayne . the botch . the carbuncle . how to know if one be dead of the plague , when neither spots , blayne , botch , nor carbuncle appeare . mr. iohn banister . heurnius his signes of a body dead of the plague . preservatiue medicines . for men and women generally to be vsed . pillulae bradwelli . for women with childe . for young children . observation . what course is to be taken with him that is infected . the countrie ague. or, london her vvelcome home to her retired children together, with a true relation of the warlike funerall of captaine richard robyns, one of the twentie captaines of the trayned bands of the citie of london, which was performed the 24. day of september last, 1625. in armes, in the time of this visitation which the rumour in the countrey went currant, that london had not people enough left aliue to bury her dead. by henry petovve, marshall of the artillerie garden, london. petowe, henry. 1625 approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09523 stc 19803 estc s119194 99854401 99854401 19821 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09523) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19821) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 902:06) the countrie ague. or, london her vvelcome home to her retired children together, with a true relation of the warlike funerall of captaine richard robyns, one of the twentie captaines of the trayned bands of the citie of london, which was performed the 24. day of september last, 1625. in armes, in the time of this visitation which the rumour in the countrey went currant, that london had not people enough left aliue to bury her dead. by henry petovve, marshall of the artillerie garden, london. petowe, henry. [8], 24 p. printed [by b. alsop and t. fawcet] for robert allot, and are to be sold at the greyhound in pauls church-yard, [london] : 1626 [i.e. 1625] printers' names from stc. with woodcut title vignette. running title reads: the countrey ague. original date "1625" has been overprinted to read "1626". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the covntrie agve or , london her welcome home to her retired children . together , with a true relation of the warlike funerall of captaine richard robyns , one of the twentie captaines of the trayned bands of the citie of london , which was performed the 24. day of september last , 1625. in armes , in the time of this visitation , when the rumour in the countrey went currant , 〈…〉 not people enough left aliue to bury her dead . planxerunt d●ades resonat plangentibus eccho . by henry petovve , marshall of the artillerie garden , london . printed for robert allot , and are to be sold at the greyhound in pauls church-yard 16●● . to the right worthy favorite of armes and arts , colonell hvgh hamersley , one of the aldermen of the citie of london , and the noble president to that remarkeable societie of citizens , exercising armes in the artillerie garden london . to all the generovs captaines , and their lieutenants of the same citie , and to all the rest of the gentlemen of the same garden , henry petovve , marshall to the same renowned societie ; wisheth continuall health , increase of honor , earths happinesse , and heauens felicitie . right worthy ; and most worthy to bee so stiled , right worthy : colonell , captaines , and souldiers ; your generous dispositions , in the most louing and kinde acceptation of these few lines , which some ten weekes since , i dedicated to your noble patronage concerning our foster mother london , entituled london sicke at heart , or , a caueat for run-awayes , hath much encouraged me to spend some of my best bestowed houres , in another kinde and garbe of writing , yet to purpose and according as these dayes and times require : and my desires are , that i may shrowde these my labours vnder the banner of your protection , against all opposition . be you therefore pleased ( my noble martiall patrons ) to vayle me vnder the covert of your neuer vanquisht ensigne , and then no other colours shall daunt me . i write no fables , nor imaginary toyes , but lamentable experience shall justifie my writ . london was neuer more sicke at hart , then she hath beene lately many moneths together , her lamentations will be remarkable to the end of posteritie . i treat now in part , of a country ague , or of an ague in the countrey : they which haue gusted of it , and escaped , may thanke god for their deliuerance ; but many that fled from their mother london , from the visitation which the almightie imposed vpon her , haue felt the anger of the highest omnipotent power , & were returned coacht , not with life , but struck with the arrow of death by that pestilent ague . i dare not say , that the same aguish visitation , was or is the plague or pestilence : the countrey timorous gallants will then be frighted , & leaue their mother rus ( like rusticals ) and winter themselues vnder the roofe of our euer tender and louing foster mother london . which if they should ? i beseech you noble fellow souldiers , to deigne them courtesie , and kinde entertaynment ; and let them know , that although they contemned and despised the very name of one of vs , and would not vouchsafe so much as to looke vpon a londoner : yet for charities sake , doe you bid them welcome . wee will not lodge them in barnes and hovels at the townes end , though they bring the ague with them ; but , on the best beds our chiefest innes can affoord . pardon me ( braue souldiers ) if i answer for you ; for i know the nature of a true souldier , is to be pitifull and to shew mercy , where imbesilitie and weaknesse resteth . therefore ( noble souldiers ) you that are the trusty guardians of our famous citie , ( vnder our soueraigne , his lieutenant , and the rest of her graue senators ) be pleased to lay downe your armes , and make no opposition ag●inst any whatsoever he be ; but let all our foster mother london her gates stand wide open , to entertayne all of what degree soeuer , gentile , or hindes , clownes or peasants , any , and all whosoeuer they be , that they finding ( as euer heretofore they haue done ) londoners , their goodnesse , loue , court●sie , and great respect : may blush for their ingratitude towards th● m●n the countrie . to which i presume , your noble and charitable spirits will condiscend , and so i rest : yours , euer to doe you seruice , vntill i rest for euer : marshall petovve . the covntrey agve . or , london her welcome home , to her tyer'd retired children . i haue beene ( most deere and more intirely beloued children ) so much burthen'd , pressed down and ouerladen with lamentations , complaints , miseries and calamities for your long absence , in your vnhappie and vnfortunate ( yet no otherwise to bee lookt for ) iourney or wandring pilgrimage , that i am almost dead with languishing . but i hope i speake it in the autumne of my woes and heart-breaking sorrowes ; ( i pray to my sauiour i doe . ) it is the autumne time of the yeare ; yea , of such a yeare : such a lamentable yeare , such a wonderfull yeare of mortalitie by plague and pestilence , as in my time , for the time ( to my remembrance ) is without and beyond any president . oh woe is mee therefore : but my hopes are , and my assiduate and daily prayers , still shall be to the father of vs all , who onely can , and none else hath power , to disburthen me of that heauy dead-striking-mace of plague and pestilence , that hath euen bruised mee and mine in peeces . and therefore for your sakes ( my endeared retired children ) notwithstanding my almightie fathers exceeding and great displeasure i will vndertake to plead to him for mercy in your behalfe : but indeed i may rather say in the behalfe of my selfe : for had not the lord beene angry with me for my intollerable sinnes , hee would not haue suffered my poore children to runne away from me , and to leaue me as they did : for which cause i haue indeed a long time taken it to heart , considering with my selfe which was my best and surest course to take , to worke my peace with my god , that he might take pitie and compassion both vpon me and all mine . at length , the holy spirit of that eternall essence omnipotent iehoua , possessing my distracted memory with my sauiours vnfallible promise , come vnto mee all you that are heauy laden , and i will ease yee . immediatly with teares of ioy and comfort , i besought him on my knees and obtained his exceeding mercy : for immediatly after my dread soueraigne charles ( whom the king of kings euer protect both from his forreine and domestick enemies ) commanded a solemne fast and prayer to be made and kept throughout my whole citie , and the remainder of my diuines continually preaching and praying in my behalfe for the appeasing and mittigating of the great displeasure of my almightie father : which my said father doth begin to take ( and praised be his name ) doth daily take more and more to hart , thinking that it is now time to hold his angels rod from further striking : now the god of all mercy grant it may be so ; and i hope my prayer is to purpose ; for me thinkes ( vnlesse i dreame ) i perceiue my children begin to retire , and to returne home againe to their foster-mother london , which they would not doe ; did not my blessed sauiour lessen his weekly number : is it so ? nay then i perceiue the old prouerb holds ( home is home , bee it neuer so homely ) and the prodigalls storie is likewise fulfilled ; for they poore soules , hauing almost spent all , and finding no better entertainment in the countrie , are forced to returne of meere necessitie . and are some of you returned , ( my endeered children : ) and will all the rest of your brethren follow you do you thinke ? i am very fearefull , i shall want some of my number . but howeuer , i must be contented ; and in the interim i speake to you with a louing mothers tongue . oh welcome , thrice welcome in very deed , you are louingly welcome , my thoughts perswaded me , that in regard the almightie god did visit me with the heauy rod of his pestilent affliction ; you had beene only fearefull of me , and not of him ; but surely it now appeareth ; and i am very glad of it , that you haue made your peace with god my father in the country , and all of you repented of your sinnes , in that you haue found such fauour at his hands , and that hee hath giuen you life this dangerous time of infection , which ( to say truth ) if you had staid with me though in the chiefest of my territories , i could not haue warranted ; no maruell then you fled from mee . nay , i am further surely perswaded , that you whom god hath blest with longer dayes then many thousands of your deceased brethren ; are such as left your beneuolence behinde you , to and for the maintenance and keeping from staruing those poore creatures that did suffer and beare the publike miserie of such a contagious time as this hath beene without president : or else with life you could neuer haue entred my gates : for which i truly thanke you , and no doubt , but my gratitude shall double that with treble loane . but i pray giue mee leaue to question you a little farther ? doe you all cast your dayes iourneys so , that you will not enter london streetes , nay scarce her suburbes , before the blacke clowdes of the duskie night eclips the light of luna from my mother earth ; for feare the small remainder of your poore afflicted brethren should call you in question for your flight , and vpbrayd yee with the tytle of run-awayes ? no surely , not all ; for some of you it seemes , made your appearance daily at noone-exchange without dread or feare . god be thanked the east-india ships are come ; and some from the straights safely ariued ? if it please my heauenly father to continue as he hath begun , to cease the rod of his affliction and to sheathe his sword : the residue of my poore children to whom he hath giuen life , no doubt but shall see happy dayes , to my comfort , their profit and benefit , and all to the praise and glory of my eternall father , which the lord of all eternitie grant for our blessed sauiours sake . i am now at a stand , whether i with modestie may further question you or no : but i hope you that haue spent so long time in the countrie may affoord a little time of conference with your weeping mother . i pray giue my desire satisfaction , and tell mee whether any of my great ones , or men of note , as iustices of peace , aldermen or their deputies , common counsell men , churchwardens , side-men , or any other of my officers which should haue imployed their paines and care in the time of my visitation ; did they , or had they any desire of repayring home , when they heard that my poore cryed out for reliefe , and they absent which should relieue them ( a letter was all could giue them this notice , which tom long the carrier brought , and neuer deliuered it , for he durst not . ) but i dare answer for them ; that had they doubted of their entertainment in the countrie ; they would rather haue continued at their owne mantions vnder my gouernment ; then to be so slighted by base ignoble drones , as they were . which i leaue further to treate of : but they left their charitie behinde them , which was satisfaction , and gaue content to that clamour , and ceast the rumour . but now good children i will yet further examine you , did not your illiterated peasants your hobnayld clownes , raphe , benedicke , nick , tom , iack , hodge , and such like vnder the iustices tolleration euen almost at mine owne gates ? i am sure it was within the sound of my night ninth houre warner ? did they not keepe you out , with pitchforkes , staues , hookes , browne bills , and such like rustick weapons , and you demanded passage ; answer was giuen : no , for you are londoners , true , we are so , wee will not deny it , what then ? you come not here ; why saith one , you suffer rogues to passe : so we may one replyes , before any londoner . can this be true that my poore children should be thus misused , amongst my neighbours , such as haue daily commerce with me ; if they bring me food , i giue them money , the land-lord must be paid . but thou foolish simple countriman ; hee will not bee paid with corne , oxen , hay , and such like good blessings which my eternall louing and mercifull father bestowes vpon thee : for ( saith the land-lord ) i haue of goods great store , i need them not ; but as the greedy vsurer he comes , giue me my money ; i cannot cloath my wife and children with hey , &c. well , if it be so then , that thou must of necessitie haue money , or be vndone , and thy lease forfeited , and thou , thy wife and children cast foorth of dores ; what resteth then to be done ? must thou not of force come vnto mee thy charitable neighbour london ; and doe not i from time to time , nay , at all times helpe you in the midst of your extremitie ; is not my exchequer continually open vnto you : i haue no barrocadoes to keepe you forth ; but my gates all houres of the night are open for the meanest hynde or swaine that comes . i , nor none of mine examine what countriman thou art : from whence thou camest ? or whither thou wilt ? but come and welcome . this is and euer hath beene my carriage to my countrie people : and now in the time of my visitation , did my poore fearefull children , come amongst you into the countrie for a little refuge or recreation , presuming vpon the like welcome there , as you found here , and did you giue them iack drumes entertainment . oh vncharitable , inhumaine and ingratefull people : indeed it argued no christianitie in you . put case my dearely beloued children , should ( as i cannot blame them if they doe ) take this to hart ; and should shut my gates against you , and debarre entrance to such inhumaine creatures : where would your landlords haue their rent then ? michaelmas you know is come : the halfe yeares rent must be paid : the last day of payment is at hand ; therefore because i will make you blush at your owne folly ( if my almighty father will illuminate your darkened eyes of ignorance , that you may soe the same ) and that my children ( which will be ruld by me ) may shew loue for hatred : see our charitie is such , that all my gates are open to giue you all entertainment ▪ i will not examine you , or shut my gates against you for feare of your pestilent feuer : no , i craue your pardon , it is but an ague ; but as the plaine country-woman said , i cannot tell whether it bee but an ague , wee and the londoners both are visited within the countrie ; but i am sure after they are dead , they haue the spots vpon them : but howeuer my honest country-men , let vs in the name of our blessed sauiour , ioyntly : entirely and hartily pray to the lord for mercy , that our plague and pestilence , and the countrie ague ( if you call it so ) may at once and together cease with a full period . our visitation here , and their affliction there in the countrie , that my poore remainder , which at home haue endured the front and heate of my fathers pestilent battell , may not bee shaken in the reare with their pestiferous ague ; which i am very confident he will grant , vpon our harty prayers and sincere repentance . london her chabitable reprehension of her ignorant suburbians for clamoring against her retired children . how comes it to passe my litle tender iuvenals , in whom there is nothing but ignorance , imbesilitie and weaknesse , that a coach no sooner presents it selfe with it full lading , or horsemen mounted : their backes towards the countrey , and they facing the citie : but you openly mouth it , with exclamations and horrible showtings ! welcome home run-awayes , many times ouer ; not respecting on whom you cast this aspersion , taxing aswell those , that from my bosome in the morning tooke their leaue to solace themselues few miles forth of the citie , and returning at night : yet your clamours were all one , one and the selfe same still ; run-awayes , run-awayes , welcome home run-awayes ! oh let it bee so no more . if you see a caroch with foure horses , come lagging home full fraighted ( as if they were tyred with trauell ) your imaginations may strengthen your opinions so farre : that they haue come a long journey , and that the fraight or heauy load thereof , are some of my retyred children , you may kindly and courteously bid them and giue them a faire welcome home : and why ? because of the miserie they haue endured in the countrey ; pittie it were but they should haue better entertainment heere . i know they haue vndergone so many affronts , endured so much dis 〈…〉 , and suffered miserie vpon miserie without president . tom tell-troth , hath ballatized many of their miseries and bad vsage in the countrey : you vnderstanding his plaine language , may rest your selues satisfied : and leaue the censure of my great offenders , to those of more riper and mature iudgements . and so i leaue you , praying you to leaue that clamour and exclamation . london . i haue almost tyred my selfe with demaunding of many of my come-agen children , whether report table or no ? but can receiue no satisfaction . therefore my longing desire shall accommodate my will , to sollicite that neuer failing eccho to reuerberate truely , answers to my intergotories . and thus i begin . london . oh my endeered eccho tell mee : my poore distressed children blush , and their eares glow to heare how bigge i am with desire ; till resolution deliuer mee . i haue beene wronged eccho , haue i not , by those whom i most respected ? is it not so ? eccho . so. london . and why ? because in my distresse , and when the violl of my fathers anger burst forth , and the blew blacke drops thereof sprinkled on the bodies of my selected children , whom god hath singled forth to beare the publike miserie the great ones fled from me , eccho . from thee . london . why should they flye from her , who euer loued them , bred them , and brought them vp to maturitie ; was it because i was toucht with calamitie , with plague and pestilence ? was it therefore : or how sweet eccho tell me wherefore ? eccho . therefore . london . thought they distrustfull children to flie from the iudgements of the all-seeing , and euery where being god by running from me ? eccho . from thee . london . why then i am sorry for them ; they had but little faith ? eccho . litle faith. london . but my omnipotent father found them out ? eccho . out . london . and did he not scourge them ? eccho . scourgd thē london . i prethee ( good eccho ) tell mee in what nature ? was it with the pestilence or no ? eccho . no. london . they say so ? eccho . say so . london . but with as bad or worse ? eccho . worse . london . as how : was it not the terrible ague ? eccho . ague . london . that would shake them ? eccho . shakt them . london . very fearefully euen to the death ? eccho . to'th' death . london . what are those brought home in the midst of day ; one horse in the front , an other in the reare , and the body in the midst . nor carted nor coacht , but lytterd : was it to keepe the body from shaking ? eccho . aking . london . it could not from shaking then ? for the ague fits them . eccho . fits them . london . is it an ague quarterne ? tertian ? or quotidian ? eccho . quotidian . london . that quotidian ague forced them to continuall prayer ? eccho . prayer . london . and that made them ready for god ? eccho . for god. london . then many of them dyed ? eccho . dyed . london . i prethee tell me , would the countrie afford them buriall or no ? eccho . no. london . that was the reason so many dead bodies were coacht to london ? eccho . to london . london . that their foster-mother might giue them christian buriall ? eccho . buriall . eccho i heare too much , i will trouble thee no farther , my hart is almost burst with sorrow . see my poore children ; you were ashamed to tell the truth . but had those rustique irrationall beasts : ( as i may rightly tearme them ) either reason , humanitie , or faith in my sauiour iesus christ ? they would shame , and feare euer to enter my gates , to looke me in the face ; their base abuse to my distressed children , was so insufferable and intollerable . but what entertainment should they expect from those , that neuer had or knew good breeding or education . many of you in the countrie style your selues countrie gentlemen ; few or none of you , haue showne any gentle cariage or respect , to many of my children , that might euery way equall the best of you , that haue offered them such base affronts , and begger-like barbarous vsage . nay i can averre it for truth , and it cannot be denied , that one of your gubernators , i style him so , because the vulgar should take no notice , whom or what hee was : ( did not shame ) conuersing at a meeting himselfe with others his like associats , and some of my children , ( which were faine to dissemble their dwellings , and change their habits , before they could gaine entertainement , concerning gods visitation vpon my people in london ) did not shame ( as i said before ) to say for truth , that the dryed salt-fish which hee bought of a fish-monger of london at sturbridge fayre was twelue-moneth ; this time of affliction , had the tokens on it , his reason why ? was for that he heard , that his fishmonger of whom he bought it , was now dead of the plague : whereupon one of my cittizens which was then present , made him this answer ; sir , said he , when i am at home in the towne where i liue , i vse to goe to market my selfe , and going to the fish-market to buy a fresh cod , two or three ; i make a speciall choice of those haue spots vpon them ; for they are accompted the best and deerest fish ; and no doubt but yours were such ( said he ) before they were salted ; so that discourse ended ; but would any creature that euer feared god , dare speake such an incredible tale ; my prayers shall be to god to forgiue them , they know not what they say . you loobies or lobbes in the countrie , i would with you hereafter , when your seed is in the ground , to pray for the increase thereof , that therewith you may fill your barnes , stables , and hogstyes ; and not with my deere children , who brought more gold about them , then thy selfe and all thy hogs flesh could be valued at . woe worth thee for doing so , a pudding of a yard long , was as deere as a chaine of gold comparatiuely , with such vnchristianlike turkes ; but let my sister rus and her rusticall illiterated hounds and hyndes take notice , that ( were not my charitie such ) as to giue way to their imbecillitie , and to lament for it , the many soules that groned vnder their intollerable sufferance and burthens in the countrie , would call for vengeance : but i haue perswaded with them , and doe finde that ( quisquis sorte con●entus ) euery one is contented with his suffering . i doubt it not ( courteous readers ) but some of you , know the worshipfull towne of vtoxeter in staffordshire i will tell you a tale , done at some time or other : there was a waggoner did dwell and belong to the same towne ( it matters not for his name ) who indeed when he had sufferance to come into the towne , did dwell vpon his owne land and i am forced now vpon speciall occasion , to describe the barbarous vsage of the ignorant inhabitants of the same towne towards him , ( because it was in the time of gods like visitation as at this instant ) his custome then was to furnish some londoners ( who remained in the citie the time of the infection ) with butter and cheese , which he continued all the time of the same visitation , ( being a very honest and sufficient man ) which the townesmen of vtoxeter , taking to hart : debarred him entrance into the towne , at his returne from london , insomuch , that he was forced to lye forth of the towne in a common where he did continue at euery returne from london from the beginning of the pestilence , till it pleased god to mittigate and appease his wrath as he doth now ( his name be glorified therefore . ) imediately then ( as they might doe now ) the discreet gouernours of the same towne taking it more to hart , dissembled themselues together , and being armed capapee , with extraordinary weapon , sallied forth of the towne , vi & armis to kill the wagoners horses , and with a ch●rlingdish of coales , to fire and burne his wagon : which they had done , had not a friend of the wagoners entered into fiue hundred pound bonds , ( stay there ) into an obligation of fiue markes , with condition , either endorsed or subscribed , that the said waggoner should not come within three miles of the towne , after his then next returne from london ; vntill he had be●●e ayred a full moneth in the countrie . i● this exceed not the wise men of goatham ; iudge you . i must straine a little more ; it is not vnknowne to the chiefe onely , but to the inferiours of my afflicted citie , that the doting and fearefull parents in the countrey , ( dreading gods iudgements should fall vpon their children in my visited citie , and his punishment strike them with the same visitation of plague and pestilence ; ) could not forbeare , but instantly ( i may say innocently ) assoone as they had notice , that the hand of mine almightie father , began to touch my poore inhabitants , but euery or most of their fathers or mothers in the countrey , whose sonnes and daughters were oblieged as prentices to any of my children in london ; but letter vpon letter came with contents , beseeching and humbly intreating their childrens masters to giue them leaue to spend their time with them in the countrey , vntill it should please god to cease his visitation in london ; whereunto my children condiscended , but now what ensues thereupon ? this ; the landlords or creditors of some of those parents cannot now ( as i am enformed ) demaund or require rent or debts ; but they shame not to offer this affront ? that they haue beene and still are so charged with their children the apprentices of london , that the remainder of their estate is not able to make satisfaction . woe is mee that this imputation should bee layd vpon my childrens children for being their seruants , they tooke them for their owne children as they are bound by my custome . therefore sister rus if thou chide not thy children for their ignorance , and returne home in safetie my childrens children , i shall not only be very angry , but my sister-cities throughout the vniuerse will condemne thee . salue it good sister for your reputation . one thing more i would entreate at your hands , that you would summon your great commanders , for charities sake ; there may be order taken , to vnstake the remarkable places of my children , whom god took to his mercy in the high-wayes and other places . oh shew your selues charitable : though you would not affoord them christian buriall . let there no base stakie wooden memoriall be left to view , as if they had misdone , hanged or drowned themselues , for christianitie grant it ; and withall cleere all the hedges and trees of those lamentable obiects which hang vpon them , that are a thousand times more mouing corasiues , then the executioners wardrop at the basest brokers stall . now let you and i be friends ; for my children which are left , doe promise me faithfully , neuer to trouble you againe in that nature : they will stay with mee in my extremitie ; and eate a capon , drinke a cup of claret , an other of sacke ; and feed in that grosse fashion ; rather then on your daintie puddings and hogs flesh . i haue done , and i beseech my eternall father , the only omnipotent god , to make an end to , of his greiuous visitation , by his dangerous and fearefull ague with you and yours ; and his more fearefull scourge of plague and pestilence with mee and mine , and that for his dearely beloued sons sake christ iesus his only sauiour and redeemer . amen . a seeming friend hearing some few of these lynes read by the author , before he committed them to the presse , would entreat so much loue from him , as to compose an acrostique verse ( if he would thereunto condiscend ) vpon these words in the margent : the partie hauing a rope tar'd nosegay in his hand . whereupon the author styles his verse thus . to all your rope-tard nosegay-bearers . s stand farther off's my subiect , thus i write . t 't is propper thereon , these dayes to endite : a a man knowes not his friend from any other , n nor can he now know his endeered brother , d death hants them so , they know not one from tother f farre must thou stand , if thou conuerse with mee , v vnlesse thou haue like nosegay ; dost thou see , r rope tarr'd i haue , it keepes out pestilence , t the diuell as soone , or else thou hast no sence , h hee that doth thinke , by that to be plague-free , e euer shall be accompted like to thee , r respected not ; call'd foole for 's foppery . o omnipotent ioue bids thee repent and mend , f for thy great sinne ( saith he ) this plague i send , f feare thou , repent , and then my plague shall end . amicus mariscallus petovve . a true relation of the funerall of captaine richard robins , performed the 24. of september 1625. in armes . even then when fell meagre death by the sacred decree of heauen began to shorten his weekly slaughter , and then , euen then , when the vulgar rabble of the rustiques in the countrie , mouthed it with a most vnchristianlike , and most vncharitable rumour ( viz. ) that there was not people enough in london left aliue to bury their dead ) then , euen then i say , did the great commander of all power , call to his mercy from amongst vs , captaine richard robins , one of the twenty commanders and captaines ( vnder the renowned colonells ) of the sixe thousand trayned citizens , of the euer famous , though now distressed city of london , who dyed of an ague at hackney in middlesex , and was brought from thence to london , and buried in his parish-church called st. magaret vpon fish street hill . some few dayes after ( as it is customarie amongst them ) the gentlemen of the artillery garden , that were then in towne , considering the weaknesse of their number present , and yet might doe no lesse , then giue the deceased captaine his right and merit ; treated with the then right honourable iohn gore lord maior of this said city ; that he would be pleased to grant a publique funerall in armes . and for that most of the gentlemen were at that time in the countrie , and therefore that the rest may strengthen themselues with their friends that were also citizens and souldiers of the trayned bands in london ; to make a compleat company to make the countrie wonder ; whereunto it pleased his honour to condiscend vpon saturday , being the 24. day of september last 1625. was the funerall , when all the gentlemen and fellow souldiers met at the artillery garden , about two of the clocke in the afternoone , where they were ranckt by the officers there ( souldier-like ) according to the number , three and foure a brest , all the musketieres both of the prime and reere deuision of musketieres , three in ranke ; and the pikes foure a brest in the body . captaine von was leader that day , associated with captaine humphrey smith . so marcht they forth the garden , to leaden hall , where the herse attended , with an epitaphe thereon diuulging to the world , the worth of that worthy captaine , the worshipfull company of ironmungers , of whom he was a member ; the masters also of st. thomas hospitall , of whom in his life time he was likewise one , attended with many more of his friends . the number of souldiers that were compleatly armed , both pikes and muskettiers were two hundred fortie foure , besides two captaines , the marsall , the lieutenant , the alferus or ensigne , foure serieants , foure drummes , two fifes , the armourer , the gun-maker and their seruants ; and sixe gentlemen who carried the trophies of his armes before the hearse . the beholders then present , were at least ten thousand people , who were eye-witnesses , that what is here related is true . the exact and souldier-like performance and managing of the businesse , i referre to the iudgement of the discreet and wise spectators then present . only i will intreate you ( judicious reader ) to take notice , that after he was souldier-like enterred , hee had three seuerall vollies of shot giuen . which being finished , the drums beate a troop vntill the souldiers came forth of the church-yard ( where the vollies were giuen ) into the street vpon fishstreet-hill : where falling into rankes as before , the captaine commandeth a march to be beaten , and so marched thorow gracious-street , cornehill , the poultry , and cheapside , that the market people might report through the countrie , that their rumour was false . and so to the lord major his house , who presented himselfe at the gate , and very honourably and freely caused both flaggons of sacke and claret to bee brought forth , for all such as pleased to drinke thereof ; and there likewise were two vollies giuen ; for which his lordship gaue the gentlemen many thankes , assuring them , that they had done great honour to the citie , and greater comfort to the kingdome . then tooke they a faire farwell , and trooped through cheapside , and so to the artillery garden ; whereupon lodging of the cullours , they concluded with their last volly , and so i leaue them , but not you , for i entreate you to reade that which you haue not yet read . epitaphium dignissimi ducis richardi robyns . one of the twenty captaines here doth lye the rest must follow , for the rest must die , nineteene behinde , and he is gone before , to leade the way to the elizian shore , whilst he did liue , like to the god of warre , hee many souldiers bred , no'ne e're did marre , hee had as many sonnes , as any man ( compleat for souldiers ) since the world began lieutenants some ; others whom ensignes beare , the rest can doe as much , as any dare , against the foe of englands soueraigne ; wee that h●● follow will the same maintaine . hee was a louer both of arts and armes , hee taught a present guard for em'nent harmes : that now wee lose him , wee his death deplore , hee 's dead , yet liues , wee hope for euermore . dead though he be , and from vs quite bereauen , though dead to vs , yet doth he liue in heauen . viuit post funera vertus . london making her full period . noble souldiers , and my valiant children , you haue lodg'd your colours , and finished your last volly . giue me leaue i pray you , to adde one volly more , according to my nature and condition , and so i le conclude . my shot shall not be bullets of amunition , but words of admonition , which i will mildely & modestly dart amongst you . you my deere children , which haue beene so barbarously vsed in the countrie amongst those inhumane people , such of you especially i speake to , who are land-lords and creditours to your inferiour brethren . let me beg and intreat you ( although you haue endured much discontent and sorrow in the countrie ) not to reuenge it vpon your poore brethren in london , who haue vndergone with me , more griefe , more want , more sighes , more teares , more grones , and more miserie then my tongue or pen can expresse . oh be mercifull my good children one to another , as you would haue my sauior to take mercy vpon you . you that are land-lords be not ouer-hasty with your poore tenants , for your rents : nor you that are creditors , oh be not harsh nor seuere to your weake and impouerished debtors : but consider the lamentable misery they haue a long time endured : and the extraordinary expences they haue beene at , and no meanes to get a penny , which you in your discretions cannot choose but conceaue ; and i hope will take so much to ●art , that for charitie you will spare them , vntill such time as my disioynted estate be settled againe ; and my citizens haue commerse one with another as they haue had , and trading as frequent as it hath beene , that thereby they may striue and endeuour to get , what they of necessitie haue spent : and by their honest industry & labour in their vocations , attaine to their former maturity in their seuerall estates . which they may doe , so your patience please to giue them time and libertie ; which i beseech you grant , that all of you may haue full satisfaction and content . the tenant content from the land-lord by his great patience , the debtor content from the creditor by his much forbearance . and the land-lords and creditors from the tenants and debtors haue full satisfaction . such a blessed time , and those happy dayes doth your poore mother desire to see ; which that both she and you , and all of vs may see , let vs all pray joyntly to his diuine maiestie , that only can grant our request . grant then good god , what we require of thee , and wee shall praise thy name eternally . amen . finis . edinburgh, the 19. day of july, 1665. forsameikle, as the provost, bailies, and council of this burgh, taking to their consideration the proclamation ... prohibiting and discharging all trade and commerce betwixt this kingdom ... and places of the kingdome of england which are infected or suspected to be infected wth the sicknesse, or plague of pestilence... edinburgh (scotland). town council. 1665 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03004 wing e164c estc r174857 52612136 ocm 52612136 179415 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03004) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179415) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2788:11) edinburgh, the 19. day of july, 1665. forsameikle, as the provost, bailies, and council of this burgh, taking to their consideration the proclamation ... prohibiting and discharging all trade and commerce betwixt this kingdom ... and places of the kingdome of england which are infected or suspected to be infected wth the sicknesse, or plague of pestilence... edinburgh (scotland). town council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by a society of stationers, edinburgh : 1665. title from caption and first lines of text. initial letter. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -law and legislation -scotland -edinburgh -early works to 1800. public health laws -scotland -edinburgh -17th century. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion edinburgh , the 19. day of july , 1665. forsameikle , as the provest , bailies , and council of this burgh , taking to their consideration the proclamation emitted by his majesties privie council of this kingdom , prohibiting and discharging all trade and commerse betwixt this kingdom , and the merchants and inhabitants of the city of london , suburbs , and places thereabouts , and all other towns , villages , and places of the kingdome of england , which are infected or suspected to be infected with the sicknesse , or plague of pestilence , by sending or bringing of goods or commodities by packs , or any other manner of carriage by sea or land , untill the first day of november next to come ; and ay and while the restraint and prohibition be taken off : and that such persons who are abroad , do not offer to bring home any goods or commodities untill they acquaint the magistrates of the places where they intend to come , from what place they came ; and abide their trial for the space of fourty dayes , and thereafter , till they have the allowance as free-men . and that all such persons who shall come from england to this kingdome , or bring goods or commodities , by packs or other carriage by land , shall stay upon the borders till they acquaint the magistrates from whence they came , and bring sufficient passes and testimonials with them , that the places are free of all suspicion of the plague : with certification , that if any person contraveen , they shall be punished with the losse of their lives , goods , packs and commodities brought by them , either by sea or land , without mercy . therefore , i command and charge , in our soveraigne lords name , and in name and behalf of the lord provest , bailies , and council of this burgh , that all the inhabitants within the same give due and exact obedience to the said proclamation in all points , and to receive no person coming from england within their houses , without warrand of the magistrates of this burgh , under the pain of death , but favour . edinburgh , printed by a society of stationers , 1665. by the king a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22395 stc 8812 estc s122686 33150398 ocm 33150398 28585 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22395) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28585) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:59) by the king a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton, and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] "giuen at our honour of hampton court, the 30 of december. 1625." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fairs -england -london -early works to 1800. plague -england -prevention. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure , that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london , for repairing to faires for a time , is now set at libertie . whereas the kings most excellent maiestie , out of his princely and christian care of his louing subiects , by his royall proclamation , bearing date the fourth day of august last , to preuent the further spreading of the great infection of the plague , as much as by all good meanes hee might , did , by the aduice of his maiesties priuie councell , forbid the holding and resorting vnto the two great faires of speciall note , then by course of time neere approching , the one vsually kept in smithfield , neere the citie of london , called bartholomew faire , and the other neere cambridge , called sturbridge faire ; and did thereby also further charge and enioyne , all citizens and inhabitants of the said citie of london , that none of them should repaire to any faire , held within any part of this kingdome , vntill it should please god to cease the infection then reigning amongst them : now , seeing it hath pleased almighty god , of his great mercy and goodnesse , to stay his hand from further punishing that citie , and the places adiacent , and that , that contagion and dangerous sicknesse is now ceased there , his maiestie , taking into his princely consideration , that in the mutuall commerce of his subiects standeth their very subsistence , at least , their well-being ; by the like aduice of his maiesties priuie councell , doth hereby publish and declare his will and pleasure to be , that seeing god , of his mercy , hath graciously remooued the cause of the former restraint , that now the citizens , and inhabitants of the cities of london and westminster , and places adioyning , may freely repaire to any faire , hereafter to be held in this kingdome , and that any other of his highnesse louing subiects , may freely buy of them , any wares or merchandize , comming from those cities or places , the said proclamation , bearing date the said fourth day of august , and one other proclamation , bearing date the eleuenth day of october now last past , or any other proclamation or restraint whatsoeuer to the contrary . and his maiestie , doth hereby straitly charge and command , that no maiors , bailifes , iustices of peace , or any other of his maiesties officers , ministers , or louing subiects whatsoeuer , doe presume , vnder colour of the said former proclamations , or of any other restraint whatsoeuer , to interrupt or hinder the citizens or inhabitants of the said cities of london or westminster , or places neere adioyning , to repaire to any faires , and to vtter , sell , barter , or dispose of their wares or merchandize there , at their free will and pleasure . giuen at our honour of hampton court , the 30. of december . 1625. god saue the king. ❧ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . londons lamentation for her sinnes and complaint to the lord her god. out of which may bee pickt a prayer for priuate families, for the time of this fearefull infection. and may serue for a helpe to holinesse and humiliation for such as keepe the fast in priuate: together with a souereigne receipt against the plague. by w.c. pastor at white chappell. crashaw, william, 1572-1626. 1625 approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19581 stc 6017.5 estc s118685 99853892 99853892 19291 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19581) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19291) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 579:04) londons lamentation for her sinnes and complaint to the lord her god. out of which may bee pickt a prayer for priuate families, for the time of this fearefull infection. and may serue for a helpe to holinesse and humiliation for such as keepe the fast in priuate: together with a souereigne receipt against the plague. by w.c. pastor at white chappell. crashaw, william, 1572-1626. [60] p. printed [by william stansby] for g. fayerbeard at the north side of the royall exchange, london : 1625. w.c. = william crashaw. printer's name from stc. "a souereigne medicine for and against the plague" has caption title. formerly stc 4324. identified as stc 4324 on umi microfilm. signatures: a-c d⁶. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons lamentation for her sinnes : and complaint to the lord her god. out of which may bee pickt a prayer for priuate families , for the time of this fearefull infection . and may serue for a helpe to holinesse and humiliation for such as keepe the fast in priuate : together with a souereigne receipt against the plagve . by w. c. pastor at white chappell . ier . 47. 6 , 7. o thou sword of the lord , how long will it bee ere thou be quiet ? put vp thy selfe vnto thy scabberd , rest and be still . how can it be quiet , seeing the lord hath giuen it a charge ? &c. london , printed for g. fayerbeard at the north side of the royall exchange . 1625. to the right honovrable , the lord maior of london , the right worshipfull the sheriffes and aldermen , and the rest of the godly citizens and offiers , who haue eyther stayed in their places and duties during this visitation : or sent their large and comfortable beneuolence for the poore . the blessings of this and a better life . right honorable : it was the ordinance and appointment of gods owne wisdome in the law , that all his sacrifices and burnt offrings should be seasoned with salt , the fire importing zeale , by which euery sacrifice must be offered , and the salt signifying discretion with which it must be seasoned : if it wanted eyther of these ; it could not bee accepted . now , as this literall fire and salt belonged to the iewes , so the spirituall is both commended and commanded to vs , that liue vnder the sweet yoke of the gospell euen to the worlds end : namely , that all our sacrifices & seruice , if we mean to haue them acceptable to god , or auaileable to our selues , must not onely bee offered with the fire of holy zeale ; but tempered with holy wisdome , and seasoned with the salt of due discretion ; therefore sayth ▪ christ euen in his gospell , euery one shall bee salted with fire , and euery sacrifice shall bee seasoned with salt : whereunto saint paul alluding exhorts all christians to see that their seruice and sacrifice , bee not only holy and liuely , but also reasonable . hence it is right honourable , and worshipfull , that as our gracious king , out of his humilitie and holy zeale , commanded publike fasting & prayer , for the diuerting of this publike iudgement : so now , out of holy and deepe discretion hath suspended for a time those publike meetings within the citie : out of no dislike of fasting and prayer , nor any wearinesse of those holy exercises , as some malignant spirits malitiously traduce him. but out of conscience to his god & care of his subiects liues : wisely considering ( & in our knowledge most truely ) that seeing the sick & sore ( do what we ministers could to the contrary ) mingled themselues confusedly , with the sound ( by which meanes its more then manifest , many thousands haue perished in this citie and suburbs . ) it therefore lay vpon him as supreme magistrate and gods lieutenant to looke to the liues as well as to the soules of all his people , and to take order , that the fasts ordained for the bettering of the soule , should not so be vsed , as to tend to the destruction of the body . leauing vs therefore in this distressed citie , the lords day or sunday for our soules , which being of diuine institution , can admit no dispensation by humane power , and still commending and commanding vs that day to fast & pray in priuate , and all the kingdome else to doe it in publike for vs : and for the sauing of our liues , and to auoyd the tempting and prouoking of god. hath wisely forbidden all other publike meetings of dangerous concourse in places infected , till order can be taken ( which is no easie thing to doe ) to keepe the sound and sicke asunder . now as all those that be well are notwithstanding to repaire to the church , to be partakers of the publike prayers & the holy seruice appointed for that day , so , for a helpe , of humiliation and holy deuotion to them that stay at home , whereof also many thousand families especially in our suburbs are not able to buy the booke , i haue therefore beene perswaded to make publike this meditation , confession , and prayer , which in these dayes of publike calamitie , i walking hourely through the valley of the shadow of death , ( burying forty , fifty , sometime sixty a day , and in the totall , more then two thousand alreadie ) i poured out in the presence of my god : first , in priuate for my selfe , afterwards for the vse of those many thousand sicke soules that are or haue beene in my great poore parish : and lastly , that hereby i might offer some sacrifice and speciall piece of seruice in way of holy thankfulnesse to the lord our god , who hath hitherto pleased to preserue me , and my brethren the pastors of this citie by his owne hand and power , beyond all humane helpe and hope ; walking continually , euen in the midst of the fiery flames alwayes in danger , and neuer in more perill then in the pulpit : wherein the lord hath beene so marueilous , & so magnified , his loue and power vpon vs , as if he should now take vs away , yet hath hee so deliuered vs , in discharging our duties , and by his holy angels kept vs , thus being in our way , till hee hath literally made good that promise in the psalme , yea , and much more : for alas wee haue not only seene a thousand fall at one side of vs , and ten thousand at another , but ( alas , alas , that our sinnes should so prouoke our god ) euen more then ten thousand on the one , and more then twenty thousand on the other . which mighty work of god , if wee should sit still and swallow and superficially passe ouer , and not commend it , to our brethren in the countrey , whose turnes must follow god knowes how soone , as sure as god hath begunne with vs ; and if we did not preserue the memory of it , and represent it to posterity , for their instruction , and that the generations yet vnborne may prayse the lord ; all holy men would accuse vs , gods church would censure vs , our own consciences would condemne vs , and god himselfe take vengeance of vs , as most vnthankfull caitiffes , euen monsters of mankind , & vnworthy to breath vpon the earth . being therefore in some sort touched with the sense of this hand of our god , both of his hand of iustice and of mercy , and being euerymoment put in mind of our mortality , eyther by the sound in our eares , or sights in our eyes ; can we but be moued ( vnlesse we were senselesse stocks & stoicks ) to take into our serious and continuall consideration , the now most lamentable case , of this late so florishing a citie , and of this whole kingdome into which this wild-fire of gods wrath begins so fast to flie , and can wee but lay to heart so great a sorrow ? or dare wee for our soules but deale truly with our god , in seeking sincerely and carefully searching out the true cause in our selues , in our people , and in the whole kingdome that should thus prouoke the lord against vs ? certainly some heauy judgement must fall vpon vs if we doe not , and will follow them whoeuer they bee that double and dissemble with their god in this case . and if any that be abroad and yet vnvisited , thinke i deale too farre and too freely in this confession . i aske no more but to forbeare his judgment , til they be vnder the hand of god , as we haue bin now three moneths and more , and then they will iudge i am too short : the while god in mercy pardon that , and wherin i may be thought to go too far , i shall easily answere it to god or gods anointed : & shal sigh & sob in secret to consider the wrath & woes that wait for those wicked ones , who as they deeply haue had their hand in pulling downe this plague , so carelessely seeke to passe it ouer , and looke not after the god that hath smitten them , and the whole land for their sakes , and will if they turne not betimes , smite them downe to hell : what stony hearted stoicke can he be who sees more then forty thousand christians , many as good , and some better then himselfe laid in the dust , in little more then twice forty dayes , and is not humbled vnder the hand that did it , and sensible of the sin that did procure it ? can hee bee a good seruant of god or subiect to his souereigne , that besides ten thousand aged , weake , and poore , shall see an army of ten thousand more , braue , lustie , and seruiceable young men , and tenne thousand more comely and mariageble young women , and ten thousand more young infants , whose proofe and hope had beene still before them , already taken out of one corner of this kingdome , and sits not downe in dust and ashes mourning to that god that tooke them , for that king that lost them , with that land that wants them . for that sinne that pluckt them from vs ? i dare pronounce vpon him from god whoeuer hee bee that can or dare thus sleightly and sliely passe by the workes of god , and laughes in his sleeue at such a judgement as this , is markt vp by god for some greater vengeance as sure as the fourteenth of ezekiel is gods true word . for if hee that mournes for sinne be the man that is markt by god for blessing and deliuerance , what 's hee that makes a sport of sinne ; and layes from his heart the iudgements thereby procured , but one that 's sealed vp for confusion and destruction : o therefore that my heart were a fountaine , and my eyes riuers of teares , that i might worthily bewaile the sinnes of our nation together with mine owne , and weepe for the slaine of the daughter of my people : so cried the holy prophet of the abundance of his holy zeale ; and so i am sure in their seuerall measures doe all the ministers and men of god amongst vs , that haue but tasted of the same spirit , mourning for the desolations of this citie ; and more for the contagion that causeth it , and most of all , for the sinnes that procured them both : and who would not care to sacrifice themselues what way the lord should please , so the wrath of god might bee pacified towardes this church and nation , and those plagues remooued which are the cause of this plague : and till these be remooued , we shall find the prophets tell vs true , that eyther this plague shall stil stay & creep like a canker ouer our whole body , or else only make make way to some more fearefull that shall follow after it . that this may be preuented , he cannot be a christian that will not both cry to god , and confesse to him the publike , and priuate , and personall sinnes that be the cause thereof . and as all that are enabled and taught by the holy spirit of god ; to poure out their soules in humble prayer , and hearty confession , will in holy obedience to the holy prophets counsell ; take vnto themselues words , and returne vnto the lord : so for those that cannot open their mouthes as they desire , and yet haue hearts that groane after god , and soules that seeke the lord. for their assistance only haue i beene perswaded to publish this , which now i leaue to them , and them and it together , with our selues to the mercifull acceptation and gracious blessing of our good god : who grant vs all in these dayes of danger ( when somtimes almost a thousand a day are pickt vp , and pluckt away before our faces ) so to liue and so to dye , as when we dye we may be sure to liue for euer . and so to part with one another here , as we may be sure to meet in heauen : and here so to confesse our sinnes , as at the last day christ may confesse vs to be his owne . and so to pray here as we may prayse god eternally in heauen . londons lamentable complaint to her god. containing , a prayer for the time of infection : afore confession of sinne . a meditation vpon the causes and remedie of this plague : a thankesgiuing for gods mercie euen in this crosse . most high and holy iehouah thou being of beings , who giues life and being to euery creature , giue leaue vnto us , the most unworthy oues of all thy children , to come before thee , and present our petitions at the throne of grace ; wee durst not rush so rudely into thy holy presence , mightie lord god , nor beg so boldly so great a sauour , were it not that thou hast gratiously vouthsafed , not onely to call and inuite vs , but euen command vs to come vnto thee , and call vpon thee in the day of our affliction , and hast moreouer mercifullypromised , that thou wilt heare vs and deliuer vs , that we may glorifie thy great name : in this confidence we take comfort , to come to thee o lord , in this day of our trouble , and common calamitie of our church and kingdome . and first we doe all , in the name one of another , and wée for our parts , euery one of vs for himselfe , humbly and freely cousesse , wee haue all had our hands in this blood , and each one borne apart , in pulling down these heauie plagues vpon this city and our nation : o lord wée doe none of vs excuse our selues , but wee doe euery one of vs accuse , and arraigue our selues at the barre of thy iustice , and we doe all pronounce our selues guiltie in thy sight : nor are we onely tainted with originall sin in our natures , but lord our liues are stayned , with all actuall pollutions , in our thoughts , words , and déeds , by sins of comission and omission , by sins not onely of ignorance , but euen of negligence carelesnesse and presumption : miserable sinners that wée are , wée haue not only committed soule and fearefull things , abhominable to thy pure and holy maiestie , dishonorable to thy holy religion , offensiue to thy holy law , and therefore iust prouocations of thy wrath : but alas , we haue sometime totally omitted , and at the best alwaies failed in all the good and holy duties required at our hands : wée haue not béene humbled for thy iudgements , nor thankfull for thy mercies , as wee ought to haue beene , therefore thy mercies being abused , haue heretofore made way for thy iudgements , but wee wicked wretches haue beene bettred by neither of both . thou hast written to vs the great things of thy law , but wée haue not regarded them , thou hast reuealed to vs thy blessed gospell , but wée haue not belieued it ; thou hast honoured vs with thy loue , but wee haue not walked worthie of it : thou hast afforded vs blessed meanes and many opportunities to doe good , and by well doing to come nearer vnto thee , but we haue , either so neglected them , or abused them , as thereby wee haue done much euill instead of good : thou hast also giuen vs time to turns & repent , but we haue turned it the wrong way , & mispent it in vanities : thou hast she wed vs the way , and offered vs the meanes to know and feare thée , but wee haue wilfully wandred in our owne wayes , and haue not cared to come neere thée , and haue put thy feare farre from vs , such sinfull caittfs are wee o lord , as the meanes of thy honour , wee haue turned to thy dishonour , our owne helpes into hinderances , our comforts into crosses , and our crosses into curses , thy mercies into iudgements , and thy uisitations into vengeance : and the gratious blessings that were giuen vs , as helpes to bring vs neerer thee ; wée haue peruerted , to drive vs further from thée : thy heauenly word , and holy sacraments , which thou hast gratiously giuen vs , ( more then to many other nations ) to be the meanes of our conuersion , and saluation , wee haue prophaned and peruerted , to our hardning in sinne , and agrauating our condemnation . these o lord are the common and generall sins of our times , of us , our citie , and our nation , which as an vniuersall deluge running ouer our land , wée also haue béene carried away by the violence of these sinfull streames : besides the personall sins preuailing in this age , as baine swearing , inordinate drinkings , super fluous feastings profusenesse in gaming , vanitie and pride in apparell , oppressions and fraudes in bargaining , prophaning thy sabbaths , neglect of thy poore members , contempt of thy word , and holy ministers , formalitie in religion , dulnesse in deuotion , coldnesse in charitie ; in all which o lord and euery one of them , we are not able to excuse , much lesse exempt our selues , besides also the publicke sinnes of our state , in letting our lawes bee laid a sleepe against idolatrie & superstition , whereby much popish impietie hath not only beene practised in priuate , but so publickly professed , that euen the remish dagon did stand in defiance with thy holy arke , whereby thy religion hath béene villified , thy ordinances despised , thy great name dishonoured , and thy sauctuarie troden vnder foot : nor was this the sinne alone of some set ouer vs , who by their places , ought rather to haue defended thy truth and maintained the integritie thereof with their liues and blood , & yet either wickedly , or weakly haue giuen way to these enormities , whereby poperte and idolatrie , were in a sort inuited and prepared for , before they came ; but in this sinne , like the sinne of ieroboam , all our israel hath sinned against the lord of hoasts , for alas wee haue all either had our hands , or held our tongues , and not béen zealous in the cause of thée our god and when for this our prophanenesse and presumptions against thée , thou hast declared thy selfe angry against vs , both at home , and abroad , wée haue béene so far from fearing thée , and séeking thy face , in prayer , & fasting , and holy humiliation in true contrition , and hearty repentance : as contrariwise when other nations were sighing , and sorrowing for our sin and securitie , wée were lul'd asleepe , and cryed peace , peace , when there was none : and when other churches were fasting and praying , we alas were masking , feasting and playing : and when as thy gospell had glutted vs , so as holy lectures , begun to bee now held , like meate out of season , and preaching in some places to bee put downe , pet euen then o lord , were the theaters magnified , and enlarged , where satan is serued and sinne secretly instilled , if not openly professed . thus hast thou o mightie god béene little better then forgotten among vs these many yeares : and thus hath thy glorious name béene dishonoured , thy precious religion billified , thy gratious ordinances despised , thy fearefull iudgements neglected , thy bounteous mercies abused , thy holy councels contemned , thy fatherly warnings not regarded , and thy sacred word in thew , and ceremonie aduanced , but indéed and truth troden vnder foot . it is true o lord , wee thought and spake otherwise of our selues while our plenty pleased vs , our prosperitie bewitcht vs , and worldly carnalities blinded vs : then wée séemed to our selues to be a glorious nation , a beautifull church and outwardly appeared to be a people that did righteousnesse , and forsooke not the ordinances of their god ; but now that affliction hath made vs wiser , and thy corrections haue opened our eyes , now we see what we are , and are ashamed of our selues : now we cast the dust of contempt vpon our owne heads , we goe out of our selues , and we cry to thée in the hearing of thy holy angels , & all thy holy churches vpon earth , wee are vncleane , we are vncleane ; and like vncleane and loathsome leapers deserue to bee cut off from the blessed bodie of thy church , may euen to bée rooted out of the land of the liuing , as being the nation , next vnto the iewes , who hauing béene honoured , and blessed by thée , aboue all the world , haue most dishonoured thée of all other , playing with thy mercies , dallying with thy iudgements , and prophaning all thy holy things , not considering wee are no better then the flye playing with the candle , wée in our sins being flaxe and stubble , and thou our god in thy furie a consuming fire . therefore it is o lord , that now thy mercies are gone aside , and giuen place vnto thy iustice , and thy iustice prouoked hath kindled thy wrath and the fire of thy wrath being now broke out in the most fearefull pestilence this nation euer saw : now our beautie is turned into ashes , our melodie into mourning , our songs into howlings , our glorie into confussion of face , our triumphs into teares , aud our flourishing citie into a wildernesse , there being now at our doores nothing but death , destruction , and desolation , nothing but miserie and mourning , crying and confusion in our streets ; this is our present estate o lord , and it is thy doing , and herein only are we happy that wee sée thy hand , and know , and belieue it to bée thy doing : and wée all confesse o lord , righteous art thou in all thy wayes , and most iust are all thy iudgements : for séeing we all offended thee , therefore now thou makest vs one offend another ; and because we feared not thée , thou hast now iustly made vs afraid one of another . and because wee wickedly and carelesly mispent our time , now thou hast made vs wearie of our time , and brought to passe that which thou didst threaten , that in the morning we wish it were euening , and in the euening that the morning would appeare and as though we were either wearie of our time , or afraid of the ayre , wee breath in we vainly wish , the long desired sommer , would now flye fast away , and turne vs ouer , to the cold and carefull winter : and because wee poysoned all things by our sins now thou iustly makest vs feare poyson , in our very meate , drinke , and apparell : nay but for thy speciall mercy , we are not safe in our pues , & pulpits in our church : and because we delighted not to come to thy house , now thou makest vs glad to flye from our owne houses . and because we cared not to come to thy house for the food of our soules , thou hast iustly brought it to this , that we knowe not whither to goe , nor to what house safely to send for the food of our bodies : & because we haue wickedly set our hearts , vpon the miserable mammon of this world , thou hast now in iustice made a great number at their wits and , not knowing what to doe with it , where to hide it , with whom to leaue it , nor whom to trust with it , neither can they carrie it with them , nor dare they tarrie with it themselues , and because they would lend nothing in charitie , they haue now none left , to lend vnto at all : and now they that loue it best , ( by thy wonderfull iudgement ) are affraid to touch it , least that which formerly poysoned their soules , should now infect their bodies ; o lord how wonderfull are thy workes , and how iust are all thy iudgements . and now , o lord , that wée sée our case , and are sensible of thy hand that is vpon vs , what shall wée say , what shall wée thinke might bée the cause of this so fearefull a plague ? and that so mercifull and pitifull a father , is now become so seuere and angry a iudge ? shall we be so foolish as to thinke it comes because our king is not crowned , as though former experience hath not proclaimed the contrary ? or so prophane as to ascribe it to the summer , and season of the yéere , as though thou wert not god as well of the winter as the summer ? or so proud as to thinke that because we haue hitherto held vp thy religion , better then some other nations , and haue in some measure maintayned the preaching of thy word , and haue béene a sanctuary and refuge , for some distressed christians of other countries , wée may therefore with the hypocritical iewes trust vnto our externall prefession , and cry , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , as though thou hadst néed of any nation to kéep vp the credit of thy cause ? or so presumptuous , as to thinke that because thou hast taken vs to be thy church , and some of thy children are amongst vs , thou canst not therefore be angry with vs ? or because we haue done some good , wée may be therefore the bolder in cuill ? or because there bee some holy lots amongst vs , therefore our sodome cannot be consumed ? o , lord , all these be the broken staues of egypt , these cannot comfort vs in this our calamity . these will not vphold vs in this day of our distresse , and this houre of temptation , that thou hast brought vpon vs : no , lord , all these and all other like to these , are eyther lyes or vanities : and thy holy prophet hath told vs , and wée beléeue it , that those who trust to lying vanities forsake their owne mercies . therefore , o lord , wee renounce ; for those our idle and idoll conceits haue spoken vanitie , our deuiners haue séene a lye , and haue told false dreames , o , lord , they comfort vs in vaine : for contrariwise thy word hath taught vs , thy spirit informes vs , and now our owne consciences tell vs , that our own wayes and doings haue procured this vpon vs , and none but our selues , and nothing but our sins haue pulled down this plague , and that we haue forsaken thée the lord our god , who didst lead vs the right way , but with thy people israel , we haue committed two euils , we haue forsaken thée , the fountains of liuing waters , and haue hewes our selues broken cisternes that can hold no water . thus haue wee requited thee the lord our god , being a foolish people and vnkind , therefore now our owne wickednesse both correct vs , and our back-slidings doe reprooue vs , and haue made vs know , and sée , and féele ; how euill and bitter a thing it is that wée haue forsaken thée the lord our god , and that thy feare was not in vs. and now , o lord , that wée sée our case , and sée also the cause of it , now what shall we doe for remedie , where shall we séeke reliefe , whither shall wee goe , to whom shall we flie , but euen from thée vnto thée , euen from thy deserued anger , to thy vndeserued mercy ? for destruction is from our selues , but saluation is of thée , o lord , and thou art hee that canst both wound and heale , both kill and make aliue : none but thou couldst haue laid this vpon vs , none but thou canst remooue it from vs : to thée therefore doe wee lift vp our eyes , o thou that dwellest in the heauens , and do beséech thée helpe vs in this distresse , for vaine is the helpe of man , and though our sinnes plead against vs , and make thée for a time kéepe backe thy comfort from vs , pet our eyes shall waite vpon the lord our god vntill hee haue mercie vpon vs : for whateuer wée be , thou art the lord that changest not , for else thy children should bee all consumed : we therefore take comfort , and say one to another . come let vs returne vnto the lord , for he hath torne vs , he will heale vs : he hath smitten , and hee will bind vs vp , after two dayes he will reuiue vs , in the third day he will ravse vs vp , and we shall liue in his sight . for art not thou he in whom our fathers trusted and were deliuered ? art not thou the god that brought thy people through the raging sea , and through the barren wildernesse into the land of peace and plentie ? art not thou he that saued thy seruants in the fiery ouen , in the lions den , & in the whales belly ? and is there not mercy with thee , else there should not be left a man on the earth to feare thee ? and is not that mercy of thine euerlasting , & endures to al generations ? and though we be cast into the last ends of the world , and may fears that the store-house of thy mercies is exhaust and spent , yet hast not thou taught vs twenty times in one psalme , that thy mercy endures for euer ? and in that mercy , hast thou not made a couenant of peace , parson , and reconciliation with the sonnes of men ? and hast thou not sealed that couenant , and made it firme in the bloud of thy blessed sonne ? and hast thou not proclaymed thy selfe to be the god that kéepes couenant and mercy to thousand generations ? séeing then thou hast vouchsafed to take vs and make vs thy people , and to receiue vs into thy holy couenant , and hast pleased to place thy holy tabernacle among vs , and honoured vs with thy holy word and sacraments , and hast among vs hundreds and thousands whom thou hast separated from the sinfull masse of mankind , and sanctified , and sealed for thy selfe , so as they runne not riot with the wicked world , but waite on thee in the holy wayes of thine ordinances , iudgements , and mercies , and lay to heart thy words and warnings , and mourne in sion for the affliction of ioseph , and for their owne , and the sinnes of others , and for the iniquities of the time : therefore our faith bids vs beléeue , and the truth and certainty of thy couenants causeth vs to hope , that thou wilt chastise vs to our correction , but not plague vs to destruction : and in this confidence wee come vnto thée , thou father of mercies , and are bold to beséech thée to call to mind thy couenant , whereby thou hast bound thy selfe , to be our god , and to take vs to bee thy people , and neuer to forsake vs ( although by our sinnes we haue forsaken thée ) as long as by faith we cleaue vnto thée , and in repentance and humilitie doe seeke thy face : and in the vertue and merit of that blessed bloud of thy holy sonne , which hee hath shed for vs , and all beléeuers , we take boldnesse to our selues , to challenge at thy hands the performance of those swéet promises , thou hast made vnto vs , and sealed in his bloud shedding . and first we begge at the hands of thy holy maiestie ( euen rather then our lines , or beliuerances from this dreadfull plague ) peace and pardon to our poore soules , and assurance of thy loue in christ , for our eternall happinesse : and then wee beséech thée not so much to deliuer our bodies from this plague , as to saue our soules from sin which is the plague of all plagues , and the true cause of this plague , therefore wee cry and pray with thy holy prophet , lord haue mercie vpon vs , and heale our soules , which haue sinned against thee . then wee beséech thée , thou god of compassions , looke in mercie vpon this land , make vs not like sodome , gomorrha , as wee haue deserued , wee confesse wee are vnder thy hand , and all the world could not haue laid this on vs , but only thou , o lord , and it was time for thee o lord , to lay to thy hand , for wee had almost made void thy law : thou hast therefore iustly taken vs vnder thy hand , and because thy gentle warnings were despised , thy holy counsels contemned , thy iudgements neglected , and thy mercies abused , thou hast therefore iustly giuen way to thy wrath , and let loose thy heauy iudgements vpon our land : yet this is our comfort , and man , nor deuill can take it from vs , that we are in thy hand , o lord , and with thée is mercie . and as we blesse thy name , that thou hast not giuen vs ouer into the cruell hands of mercilesse men , the wicked bloudie papists , so in this , our soules take comfort , that we are vnder the hand of our heauenly father , whose mercies are great : and in the multitude of those thy mercies , we looke vp to thée , o lord , and beséech thée , be mercifull to this land. thou art our father , and we haue fouly offended , therefore thou must needs correct vs , or else thou louedst vs not , & punish vs also , or else thou wert not iust : correct therefore lord , and spare not , but yet in thy iudgement , not in thy furie , lest we be all consumed . and forasmuch , as corrections are to worke our not onely humiliation , but reformation also , we begge not the remoouing of thy iudgement , till it hath wrought thy worke , and not onely brought vs down vnder thy hand , but euen purged our hearts , and renewed the face of our church & common-wealth . and séeing till then , o lord , wee neyther may expect , nor dare desire thou shouldst remooue it , wee beseech thee to prepare vs all to bee both willing and ready to meete thee our god , and now to be content , thou glorifie thy selfe in vs , and vpon vs by life or death , so thou saue our soules : but when it hath done thy worke , and finished that for which thou didst send it vpon vs , then , o lord , in mercie remooue it from vs : and preuent the other grieuous plagues that must needes follow vpon , and after this . and howsoeuer thy iust and long forborne decree is now gone out against vs , so as yet our cryes and teares mooue thée not , nay , the prayers of our prophets preuaile not with thee , insomuch as those noabs , daniels and iobs , that are among vs , are onely able to deliuer themselues ( and scarce that , o lord , so great is the contagion of our sinnes ) yet we beséech thée giue vs leaue to take comfort , in beléeuing thine owne word , and trusting to that which no mortall creature , no humane assurance , but thine owne holy selfe hast told and taught vs : euen that in wrath thou rememberest mercie , and that thou keepest not anger for euer , but that thy mercies endure for euer . and that thou hast not onely betrothed vs vnto thy selfe in faithfulnesse and truth , but euen married thy selfe to vs , and though we wickedly , in our spirituall idolatries , and other sinfull courses , cut off our selues from thee , and whorishly giuen our selues to others : yet most mercifully hast thou called vpon vs , to returne againe to thee , and thou wilt receiue vs : but miserable catiffes that wee are , wee cānot turn to thée , we could of our selues fal away from thée , but of our selues , wee cannot returne home vnto thee : cause vs therfore to returne , o lord , and séeing thou so louest vs , as thou wilt not leaue vs , wee beseech thee also loose vs not , nor suffer vs good lord to loose our selues , but renew our hearts towards thée , and cause vs to cry and mourne after thée , and say with ephraim , turne thou vs and wee shall bee turned , conuert vs , and wee shall bee conuerted , thou art the lord our god : and bring vs backe againe , o lord , the right and holy way : first , make our faces ashamed of our back-slidings , and our soules more grieued for the same , then for the plague that is vpon vs : then make vs seeke thee sincerely , and not slauishly , and out of loue more then feare , and make vs turne vnfaynedly and with the whole heart : and let vs not come , with sorrow onely in our hearts , but holy words also in our mouthes , and take vnto our selues the words that thou hast taught vs , and say vnto thee , take away all iniquitie , and receiue vs graciously , so will wee render the calues of our lips . and that our prapers be not bull , let vs , whet and sharpen them by fatting ; nor let vs bring thee bare words , but let our humiliation be accompanied with works of mercie , pietie , pittie , and compassion : and that the humiliation of vs bath prince and people , may bee both more acceptable to them and auaileable to vs , stirre vp the holy heart of our holy phineas , thy seruant and our souereigne , that hee may stand vp in the zeale of his god , and execute thy iust iudgement vpon the zimryes , and cozbyes , that bee amongst vs , euen the great sinnes , and bold sinners of this nation , that then , as thy word hath told vs , thy plague may bee stayed . to which end also make our mosesses , to stand in the gappe , and our aarons , with the swéet incense of their holy prapers , to stand betwixt the liuing and the dead , and stirre vp our priests , the ministers of the lord , to wéepe for vs before thy altar , and let them cry and say , spare thy people , o lord , and giue not ouer thine heritage to reproach : let not the papists and schismatickes insult ouer vs ; let them not say at their idolatrous méetings , nor prophane conuenticles , where is now their god ? for thou art our god , and thou art in heauen , and thou doest what thou pleasest , and all thy wayes are right , and the iust walke in them , but transgressors shall fall therein : let them know , o lord , that thou being our father , and wee hauing iustly prouoked thee , thou wilt take thy children in hand , and that they ought not to haue reioyced ouer vs , in the day of our destruction : o suffer them not good lord , to make thy correction , their aduantage : o let them not lay their hands vpon our substance , in this day of our calamitie , suffer them not to stand in the crosse-wayes , to cut off those whom thou shalt spare , and make a prey of those that shall remaine : wee shall euer acknowledge , how great soeuer this plague bee , yet thy mercies are greater , in that thou tookest vs into thine owne hand to correct vs , and gaue vs not ouer into the hands , of these men the iesuited papists , whose mercies are cruell , and their cruelties insatiable : therefore good lord , when thou hast remooued thy hand , let vs not fall into their hand , but saue vs for thy selfe , and let vs liue to call vpon thy name , and let vs desire rather now to dye vnder the hand of thee our father , and in thy feare and loue , then to liue to heape sinne vpon sinne , and to be reserued for further vengeance , or to be exposed to the cruel papists the wicked enemies of religion . o looke vpon vs in mercie lord , who lye downe in the dust of desolation , and are couered with confusion of our faces , o look downe vpon vs , who looke vp vnto thée , and who desire to rend our harts though not our garments , and to turne to thée the lord our god , o looke vpon this desolate , and distressed citie , who now may cry to all her stately sisters the cities of europe , and to all her beautifull daughters , the cities of england , and with ashes now vpon her head , instead of her stately & costly crowne cals vpon them all and sayth , come and behold the workes of the lord what desolations hee hath made in the midst of my most wealthy and populous streets , learne by mée , and seeke the lord while hee may bee found , left he pull downe your pride : and reioyce not ouer mee , o thou mine enemie , thou daughter of babylon , lest the lord turne his wrath from mee to thee , and hasten the vengeance , so long agoe deserued by thee , and pronounced vpon thee ; trust thou in thy horses aud in thy chariots , thy idols and thy idoll superstitions , we will remember the lord our god , for thy name , o lord , is a strong tower , and the righteous flying vnto it , are alwayes helped : thou hast spoken it lord , and wee beléeue it , and in that beliefe are wee bold to presse vnto thee , nay , to presse thee with performance of thy promise . therefore , o thou that art the helper of the friendlesse , helpe vs in this city , who are forsaken by so many friends , and left destitute by them , that should haue stood to vs in this day of our desolation , but hast not thou told vs , that if our fathers and mothers should forsake vs , yet thou lord wilt take vs vp : thou therefore who séest our friends faile vs and our acquaintance to stand afarre off , stand thou so much the néerer vs , o lord our god : and now that humane helpes fall short , helpe thou vs o god of our saluation for the glory of thy name : o thou in whom the fatherlesse finds mercie , in thée let the comfortlesse findcomfort , in thée let this desolate citie find consolation . looke mercifully vpon vs who come vnto thée , with teares in our eyes , sorrow in our soules , lamentations in our mouthes , heauinesse in our hearts , workes of mercie in our hands , and humilitation of the whole man : and thou that loosest not a teare , forgettest not one desire , but hearest euery greane , and counts the very sighes and sobs of all thy saints , giue vs comfort , and fill our hearts with hops , that this humiliation of our king and his people shall not be fruitlesse , but after it is not barely performed but accomplished , and perfected , as thou appointest it shall then preuaile with thée our god , not onely to make an end of our miseries , but to remember and renew thy cauenant with vs , and to bring vs and this citie , and our whole land , both court and kingdome neerer vnto thée , and hauing in this fire of affliction consumed our corruption , and purged away our drosse both in church and common-wealth , wilt make vs come out new creatures , both high and low , both publike and priuate persons , pure as siluer , and as gold most precious before thée : and wilst hereby worke out that inward renouation , and that outward reformation , in our church and state , in our court and kingdome , and all that see it shall say ; this hath god done , for they shall shall perceiue it is thy worke : then we that did sowe in teares , shall reape in ioy : then the long night of our sorrow beeing ended , the long desired morning of our ioyes shall shine forth : the voice of the turtle shall be heard in our land , blessed shall then they all be that come to vs in the name of the lord : and beautifull the feete of those , that bring vs the glad tydings of the gospell , whose faces formerly haue béene contemned , olde things shall then be done away , and all things shall bee made new . truth shall flourish , and heresie finde no footing , iustice shall reigne , oppression shall be oppressed : the hand of briberie shall be broken : the arme of iniustice cut off , and the mouth of iniquitie shall be stopped : then shall our sons grow as plants , and our daughters bee like polished precious ftones , our garners shall be full , and our cattle shall increase , we shall feare no breaking of enemies to inuade vs , nor heare any newes or noyses to affright vs , no cryes , nor clamours , nor complaynings in our stréets ; our poore shall eat and be satisfied , and our rich shall reioyce in the blessings of their god : our priests shall be clothed with saluation , and sions saints shall sing aloud for ioy : our princes shall be wiser , and our iudges better instructed , and insteed of seruing themselues and the time , will then learne to serue the lord with feare , and reioyce to him with reuerence . then shall our king and queene ioy in thy strength , o lord , and exceedingly reioyce in thy saluation : then all our friends shall reioyce with vs , and all our enemies be couered with confusion , and the world shall say , blessed are the people that bee in such a case , yea a thousand times blessed the people , that haue such a lord for their god , who hath purged them , from their old pollution , and purified them for himselfe , that now he may dwell among them for euermore . heare vs g god of mercie for thy name sake , but lord wée beséech thée begin with the better part first , euen the spirituall sores of our soules and of our land , remoue those plagues first which hath pulled downe this plague , therefore begin wée beséech thée at the right end , and make vs not healthfull and found in body , and leaue vs sicke in soule , and miserable in our spirituall state ; turue vs therefore o god of our saluation cause thy louing countenance to shine vpon vs , and wée shall bée safe : bring vs againe into thy temples with ioy , and into thy courts with praifs , satisfie vs early with thy mercies , and comfort vs according to the dayes wherein thou hast afflicted vs : now let thy worke appeare vnto thy seruants , and thy gloeie vnto their children : then we will gee into thy house with true burnt offrings , and with théerefulnesse of heart wil pay thee our vowes , which our lips haue vttered , and our mouthes haue spoken in the dayes of our affliction . and wée that bée thy people and shéepe of thy pasture will giue thée thankes for euer , and shews forth thy prayses vnto the generations that shall follow after vs , vnto the worlds end . and this our poore prayer which here wée haue presented , and this ▪ our weake thanks-giuing which wée haue here rendred to thy holy maiestie , we humbly beg may bée accepted , not for our selues alone , but for thy whole church , euen the blessed body of thy deare sonne . nor for our friends alone , but euen our enemies , for whom we implore rather thy mercie to couuert them , then thy iustice to corfound them , yet if they will not be reclaymed , restraine their rage , good lord , and frustrate all their furie , make the malice of man turne to thy praise , and if our prayers can doe them no good , at least , let their causelesse curses and cursed plots doe vs no hurt : stand by all the armies and forces of thy church both by sea and land , and by all them that stand vp for thy holy cause , especially that chiefe champion of thy church , thy deuoted seruant our souereigne lord , rouse vp his royal heart , inflame him more and more with zeale and loue to thée , that thy church may finde him and thy foes may féele him to be the great defender of thy christian faith , and the man of men whom thou hast marked for thy selfe , euen a second cyrus raised vp anoynted and sanctified by thy selfe to performe all thy pleasure , and to execute thy great and glorious designes , not only for the building vp of our ierusalem , in the reformation and restoration of our church , but to subdue the nations before thee , and to weaken and loose the loynes of such kings as will not open their hearts to thée . the promise thou didst please to make to cyrus , who knew thée not , make good wée beséech thée much more to him who knowes thée , and feares thée , and submits his soule vnto thée , and casts his crowne downe at thy féete : that is , make him thy great shepheard , hold vp his right hand , subdue thine enemies before him , open to him all dores of difficulties breake in pieces the gates of brasse , and cut in sunder the barres of iron , and goe before him when hée goes to make the crooked places of the world streight . to which end giue him good lord beside all thy other blessings , the treasures of darknesse , and hidden riches of secret places , that euen therby also he may know that thou the lord who hast called him and set him on work , art able to payhis armies , & prouide for him ; do this o lord for iacob thy seruants sake and israel thine elect. blesse the quéene . thou that hast made her his , make her also thine , that so she may be a helpe to him , a blessing to vs a cōfort to the distressed churches of france and a ioy to the christian world : blesse therefore good lord , and make powerfull all meanes of her conuersion publike and priuate , and for the settling of her soule in thy holy truth , and in the waies of righteousnesse : and besides the prayers of vs , and thy whole church ouer the world , daily made for her , wee beséech thée gratiously to regard the serious supplications which wée are sure his maiestie daily powres out before thee , for her happie and spéedie connersion ▪ that so shée may bée a pursing mother as he is a nursing father to thy church shine from heauen with the beames of loue and mercy vpon those glorious seruants of thine , the king and queene of bohemia , and their royall branches , and as thou haft honoured them not only to beléeue in thée , but to suffer for thée , so giue them in thy good time ; a blessed issue of all their vniust sufferings , and in the meane time arme them with faith and patience to waite on thée . looke downe in mercie , and blesse with thy speciall blessing the high court of parliament , be with them at their méetings , consultations and conclusions , set thy fear before their eyes , and let thy glorie bee their greatest ayme , knit the hearts of prince and people one to onother , and all to thée ; confound all priuate plots any way tending to the hinderance of the comfortable continuance of that blessed méeting , till they haue first discouered , and then found meanes to cure the corruptions , plagues , and great diseases of this church and state. blesse this whole land , make his maiesties councell faithfull to thée , least otherwise they proue false to him , purge the tribe of leui , that their lips may preserue pure knowledge , and their liues may expresse the life of true religion . refine our nobilitie , from the fil thie dregs of poperie , and all ignoble bafenesse , cleanse the hearts and hands of our iudges and magistrates , and purifie our people in this furnace of affliction , and humble vs all from the king vnto the captiue , that so we may bée a people prepared for the lord. and looke downe in mercy as thou art a god of mercy vpon those many hundreds , nay yet , alas , alas , thousands of our deare brethren in this land , and especially in this citie , who still lye groaning vnder the burthen of thy wrath , & the sword of thy destroying angell : alas o lord these sheepe , what haue they done ? or are wee better then our brethren ? or are these thousands that fall before our faces any greater sinners then the rest ? or rather haue not wee sinned more then they , and yet they are smitten , rather then wée ? o how wonderfull are thy workes , how vnsearchable are thy iudgements , and thy wayes past finding out . againe , how infinite and vnmeasurable are thy mercies to all them that feare thée , and seeke thy face ? therefore we beséech thée let the sorrowfull sighing of these thy prysoners come before thee , and according to the greatnesse of thy power , preserue thou those that are appointed to dye . at least , wée beséech thée as thou emptiest the earth , fill the heauens , and whom thou takest from vs , lord take vnto thy selfe and fill thy heauenly mansions with their soules , whose bodies haue left so many houses desolate in our streetes . and for so many of vs whom thou pleasest to preserue , lord , let vs not liue , but to honour thee ; therefore mark vs with thy holy stampe , and seale vs for thy selfe ; that when the angell of iustice sees vs sorrowing for our sinnes , and for the iniquitie of the time , and mourning for the miseries and sighing for the sufferings of thy saints , and laying to our hearts the affliction of ioseph , he may then not only passe by vs , but euen in the midst of this common calamitie leaue vs some badge of thy blessing , & some better testimonie of thy loue , in the holy vse of this thy iudgement , then the more secure times of our liues past haue formerly afforded vs. thus lord , haue wee powred out our soules into the bosome of thy mercie : thou art hee that heares the prayer , vnto thee shall all flesh come , and if all flesh may come shall not then thy children be bold to presse vnto thee ? and seeing we haue poured out our hearts to thee , o poure not out the uialls of thy wrath vpon vs , but poure down vpon vs the new of thy fauour , the showres of sweet compassion . heare vs thou blessed father , plead for vs thou blessed sonne , helpe our infirmities thou blessed spirit of grace , and make thou intercession for vs , with those holy groanes that cannot by vs bee expressed : heare vs and answere vs thou glorious trinitie in holy unitie , not for any merits of ours , for wee lay our hands vpon our mouthes , nay , wee abhorre our selues in dust and ashes , but only for the precious bloud-shedding , and all sufffcient satisfaction of iesus christ , the suretie and sauiour of our soules , the mediatour of our peace , and the eternall high priest of the new testament . in whose blessed name and holy words , wee shut vp this our weake prayer , offer this our poore sacrifice , and tender this pitifull complaint of our poore soules vnto the hands of thy heauenly maiestie , as hee hath taught vs , and left vs in his holy gospel the charter of our peace : our father , &c. a sovereigne medicine for and against the plague : being an ancient and approoued antidote , and the sure and infallible way how to escape the plague , or at least the plague of the plague . take thy heart ( for there beginnes the plague ) and euery morning , wash it , in the teares of true repentance and heartie sorrow for thy sinnes : but that it may bee throughly washt , see first thou stretch it vpon the tenters , or rather set it vpon the racke , of a strict examination , that so it may poure it selfe out , and make a free and full confession : then mollifie it in the precious oyle , and bathe it in the bloud of iesus christ the true balme of gilead , by a true and liuely faith. being thus clensed , then strengthen it by cordiall comforts confected of nothing else , but the pure and sweet promises of the gospell : and this confection is only to be made ; by the skilfull hand of the holy physician and spirituall apothecarie , the minister of god , whom thou shalt alwayes find at the signe of the bible , or the holy lambe , and there thou art sure of true and wholesome simples ; but take heed of them at the crosse-keyes , or the signe of agnus dei , for though the shops be gorgeous , and all things gloriously painted , thou art sure to be coozened with counterfeit drugs , and with the corrupt balsome of aegypt , in stead of the true balme of gilead . thy heart thus rectified , let it then command thy tongue and lippes , to acknowledge that thou for thy part by thy sinnes of commission and omission hast had thy hand , and borne thy part in pulling downe , this pestilence and all other plagues of god : let it then command it selfe to promise and vow , that if thou for thy part , may by the power and mercie of god bee preserued , thou wilt performe some speciall seruice to him , his church or children , more then before : and let it command the said tongue and lips to vtter and publish the same promise , the better to bind it selfe to obedience . let it then command the eyes , to turne away from beholding , and the eares from hearkening after vanitie , and yeeld themselues , the instruments of holy obseruation , to marke and consider the works of the lord ; it must then command the hands , to keepe themselues free from corruption , and that they bee painfully , and faithfully imployed in the honest labour of thy lawfull calling , and thy feet to walke in those wayes , and tread onely in those steps , which god hath appointed thee . this done , then take for thy breakfast , in the name of the lord , a chapter of the blessed bible , and so set thy selfe vnto thy worke , and faithfull labour of thy lawfull calling . then after thy dayes labour done , bodily refection , take for thy spirituall dinner and supper thy heartfull of holy obseruations of those mightie workes of god , both of his iustice and mercie towards thy selfe and others : which all that day long , eyther thine eyes haue seene , or thine eares haue heard of . then the day beeing done , see that thou and thine for your banquet , or reare supper , doe close vp your stomackes , with those true sweet-meates , certaine selected chapters of the blessed bible : then after a holy commemoration , of what euery one hath heard or seene , or obserued that day touching the wondrous workes of god , and application of the same one to another : and each one to himselfe , let then the heart command the tongue with comfort and boldnesse , to recommend the soules and bodies of thee and thine into the blessed tuition , powerfull protection and safe keeping of the keeper of israel . but forget not noe thing as thou wouldest haue all this profitable , and to doe thee any good , namely , to learne ( which thou maist doe , of that excellent apothecary saint paul ) what it is to liue the life of faith , when naturall reason and humane helpes not only faile thee , but haply are all against thee : this faith i tel thee afore-hand is not easily found , but i deale truly with thee who had it , and can teach thee how to get it , for though himselfe cannot giue it thee , yet hee will both direct and lead thee , and bring thee acquainted with that holy spirit , who gaue it him , and will not denie it thee if thy tongue doe begge it , and thy soule seeke it : neuer so little of this faith is precious , therefore so thou get it and haue it right , care not for the quantity ; for it is a holy elixir , a true quintessence which will presently and perpetually multiply , beyond ordinary beliefe , to the infinite inriching of the soule that enioyes it . but this faith hath one strange propertie , that although it will bee content to bee gathered vp by graines of young and weake christians , and treasured vp by drammes and ounces of such as be rich and strong men in christ , yet can it not abide to be measured or mixt with scruples : for these scruples are of a contrary nature to true faith : but otherwise , be it more , be it lesse , so it be true , its perfect , and thou shalt find thy selfe happy if thou haue it : for the least quantitie of this faith will affoord thee euery morning and euening a proportion of that true treacle , or methrydate , which yet was neuer made at venice ( except closely in some corners ) by reason of that great iugler the pope , who conueyes in corrupt drugs and false ingredients : this methrydate is made of more strange simples , then bee the bloud of scorpions , or the flesh of vipers : for it is and must bee confected of the flesh and body , and bloud of a man , but such a man as the world neuer had a second , for he must be the child of adam , and yet the sonne of no man , and a true man , and yet no man to be his father : now his bloud taken from him while he is aliue , and yet so taken from him as he must needs dye , is of that souereigne excellency , and that infinite vertue and merit , as the quintessence that may be extracted out of it , ( which only this fore-named faith can doe , ) is that superexcellent , nay , supercelestiall methry date of that high infallible , and inualuable vertue , as the soule that out tastes of it morning and euening , did neuer perish , nor shall to the worlds end . therefore , i say againe , as thou wouldst haue this medicine worke , and become powerfull for thy preseruation , forget not to take a taste of this continually , the first thing in the morning , and the last at night . then lye thee downe in peace , and securely take thy rest , for thou art free from the feare of all that are able to hurt thee . but bee sure , for a signe whereby to know this physicke workes well , that instantly when thou wakest thy heart , doe forth-with fixe it selfe on god , and vpon him bestow thy first thoughts : and so when thy body hath receiued so much sleepe and rest as may make it seruiceable for the soule , then vp with it in the name of the lord , that so both body and soule may set themselues to serue their god : then taking this medicine , and following all the former directions , thou mayst safely enter vpon thy businesse , and aduenture vpon the dangers of that day both thou & thine . prouided first , that you alwayes intermixe ( as occasion is ) together with the duties of your calling , such workes of piety towards god , iustice and equity towards man , mercy and charity towards the poore , as the diuine prouidence shall lay before thee , or cast in thy way : for take it for a rule , that these foure must alwayes goe together , and god himselfe hath so ioyned them all together , as cursed bee the man that puts them asunder , for hee carries such a heart about him , as this physicke can neuer doe him good : but where these foure are conscionably conioyned , this physicke neuer fayled to worke his worke : but where any of the foure is wanting , and totally neglected , there the other three will doe no good , but contrariwise , if they cannot get the company of their companion , they mourne and pine away , and in a short time will bee gone , and stay no longer there , where they cannot be compleate . prouided also that man , nor god doe euer find thee out of thy way , but alwayes eyther walking faithfully in thy lawfull calling , or else doing some good in the performance of some of the foresaid duties of piety , iustice , or mercie : for these bee the wayes of a christian , and hee that is found out of all these is vtterly out of his way , and consequently out of that protection which god hath granted to them that wayte on him , which runnes in these words , that hee hath giuen his angels charge ouer them , to keepe them in all their wayes , &c. and the power of this protection no creature can infringe . so as by vertue thereof , the seruants of god haue walked in safetie in the midst of such dangers as hath beene an amazement to the world , and a wonder to themselues : and for the want of this , many thousands haue miscarried , not only of gods enemies , who walke in wrong and wicked wayes , but euen such of his friends and followers , who being misled by the world or their owne presumptions , tooke to themselues the boldnesse to step aside , out of their owne wayes , and so haue shifted themselues out of that shelter or safetie , which otherwise they might haue challenged as their owne . and lastly , prouided that in all times of danger thou take heed of tempting god , for otherwise thou mayst iustly prouoke him to deny his blessing to this medicine , without which , as souereigne and powerfull as it is , it can do no good . now if thou wilt auoid this feareful and dangerous sinne of tempting god , thou must take heed : first , of putting thy selfe into any needlesse danger : and it is then needlesse , when without necessary cause or lawfull calling , eyther for gaine or pleasure , or any priuate respect thou puts thy selfe into places , or among persons infected . secondly , thou must also at thy vtmost perill , carefully vse all good helpes of nature and art , which gods good prouidence affoords thee , whether they bee commended vnto thee by the learned physician , or approued by true and reall experience , and whether they be meanes preseruatiue , curatiue , or restoratiue . thirdly , thou must bee wary of all wilfull distemper , and bee diligent in keeping a carefull and orderly dyet , not only for moderation and sobriety , in respect of the quantity both of meate , and drinke especially , but also for wisdome in the choice of the quality and condition of that little thou feedst vpon . and lastly , abhorre more then poyson or the plague it selfe these wicked opinions , and all that hold them . first , that the pestilence is not infectious in it selfe , and of it owne nature , but so immediately , and only the hand of god , as none become infected , but only by his stroke . secondly , that euery mans dayes are so numbred , as doe or not doe what hee will , he cannot liue longer , nor die sooner then his day and houre appointed . thirdly , that therefore all carefull auoyding of persons or places infected , and diligent vsing of meanes appointed for prescruation are needlesse and to no purpose . the foulenesse and falsenesse of all these three appeares : first , in that the leaper must bee shut vp , and all men auoyd him , yea , though he were a king , which being nothing so deadly as is the pestilence , ( seeing some liued with it many yeeres ) it is manifest it was so commanded , only in respect of the contagion . secondly , that iobs friends being louing , wise , and religious , and comming to comfort him , hauing the pestilence , leprosie , or some such contagious sicknesse , stood afarre off , and refused to come neere him . thirdly , hezekiah hauing ( that which neuer man had else ) a lease of his life for fifteene yeeres , from him that was able to make it good , yet vsed all ordinary meanes and humane helpes , for preseruing his health , and prolonging his life . fourthly , saint paul hauing an expresse grant from god , of the liues of euery one in the ship with him : yet the next day , when the mariners , who are the means vnder god to command and rule , and saue a ship , would haue craftily conuayed themselues out , to haue saued their owne liues , leauing paul and the rest to be saued by that promise and power of god : saint paul plainly told the captaine , if these men goe out of the ship we cannot bee saued . for howsoeuer that condition of vsing meanes was not expressed , yet he knew it to be implyed , which was all one . lastly , our lord iesus himselfe , whose deitie could deliuer him from all danger , yet to teach vs to be carefull in vse of all good meanes , and to let vs see how made these men be , when such as had plagues pressed too neere vpon him , called for a little ship to wayte vpon him , because ( sayth the text ) of the multitude , lest they should throng him . yet hee that refused the throng , refused not his dutie , hee that fled from the danger , fledde not from his calling , but preacht gods word vnto them , himselfe in the ship , and the people on the shore . the last wicked opinion to bee auoyded , is , that none who loue , feare and serue god , and beleeue in him can dye of the plague , and all that doe , doe want faith : the wickednesse of which doctrine appeares in this , that diuers of the dearest of gods saints haue tasted , nay drunke as deeply the cup of all externall crosses , and bodily afflictions whatsoeuer , as any vnbeleeuers or enemies of god haue done . againe , in that many of gods children , who in common calamities turne to the lord in faith and true repentance , howsoeuer thereby they saued their soules , yet for their bodily liues were swept away with the rest , by the generall iudgement : as a great number of them that perished in the floud , and diuers of those that dye by the hand of iustice , and all histories and ages affoord frequent examples . and lastly , if thou wouldest take heed of tempting god , stand in thy station , make conscience to doe thy duty , flie not with ionah from the presence of the lord , for hee can follow thee , and find thee where euer thou art , and reach thee afarre off as well as at home , and make ionah feele him ( being fled from his duty ) euen when hee thought himselfe most safe , and slept securely : thou therefore that mayst boldly begge gods blessing in thy place and duty , how darest thou tempt and try the power of god , by flying from it . vse this medicine and obserue these rules , and as sure as god is true and just , thou mayst boldly beleeue the plague shall either not touch thee , or not hurt thee ; but in stead of a plague shall bee a blessing to thee : and whereas many of gods good children haue taken and died of this infection , as it is manifest on the one side they wanted not grace , nor faith for saluation , so it is as cleere on the other ; that thev some way failed in the vse of this medicine either , in not belceuing what in this case ought to be belieued , or in not doing something to bee done for their deliuerance in this danger : in all which cases , the rule of christ is certaine : according to thy faith , and consequently thy obedience , which alwayes waits on true faith , so be it vnto thee . this medicine is so ancient and so approued , that since the world began it was neuer found to faile in one particular , sauing only such as either seeme to vse it but did not , or vsing it in part ; yet failed in some particulars which in the vse of medicines may not bee allowed . and by the vertue of this medicine alone , many about this citie haue beene preserued to this day , whose callings and duties ineuitably bound them within the reach of such dangers , from which all the humane helpes in the world could not haue deliuered them : and still if they faile not in faith , nor discharge of their duties : god who is the authour of this medicine will not faile in performance of his promise . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19581-e140 mark. 9. 49 rom. 12. 2. hos . 14. 2. notes for div a19581-e540 matth. 11. psal . 50. hos . 8. 12. 1. kings 14. 16. es●y . iob. le● heb. psal . 119. deu. 18. 67. 1. ki. 20. 18 ier. ionas 2. psal . 123. 2. mal. 3. 6. hos . 6. 1 , 2. psal . 22. 4. psal . 130. 4 psal . 100. 4 psal . 136. ezek. 14. hab. 3. 2. hose 2. 19. ●● . hos . 14. 2. ● psal . 46. esay . prou. psal . psal . psal . psal . psal . esay . psal . 2. psal . 21. psal . 144 esay : 44. ● esay . 45. 1 ▪ 2 , 3 , 4. esay , 2. sam. 24. lu. 13. 1. 2. rom. 9. psa . 79. 11. ezek. 9. rom. 8. iob 42. 6 ▪ notes for div a19581-e1440 heb. 11. 38. psal . 91. 11. leuit. 13. &c. ● . kings . 15. iob 2. esay 38. 5 ▪ acts 27. verse 31. mar. 39. 10 & 4. 1 , 2. ionah . 1. londons disease, and cure: being a soveraigne receipt against the plague, for prevention sake. / by john qvarles, philo-medicus. quarles, john, 1624-1665. 1665 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04961 wing q133 interim tract supplement guide c.20.f.4[122] 99884986 ocm99884986 182791 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04961) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 182791) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books; tract supplement ; a4:2[123]) londons disease, and cure: being a soveraigne receipt against the plague, for prevention sake. / by john qvarles, philo-medicus. quarles, john, 1624-1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by edward crowch, dwelling on snow-hill, london, : 1665. verse: "there's none so ignorant, i hope, but knowes ..." reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -poetry -early works to 1800. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 megan marion sampled and proofread 2009-01 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion londons disease , and cure : being a soveraigne receipt against the plague , for prevention sake . by john qvarles , philo-medicus there 's none so ignorant , i hope , but knowes , medicines are good , as well in verse , as prose ; therefore consulting with my thoughts , i found , a rare receipt to make th' infected sound : and knowing that the almighty doth forbid , in times of dangers , fecrets should be hid ; i thought it was my duty to make known , this cath'lick medicine unto every one ; that so their sad distempers may be heal'd , the cruel natre of this ssad disease , is so otragious , that if speedy ease be not presecrib'd , the patient must be lost , but here 's a medicine without price , or cost ; therefore let those that are inclin'd to be my willing patients , read , obeferve , and see that my prescriptions are , they shall be good , and very cheap , not hindring them from food or honest labour ; neither need they doubt restraint , but may with courage go about lawfull occasions ; therefore without a bribe , harken with patience , whilft i thus prescribe ; receipt . warm tears , distilled from a pensive heart , with herb-of-grace , mixt with divinest art , prepar'd in th' morning when the light begins to shew it self , not gathired in our sins ; but when the sun of grace hath spread his rayes , then we must gather hath spread his rayes , then we must gather it , and keep 't with praife ; it must be laid , where neither aire of lust , nor heat of envy , nor th' injurios rust of malice can come near it , nor the breath of covethousness infect , for sudden death will seize upon it , if we take not heed . 't is also good ( if possible ) to bleed , both at the eyes , and heart , for if those veins be not well breathed , the physitians pains will prove invalide ; if occasion urge , the patient must b'advis'd to take a purge , or elfe a vomit ; when th' infected blood is clens'd , a pleasant cordial will be good ; but let the patient not forget to call , with thanks , unto the sacred hospitall ; and then he may with covrage be affur'd the worst is past , and his distemper cur'd : and if he keep a well compofed will , he need not fear th' apothecaries bill ; each item's a receipt , and all his cost , returns to profit , nothing can be lost eut the disease , which the great chyron cures , whilst the physitian all the pain indures . oh happy patieut ( if the doctor please ) 't is health to fall in love with thy disease ! oh teach me to be sick , or i will make my fealf a patient for the doctors sake ! oh ! who is he that would not be content with a disease , to be his patient ? he has an antidote , that can expell all griefs ; 't is dangerous sick ness to be well : oh make me sick to death ( i mean ) of sin , that having done , my doctor may begin ; without all doubt , that patient needs must thrive . that makes affliction his preparative : oh ! who would not adore so blest a god ? good natur'd children often kiss the rod : and so , let us with patience learn t' indure our own distempers , and not doubt the cure ; the grand physitian will not spare his skill , if we submit our felves unto his will ; the more our patience labours to endure , the sooner will he make a perfec cure ; the sacred scriptures this rare cordial gives , to let us know that our redeemer lives : he lives , who by his living gives us breath , he dy'd , and we are living by his death : thus both in life and ' death we must confess , that he 's the author of our happiness ; he is that god , whose cross mst be our scrown , whose shame our honour , whose reproach , renown ; his blood must be our bath , his wounds , our cure ; for 't is his certainty that makes us sure : then let us like the ninevites , be found , whose true ropentance made them truly sound : though as ( like carelesst jonas ) now we lye in the whales-belly of our sins ; let 's cry as jonas did , and heav'n will foon advance , and bless us with a quick deliverance : delayes are dangerous , 't is therefore good to take a remedy , before the blood be quire infected , 't is a sign the cure is difficult , and will not long endure a physicall oppose , let 's therefore ftrive to quallifie it by a corrosive . a bath of tears is good , and will expel the black diseases of an infidedl ; the chymistry of sighs , and doubled groans , will melt those hearts , which sin hath turn'd to stones . but one thing more is singularly good , the dear remembrance of our saviors blood ; nor will it be unto our souls a loss , to take the lignum vitae of his cross ; and that sick-soul that knows how to procure the balm of gilliad , may ( by faith ) asure himfelf a remedy , tears mixt with rue , will make the patient bid his grief adue . finis . london , printed by edward crowch , dwelling on snow-hill . 1665. the signes that doe declare a person to be infected with the pestilence donne, george. 1625 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20618 stc 7021.3 estc s3336 33143341 ocm 33143341 28395 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20618) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28395) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:83) the signes that doe declare a person to be infected with the pestilence donne, george. 1 sheet ([1] p.). t. snodham, for n. newbery, [london : 1625] attributed to donne by stc (2nd ed.). imprint information from stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-04 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the signes that doe declare a person to be infected with the pestilence . 1 great paine and heauinesse in the head . 2 great heat within the body , and the outward parts cold , and ready to shake , being thirsty and dry . 3 some paine and difficultie in breathing . 4 great desire to sleepe , and yet cannot , and sometime is vexed for want of sleepe . 5 swelling in the stomacke with much paine . 6 diuers and heauie lookes of the eyes , seeing all things of one colour , as greene or yellow , and the eyes changed in their colours . 7 losse of appetite , vnsauorie taste , bitternesse of the mouth , sowre and stinking . 8 wambling of the stomacke , and a desire to vomit , and sometime vomiting humors , bitter , and of diuers colours . 9 heauinesse and dulnesse in all the body , and a faintnesse and weakenesse in all the limbs . 10 risings in the necke , vnder the arme , or in the flanke , or in some other part of the body . preseruatiues against this disease . eate euery morning as much as the kernell of a nut ▪ of this electuarie which i shall keepe alwaies ready for you ; or of treacle mixed with conserues of roses , or dioscordium , the quantity of two white peason . likewise eate something euery morning before you goe abroad , as butter , walnuts , rue , a potcht-egge with vinegar , or the like . let your chambers be ayred morning & euening with good fires , wherein put luniper , frankencense , storax , bay-leaues , vinegar , rose-water , rosin , turpentine , pitch , tarre , or brimstone . when you goe abroad , chew in your mouth , the roote of angelica , gentian , ●…edoarie , turmentill , or the like . also i haue prepared tablets to weare about your necke , of which i did see great experience the last great sickenesse : as also pomanders to smell too . remedies after a person is infected . 1 first , be carefull with all speed to vse remedyes betimes , for delay in this sickenesse is dangerous . 2 secondly , if the sickenesse begin hot with paine in the head , and the party be of a full body let him be let bloud in the liuer vaine in the right arme , except he feele any sorenesse , then let him bleed in that arme on the side grieued . 3 thirdly , foure houres after if he be not let bloud , let him take tenne graines ; if it be a childe vnder 7. yeares old , then take but 5. graines , of this red powder in a little methridatam , or in the pappe of an apple , and one houre after , drinke some possit-ale , made with medesweet and marigold flowers : keepe the bed , and sweat two or three houres , according to strength , but refraine from sleepe next day let him take white powder , one dramme , in the possit ▪ drinke , and sweat as before ▪ doe this three , foure , and fiue dayes : but be sure he goe to stoole once a day . in the steed of the powders , you may take methridatum one dramme and a halfe ▪ of the best london treacle one dramme ; mixe them with carduus benedictus , or angelica , or scabious waters , or the possit-drinke before mentioned , and sweat well , as before . the methridatam or london ▪ treacle , you may haue the best that i know , at the signe of the angell , ouer against the great conduit in cheape-side , lames rand. 4 fourthly , once in foure or fiue houres , take broth or mase-ale in possit-drinke , wherein boyle as before . if he be very dry , let him take of syrupe of endiue and sorrell , of each three ounces ; water of roses and buglosse , of each one ounce , syrupe of lymons , two ounces ; mixe them , and let him take as often as he is dry one spoonefull . 5 fiftly , if any sore or botch appeare , vse meanes with speed to draw it forth : as this is very good . take a great onion , and cut off the head , and make a hollow place in the middle ▪ fill that full of good treacle , put on the head againe , and rost it in the embers : when it is soft rosted peele it , and stampe it in a morter , & lay it hot vnto the sore , and renew it fresh once in sixe houres : or take this poultes , two lilly-rootes , mallowes two handfuls , cut and bruise them , linseed , foure spoonfuls beaten ; boyle these in water till they be soft & thicke , then put to them , 12. figs , raysins sliced and stoned one handfull , mixe & work these with the other , in a morter , & put to them oyle of camomile three spoonefuls , warme it , & with a cloth binde it on the sore , shift this twice a day when the sore is broken vse this , turpentine one ounce , & the yolke of an egge , oyle of s. iohn . wort , methridatam , of each half a dram , mixe al these together , & lay it on the soare , this wil heale it 6 sixtly , when they are well , before they goe abroad , take a purge . finis . a proclamation, for a publick general fast throughout the kingdom of scotland. at edinburgh, the eight day of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty five years. scotland. privy council. 1665 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05599 wing s1784a estc r183466 52612323 ocm 52612323 179627 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05599) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179627) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:21) a proclamation, for a publick general fast throughout the kingdom of scotland. at edinburgh, the eight day of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty five years. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1665. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. text in black letter. signed: pet. wedderburne, cl. sti. concilii. imperfect: stained with some loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasting -religious aspects -christianity -early works to 1800. fasting -scotland -early works to 1800. plague -prevention -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for a publick general fast throughout the kingdom of scotland . at edinburgh , the eight day of august , one thousand six hundred and sixty five years . forasmuch as it has pleased almighty god to visit the city of london , places adjacent , and several other towns and villages of the kingdom of england with the sore plague of desistence ; so that all commerce and trade with that kingdom has been prohibited and forbidden , lest that by importing of commodities , the plague might be brought into this kingdom , to the great prejudice and danger of the lieges : and seing it has been moved to the council , from the right reverend fathers the archbishops and bishops , that a general fast may be appointed and kept throughout the 〈◊〉 kingdom , for imploring the goodness and protection of almighty god , that in his infinite mercy , he may preserve this kingdom from that con 〈…〉 n , and compassionat the sufferings of those that are visited therewith in england , and 〈◊〉 the spreading thereof in all places , which by his mercy are yet preserved there-from : as likewise , that the lord may bless this kingdom with a fair and seasonable harvest , that the fruits of the ground may be reaped for the comfort and maintenance of the people . therefore , the lords of his majesties privy council , by these presents , command and charge , that a fast be religiously and solemnly kept throughout the whole kingdom , by all subjects and people within the same , upon the second wednesday of september next to come , in this instant year of god , being the thirteenth day of the said moneth ; requiring hereby , the reverend archbishops and bishops to give notice hereof to the ministers in their respective diocesses , that upon the lords-day immediatly preceeding the said thirteenth of september , they make publick intimation thereof in every parish church ; and that they exhort all their parishioners to a sober and devout performance of the said fast and humiliation , as they tender the favour of almighty god , the preservation of their native country , and the suffering condition of their neighbours and fellow subjects in england : certifying all who shall contemn or neglect such a religious and necessary duty , they shall be proceeded against as contemners of authority , neglectees of religious services , and unnatural and profane persons . and ordains these presents to be printed and published , that none pretend ignorance . pet. wedderburne , cl. s ti concilii . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1665. by the king a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22377 stc 8788 estc s122672 33149925 ocm 33149925 28503 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22377) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28503) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:48) by the king a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton, and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] arms with "c r" at top of sheet; text has historiated initial. "giuen at our court at oatlands, the twelfthth day of iuly, in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament . the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , that the infection of the plague is at this present so generally dispersed and spread abroad , in and about the cities of london and westminster , as that the parliament , late assembled at westminster , could not without manifest perill to the lords spirituall , and temporall and commons there assembled , be continued there , so long as the necessitie of the vrgent and important affaires of his maiestie and the whole realme did require ; hath therefore caused the same to bee adiourned from the citie of westminster , to be holden at the citie of oxford , the first day of august next ▪ and hath thought fit hereby to publish and declare the same to all such , whom it may in any wise concerne ; straitly charging and commanding hereby , as well all the lords spirituall and temporall , as also all and euery the knights , citizens , and burgesses , of all and euery the shires , cities , and boroughs within this realme of england , and all others whom it may concerne , that they and euery of them doe personally appeare at the said citie of oxford , the said first day of august now next ensuing , then and there to proceed in those waighty and vrgent affaires which shall bee there handled , as shall be most expedient for the generall good of his maiestie and his realmes . giuen at our court at oatlands , the twelfth day of iuly , in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill . printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . certain necessary directions, aswell for the cure of the plague as for preuenting the infection; with many easie medicines of small charge, very profitable to his maiesties subiects / set downe by the colledge of physicians by the kings maiesties speciall command ; with sundry orders thought meet by his maiestie, and his priuie councell, to be carefully executed for preuention of the plague ; also certaine select statutes commanded by his maiestie to be put in execution by all iustices, and other officers of the peace throughout the realme ; together with his maiesties proclamation for further direction therein, and a decree in starre-chamber, concerning buildings and in-mates. royal college of physicians of london. 1636 approx. 180 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06288 stc 16769.5 estc s108814 23153180 ocm 23153180 9285 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06288) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9285) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 844:22 or 1799:14) certain necessary directions, aswell for the cure of the plague as for preuenting the infection; with many easie medicines of small charge, very profitable to his maiesties subiects / set downe by the colledge of physicians by the kings maiesties speciall command ; with sundry orders thought meet by his maiestie, and his priuie councell, to be carefully executed for preuention of the plague ; also certaine select statutes commanded by his maiestie to be put in execution by all iustices, and other officers of the peace throughout the realme ; together with his maiesties proclamation for further direction therein, and a decree in starre-chamber, concerning buildings and in-mates. royal college of physicians of london. [142] p. by robert barker ... and by the assignes of iohn bill., imprinted at london : 1636. signatures: a4(-a1), b-s4. c1r catchword is "demenour." this item can be found at reels 844:22 and 1799:14. imperfect: item at reel 1799:14 stained. reproduction of originals in the british library and harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. medicine -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certain necessary directions , aswell for the cure of the plague , as for preuenting the infection ; with many easie medicines of small charge , very profitable to his maiesties subiects . set downe by the colledge of physicians by the kings maiesties speciall command . with sundry orders thought meet by his maiestie , and his priuie councell , to be carefully executed for preuention of the plague . also certaine select statutes commanded by his maiestie to be put in execution by all iustices , and other officers of the peace throughout the realme ; together with his maiesties proclamation for further direction there in : and a decree in starre-chamber , concerning buildings and in-mates . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1636. ¶ to the iustices of peace . as the want of lawes occasioneth wrongs to be committed wittingly ; and want of knowledge of lawes carieth men into offences ignorantly : so are laws themselues a burthen when they are too many , and their very number is a cause that few are executed : where penall lawes haue otherwise no life , but in their execution . and certainely that magistrate who knowes but few , and causeth those to be duely obserued , deserueth better of the commonwealth , then he that knoweth many , and executes but few . therefore is the composition of this volume , that those few laws , and other ordinances being most needfull for the time , may bee easily had , soone knowne , and duely executed ; which is required by his maiestie . ¶ the contents of this booke . an aduice set downe by the colledge of phisicians , for preuention and cure of the plague . 2 orders concerning health . 3 a proclamation for quickning the lawes made for the reliefe of the poore , and the suppressing , punishing , and setling of the sturdy rogues and vagabonds . 4 an act for the reliefe of the poore . 5 an act for the necessary reliefe of souldiers and mariners . 6 an act for punishment of rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggars . 7 an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague . 8 a decree of starre-chamber against inmates and ne● buildings . at whitehall 22. aprill , 1636. present the kings most excellent majesty . l. archbishop of cant. lord keeper . lo. duke of lenox . l. chamberlain . earle of dorset . earle of salisbury . earle of holland . lord viso . wilmot . lord cottington . lord newburgh . m. treasurer . m. comptroller . m. vicechamberlaine . m. secretary coke . m. secretary wind●ba●● . it was this day ordered , that the iustices of peace of middlesex and surrey , shall forthwith meet together , and shall seriously consider of and set downe such rates as are fit for the raising of moneyes to build pest-houses , or to prouide other convenient habitations , or places of aboade for infected people , and to furnish them with all other necessaries for their reliefe , and shall take order for levying , and collecting the same accordingly . it is likewise thought fit and ordered , that the iustices of peace of middlesex shal repair vnto , and ioine with the lord maior and aldermen of the citie of london , in making additionall orders ( to those heretofore printed ) to bee forthwith printed for preventing , so much as may be , the increase of the infection ; and shall be hereby authorised from time to time hereafter to make such orders as they shall thinke fit and convenient for the purposes aforesaid . also the church wardens and overseers of the poore , and constables of every parish , are hereby required and enioyned to prouide themselues with bookes for their directions . lastly , the physicians of the citie of london are to renew the former booke touching their medicines against the infection , and to adde vnto and alter the same as they finde the present times and occasions to require , and to cause the said booke to be forthwith printed . to the kings most excellent maiestie . whereas it hath pleased your maiestie , out of your royall care of the safety and welfare of your subiects , by your speciall command , as also by order from the lords of your maiesties most honourable priuie councell to enioyne the colledge of physicians to renew their former book touching their medicins against the infection , and to adde vnto and alter the same , as they finde the present times and occasion to require : wee , the president and colledge of physicians , in all obedience to your royal command , haue often met and maturely considered of the premisses , and vpon serious reuiew of our former booke , haue made such additions and alterations as wee iudged most requisite for the present occasion ; which we haue caused to be printed , and now most humbly present vnto your most gracious maiestie . an aduice set downe by the colledge of physicians , by his maiesties speciall command , containing certaine necessary directions , as well for the cure of the plague , as for preuenting the infection ; with many easie medicines and of small charge , the vse wherof may be very profitable to his maiesties subiects . doctors , apothecaries and chirurgions . the church orders for praiers being first obserued as in former times , it is thought necessary that by the gouernment of the city there be appointed sixe or fowre doctors at least , who may apply themselues to the cure of the infected : and that these doctors bee stipendiaries to the city for their liues : and that to each doctor there be assigned two apothecaries and three chirurgions , who are also to be stipended by the city , that so due and true care may be taken in all things , that the people perish not without helpe , and that the infection spread not , while none take particular care to resist it , as in paris , venice , and padua , and many other cities . and if any doctor , apothecary or chirurgion stipended by the city shall happen to die in the seruice of the attendance of the plague , then their widowes suruiuing shall haue their pensions during their liues . men or goods from forreigne infected places . it is likewise necessary that there be care taken that neither men nor goods may come from any suspected places beyond the seas or in the land , without certificate of health , or else either to bee sent suddainely away , or to be put to the pest-house or some such like place for forty daies ( according to the custome of italy , ) till the certainty of their soundnesse may bee discouered . two places for entertainement are to bee prouided ; one for the sound and another for those who are infected . that all established good orders bee reuiued . that the statutes and good orders made and formerly published against common beggars , against all manner of plaies , bowling-allies , inmates , tipling-houses , lestalls , against the sale of corrupt flesh or fish , may be reuiued and strictly executed , and that the skauengers in generall , and euery particular housholder take care for the due and orderly cleansing of the streets and priuate houses , which will auaile much in this case . that dogges , catts , conies and tame pidgeons be destroyed about the towne , or to bee kept so sparingly that no offence may come by them , and that no swine be permitted to range vp and down the streets , as they frequently doe , or rather not to keepe any at all . it were also to bee wished that the slaughter-houses were vtterly put from out the liberties of the city , being in themselues very offensiue , and that tunnells in church-vaults be considered of , and the depth of graues . to be ca●tolous vpon any suspition . it is to be feared , because every one desireth his owne liberty , that none will giue notice of any suspition of the plague against themselues ; wherefore that must be the ouerseers care , vpon any notice or suspition of infection , by the helpe of the doctors , chirurgions , keepers or searchers , to finde out the truth thereof , and so to proceed accordingly , but not to depend vpon the testimony of women searchers alone . the care to be taken when a house is visited . that vpon the discouery of the infection in any house , there bee present meanes vsed to preserue the whole , as well as to cure the infectted . and that no sick person be remoued out of any house , though to another of his owne , without notice thereof to be giuen to the ouerseers and to be by them approued : or if the whole be to be remoued , that notice be giuen to the ouerseers of their remoue , and that caution be giuen that they shall not wander about till they be sound . the house that is known to be infected , though none be dead therein , to be shut vp , and carefully kept watched by more trusty men then ordinary warders , till a time after the partie be well recouered , and that time to be forty dayes at the least . caution concerning flying into the countrey . because many masters of families , presently vpon the visiting of their houses before any be dead , fly into the countrey to their friends , by which meanes the plague is often carried into the countrey : that no man shall depart his house except it be to an house not inhabited , and that it be to an house of such distance as that he may conueniently trauell thither without lying by the way , much lesse that hee send his children or seruants and this to be done , by the approbation of the ouerseers vnder their hands . that such also as remooue into the countrey before their houses bee visited , haue a certificate from the ouerseers of their parish , vnder their hands and seales , testifying , that such persons were not visited before their remoue , that by vertue thereof they may the freeli●r trauell in the countrey , and be more readily entertained . that no infected person be secretly conueied out of any house : and in any such misdemeanour the master of the house , both from which the sicke party is sent , as also the master of the house into which the partie shall be receiued without the licence of the ouerseers of both parishes respectiuely , shall be seuerally punished at the discretion of the ouerseers . because it is likely that the better sort will not call to them such doctors as are deputed to the care of the plague , vpon the first fulling sick of any in their houses , lest thereby they might draw greater infection vpon themselues ▪ if therefore any house so bring other doctors shall happen to be visited , that then the doctor , who shall ordinarily take the care of that house , shall presently cause notice of the said infection to be giuen to the ouerseers , that care may be had thereof by the physicians deputed . buriall of the dead . that one being dead in any house of the plague , notice be giuen to the ouerseers , and that the dead party be buried by night in priuate manner ; yet not without the priuity of the minister , clerk , bearers , and constable or ouerseers , and that none enter the visited house but permitted persons , vpon danger to be presently shut vp themselues , and that there be a visible marke set vpon the outside of the doore , and to stand shut vp fourty dayes , and that there be no tolling or ringing of bells at such priuate burialls . caution about apparell and housholdstuffe . that no apparell nor housholdstuffe be remoued or sold out of the infected house , for six moneths after the infection is ceased in the house , and that all the brokers and inferiour criers for apparell be restrained in that behalfe . preseruatiues . correction of the ayre . for the correcting of the infectious aire , it were good that often bonfires were made in the streets , and that sometime the tower ordnance might be shot off , as also that there be good fiers kept in & about the visited houses and their neighbours . take rosemary dried , or iuniper , baileaues or frankincense : cast thē same vpon a chafingdish , and receiue the fume or smoake thereof . also to make fiers rather in pans to remoue about the chamber , then in chimneies , shall better correct the aire of the houses , adding a piece of old iron to the fire . take a quantity of vineger very strong , and put to it some small quantity of rose-water , ten branches of rosemary , put them all into a bason , then take fiue or six flint stones , heated in the fire till they bee burning hot , cast them into the same vineger , and so let the fumes be receiued from place to place of your house . that the house be often perfumed with rue , angelica , gentian , zedoary , setwall , iuniper wood or berries burnt vpon imbers , either simply , or they may bee steeped in wine vineger , and so burnt . perfume the house and all therein with this : slake lime in vineger , and aire the house therewith , burne much tar , rosen , frankinsence or turpentine , both in the priuate houses , and in the churches before prayers . by perfuming of apparell . svch apparell as you shall commonly weare , let it be very cleane , and perfume it often , either with some virginia cedar burned , or with iuniper , and if any shall happen to be with them that are visited , let such persons , as soone as they shall come home , shift themselues , and ayre their clothes in open ayre for a time . by carrying about of perfumes . svch as are to go abroad shall do well to carry rue , angelica , or zedoarie in their hands to smell to ; and of those they may chew a little in their mouthes as they go in the street , especially if they be afraid of any place . it is not good to be ouer-fearefull , but it cannot be but bad to be ouer-presumptuous and bold . take rue one handfull , stamp it in a morter , put thereto wine vineger enough to moisten it , mixe them well , then straine out the iuyce , wet a piece of spunge , a toast of browne bread therein , tie it in a thin cloth , beare it about to smell to . take the root of angelica beaten grosly the weight of six pence , of rue and wormwood , of each the weight of foure pence , setwall the weight of three pence , bruise these , then steep them in a little wine vineger , tie them in a linen cloth ; which they may carry in their hands , or put it into a iuniper box full of holes to smell to . or they may vse this pomander . take angelica , rue , zedoarie , of each halfe a dram , myrrhe two drams , camphire six graines , wax and labdanum of each two drams , more or lesse as shall be thought fit to mixe with the other things , make hereof a ball to carry about you : you may easily make a hole in it , and so weare it about your neck with a string . the richer sort may make vse of this pomander . take citron pills , angelica seeds , zedoary , red rose leaues , of each halfe a dram , yellow sanders , lignum aloes , of each one scruple , galliae moschatae foure scruples , storax , calamit , beuzoni , of each one dram , camphire six graines , labdanum three drams , gum tragaranth dissolued in rose water enough to make it vp into a pomander , put thereto six drops of spirit of roses , inclose it into an iuory box , or weare it about your neck . by inward medicines . let none go fasting forth , euery one according to their fortunes , let them eat some such thing as may resist putrefaction . some may eat garlike with butter , a cloue two or three , according to the ability of their bodies : some may eat fasting , some of the electuary with figs and rue hereafter expressed : some may vse london treacle , the weight of eight pence in a morning , taking more or lesse , according to the age of the party ; after one houre let them eat some other breakfast , as bread and butter with some leaues of rue or sage , and in the heat of summer of sorreli or wood-sorrrell . to steep rue , wormwood or sage all night in their drink , and to drink a good draught in the morning fasting , is very wholsome , or to drink a draught of such drink after the taking of any of the preseruatiues will be very good . in all summer plagues it shal be good to vse sorrell sawce to be eaten in the morning with bread , and in the fall of the leafe to vse the iuyce of barberies with bread also . by cordialls . mithridates medicine of figs. take of good figs and walnut kirnels of each twenty foure , rue picked two good handfulls , of salt halfe an ounce or somewhat better : first stamp your figs and walnuts well together in a stone morter , then adde your rue , and last of all your salt , mixe them exceedingly well : take of this mixture euery morning fasting the weight of sixteene pence , to children and weake bodies lesse . or this will be effectuall also . take twenty walnuts , pill them , figs , fifteen , rue a good handfull , tormentill roots three drams , iuniper berries two drams , bole armoniack a dram and a halfe . first stamp your roots , then your figs and seeds , then adde your walnuts , then put to your rue and bole , and with them put thereto sixe drams of london treacle , and two or three spoonfuls of wine vineger , mixe them well in a stone motrer , and take of this euery morning the quantitie of a good nutmegg fasting they that haue cause to goe much abroad , may take as much more in the euening two houres before supper . for women with child , children , and such as cannot take bitter things , vse this . take conserue of red roses , conserue of wood-sorrell of each two ounces , conserues of borage , of sage flowers , of each sixe drams , bole armoniack , shauings of harts horne , sorrell seeds , of each two drams , yellow or white sanders halfe a dram , saffron one scruple , sirrupe of wood-sorrell , enough to make it a moist electuary ; mixe them well , take so much as a chesnut at a time , once or twice a day , as you shall finde cause . for the richer sort . take the shauings of harts horne , of pearle , of corall , tormentill rootes , zedoarie , true terra sigillata , of each one dram , citron pills , yellow , white and red sanders , of each halfe a dram , white amber , hyacinth-stone prepared , of each two scruples , bezoar stone , of the east vnicornes horne , of each 24. graines , citron and orange pills canded , of each three drams , lignum aloes one scruple , white suger candie , twice the weight of all the rest , mixe them well being made into a dredge powder . take the weight of 12. d. at a time euery morning fasting , and also in the euening about fiue a clocke or an houre before supper . with these powders and sugar there may be made lozenges , or manus christies , and with conuenient conserues they may be made into electuaries . all which and many more for their health they may haue by the aduice and directions of their owne physicians : or at least physicians will not be wanting to direct them as they may haue need to the poore for charities sake . they may also vse bezoar water , or treacle water distilled , compounded by the physicians of london , and known by the name of aqua theriacalis stillatitia , which they may vse simply ; or they may mixe them also with all their antidotes , as occasion shall require . the vse of london treacle is good both to preserue from the sicknesse , as also to cure the sicke , being taken upon the first apprehension in a greater quantitie , as to a man 2. drams , but lesse to a weake body , or a childe , in carduus , or dragon water . take of the finest cleare aloes you can buy , in colour like to a liuer , and therefore called hepatica , of cinamon , of myrrhe , of each of these the weight of three french crownes , or of two and twentie pence of our money , of cloues , maces , lignum aloes , of mastick , of bole orientall , of each of these halfe an ounce , mingle them together , and beat them into a very fine powder : of the which take every morning fasting the weight of a groat in white wine delayed with water . take a dry figg and open it , and put the kernell of a walnut into the same , being cut very small , three or fower leaues of rue commonly called herbgrace , a corne of salt , then rost the figg and eat it warme , fast three or fower houres after it , and vse this twice in the weeke . take the powder of tormentill , the weight of six pence , with sorrell or scabious water in summer , and in the winter with the water of valerian , or common drincke wherein hath bene infused the fore named herbes . or else , in one day they may take a little wormewood and valerian with a graine of salt , in an other day they may take seuen or eight berries of iuniper , dried and put in powder , and taking the same with common drincke , or with drincke in which wormewood and rue hath been steeped all night . also the treacle called diatessaroum , which is made but of foure things , of light price easie to be had . also the roote of enula campana taken in powder with drinke . likewise a piece of arras roote kept in the mouth as men passe in the streets . take six leaues of sorrell , wash them with water and vineger , let them lie in the said water and vineger a while : then eats them fasting , and keepe in your mouth and chew now and then either setwall or the roote of angelica or a little cinamom , or foure graines of myrrhe or so much of rattle snake roote . by medicines purgatiue : it is good for preuention to keep the bodie reasonable open , especially with such things as are easie of operation and good to resist putrefaction , such are these pills which are vsually to be had at good apothecaries , and are called pestilentiall pills . take aloes two ounces , myrrhe and saffron , of each an ounce , ammoniacum halfe an ounce ; make them vp into a masse with the iuice of limons , or white wine vineger , to keep the bodie open , a small pill or two will be enough taken a little before supper , or before dynner , but to purge the bodie take the weight of a dram made into fiue or six or more pills in the morning fasting , and that day keepe your chamber . if the patient be costine and bound in his body , let him take a suppositary made with a little boiled honey , and a little fine powder of salt , and so taken in at the fundament , and kept till it mooue a stoole . for the poore take aloes the waight of six pence , put in the pappe of an apple : and for the richer , pills of ruffus to be had in euery apothecaries shop . such as are tied to necessarie attendance on the infected , as also such as liue in visited houses shall doe well to cause issues to to be made in their left armes or right legs , or both as the doctor shall thinke fit . blood letting . if the patient be ful of bloud and strong , let him be let bloud vpon the liuer-veine in the right arme , or in the median veine of the same arme ( if no sore appeare . ) for bloud-letting and strong purging there must bee particular directions had from the doctors deputed according to the constitution of the parties . these two last remdies of blood-letting , and strong purgings , are to bee vsed the first day that the patient shall fall sicke as cause shall be to vse the one or the other , ( no sore appearing ) in which case , if any sore or spots shall appeare , they are both to be forborne . vomits . to prouoke vomit , with two ounces of ranck oyle , or walnut oyle , a spoonefull of the iuice of celendine , and halfe a spoonfull of the iuice of radish roote , or two spoonfuls of oxymel of squils with posset drink and oile . medicines expulsiue . the poison is expelled best by sweating prouoked by posset ale made with fennell and marigolds in winter , and with sorrell , buglosse , and borage in summer , with the which in both times they must mingle london treacle , the waight of two drammes : and so to lay themselues with all quietnesse to sweat one halfe houre , or an houre if they be strong . for the cure of the infected vpon the first apprehension , b ur seeds , cucheneely , powder of harts horne , citron seeds one , or more of them , with a few graines of camphire , are good to bee giuen in carduus or dragon water , or with some treacle water . take burre seeds and cucheneely , of each halfe a dramme , or to a weak body of each one scruple , camphire fiue graines , mix these with two ounces of carduus or dragon water , halfe an ounce of treacle water , sirrup of wood sorrell a spoonefull , mix these , giue it the patient warme , couer him to sweat , you may giue him a second draught after twelue houres , let him drinke no cold drinke , this posset drinke or the like will be good to giue the visited liberally . take wood-sorrell halfe a handfull , marigold flowers halfe so much , shavings of harts-horne three drams , a figge or two sliced , boile them well in cleare posset drink , let them drink thereof freely , you may put thereto a little suger . take citron seeds six or eight , shavings of harts-horne halfe a dramme , london treacle one dramme , mix them with two ounces of carduus water , or with three ounces of the prescribed posset drinke . drinke it warme and so lie to sweat . take sorrell-water fiue or sixe spoonfuls , treacle-water one spoonefull , london-treacle one dramme and a halfe , mix them well , giue it warme , and so lay the patient to sweat . take tormentill and celandine roots of each foure ounces , scabious and rue of each one handfull and a halfe , white wine viniger three pints , boile these till one pint be wasted , straine out the liquor , which reserue for the vse of the infected : let it be taken thus . take of this liquor and of carduus water of each one ounce and an halfe , london treacle one dramme and a halfe . bole-armoniak halfe a scruple , put thereto a litte sugar , mix them well , let the partie drinke it warme , and couer him to sweat . in summer this is good . take the iuice of wood-sorrel two ounces , the iuice of lymons one ounce , diascordium one dramme , cinamom sixe grains , viniger halfe an ounce , giue it warme , and lay the sicke party to sweat . vse this in case of fluxes of the belly or want of rest . take an egge and make a hole in the top of it , take out the white and yolke , fill the shell with the weight of two french crownes of saffron , rost the said egge thus filled with saffron vnder the embers , vntill the shell begin to wax yellow . then take it from the fire , and beat the shell and saffron in a morter together with halfe a spoonefull of mustard seed . take of this powder a french crowne waight , and as soone as you suspect your selfe infected , dissolue it into ten spoonfuls of posset ale , and drinke it luke-warme , then go to bed and prouoke your selfe to sweating . or , take one dram of the electuarium de ouo . take fiue or six handfuls of sorrell that groweth in the field , or a greater quantity according as you wil distill more or lesse of the water thereof , and let it lie infused or steeped in good vineger the space of twenty foure houres , then take it off and dry it with a linen cloth , and put it into a limbeck , and distill the water thereof , and as soone as you finde your selfe touched with the sicknesse , drinke foure spoonfuls of the said water with a little sugar , and if you be able walk vpon it vntill you sweat , if not , keep your bed , and being well couered prouoke your selfe to sweating . take of the root butter-burre , otherwise called pestilent ▪ wort one ounce , of the root of great valerian a quarter of an ounce , of sorrell an handfull , boyle all these in a quart of water to a pinte , then straine it , and put thereto two spoonefulls of vineger , two ounces of good sugar , boyle all these together vntill they be well mingled : let the infected drink of this so hot as he may suffer it , a good draught , and if he chance to cast it vp againe , let him take the same quantity straight way vpon it , and prouoke himselfe to sweat . or the infected may take one dram of this powder following . take sugar of roses foure ounces , ginger two ounces , camphire one ounce , make these into fine powder , keep it made vp into balls with wine . take of the powder of good bay-berry , the huske taken away from them , before they be dried , a spoonfull ; let the patient drinke this well mingled in a draught of good stale ale or beere , or with a draught of white wine , and go to bed , and cast himselfe into a sweat , and forbeare sleep . take the inward bark of the ash-tree one pound , of walnuts with the greene outward shels to the number of fiftie , cut these small ; of scabious , of veruin , of euery one a handfull , of saffron two drams , powre vpon these the strongest vineger you can get foure pintes , let them a little boyle together vpon a very soft fire , and then stand in a very close pot well stopt all a night vpon the embers , after distill them with a soft fire , and receiue the water close kept . giue vnto the patient laid in bed and well couered with clothes , two ounces of this water to drinke , and let him bee prouoked to sweat , and euery eight houres during the space of twenty foure houres giue him the same quantitie to drinke . care must bee taken in the vse of these sweating cordialls , that the party infected sweat two or three houres , if hee haue strength , and sleep not till the sweat bee ouer , and that hee haue beene well wiped with warme linen , and when he hath been dried let him wash his mouth with water and vineger warme , and let his face and hands bee washed with the same : when these things are done , giue him a good draught of broath made with chicken or mutton with rosemary , thyme , sorrell , succory and marigolds ; or else water-grewell , with rosemary and winter-sauory , or thyme panado seasoned with veriuyce or iuyce of wood-sorrell . for their drinke let it be small beere warmed with a toste , or water boiled with carraway seed , carduus seed , and a crust of bread , or such posset drinke as is mentioned before in the second medicine ; after some nutriment let them sleepe or rest often washing their mouth with water and vineger . these cordials must be repeated once in eight , ten or twelue houres at the furthest . if the partie infected vomit vp his medicine , then repeat , it presently , or else giue him two or three spoonefuls of vineger of squills , or oxymel of squills with ▪ posset drink , and then after proceed . medicines externall . vesicatories applied to the armes , inside of the thighes , or about the bottome of the calfe of the leg , will draw forth the venome : but the vse of these requires the direction of the doctors deputed . for the swelling vnder the eares , arme-pits , or in the groines , they must bee alwayes drawen forth and ripened , and broke with all speed . these tumors , and much more the carbuncles and blaines doe require the care and skill of the expert chirurgion : but not to leave the poorer sort destitute of good remedies , these following are very good . pull off the feathers from the tailes of liuing cocks , hennes , pigeons , or chickens , and holding their bills , hold them hard to the botch or swelling , and so keepe them at that part vntill they die , and by this meanes draw out the poison . it is good to apply a cupping glasse or embers in a dish , with a handfull of sorrell vpon the embers . to breake the tumor . take a great onion , hollow it , put into it a figge , rue cut small , and a dram of venice treacle , put it close stopped in a wet paper , and roste it in the embers . apply it hot vnto the tumor , lay three or foure one after another , let one lie three houres scabious and sorrell rosted in the embers mixt with a little strong leaven , and some barrowes grease , and a little salt , will draw it and breake it . take two or three rosted onions , a lillie root or two rosted , a handfull of scabious rosted , foure or fiue figs , a piece of leauen and a little rue , stampe all these together , if it be too dry , put to it two ounces of oile of lillies , or so much salt butter , make a pultesse , applie it hot , after it hath lien three or foure houres , take it off and burne it , and apply a fresh pultesse of the same , if it proue hard to breake , adde a little burnt copperasse to the pultesse . or this . take the flowers of elders two handfuls , rocker seed bruised one ounce , pigeons dung three drams : stampe these together , put to them a little oile of lillies , make thereof a pultesse , apply it and change it as you did the former . to draw . vvhen it is broken , to draw it & heale it take the yolke of an egge , one ounce of honey of roses , turpentine halfe an ounce , wheat flowre a little , london treacle a dram and a halfe , mixe these wel , spread it vpon leather , change it twice a day , or take diachylon cum gummis . for the carbuncle . applie an actuall or potentiall cautery , saying a defensatiue of bole ▪ armoniack , or terra sigillata , mixed with vineger and the white of an egge , round about the tumour , but not vpon it . take three or foure cloues of garlick , rue halfe a handfull , foure figges , strong leauen , and the soote of a chymney in which wood hath beene burnt , of each , halfe an ounce , mustard-seed two drams , salt a dram and a halfe , stampe these well together , and applie it hot to the sore : you may put thereto a little salt butter , if it be too dry . or this . take leaven halfe an ounce , radish rootes the bigger the better , an ounce and an halfe , mustard-seed two drams , onions and garlick rosted , of each two drams and a halfe , venice treacle , or mithridatum , three drams , mixe these in a morter , applie it hot thrice a day to the sore . but these sores cannot be well ordered and cured , without the personall care of a discreet surgeon . take of scabious two handfuls , stamp it in a stone morter , with a pestle of stone if you can get any such , then put into it of old swines grease salted two ounces , and the yolke of an egge , stampe them well together , and lay part of this warme to the sore . take of the leaues of mallowes , of camomyll flowers , or either of them a handfull , of linseed beaten into powder two ounces , boyle the mallow leaues first cut , and the flowers of camomyll in faire water , standing about a fingers breadth : boyle all them together , vntill all the water be almost spent , then put thereunto the linseed , of wheat flowre halfe a handfull , of swines grease , the skinnes taken away , three ounces , of oyle of lillies two ounces , stir them still with a stick , and let them all boyle together on a soft fire without smoake , vntill the water bee vtterly spent : beat them altogether in a morter vntill they be well incorporated , and in feeling , smooth and not rough . then take part thereof hot in a dish , set vpon a chafindish of coales , and lay it thick vpon a linen cloth , applying it to the sore . take a white onion cut in pieces , of fresh butter three ounces , of leauen the weight of twelue pence , of mallowes one handfull , of scabious , if it may bee had , one handfull , of cloves of garlick the weight of twenty pence : boyle them on the fire in sufficient water , and make a pultesse of it , and lay it warme to the sore . another . take two handfuls of valerian , three rootes of danewort , an handfull of smallage or lovage . seeth them all in butter and water , and a few crums of bread , and make a pultesse thereof , and lay it warme to the sore till it breake . another . if you cannot haue these hearbes , it is good to lay a loafe of bread to it hot , as it commeth out of the oven ( which afterward shall be burnt or buried in the earth ) or the leaues of scabious or sorrell rosted , or two or three lilly rootes , rosted vnder embers , beated and applied . ¶ orders thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie councell , to be executed throughout the counties of this realme , in such townes , villages and other places as are , or may be hereafter infected with the plague , for the stay of further increase of the same . as the most louing and gracious care of his maiesty for the preseruation of his people , hath already beene earnestly shewed and declared by such meanes and waies as were thought expedient to suppresse the grieuous infection of the plague , and to preuent the increase thereof , within the city of london , & parts about it ; so whatsoeuer other good meanes may bee yet remaining which may extend and proue behouefull to the countrey abroad ( where his maiestie is sorry to vnderstand that the contagion is also in many places dispersed ) it is likewise his gracious pleasure , that the same be carefully prouided and put in practise . and therefore hauing taken knowledge of certaine good orders that were vpon like occasion published in time past , together with certaine rules and medicines prescribed by the best and most learned physicians , and finding both of them to serue well for the present time , his maiesty is pleased , that the same shall be renewed and published : and withall straitly commandeth all iustices of the peace , and others to whom it may appertaine , to see the said orders duely executed . at the court at hāpton court this 30. of iuly . 1603. infection of the plague . inprimis , all the iustices in euery county , aswel within the liberties as without , immediately upon knowledge to them giuen , shall assemble themselues together at some one generall place accustomed , being clear from infection of the plague , to consult how these orders following may be duly put in execution : not meaning that any iustices dwelling in or neere places infected , shall come thither , whiles their comming may be doubtfull . and after their first generall assembly , they shall make a distribution of themselves to sundry limits and diuisions , as in other common seruices of the county they are accustomed to doe , for the prosecution thereof . 2 first , they shall enquire , and presently informe themselues by all good meanes , what towns and villages are at the time of such assembly infected within every their counties , and in what hundred or other diuision the said townes and villages are , and how many of the same places so infected are corporate townes , market townes , and villages , and shall consider of what wealth the inhabitants of the same townes and parishes are , to be able to relieue the poore that are or shal be infected , and to be restrained in their houses . 3 item , thereupon after conference vsed according to the necessitie of the cause , they shall deuise and make a general taxation , either by charging the towne infected with one summe in grosse , or by charging the speciall persons of wealth within the same , to be forth with collected for the rate of one moneth at the first , and so if the sicknesse shall continue , the collection of the like summe , or of more or of lesse , as time and cause shall require , and the same to be every first , second , third or fourth weeke employed to and for the execution of the said orders . and in case some of the said townes infected , shall manifestly appeare not to bee of sufficient abilitie to contribute sufficient for the charges requisite , then the taxation or collection shall bee made or further extended to other parts , or in any other further limits , as by them shall bee thought requisite , where there shall be any such townes or villages so infected , and vnable to relieue themselues . and if the said townes be situated in the borders & confines of any other shire , then as the iustices shall see cause and need for the greatnesse of the charge requisite , that the parts of the shire ioyning to the towns infected be not able , they shal write their letters to the next iustices of the other shire so confining , to procure by collection some reliefe , as in like cases they are to relieue them , in respect of neere neighbourhood of the place , & for that the same infection may be the better stayed from the said adioyning places , though they be separated by name of the county . 4 item , they shall cause to be appointed in euery parish aswell infected as not infected , certaine persons to view the bodies of all such as shall die , before they be suffered to be buried , and to certifie the minister of the church and churchwarden , or other principall officers , or their substitutes of what probable disease the said persons died : and the said viewers , to haue weekely some allowance , & the more large allowance where the townes or parishes bee infected , during the infection , towards their maintenance , to the end they which shal be in places infected , may forbeare to resort into the company of others that are sound : and those persons to be sworne to make true report according to their knowledge , & the choise of them to bee made by direction of the curate of the church , with three or foure substantiall men of the parish . and in case the said viewers either through fauour or corruption ▪ shall giue wrong certificate , or shal refuse to serue being thereunto appointed , then to cause them to be punished by imprisonment , in such sort as may serue for a terrour to others . 5 item , the houses of such persons out of the which there shall die any of the plague , beeing so certified by the viewers , or otherwise knowen , or where it shall bee vnderstood , that any person remaineth sicke of the plague , to bee closed vp in all parts during the time of restraint , viz. sixe weekes , after the sicknesse be ceased in the same house , in case the said houses so infected shal be within any towne hauing houses neere adioyning to the same . and if the infection happen in houses dispersed in villages , and separated from other houses , and that of necessitie , for the seruing of their cattell , and manuring of their ground , the said persons cannot continue in their houses , then they bee neuerthelesse restrained from resorting into company of others , either publikely , or priuately during the said time of restraint , and to weare some mark in their vppermost garments , or beare white rods in their hands at such time as they shall goe abroad : yf there be any doubt that the masters and owners of the houses infected , will not duely obserue the directions of shutting vp the doores , specially in the night , then shall there be appointed two or three watchmen by turnes , which shall be sworne to attend & watch the house , and to apprehend any person that shall come out of the house contrary to the order , and the same persons by order of the iustices , shall be a competent time imprisoned in the stockes in the high way next to the house infected : and furthermore , some special marke shall be made and fixed to the doores of euery of the infected houses , and where any such houses shall be innes or alehouses , the signes shall be taken downe for the time of the restraint , and some crosse , or other mark set vpon the place thereof to be a token of the sickenesse . 6 item , they shall haue good regard to chuse honest persons , that either shall collect the summes assessed , or shall haue the custodie thereof , and out of the said collection to allot a weekly proportion for the finding of victuall , or fire , or medicines for the poorer sort , during the time of their restraint . and whereas some persons being well disposed to yeeld almes and reliefe , will be more willing to giue some portions of victuall , as corne , bread , or other meat , the same shall be committed to the charge of some special persons , that will honestly and truely preserue the same , to be distributed as they shall be appointed for the poore that are infected . 7 item , to appoint certaine persons dwelling within the townes infected , to prouide and deliuer all necessaries of victuals , or any matter of watching or other attendance , to keep such as are of good wealth being restrained , at their owne proper costs and charges , and the poore at the common charges : and the said persons so appointed to be ordered , not to resort to any publike assembly during the time of such their attendance , as also to weare some marke on their vpper garment , or to beare a white rod in their hand , to the end others may auoide their company . 8 item , that in the shire towne in euery countie , and in other great townes meete for that purpose , there may be prouision bespoken and made , of such preseruatiues and other remedies , which otherwise in meaner towns cannot be readily had , as by the physicians shall be prescribed , and is at this present reduced into an aduice made by the physicians , and now printed and sent with the said orders , which may be fixed in market-places , vpon places vsuall for such publique matters , and in other townes in the bodies of the parish churches , and chappels : in which aduice only such things are prescribed , as vsually are to be had and found in all countreys without great charge or cost . 9 item , the ministers and curats , and the churchwardens in euery parish , shall in writing certifie weekely to some of the iustices , residing within the hundred or other limit where they serue , the number of such persons as are infected and doe not die , and also of all such as shall die within their parishes , and their diseases probable whereof they died , and the same to be certified to the rest of the iustices at their assemblies , which during some conuenient time would be euery one and twenty dayes , and thereof a particular book kept by the clerk of the peace , or some such like . 10 item , to appoint some place apart in each parish for the buriall of such persons as shall die of the plague , as also to giue order that they be buried after sun setting , and yet neuerthelesse by day light , so as the c●eate be present for the obseruation of the rites and ceremonies prescribed by the law , foreseeing as much as coueniently he may , to be distant from the danger of infection of the person dead , or of the company that shall bring the corpse to the graue . 11 item , the iustices , of the whole countie to assemble once in one and twentie dayes , to examine whether those orders be duely executed , and to certifie to the lords of the priuie councell their proceedings in that behalfe , what townes and villages be infected , as also the numbers of the dead , and the diseases whereof they dyed , and what summes of money are taxed and collected to this purpose , and how the same are distributed . 12 item , the iustices of the hundred , where any such infection is , or the iustices next adioyning thereunto , to assemble once a weeke , to take accompt of the execution of the said orders , and as they finde any lacke or disorder , either to reforme it themselues , or to report it at the generall assembly there , to be by a more common consent reformed . 13 item , for that the contagion of the plague groweth and encreaseth no way more , then by the vse and handling of such clothes , bedding and other stuffe as hath bin worne and occupied by the infected of this disease , during the time of their disease : the said iustices shal in the places infected take such order , that all the said clothes and other stuffe , so occupied by the diseased , so soone as the parties diseased of the plague are all of them either well recouered or dead , be either burnt and cleane consumed with fire , or else aired in such sort as is prescribed in an especiall article contained in the aduice set downe by the physicians . and for that peraduenture the losse of such apparell , bedding , and other stuffe to be burnt , may be greater then the poore estate of the owners of the same may well beare : it is thought very good & expedient , if it be thought meet it shall be burnt , that then the said iustices , out of such collections as are to be made within their counties for the reliefe of the poorer sort that be infected , allow also them such summe or summes as to them shall be thought reasonable , in recompense of the losse of their said stuffe . 14 item , the said iustices may put in execution any other orders that by them at their generall assembly shall be deuised and thought meet , tending to the preseruation of his maiesties subiects from the infection . and to the end their care and diligence may the better appeare , they shall certifie in writing the said orders newly deuised : and if any shall wilfully break and contemne the same , or any the orders herein specified , they shall either presently punish them by imprisonment , or if the persons so contemning them , shall be of such countenance as the iustices shall thinke meet to haue their faults known to his maiestie , or to the councell , they shall charge and binde them to appeare before vs , and the contempt duely certified , that there may be a more notorious sharpe example made by punishment of the same by order of his maiesty . 15 item , if there be lacke of iustices in some parts of the shire , or if they which are iustices there , shall be for the time absent , in that case the more number of the iustices at their assembly shall make choice of some conuenient persons to supply those places for the better execution hereof . 16 item , if there be any person ecclesiasticall or lay , that shall hold and publish any opinions ( as in some places report is made ) that it is a vain thing to forbeare to resort to the infected , or that it is not charitable to forbid the same , pretending that no person shall die but at their time prefixed , such persons shall be not onely reprehended , but by order of the bishop , if they be ecclesiasticall , shall be forbidden to preach , and being lay , shall be also enioyned to forbear to vtter such dangerous opinions vpon pain of imprisonment , which shall be executed , if they shall perseuere in that errour . and yet it shall appeare manifestly by these orders , that according to christian charity , no persons of the meanest degree shall be left without succour and reliefe . 17 and of these things aboue mentioned , the iustices shall take great care , as of a matter specially directed and commanded by his maiesty vpon the princely and natural care he hath conceiued towards the preseruation of his subiects , who by very disorder , and for lacke of direction do in many parts wilfully procure the increase of this generall contagion . ¶ orders conceiued and agreed to bee published by the lord maior and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable privy councell . whereas in the first yeere of the reigne of our late soueraigne , king iames of happy memory , ouer this realme of england , an acte was made for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague : whereby authority is giuen to iustices of peace , maiors , bayliffes , and other head officers , to appoint within their seuerall limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister unto them oathes for the performance of their offices . and the same statute also authoriseth the giving of other directions , as unto them for the present necessity shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient for the preuenting and auoyding of the infection of sicknesse ( if it shal please almighty god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the city and suburbes of the same : that these officers following bee appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed bee duely obserued . examiners to be appointed in euery parish . first , it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in euery parish there be one , two , or more persons of good sort and credit , chosen and appointed by the alderman , his deputy , and common councell of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to bee committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . the examiners office. that these examiners bee sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the county , to enquire and learne from time to time what houses in euery parish be visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as thy can enforme themselues , and vpon doubt in that case , to command restraint of accesse , vntill it appeare what the disease shall proue : and if they finde any person sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shal be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . watchmen . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the sayd watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to lock vp the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntil ten of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . chirurgions . that there bee a speciall care , to appoint women searchers in euery parish , such as are of honest reputation , & of the best sort as can be got in this kinde : and these to be sworne to make due search and true report , to the vtmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appointed to search , doe die of the infection , or of what other diseases , as neere as they can . and for their better assistance herein , forasmuch as there hath beene heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therefore ordered , that there bee chosen and appointed three able and discreet chirurgions , besides those three , that doe already belong to the pesthouse : amongst whom , the citie and liberties to be quartered , as the places lie most apt and conuenient : and euery of these sixe to haue one quarter for his limit : and the said chirurgions in euery of their limits to ioyne with the searchers for the view of the bodie , to the end there may bee a true report made of the disease . and further , that the said chirurgeons shall visite and search such like persons as shall either send for them , or bee named and directed vnto them , by the examiners of euery parish , and informe themselues of the disease of the said parties . and forasmuch as the said chirurgions are to bee sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection : it is ordered , that euery of the said chirurgions shall haue twelue pence a body searched by them , to bee paid out of the goods of the party searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . orders concerning infected houses and persons sicke of the plague . notice to be giuen of the sicknesse . the master of euery house , assoone as any one in his house complaineth , either of botch , or purple , or swelling in any part of his body , or falleth otherwise dangerously sicke , without apparant cause of some other disease , shall giue knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two houres after the said signe shall appeare . sequestration of the sicke . as soon as any man shal be found by this examiner , chirurgion or searcher , to be sick of the plague , he shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he be so sequestred , then though he afterwards die not , the house wherein hee sickned , shall be shut vp for a moneth , after the vse of due preseruatiues taken by the rest . ayring the stuffe . for sequestration of the goods and stuffe of the infected , their bedding , and apparell , and hangings of chambers , must be well ayred with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house , before they be taken againe to vse : this to be done by the appointment of the examiner . shutting vp of the house . if any person shall haue visited any man , knowne to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any knowen infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein he inhabiteth , shall be shut vp for certaine dayes by the examiners direction . none to be remooued out of infected houses , but &c. item , that none bee remooued out of the house where he falleth sick of the infection , into any other house in the citie , borough , or county ( except it be to the pest-house or a tent , or vnto some such house , which the owners of the said visited house holdeth in his owne hands , and occupieth by his owne seruants ) and so as securitie be giuen to the parish whither such remooue is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons , shall be obserued and charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remoue shall happen to be made , and this remoue to be done by night : and it shall be lawfull to any person that hath two houses , to remooue either his sound or his infected people to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his sound , he may not after send thither the sick , nor againe vnto the sick the sound : and that the same which he sendeth , be for one weeke at the least shut vp , and secluded from company for feare of some infection , at the first not appearing . buriall of the dead . that the buriall of the dead by this visitation be at most conuenient houres , alwayes either before sunne rising , or after sunne setting , with the priuitie of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise , and that no neighbours nor friends be suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vpon paine of hauing his house shut vp , or bee imprisoned . no infected stuffe to be vttered . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffred to be carried or conueyed out of any infected houses , and that the criers and caries abroad of bedding or olde apparell to be sold or pawned , be vtterly prohibited and restrained , and no brokers of bedding , or olde apparell bee permitted to make any outward shew , or hang forth on their stalles , shop-boords or windowes , towards any streete , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparell to bee solde , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparell , or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath been there , his house shall bee shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty dayes at the least . no person to be conueyed out of any infected house . if any person visited doe fortune , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come or be conueyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come , or beene conueyed , vpon notice thereof giuen , shall at their charge cause the said party so visited and escaped , to bee caried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to be punished at the direction of the alderman of the ward , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person to be shut vp for twenty dayes . euery visited house to be marked . that euery house visited be marked with a red crosse of a foot long , in the middle of the doore , euident to bee seene , and with these vsuall printed words , that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs , to bee set close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntill lawfull opening of the same house . euery visited house to be watched . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to be attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their own charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to passe the streets without holding a red rod or wand of three foot in length in their hands , open and euident to be seene , and are not to goe into any other house , then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue been lately vsed in any such businesse or attendance . and to this end it is ordered , that a weekely taxe be made in euery parish visited : if in the city or borough , then vnder the hand of the alderman of the ward , where the place is visited : if in either of the counties , then vnder the hands of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who , if there bee cause , may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse , or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . orders for cleansing and keeping of the streets sweet . the streets to be kept cleane . first , it is thought very necessary and so ordered , that euery house-holder do cause the street to bee daily pared before his doore , and so to keep it cleane sweptall the weeke long . that rakers take it from out the houses . that the sweeping and filth of houses be dayly caried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . laystals to be made far off from the city . that the laystals bee remooued as farre as may be out of the city , and common passages , and that no night-man or other be suffered to empty a vault into any garden neere about the citie . care to be had of vnwholsome fish , or flesh , and of mustie corne. that speciall care be taken , that no stinking fish , or vnwholesome flesh , or mustie corne , or other corrupt fruits , of what sort soeuer , be suffered to be sold about the city or any part of the same . that the bruers and tipling houses be looked vnto , for mustie and vnwholesome caske . that order be taken , that no hogs , dogs , or cats , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffered to be kept within any part of the city , or any swine to be , or stray in the streets or lanes , but that such swine bee impounded by the beadle or any other officer , & the owner punished according to the act of common councell , and that the dogs be killed by the dog killers , appointed for that purpose . orders concerning loose persons , and idle assemblies . beggers . for asmuch as nothing is more complained on , then the multitude of rogues and wandering beggers , that swarme in euery place about the city , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , & will not be auoided , notwithstanding any order that hath been giuen to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables , and others whom this matter may any way concerne , doe take speciall care , that no wandering begger be suffered in the streets of this city , in any fashion or manner whatsoeuer vpon paine of the penalty prouided by the law to be duely and seuerely executed vpon them . playes . that all plaies , beare-baitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler-play , or such like causes or assemblies of people , bee vtterly prohibited , and the parties offending , seuerely punished , by any alderman , or iustice of the peace . tipling houses . that disorderly tipling in tauernes ale-houses and cellers , be seuerely looked vnto , as the common sinne of this time , and greatest occasion of dispersing the plague : and where any shall be found to offend , the penalty of the statute to be laid vpon them with all seuerity . and for the better execution of these orders , as also for such other directions as shall be needfull , it is agreed that the iustices of the city and the counties adioyning doe meete together once in ten dayes either at the sessions house without newgate , or some other conuenient place , to conferre of things as shall be needfull in this behalfe . and euery person neglecting the duety required , or willingly offending against any article or clause contained in these orders , he to be seuerely punished by imprisonment , or otherwise , as by the law he ought . god saue the king. ❧ by the king . ¶ a proclamation for quickning the lawes made for the reliefe of the poore , and the suppressing , punishing , and setling of the sturdy rogues and vagabonds . whereas many excellent lawes and statutes with great iudgement and prouidence haue been made in the times of our late deare and royall father , and of the late queene elizabeth , for the reliefe of the impotent and indigent poore , and for the punishing , suppressing , and setling of the sturdy rogues and vagabonds , which lawes and statutes , if they were duely obserued , would be of exceeding great vse for the peace and plenty of this realme , but the neglect thereof is the occasion of much disorder , and many insufferable abuses . and whereas it is fit at all times to put in execution those lawes which are of so necessary , and so continuall vse : yet the apparant aud visible danger of the pestilence , ( vnlesse the same by gods gracious mercie , and our prouident endeuours be preuented ) doth much more require the same at this prsent . we have therefore thought it fit , by the aduice of our priuie councell , by this our publike proclamation , straightly to charge and command , that all our louing subiects in their seuerall places , doe use all possible care and diligence as a principall meanes to preuent the spreading , and dispersing of that contagious sicknesse , to obserue and put in due execution , all the said lawes made and prouided against rogues and vagabonds , and for the reliefe of the truely poore and impotent people . and in the first place , wee strictly charge and command , that in our cities of london , and westminster , and suburbs thereof , and places adiacent thereunto , and generally throughout the whole kingdome , that there bee carefull watch , and ward kept for the apprehending and punishing of all rogues and vagabonds , who either in the streets or high wayes , vnder the names of souldiers , or mariners , glasse-men , pot-men , pedlars , or petty-chapmen , or of poore or impotent people , shall bee found either wandring , or begging . and wee doe further strictly charge and command , that all constables , head-boroughs , and other officers , doe vse all diligence , to punish , and passe away according to the law , all such wanderers , or beggers , as shall be apprehended , either in the cities , or places aforesaid , or in any other cities , towns , parishes , or places within this realme , and take great care that none passe under the colour of counterfeit passes . and that all irish rogues , and vagabonds be forthwith apprehended , wheresoeuer they shall be found , and punished , and sent home according to a former proclamation , heretofore published in that behalfe . that all householders of whose persons , or at whose houses any such vagrants shall be taken begging , doe apprehend , or cause them to be apprehended , and caried to the next constable , or other officer to be punished , according to the lawes . and that they forbeare to relieue them , thereby to giue them incouragement to cōtinue in their wicked course of life . that the iustices of peace in their seuerall places throughout this kingdome be carefull either by prouost marshals , or by the high constables , or otherwise by their good discretions effectually to prouide , that all rogues and vagabonds of all sorts be searched for , apprehended , punished and suppressed according to the law. and that once euery moneth at the least , a conuenient number of the iustices of peace in euery seuerall county and diuision , shall meete together in some conuenient place in that diuiuision , and take account of the high constables , petty constables , and other officers within that diuision , how they haue obserued the lawes and our commandment touching the premisses . and that they seuerely punish all such as shall bee found remisse or negligent in that behalfe . and wee doe hereby strictly charge and command as well all and singular iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , and other our officers and ministers , as also all our louing subiects of what estate or degree soeuer , to vse all diligence , that all and euery houses or places which are or shall bee visited or infected with the sicknesse , bee carefully shut vp , and watch and ward kept ouer them , that no person or persons within those places doe goe abroad , or depart from thence , during the time of such visitation . and we doe hereby command all and singular our iudges of assize in their seuerall circuits to giue speciall charge , and make speciall enquiry of the defaults of all and euery the iustices of peace who shall not obserue their meetings in the seuerall counties and diuisions aforesaid , or shall not punish such constables or other officers as being informed either by their owne view and knowledge , or otherwise are or shall be found remisse or negligent in the premisses , or in leauying such penalties & forfeitures as the lawes and statutes of this realme require against the parties offending herein . and thereof to informe vs or our priuy councell , to the end that such due course may bee taken either by remouing out of the commission such negligent iustices of the peace , or otherwise by inflicting such punishment upon them as shall be due to such as neglect their owne duties , and our royall command published upon so important an occasion . and we doe hereby will , require and command all and euery our iudges of assize , maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs and other our officers , ministers and subiects whom it may concerne that they carefully and effectually obserue and performe all and euery the premisses , as they will answere the neglect thereof at their vttermost perils . and whereas wee haue lately commanded a booke to be printed and published containing certaine statutes made and enacted heretofore for the reliefe of the poore , and of souldiers and mariners , and for punishment of rogues and vagabonds , and for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague , and also containing certaine orders heretofore and now lately conceiued and made concerning health : all which are necessary to be knowen and obserued by our louing subiects , that thereby they may the better auoid those dangers which otherwise may fall vpon their persons or estates by their neglect thereof : wee haue thought it fit hereby to giue notice thereof to all our louing subiects , to the end that none may pretend ignorance for an excuse in matters of so great importance . and wee doe hereby declare , that whosoeuer shall be found remisse or negligent in the execution of any part of the premisses , shall receiue such condigne punishment for their offence , as by the lawes of this realme , or by our prerogatiue royall can or may be iustly inflicted vpon them . giuen at our court at white-hall the three and twentieth day of april , in the sixt yeere of our reigne of england , scotland , france and ireland . god saue the king. anno xliii . reginae elizebethae . ¶ an act for the reliefe of the poore . be it enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that the churchwardens of euery parish , and foure , three , or two substantiall housholders there , as shall be thought meet , hauing respect to the proportion and greatnes of the same parish and parishes , to be nominated yeerely in easter weeke , or within one moneth after easter , vnder the hand and seale of two or more iustices of the peace in the same countie , whereof one to be of the quorum , dwelling in or neere the same parish or diuision , where the same parish doeth lie , shall be called ouerseers of the poore of the same parish . and they , or the greater part of them shall take order from time to time , by and with the consent of two or more such iustices of peace as is aforesaid , for setting to worke of the children of all such whose parents shall not by the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , bee thought able to keepe and maintaine their children . and also for setting to worke all such persons married , or vnmarried , hauing no means to maintaine them , vse no ordinary and dayly trade of life to get their liuing by , and also to raise weekly or otherwise ( by taxation of euery inhabitant , parson , vicar and other , and of euery occupier of lands , houses , tithes impropriate , or propriations of tithes , cole-mines , or saleable vnderwoods in the said parish , in such competent summe and summes of money , as they shall thinke fit ( a conuenient stocke of flaxe , hemp , wooll , threed , yron , and other necessary ware and stuffe to set the poore on worke , and also competent sums of money , for , and towards the necessary reliefe of the lame , impotent , old , blind , and such other among them being poore , & not able to worke , & also for the putting out of such children to bee apprentices , to be gathered out of the same parish , according to the ability of the same parish and to doe and execute all other things , aswell for the disposing of the said storke , as otherwise concerning the premisses , as to them shall seeme conuenient . which said churchwardens and ouerseers so to be nominated , or such of them as shall not be let by sicknesse , or other iust excuse , to be allowed by two such iustices of peace or more , as is aforesaid , shall meete together at the least once euery moneth in the church of the said parish , vpon the sunday in the afternoone , after diuine seruice , there to consider of some good course to be taken , and of some meet order to be set downe in the premisses , and shal within foure daies after the end of their yere , and after other ouerseers nominated as aforesaid , make and yeeld vp to such two iustices of peace as is aforesaid , a true and perfect account of all summes of money by them receiued , or rated and sessed , and not receiued , and also of such stocke as shall bee in their hands , or in the hands of any of the poore to worke , and of all other things concerning their said office , and such summe or summes of money as shall he in their hands , shal pay and deliuer ouer to the said churchwardens and ouerseers , newly nominated and appointed as is aforesaid , vpon paine that euery one of them absenting themselues without lawful cause as aforefaid , from such monethly meeting for the purpose aforesaid , or being negligent in their office , or in the execution of the orders aforesaid , being made by and with the assent of the said iustices of peace , or any two of them before mentioned , to forfeit for euery such default of absence , or negligence , twenty shillings . and be it also enacted , that if the said iustices of peace doe perceiue that the inhabitants of any parish are not able to leuie among themselues sufficient summes of money for the purposes aforesaid : that then the said two iustices shall and may taxe , rate and assesse , as aforesaid , any other of other parishes , or out of any parish within the hundred where the said parish is to pay such sum and sums of money to the church-wardens and ouerseers of the said poore parish , for the said purposes , as the said iustices shall thinke fit , according to the intent of this law. and if the said hundred shall not be thought to the said iustices , able , and fit to relieue the said seuerall parishes not able to prouide for themselues as aforesaid ; then the iustices of peace at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater number of them , shall rate and assesse , as aforesaid any other of other parishes , or out of any parish within the said county for the purposes aforesaid , as in their discretion shall seeme fit . and that it shall be lawfull aswell for the present as subsequent churchwardens , and ouerseers , or any of them , by warrant from any two such iustices of peace as is aforesaid , to leuie aswell the said sums of money and all arrerages of euery one that shall refuse to contribute according as they shall be assessed , by distresse and sale of the offendors goods , as the summes of money , or stock which shall be behinde vpon any account to be made as aforesaid , rendring to the parties the ouerplus , and in defect of such distresse , it shall be lawfull for any such two iustices of the peace , to commit him or them to the common goale of the countie , there to remaine without baile or mainprise , vntill paiment of the said sum arrerages and stocke . and the said iustices of peace , or any of them , to send to the house of correction or common goale such as shall not employ themselues to worke , being appointed thereunto as aforesaid : and also any two such iustices of peace , to commit to the said prison , euery one of the said churchwardens and ouerseers , which shall refuse to accompt , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , untill he haue made a true accompt , and satisfied and paid so much as vpon the said accompt shall be remaining in his hands . and be it further enacted , that it shall be lawfull for the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , by the assent of any two iustices of the peace aforesaid , to bind any such children as aforesaid , to be apprentices , where they shall see conuenient , till such man child shall come to the age of foure and twenty yeeres , and such woman childe to the age of one and twenty years or the time of her mariage : the same to be as effectuall to all purposes , as if such child were of full age , and by indenture of couenant bound him or herselfe , and to the intent that necessary places of habitation may more conueniently be prouided for such poore impotent people , be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawfull for the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , by the leaue of the lord or lords of the mannour , whereof any waste , or common within their parish is or shall be parcell , and vpon agreement before with him or them made in writing vnder the hands and seales of the said lord and lords or otherwise , according to any order to be set downe by the iustices of peace of the said countie at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater part of them , by like leaue and agreement of the said lord or lords , in writing vnder his or their hands and seals . to erect , build and set vp in fit and conuenient places of habitation , in such waste or common , at the generall charges of the parish , or otherwise of the hundred or countie as aforesaid , to be taxed , rated and gathered , in manner before expressed , conuenient houses of dwelling for the said impotent poore , and also to place inmates or more families then one in one cottage or house , one act made in the one & thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne , intituled , an act against the erecting and maintaining of cottages , or any thing therein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . which cottages and places for inmates shal not at any time after be vsed or imployed to or for any other habitation , but only for impotent and poore of the same parish , that shall be there placed from time to time by the churchwardens and ouerseers of the poore of the same parish or the most part of them , vpon the paines and forfeitures contained in the said former act made in the said one and thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne . prouided alwayes , that if any person or persons shall finde themselues grieued with any sesse or taxe , or other act done by the sayd churchwardens and other persons , or by the sayd iustices of peace , that then it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace , at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater number of them , to take such order therein as to them shal be thought conuenient , and the same to conclude and binde all the sayd parties . and be it further enacted , that the father and grandfather , and the mother , and grandmother , and the children of euery poore , old , blinde , lame , and impotent person , or other poore person , not able to worke , being of a sufficient abilitie , shall at their owne charges relieue and maintaine euery such poore person in that manner , and according to that rate , as by the iustices of peace of that county where such sufficient persons dwell , or the greater number of them , at their generall quarter sessions shall bee assessed , vpon paine that euery one of them shall forfeit twenty shillings for euery moneth which they shal faile therein . and be it further hereby enacted , that the maiors , bailiffes , or other head officers of euery towne , and place corporate , and city within this realme , being iustice or iustices of peace , shall haue the same authority by vertue of this act , within the limits and precincts of their iurisdictions , aswel out of sessions as at their sessions , if they hold any , as is herein limited , prescribed , and appointed to iustices of peace of the county , or any two or more of them , or to the iustices of peace in their quarter sessions , to doe and execute for all the vses and purposes in this act prescribed , and no other iustice or iustices of peace to enter or meddle there . and that euery alderman of the citie of london within his ward , shall and may doe and execute in euery respect , so much as is appointed and allowed by this act to be done and executed by one or two iustices of peace of any countie within this realme . and be it also enacted , that if it shall happen , any parish to extend it selfe into more counties then one , or part to lie within the liberties of any city , town , or place corporate , and part without , that then as well the iustices of peace of euery countie , as also the head officers of such city , towne , or place corporate , shall deale and intermeddle onely in so much of the said parish , as lieth within their liberties , and not any further . and euery of them respectiuely within their seuerall limits , wards and iurisdictions , to execute the ordinances before mentioned concerning the nomination of ouerseers , the consent to binding apprentices , the giuing warrant to leuie taxations vnpayed , the taking account of churchwardens and ouerseers , and the committing to prison such as refuse to accompt , or deny to pay the arrerages due vpon their accompts . and yet neuerthelesse , the said church-wardens and ouerseers , or the most part of them of the said parishes , that doe extend into such seuerall limits and iurisdictions , shall without diuiding themselues , duely execute their office in all places within the said parish , in all things to them belonging , and shall duely exhibite and make one accompt before the said head officer of the towne or place corporate , and one other before the said iustices of peace , or any such two of them as is aforesaid . and further be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if in any place within this realme there happen to bee hereafter no such nomination of ouerseers yeerely as is before appointed , that then euery iustice of peace of the county dwelling within the diuision , where such default of nomination shall happen , and euery maior , alderman , and head officer , of city , towne , or place corporate , where such default shall happen , shall lose and forfeit for euery such default fiue pound , to be imployed towards the reliefe of the poore of the said parish , or place corporate , and to be leuied as aforesaid of their goods by warrant from the generall sessions of the peace of the said countie , or of the same city , towne , or place corporate , if they keepe sessions . and be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all penalties and forfeitures , before mentioned in this act to bee forfeited by any person or persons , shall goe and be imployed to the vse of the poore of the same parish , and towards a stock and habitation for them , and other necessary vses and reliefe as before in this act are mentioned and expressed , and shal be leuied by the said churchwardens and ouerseers ▪ or one of them , by warrant frō any two such iustices of peace , or maior , alderman , or head officer of citie , town or place corporate , respectiuely within their seuerall limites by distresse and sale thereof , as aforesaid , or in defect thereof , it shall be lawfull for any two such iustices of peace , and the said aldermen and head officers within their seuerall limits , to commit the offendor to the said prison , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , till the said forfeitures shal be satisfied and payed . and bee it further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that the iustices of peace of euery county or place corporate , or the more part of them in their generall sessions to be holden next after the feast of easter next , and so yeerely as often as they shall thinke meet , shall rate euery parish to such a weekely summe of money as they shall thinke conuenient , so as no parish bee rated aboue the summe of sixe pence , nor vnder the summe of a halfepeny , weekely to be payed , and so as the totall summe of such taxation of the parishes in euery county , amount not aboue the rate of two pence for euery parish within the said county . which summes so taxed , shall bee yeerely assessed by the agreement of the parishioners within themselues , or in default thereof , by the churchwardens and petie constables of the same parish , or the more part of them , or in default of their agreement , by the order of such iustice or iustices of peace as shall dwell in the same parish , or ( if none bee there dwelling ) in the parts next adioyning . and if any person shal refuse or neglect to pay any such portion of money so taxed , it shal be lawfull for the said churchwardens and constables , or any of them , or in their default for any iustice of peace of the said limite , to leuie the same by distresse , and sale of the goods of the party so refusing or neglecting , rendring to the party the ouerplus , and in default of such distresse , it shal be lawful to any iustice of that limit , to commit such person to the said prison , there to abide without baile or maine prise , till he haue payed the same . and be it also enacted , that the said iustices of the peace at their generall quarter sessions to bee holden at the time of such taxation , shall set downe , what competent sums of money shall be sent quarterly out of euery county or place corporate , for the releife of the poore prisoners of the kings bench , & marshalsey , and also of such hospitals , and almes houses , as shal be in the said county , & what sums of money shal be sent to euery one of the said hospitals , and almes houses , so as there be sent out of euery countie yeerely xx . s. at the least to each of the said prisons of the kings bench , and marshalsey , which summes ratably to be assessed vpon euery parish , the churchwardens of euery parish shall truely collect & pay ouer to the high constables : in whose diuision such parish shall bee situate , from time to time quarterly ten dayes before the end of euery quarter , and euery such constable at euery such quarter sessions in such county shall pay ouer the same to such two treasurers , or to one of them , as shall by the more part of the iustices of peace of the county , be elected to be the said treasurers , to be chosen by the iustices of peace of the said county , citie , or towne , or place corporate , or of others which were sessed and taxed at fiue pound lands , or ten pound goods at the least , at the taxe of subsidie next before the time of the said election to be made . and the said treasurers so elected to continue for the space of one whole yere in their office , and then to giue vp their charge with a due account of their receipts and disbursements , at the quarter sessions to be holden next after the feast of easter in euery yeere , to such others as shall from yeere to yeere , in forme aforesaid successiuely be elected treasurers , for the said county , citie , towne , or place corporate , which said treasurers or one of them shall pay ouer the same to the lord chiefe iustice of england , and knight marshal for the time being , equally to be diuided to the vse aforesaid , taking their acquittance for the same , or in default of the said chiefe iustice , to the next ancientest iustice of the kings bench as aforesaid . and if any churchwarden or high constable , or his executors or administrators , shall faile to make payment in forme aboue specified , then euery churchwarden , his executors or administrators , so offending , shall forfeit for euery time the summe of ten shillings , and euerp high constable , his executors or administrators , shall forfeit for euery time , the sum of xx . s. the same forfeitures together with the summes behinde , to be leuied by the said treasurer and treasurers , by way of distresse and sale of the goods as aforesaid , in forme aforesaid , and by them to bee imployed towards the charitable vses comprised in this act. and bee it further enacted , that all the surplusage of money which shall be remaining in the said stocke , of any county , shal by discretion of the more part of the iustices of peace in their quarter sessions , be ordered , distributed and bestowed for the reliefe of the poore hospitals of that county , and of those that shall sustaine losses by fire , water , the sea , or other casualties , and to such other charitable purposes , for the releife of the poore , as to the more part of the said iustices of peace shall seeme conuenient . and bee it further enacted , that if any treasurer elected , shall wilfully refuse to take vpon him the sayd office of treasurership , or refuse to distribute and giue reliefe , or to account according to such forme as shall be appointed by the more part of the said iustices of peace , that then it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace in their qarter sessions , or in their default , for the iustices of assize , at y e assizes to be holden in the same countie , to fine the same treasurer by their discretion : the same fine not to be vnder three pound , and to be leuied by sale of his goods , and to be prosecuted by any two of the said iustices of peace , whom they shall authorize . prouided alwaies , that this act shall not take effect vntill the feast of easter next . and be it enacted , that the statute made in the nine and thirtieth yere of her maiesties reigne , entituled , an act for the reliefe of the poore , shall continue and stand in force vntill the feast of easter next . and that all taxations heretofore imposed & not payed , nor that shal be payed before the said feast of easter next , and that all taxes hereafter before the said feast , to be taxed by vertue of the said former act , which shal not be payed before the said feast of easter , shall and may after the said feast of easter , be leuied by the ouerseers and other persons in this act respectiuely appointed , to leuy taxations by distresse , & by such warrant in euery respect , as if they had been taxed & imposed by vertue of this act , and were not paid . prouided alwayes , that whereas the iland of fowlenesse in the countie of essex , being inuironed with the sea , and hauing a chappel of ease for the inhabitants thereof , and yet the said iland is no parish , but the lands in the same are situated within diuers parishes , farre distant from the same iland , be it therefore enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that y e said iustices of peace shall nominate and appoint inhabitants within the said iland to be ouerseers for the poore people dwelling within the said iland , and that both they the said iustices , and the said ouerseers shall haue the same power and authority to all intents , considerations and purposes , for the execution of the parts and articles of this act , and shall be subiect to the same paines and forfeitures , & likewise that the inhabitants and occupiers of lands there , shall be lyable and chargeable to the same paiments , charges , expences , and orders in such manner and forme as if the same iland were a parish . in consideration whereof , neither the said inhabitants , or occupiers of land within the said , iland , shall not be compelled to contribute towards the reliefe of the poore of those parishes , wherin their houses or lands which they occupy within the said iland are situated , for , or by reason of their said habitations or occupyings , other then for the reliefe of the poore people within the said iland , neither yet shall the other inhabitants of the parishes wherein such houses or lands are situated , bee compelled , by reason of their resiancie or dwelling , to contribute to the reliefe of the poore inhabitants within the said iland . and bee it further enacted , that if any action or trespasse , or other suite shall happen to bee attempted and brought against any person or persons for taking of any distresse , making of any sale , or any other thing doing , by authoritie of this present act : the defendant or defendants in any such action or suit , shall , and may either plead not guilty , or otherwise make auowry , cognisance , or iustification , for the taking of the said distresses , making of sale , or other thing doing , by vertue of this act , alledging in such auowry , cognisance , or iustification , that the said distresse , sale , trespasse , or other thing whereof the plaintiffe or plaintiffes complained , was done by authoritie of this act , and according to the tenour , purport , and effect of this act , without any expressing or rehearsall of any other matter of circumstance contained in this present act. to which auowrie , cognisance , or iustification , the plaintiffe shall be admitted to reply , that the defendant did take the said distresse , made the said sale , or did any other act or trespasse , supposed in his declaration of his owne worng , without any such cause alledged by the said defendant , whereupon the issue in euery such action shal be ioyned , to be tryed by verdict of twelue men , and not otherwise , as is accustomed in other personall actions . and vpon the triall of that issue , the whole matter to be giuen on both parties in euidence , according to the very truth of the same . and after such issue tryed , for the defendant or non suite of the plaintife , after appearance , the same defendant to recouer treble dammages , by reason of his wrongfull vexation in that behalfe , with his costs also in that part sustained , and that to bee assessed by the same iury , or writ to enquire of the dammages , as the same shall require . prouided alwaies that this act shall endure no longer then to the end of the next session of parliament . anno xliij . reginae elizabethae . an acte for the necessary reliefe of souldiers and mariners . whereas in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of the queenes maiesties reigne that now is , an act was made , intituled , an act for the necessary reliefe of souldiers and mariners : and whereas in the nine and thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne , there was also made another act , intituled , an act for the further continuance and explanation of the said former : bee it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that both the said acts shall bee , and continue in force vntill the feast of easter next , and shall be from and after the sayd feast discontinued . and forasmuch as it is now found more needfull then it was at the making of the said acts , to prouide reliefe and maintenance to souldiers and mariners , that haue lost their limmes , and disabled their bodies in the defence and seruice of her maiestie and the state , in respect the number of the said souldiers is so much the greater , by how much her maiesties iust and honourable defensiue warres are increased : to the end therefore , that they the said souldiers and mariners may reap the fruits of their good deseruings , and others may be encouraged to performe the like endeauours : be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament that from and after the said feast of easter next , euery parish within this realme of england and wales , shall be charged to pay weekly such a sum of money , towards the reliefe of sick , hurt , and maimed souldiers and mariners , that so haue bin as afore is said , or shal lose their , lims , or disable their bodies , hauing bin prest , and in pay for her maiesties seruice , as by the iustices of peace , or the more part of them , in their general quarter sessions , to be holden in their seuerall counties , next after the feast of easter next , and so from time to time at the like quarter sessions , to bee holden next after the feast of easter , yeerely shall be appointed , so as no parish be rated aboue the summe of ten pence , nor vnder the summe of two pence weekely to be paid , and so as the totall summe of such taxation of the parishes , in any county where there shall be aboue fifty parishes , doe not exceed the rate of sixe pence for euery parish in the same countie , which summes so taxed , shall be yeerely assessed by the agreements of the parishioners within themselues , or in default therof , by the churchwardens and the pety constables of the same parish , or the more part of them , or in default of their agreement , by the order of such iustices , or iustice of peace , as shall dwell in the same parish , or if none bee there dwelling , in the parts next adioyning . and if any person shall refuse or neglect to pay any such portion of money so taxed , it shall be lawfull for the said churchwardens and pety constables , and euery of them , or in their defaults , for the said iustices of peace , or iustice , to leuy such summe by distresse and sale of the goods or chattels of the party so refusing or neglecting , rendring to the party , the ouerplus raised vpon such sale . and for the collecting and custodie of the summes taxed in forme aforesaid . be it enacted , that the churchwardens , and pety constables of euery parish , shall truely collect euery such sum , and the same shall pay ouer vnto the high constable , in whose diuision such parish shall be situate , ten dayes before the quarter sessions , to be holden next before , or about the feast of the natiuity of s. iohn baptist next , in the county where the said parish shall be situate , and so from time to time , quarterly within ten dayes before euery quarter sessions . and that euery such high constable , at euery such quarter sessions in such county , shall pay ouer the same to two such iustices of peace , or to one of them , or to two such other persons , or one of them , as shall be by the more part of the iustices of peace of the same countey elected , to be treasurers of the said collection , the same other persons , to be elected treasurers , to be such , as at the last taxatiō of , the subsidie next before the same election , shall be valued , & sessed at ten pounds in lands yerely , or at fifteene pounds in goods : which treasurers in euery countey so chosen , shall continue but for the space of one whole yeere , and then giue vp their charge , with a du account of their receits & disbursments , at their meeting in easter quarter sessions ; or within ten daies after , to such others , as shall from yeere to yere in the forme aforesaid , successiuely be elected . and if any church-warden , pettie constable , or high constable , or his executors , or administrators , shall fail to make payment in forme about specified , their euery church-warden , and pettie constable , his executors or administratours so offending ▪ shall forfeit the summe of twenty shillings . and euery high constable , his executors , or administrators , the summe of fourty shillings , to bee leuied by the treasurers aforesaid , by distresse and sale in maner before expressed , and to be taken by the said treasurers , in augmentation of their stock , to the vses aforesaid . and if any treasurer , his executors or administrators , shall faile to giue vp his account within the time aforesaid , or shall bee otherwise negligent in the execution of his charge , then it shall bee lawfull for the more part of the iustices of peace , of the same county in their sessions , to assesse such fine vpon such treasurer , his executors or administrators , as in their discretion shall seeme conuenient , so it bee not vnder the summe of fiue pounds . and for the true and iust distribution and employment of the summes so receiued , according to the true meaning of this act , be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that euery souldier or mariner , hauing had his or their limmes lost , or disabled in their bodies by seruice , being in her maiesties pay , as aboue is mentioned , or such as shall hereafter returne into this realme , hurt , or maimed , or grieuously sick , shall repayre , if he be able to trauell , and make his complaint to the treasurers of the county , out of which he was pressed , or if he were no prest man , to the treasurers of the county where hee was borne , or last inhabited by the space of three yeeres , at his election . and if he be not able to trauell , to the treasurers of the county where hee shall land , or arriue , and shall bring a certificate vnto any of the treasurers aforesaid , vnder the hand and seale of the generall of the campe , or gouernour of the towne wherein hee serued , and of the captaine of the band , vnder whom hee serued , or his lieutenant , or in the absence of the said generall or gouernour , from the marshall or deputie of the gouernour , or from any admirall of her maiesties fleet , or in his absence , from any other generall of her maiesties ships at the seas , or in absence of such generall , from the captaine of the ship wherein the said mariners or souldiers did serue the queenes maiestie , containing the particulars by his hurts and seruices , which certificate shal be also allowed of the generall mustermaster , for the time being , resident here within this realme , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , the treasurer and controller of her maiesties nauie , vnder his hand , for the auoyding of all fraud , and counterfeiting : then vpon such certificate , such treasurers as are before expressed , shall according to the nature of his hurt , and commendation of his seruice , assigne vnto him such a portion of reliefe , as in their discretions shall seeme conuenient for his present necessity , vntill the next quarter sessions , at the which it shall be lawfull for the more part of the iustices of peace vnder their hands , to make an instrument of grant of the same , or like reliefe , to endure , as long as this act shall stand or endure in force , if the same souldier or mariner shall so long liue , and the same pension not bee duly reuoked or altered , which shall be a sufficient warrant to all treasurers for the same countie , to make payment of such pension vnto such persons quarterly , except the same shal be afterward by the said iustices reuoked or altered . so that such reliefe as shall bee assigned by such treasurers or iustices of peace to any such souldier or mariner , hauing not borne office in the said warres , exceed not the summe in grosse nor yeerely pension of ten pounds . nor to any that hath borne office vnder the degree of a lieutenant , the summe of fifteene pounds . nor to any that hath serued in the office of lieutenant , the summe of twentie pounds . and yet neuerthelesse , it shall and may be lawfull to and for the iustices of peace and others , hauing authority by this act , to assigne pensions to souldiers & mariners , vpon any iust cause , to reuoke , diminish , or alter the same from time to time , according to their discretions in the generall quarter sessions of the peace , or generall assemblies for cities or townes corporate , where the same pension shall be granted . and whereas it must needs fall out , that many of such hurt and maimed souldiers and mariners , doe arriue in ports , and places farre remote from the counties , whence they are by vertue of this act , to receiue their yeerely annuities , and pensions , as also they are prescribed by this act , to obtaine the allowance of their certificates from the mustermaster , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , who commonly is like to abide about the court or london , so as they shall need at the first , prouision for the bearing of their charges , to such places : be it therefore enacted , that it may be lawfull for the treasurers of the countie where they shall arriue , in their discretion vpon their certificate ( though not allowed ) to giue them any conuenient reliefe for their iourny , to carry them to the next county , with a testimoniall of their allowance , to passe on towards such a place . and in like manner shall it be lawfull for the treasurer of the next county to doe the like , and so from county to county ( in the direct way ) till they come to the place where they are directed to finde their maintenance , according to the tenure of this statute . and for the better execution of this act in all the branches thereof , bee it enacted , that euery the treasurers , in their seuerall counties , shall keepe a true booke of computation , of all such summes as they leuie , and also a register of the names of euery such person vnto whom they shall haue disbursed any reliefe , and shall also preserue , or enter euery certificate , by warrant whereof , such reliefe hath beene by them disbursed , and also that the mustermaster , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , shall keepe a booke , wherein shall be entred the names of all such , whose certificates shall bee by him allowed , with an abstract of their certificates , and that euery treasurer returning , or not accepting the certificate brought vnto him from the said muster-master , shall write and subscribe the cause of his not accepting , or not allowing thereof , vnder the said certificate , or on the back thereof . and be it further enacted , that if any treasurer shall wilfully refuse to distribute and giue any reliefe , according to the forme of this act , that it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace , in their quarter sessions , to fine such treasurers , by their discretions , as aforesaid , the same fine to bee leuied by distresse and sale thereof , to bee prosecuted by any two of them , whom they shall authorize . and be it also enacted , that euery souldier or mariner that shall be taken begging , in any place within this realme , after the feast of easter next , or any that shall counterfeit any certificate in this act expressed , shall for euer lose his annuitie or pension , and shall be taken , deemed , and adiudged as a common rogue , or vagabond person , and shall haue , and sustaine the same , and the like paines , imprisonment and punishment , as is appointed and prouided for common rogues and vagabond persons . prouided alwayes and be it enacted , that all the surplusage of money which shall bee remaining in the stock of any county , shall by the discretion of the more part of the iustices of peace , in their quarter sessions bee ordered , distributed and bestowed vpon such good and charitable vses , and in such forme as are limited and appointed in the statutes made and now in force , concerning reliefe of the poore , and punishment of rogues and beggars . prouided alwayes that the iustices of peace within any county of this realme or wales , shall not intromit or enter into any city , borough , place , or towne corporate , where is any iustice of peace for any such citie , borough , place or towne corporate , for the execution of any article of this act : but that it shall be lawfull to the iustice and iustices of the peace , maiors , bailiffes , and other head officers of those cities , boroughs , places , & townes corporate where there is any iustice of peace to proceed to the execution of this act , within the precinct and compasse of their liberties , in such manner as the iustice of peace in any county may doe , by vertue of this act. and that euery iustice of peace within euery such citie , borough , place or towne corporate , for euery offence by him committed , contrary to the meaning of this statute , shal be fineable , as other iustices of peace at the large in the counties are in this act appointed to be . and that the maior and iustices of peace in euery such borough , place and towne corporate , shall haue authority by this present act , to appoint any person , for the receiuing of the said money , and paying the same within such citie , borough , place or towne corporate ; which person so appointed , shall haue authority to doe all such things , and be subiect to all such penalties , as high constables , by vertue of this act should haue or be . and be it enacted , that all forfeitures to bee forfeited by any treasurer , collector , constable , church-warden , or other person , for any cause mentioned in this act , shall be imployed to the reliefe of such souldiers and mariners , as are by this act appointed to take and haue reliefe , and after that reliefe satisfied , then the ouerplus thereof , with the ouerplus of the stock , remaining in any the said treasurers hands , shall bee imployed as is before mentioned , to the charitable vses , expressed in the said statutes , concerning the reliefe of poore , and for punishment of rogues and beggers , ( except the said iustices , or the more part of them , shall thinke meet to reserue and keepe the same in stock for the maintenance and reliefe of such souldiers and mariners , as out of the same county may afterward bee appointed , to receiue reliefe and pensions . ) and that the reliefe appointed to bee giuen by this act , shall be giuen to souldiers and mariners , out of the county or place where they were pressed , so far forth as the taxation limited by this act , will extend . and if the whole taxation there , shall be before imployed , according to the meaning of this act , or that they shall not be prest men , then out of the place where they were borne or last inhabited , by the space of three yeeres , at his or their election . prouided alwayes , and be it enacted , that euery pension assigned heretofore to any souldier or mariner , or that shall be assigned before the said feast of easter next , notwithstanding the discontinuance of the said two former acts , shall stand in force , and shall yeerely from and after the said feast of easter next , be satisfied and payed , out of such taxations and forfeitures , as shall be made , collected , and leuied by force of this act , so long as the said pension shall remaine in force , without such reuocation or diminishing , as is before in this act mentioned . which clause of reuocation or diminishing before mentioned , shall extend aswell to pensions heretofore assigned , as to such as at any time hereafter , before , or after the said feast of easter , shall bee assigned to any person or persons . and bee it also enacted , that all arrerages of taxations heretofore made , by vertue of the said former statutes , or any of them , which shall be or remaine , at the said feast of easter next , vncollected , and not receiued , or leuied , shall , and may by authority of this act , be had , receiued , and leuied , by such persons , and in such manner and forme , as in euery respect , taxations made by vertue of this act , are appointed to bee collected , receiued and leuied , and shall be imployed to the vses expressed in this act , and no otherwise . prouided alwaies , and bee it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if the said rate shall bee thought not to bee sufficient for the reliefe of such souldiers , and mariners , as shall be to be relieued within the city of london , that then it shall bee lawfull for the maior , recorder , and aldermen of london , or the more part of them , to rate and taxe , such reasonable taxe , summe and summes of money , for the said reliefe , as shall be to them thought fit and conuenient . so as such summe and summes of money , so to be rated , doe not exceed three shillings weekely out of any parish , and so as in the totall , the summe shall not exceed , or bee vnder twelue pence weekely out of euery parish , one with another , within the said citie and the liberties thereof . this act to endure to the end of the next session of parliament and no longer . anno xxxix . reginae elizabethae . an act for punishment of rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers . for the suppressing of rogues , vagabonds & sturdie beggers , be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament , that from , and after the feast of easter next comming , all statutes heretofore made for the punishment of rogues , vagabonds , or sturdie beggers , or for the erection or maintenance of houses of correction , or touching the same , shall for so much as concerneth the same be vtterly repealed : and that from , and after the said feast of easter , from time to time it shall and may be lawfull to , and for the iustices of peace of any county or city in this realme or the dominions of wales , assembled at any quarter sessions of the peace within the same county , city , borough , or towne corporate , or the more part of them , to set downe order to erect , & to cause to be erected one or more houses of correction within their seuerall counties or cities : for the doing and performing whereof , and for the prouiding of stocks of money , and all other things necessary for the same , and for raising and gouerning of the same , and for correction and punishment of offenders thither to be committed , such orders as the same iustices , or the more part of them , shall from time to time take , reforme , or set down in any their said quarter sessions in that behalfe , shall be of force , and be duely performed and put in execution . and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all persons calling themselues schollars , going about begging , all sea faring men pretending losses of their ships or goods on the sea , going about the countrey begging , all idle persons , going about in any countrey , either begging or vsing any subtile craft , or vnlawfull games and playes , or faining themselues to haue knowledge in physiognomie ; palmestry or other like crafty science , or pretending that they can tell destinies , fortunes , or such other like fantasticall imaginations : all persons that be , or vtter themselues to be proctors , procurers , patent-gatherers , or collectors for gaoles , prisons or hospitals : all fencers , bearewards , common players of interludes , and minstrels , wandering abroad ( other then players of interludes belonging to any baron of this realme , or any other honourable personage of greater degree , to bee authorized to play vnder the hand and seale of armes of such baron or personage ) all iuglers , tinkers , pedlars , and pety chapmen wandering abroad , all wandering persons and common labourers , being persons able in body , vsing loytering , and refusing to worke for such reasonable wages , as is taxed or commonly giuen in such parts , where such persons doe , or shall happen to dwell or abide , not hauing liuing otherwise to maintaine themselues : all persons deliuered out of gaoles that begge for their fees , or otherwise doe trauaile begging : all such persons as shall wander abroad begging , pretending losses by fire , or otherwise : and all such persons not being felons , wandering and pretending themselues to bee egyptians , or wandering in the habit , for●●● , or 〈…〉 counterfeit egyptians , shall be taken , adiudged , and deemed rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers , and shall susteine such paine and punishments , as by this act is in that behalfe appointed . and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that euery person which is by this present act declared to be a rogue , vagabond , or sturdy begger , which shall be at any time after the said feast of easter next comming , taken begging , vagrant , wandring or misordering themselues in any part of this realme , or the dominion of wales , shall vpon their apprehension by the appointment of any iustice of the peace , constable , headborough or tythingman of the same county , hundred , parish , or tything , where such person shall be taken , the tythingman or headborough being assisted therein with the aduice of the minister , and one other of that parish , be stripped naked from the middle vpwards , and shall bee openly whipped vntill his or her body be bloody ? and shall be forthwith sent from parish to parish , by the officers of euery the same , the next straight way to the parish where hee was borne , if the same may be knowen by the parties confession or otherwise . and if the same be not knowen , then to the parish where hee or shee last dwelt before the same punishment by the space of one whole yeare , there to put him or her selfe to labour , as a true subiect ought to doe : or not being knowen where hee or she was borne , or last dwelt , then to the parish through which he or she last passed without punishment . after which whipping , the same person shall haue a testimoniall subscribed with the hand , & sealed with the seale of the same iustice of the peace , constable , headborough or tythingman , & of the minister of the same parish , or of any two of them , testifying that the same person hath beene punished according to this act , and mentioning the day and place of his or her punishment , and the place wherevnto such person is limited to goe , and by what time the said person is limited to passe thither at his perill . and if the said person through his or her default doe not accomplish the order appointed by the said testimoniall , then to be eftsoones taken , & whipped , and so as often as any default shall be found in him or her contrary to the forme of this statute , in euery place to be whipped , till such person be repaired to the place limited : the substance of which testimoniall shall be registred by the minister of that parish , in a booke to be prouided for that purpose , vpon paine to forfeit 5. shillings for euery default thereof , and the party so whipped , & not knowen where hee or she was borne , or last dwelt by the space of a yeare , shall by the officers of the said village where he or she so last past thorow without punishment , bee conueied to the house of correction of the limit wherein the said village standeth , or to the common gaole of that county or place , there to remaine and be imployed in worke , vntill hee or she shall be placed in some seruice , and so to continue by the space of one yeare , or not being able of body , vntill he or she shall be placed to remaine in some almeshouse in the same countie or place . prouided alwaies , and bee it enacted , if any of the said rogues shall appeare to bee dangerous to the inferiour sort of people where they shall be taken , or otherwise bee such as will not be reformed of their roguish kinde of life by the former prouision of this act , that in euery such case it shall and may be lawfull to the said iustices of the limit where any such rogue shall be taken , or any two of them , wherof one to be of the quorum to commit that rogue to the house of correction , or otherwise to the gaole of the county , there to remaine vntill their next quarter sessions to be holden in that county , and then such of the same rogues so committed , as by the iustices of the peace then and there present , or the most part of them , shall be thought fit not to be deliuered , shall and may lawfully by the same iustices , or the most part of them , bee banished out of this realme , and all other the dominions thereof , and at the charges of that countrey , shall bee conueyed vnto such parts beyond the seas as shall be at any time hereafter , for that purpose assigned by the priuy councell vnto her maiesty her heires or successors , or by any sixe or more of them , whereof the l. chancellor , or l. keeper of the great seale , or the l. treasurer for the time being to bee one , or otherwise be iudged perpetually to the gallies of this realme , as by the same iustices or the most part of them it shall bee thought fit and expedient . and if any such rogue so banished as aforesaid shall returne againe into any part of this realme or dominion of wales without lawfull licence or warrant so to doe , that in euery such case , such offence shall be felony , and the party offending therein suffer death as in case of felony : the said felony to bee heard and determined in that county of this realme or wales , in which the offender shall be apprehended . and be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid that if any towne , parish , or village , the constable , headborough or tythingman be negligent and doe not his or their best endeauours for the apprehension of such vagabond , rogue or sturdy begger , which there shall bee found contrary to the forme of this present act , and to cause euery of them to bee punished and conueied according to the true meaning of this present act , that then the said constable , headborough , or tithingman , in whom such default shall be , shall lose and forfeit for euery such default ten shillings . and also if any person or persons doe in any wise disturbe or let the execution of this law , or any part thereof , concerning the punishment or conueying of rogues , vagabonds , sturdy beggers , or the reliefe or setling of poore impotent persons in any maner of wise , or make rescous against any officer or person authorised by this present act for the due execution of any the premisses , the same person so offending shal forfeit & lose for euery such offence the summe of fiue pound , and shall be bound to the good behauiour . and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no person or persons hauing charge in any voyage , in passing from the realmes of ireland or scotland , or from the isle of man into this realme of england , doe wittingly or willingly bring or conuey , or suffer to be brought or conueyed in any vessell or boate from and out of the said realme of ireland , scotland , or isle of man , into the realme of england or wales or any part thereof , any vagabond , rogue , or begger , or any such as shall be forced or very like to liue by begging within the realme of england or wales , being borne in the same realmes or island , on paine of euery such person so offending , to forfeit and lose for euery such vagabond , rogue , begger , or other person like to liue by begging .xx. s. to the vse of the poore of the said parish in which they were set on land . and if any such manniske , scottish , or irish rogue , vagabond , or begger , be already , or shall at any time hereafter be set on land , or shall come into any part of england or wales , the same after he or she shall be punished as aforesaid , shall bee conueyed to the next port or parish in or neere which they were landed or first came , in such sort as rogues are appointed to bee by this present act , and from thence to bee transported at the common charge of the county where they were set on land , into those parts from whence they came or were brought . and that euery constable , headborough , and tythingman , neglecting the due performance thereof , shall forfeit for euery such offence ten shillings . be it further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that no diseased or impotent poore person shal at any time resort or repaire from their dwelling places to the city of bath , or towne of buxton , or either of them to the baths there for the ease of their griefes , vnlesse such person doe forbeare to begge , and bee licensed to passe thither by two iustices of the peace of the county where such person doth or shall then dwell or remaine , and prouided for to trauaile with such reliefe , for & towards his or her maintenance , as shal be necessary for the same person , for the time of such his or her trauaile & abode at the city of bath , and town of buxton , or either of them , and returne thence , and shall returne home againe , as shall be limited by the said licence , vpon paine to be reputed , punished , and vsed as rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers declared by this present act. and that the inhabitants of the same city of bath , and towne of buxton shall not in any wise be charged by this act with the finding the reliefe of any such poore people . prouided alwayes , that the iustices of peace within any county of this realm or wales , shall not intromit or enter into any city , borough , or towns corporate , where be any iustice or iustices of the peace for any such city , borough , or towne corporate , for the execution of any branch , article or sentence of this act , for or concerning any offence , matter , or cause growing or arising within the precincts , liberties , or iurisdiction of such city , borough , or townes corporate , but that it may and shal be lawfull to the iustice and iustices of the peace , maiors , bailiffes , and other head officers of those cities , boroughes , and townes corporate , where there bee such iustices of the peace , to proceed to the execution of this act , within the precinct and compasse of their liberties , in such maner and forme as the iustices of peace in any county may or ought to doe within the same county , by vertue of this act , any thing in this act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . prouided alwayes , that this act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to the poore people for the time being in the hospitall , called saint thomas hospitall , otherwise called the kings hospitall , in the borough of southwarke neere adioyning to the city of london , but that the maior , commonalty , and citizens of the said city of london for the time being , shall and may haue the rule , order , and gouernment of the said hospitall , and of the poor people therein for the time being , any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding . prouided alwayes , that this act or any thing therein contained , or any authority thereby giuen , shall not in any wise extend to dis-inherit , preiudice , or hinder iohn dutton of dutton , in the county of chester esquire his heires or assignes , for , touching or concerning any liberty , preheminence , authority , iurisdiction , or inheritance , which the said iohn dutton now lawfully vseth , or hath , or lawfully may or ought to vse within the county palatine of chester , and the county of the city of chester , or either of them , by reason of any ancient charters of any kings of this land , or by reason of any prescription , vsage , or title whatsoeuer . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all fines and forfeitures appointed or to grow by this present act , ( except such as are otherwise limited and appointed by this present act shall wholly goe and be unployed to the vse of the reparations and maintenance of the said houses of correction , and stocke and store thereof , or reliefe of the poore where the offence shall be committed , at the discretion of the iustices of the peace of the same limit , city , borough , or towne corporate : and that all fines and forfeitures appointed or to grow by conuiction of any person according to this present act , shall by warrant vnder the hands and seales of any two or more of the iustices of the peace of the same county , city , borough , or towne corporate , bel●ied by distresse and sale of the goods and chattels of the offender , which sale shall be good in the law against such offender . and that if any of the said offences shal be confessed by the offender , or that the same shall be proued by two sufficient and lawfull witnesses , before such two or more iustices of the peace , that then euery such person shall forthwith stand and be in the law conuicted thereof . and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that any two or more iustices of the peace within all the said seueral shires , cities , boroughes , or townes corporate , whereof one to be of the quorum , shal haue full power by authority of this present act , to heare and determine all causes that shall grow or come in question by reason of this act. and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the lord chancellor or keeper of the great seale of england for the time being , shall and may at all times hereafter by vertue of this present act , without further warrant , make and direct commission or commissions vnder the great seale of england , to any person or persons , giuing them or some of them thereby authority , as well by the oaths of good & lawfull men , as of witnesses or examination of parties , or by any other lawfull wayes or meanes whatsoeuer , to enquire what summes of money or other things haue been or shall bee collected or gathered for or towards the erection of any houses of correction , or any stockes or other things to set poore on work , or for the maintenance thereof at any time after the seuenteenth day of nouember , in the eighteenth yeere of the reigne of the queenes most excellent maiesty , and by whom the same were or shall be collected or gathered , and to whose hands commen , and to what vse , and by whose direction the same was or shall bee employed . and to call all & euery such person & persons , and their sureties , and euery of their executors or administrators to an accompt : and to compell them and euery of them by attachment of their goods or bodies to appeare before them for the same , and to heare & determine the same , and to leuie such money and things as they shal find not to haue been duly employed vpon the said houses of correction , or stockes , or vpon other like vses , hauing in such other like vses respect of things past by the said commissioners to be allowed of , either by distresse & sale of the goods and chattels of such persons as they shall thinke fit to bee chargeable or answerable for the same , or by imprisonment of their bodies at their discretion : and that the said commissioners shall haue full power and authority to execute the same commission according to the tenor and purport thereof : and that all their proceedings , doings , iudgements , and executions by force and authority thereof , shall be and remaine good and auaileable in the law : which said money so leuied by the said commissioners , shall bee deliuered and employed for the erecting or maintenance of the same . prouided alwayes neuerthelesse , that euery sea-faring man suffering shipwracke , not hauing wherewith to relieue himselfe in his trauailes home wards , but hauing a testimoniall vnder the hand of some one iustice of the peace , of , or neere the place where he landed , setting downe therein the place and time , where , and when he landed , and the place of the parties dwelling or birth , vnto which he is to passe , and a conuenient time therein to be limited for his passage , shall and may without incurring the danger and penalty of this act , in the vsuall wayes directly to the place vnto which he is directed to passe , and within the time in such his testimoniall limited for his passage , aske and receiue such reliefe as shall be necessary , in , and for his passage . prouided also , that this statute , nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to any children vnder the age of seuen yeares , nor to any such glassemen as shall be of good behauiour , and doe trauaile in or through any country , without begging , hauing licence for their trauailing vnder the hands and seales of three iustices of the peace of the same county where they trauaile , whereof one to be of the quorum . and bee it also further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that this present act shall bee proclaimed in the next quarter session or sessions in euery county , and in such other market townes or places , as by the more part of the iustices of the peace in the said sessions shal be agreed and appointed . this act to endure to the end of the first session of the next parliament . ¶ certaine branches of the statute made in the first yeere of the reigne of king iames , concerning rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggars . forasmuch as sithence the making of the act of 39. eliz. diuers doubts and questions haue been mooued and growen by diuersitie of opinions , taken in and vpon the letter of the said act : for a plaine declaration whereof , be it declared and enacted , that from henceforth no authoritie , to bee giuen or made by any baron of this realme , or any other honourable personage of greater degree , vnto any other person or persons , shall be auaileable to free and discharge the said persons , or any of them from the paines and punishments in the said statute mentioned , but that they shall be taken within the offence and punishment of the same statute . and whereas in the said statute , there is a prouiso conteined , that the said statute , nor any thing therein conteined , shall extend to any such glassemen as shall be of good behauiour , and shall trauell in or thorow any countie without begging , hauing licence for their trauelling , vnder the hands and seales of three iustices of the peace of the same county , where they trauell , whereof one to bee of the quorum , as by the statute more at large appeareth : by reason of which libertie , many notorious rogues and vagabonds , and euill disposed persons haue vndertaken , and doe professe the trade of glassemen ; and by colour thereof doe trauell vp and downe diuers counties of this realme , and doe commit many pickeries , petty felonies , and other misdemeanours : for the auoding of which inconuenience , bee it established and enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that from and after two moneths next after the end of this present session of parliament , all such person and persons , as shall wander vp and downe the countrey to sell glasses , shall be adiudged , deemed , and taken as rogues and vagabonds , and shall suffer the like paine and punishment in euery degree , as is appointed to bee inflicted vpon rogues , vagabonds and sturdy beggers , by the intent and true meaning of the said statute , made in the nine and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of the said late queene elizabeth , and shall be set down limitted , and appointed by this present act , any thing in the said statute of the nine and thirtieth yeere of her said reigne to the contrary therof in any wise notwithstanding . and forasmuch as one branch of the statute of 39. eliz. is taken to bee some what defectiue , for that the said rogues hauing no marke vpon them to bee knowne by , notwithstanding such iudgement of banishment , may returne or retire themselues into some other parts of this realme where they are not known , and so escape the due punishment which the said statute did intend to inflict vpon them : for remedy whereof , be it ordained and enacted , that such rogues as shall after the end of two moneths next after the end of this session of parliament , be adiudged , as aforesaid , incorrigible or dangerous , shall also by the iudgement of the same iustices , or the more part of them then present , in their open sessions of the peace , bee branded in the left shoulder with an hot burning iron of the breadth of an english shilling with a great romane r vpon the iron , and the branding vpon the shoulder to bee throughly burned , and set on vpon the skinne and flesh , that the letter r bee seene , and remaine for a perpetuall marke vpon such rogue during his or her life , and therevpon bee sent by the same iustices to the place of his dwelling , if he haue any , if not , then to the place where hee last dwelt by the space of a yeere , if that can be knowne by his confession or otherwise : and if that cannot bee knowne , then to the place of his birth , there to bee placed in labour as a true subiect ought to doe : and after such punishment of any such rogue as aforesaid , if any rogue so punished shall offend againe in begging or wandring contrary to the said statute , or this present act , that then in euery such case , the party so offending shall bee iudged a felon , and shall suffer as in cases of felony without benefit of clergie , the same felony to be tried in the county where any such offender shall bee taken . anno primo iacobi regis . ¶ an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague . forasmuch as the inhabitants of diuers cities , boroughs , townes corporate , and of other parishes and places being visited with the plague , are found to bee vnable to relieue the poorer sort of such people so infected , who of necessity must be by some charitable course prouided for , lest they should wander abroad , and thereby infect others : and forasmuch as diuers persons infected with that disease , and others inhabiting in places infected , aswell poore people and vnable to relieue themselues , that are carefully prouided for , as other which of themselues are of abilitie , being commanded by the magistrate or officer , of or within the place where the infection shall be , to keepe their houses , or otherwise to separate themselues from company , for the auoiding of further infection , do notwithstanding very dangerously and disorderly demeane themselues : bee it therefore enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that the maior , bailiffes , head officers , and iustices of the peace , of euery city , borough , town corporate , and places priuiledged , where any maior and bailiffes , head officers , or iustices of peace are or shall bee , or any two of them , shall haue power and authority from time to time , to taxe and assesse all and euery inhabitant , and all houses of habitation , lands , tenements and hereditaments within the said citie , borough , towne corporate , and places priuiledged , or the liberties or precincts thereof , at such reasonable taxes and paiments , as they shall thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of such persons infected , or inhabiting in houses and places infected in the same cities . boroughs and townes corporate , and places priuiledged , and from time to time leuie the same taxes , of the goods of euery person refusing or neglecting to pay the said taxes , by warrant vnder the hand and seale of the maior and bailiffes , and head officers aforesaid , or two such iustices of peace , to bee directed to any person or persons for the execution thereof . and if the party to whom such warrant is or shall be directed , shall not find any goods to leuy the same , and the party taxed , shall refuse to pay the same taxe , that then vpon returne thereof the said maior , bailiffes , head officers or iustices of peace , or any two of them , shall by like warrant vnder their hands and seales , cause the same person so taxed to bee arrested and committed to the gaole , without bayle or maineprise , vntill he shall satisfie the same taxation , and the arrerages thereof . and if the inhabitants of any such citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , shall finde themselues vnable to relieue their said poore infected persons , and others , as aforesaid , that then vpon certificate thereof by the maior , bayliffe , head officers , and other the said iustices of peace , or any two of them , to the iustices of peace of the countie of , or neere to the sayd citie , borough , towne corporate , or priuiledged place so infected , or any two of them to be made , the said iustices of , or neer the said county or any two of them , shall or may taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the countie within fiue miles of the sayd place infected , at such reasonable and weekely taxes and rates as they shall thinke fit to be leuied by warrant from any such two iustices of peace , of , or neere the countie , by sale of goods , and in default thereof , by imprisonment of the body of the party taxed , as aforesayd . and if any such infection shall bee in any borough , towne corporate , or piuiledged place , where there are or shall be no iustices of peace , or in any village or hamlet within any county , that then it shall and may bee lawfull for any two iustices of peace of the said county , wherein the said place infected is or shall be , to taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the said countie , within fiue miles of the sayd place infected , at such reasonable weekely taxes and rates as they shall thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of the said places infected , to bee leuied by warrant from the said iustices of peace of the same county by sale of goods , and in default therof , by imprisonment of the body of euery partie so taxed , as aforesaid : the same taxes made by the said iustices of peace of the county , for the reliefe of such cities , boroughs , townes corporate , & places priuiledged , where there are no iustices of peace , to be disposed as they shall think fit . and where there are iustices of peace . then in such sort as to the maior , bailifs , head officers , & iustices of peace there or any two of them shall seeme fit & conuenient . all which taxes and rates made within any such citie , borough , town corporate , or place priuiledged , shal be certified at the next quarter sessions to be holden within the same citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged ; and the said taxes and rates made within any part of the said county , shall in like sort be certified at the next quarter sessions to bee holden in and for the said countie , and that if the iustices of peace at such quarter sessions respectiuely , or the more part of them shall thinke it fit , the said tax and rate should continue or be inlarged , or extended to any other parts of the countie , or otherwise determined , then the fame to be so enlarged , extended or determined increased , or taxed and leuied , in manner and forme aforesaid , as to the said iustices at the quarter sessions , respectiuely shall be thought fit and conuenient ▪ and euery constable , and other officer that shall wilfully make default in leuying such money , as they shall be commanded by the said warrant or warrants , shall forfeit for euery such offence ten shillings , to be employed on the charitable vses aforesaid . and be it further enacted , that if any person or persons infected , or being dwelling in any house infected , shall bee by the maior , bayliffes , constable , or other head officer of any citie , borough , towne corporate , priuiledged place , or market towne , or by any iustice of peace ▪ constable , headborough or other officer of the countie , ( if any such infection be out of any citie , borough , towne corporate , priuiledged place , or market towne ) commanded or appointed , as aforesaid , to keepe his or their house , for auoiding of further infection , and shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously disobey such direction and appointment , offering and attempting to breake and goe abroad , and to resist , or going abroad , and resisting such keepers or watchmen as shall be appointed , as aforesaid , to see them kept in , that then it shal be lawful for such watchmen , with violence to inforce them to keepe their houses . and if any hurt come by such enforcement to such disobedient persons , that then the said keepers , watchmen , and any other their assist assistants , shall not bee impeached therefore . and if any infected persons as aforesaid , so commanded to keepe house , shall contrary to such commandement , wilfully and contemptuously go abroad , and shall conuerse in company , hauing any infectious sore vpon him vncured , that then such person and persons shall be taken , deemed , and adiudged as a felon , and to suffer paines of death , as in case of felonie , but if such person shall not haue any such sore found about him . then for his said offence , to be punished as a vagabond in all respects should , or ought to be , by the statute made in the nine and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of our late souereigne lady queene elizabeth , for the punishment of rogues and vagabonds ; and further to be bound to his or their good behauiour for one whole yeere . prouided , that no attainder of felony by vertue of this acte , shall extend to any attainder or corruption of blood , or forfeiture of any goods , chattels , lands , tenements , or hereditaments . and bee it further enacted by the authoritie aforesayd , that it shall be lawfull for iustices of peace , maiors , bayliffes , and other head officers aforesayd , to appoint within the seuerall limits , searchers , watchmen , examiners , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places respectiuely , infected as aforesayd , and to 〈…〉 vnto them oathes for the performance of their offices of searchers , examiners , watchmen , keepers , and buriers , and giue them other directions , as vnto them for the present necessitie shall seeme good in their discretions . and this acte to continue no longer then vntill the end of the first session of the next parliament . prouided alwayes , and be it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that no maior , bayliffes , head officers , or any iustices of peace , shall by force or pretext of any thing in this acte contained , doe or execute any thing before mentioned , within either the vniuersities of cambridge or oxford , or within any cathedrall church or the liberties or precincts thereof , in this realme of england , or within the colledges of eaton or winchester , but that the vicechancellor of either of the vniuersities for the time being , within either of the same respectiuely , and the bishop and deane of such cathedrall church , or one of them , within such cathedrall church , and the prouost or warden of either of the said colledges within the same , shall haue all such power and authority , and shall doe and execute all and euery such act and acts , thing and things in this act before mentioned , within their seuerall precincts and iurisdictions abouesaid , as wholly absolutely , and fully to all intents and purposes , as any maior , bayliffes , head officers , or iustices of peace within their seuerall precincts and iurisdictions , may elsewhere by force of this act doe and execute . in camera stellata coram concilio ibidem , vicesimo die octobris , anno regni reginae elizabethae quadragesimo , &c. praesentibus , thoma egerton mil. dn̄o cultod . magni sigilli angliae . dn̄o north. dn̄o buckhurst . iohanne fortescue milite cancellar , scaccarij . archiepiscopo cantuariens . popham milite capitali iustic . de banco regis . anderson milite capitali iustic . de communi banco . this day rice griffin and iohn scrips were brought to the barre , against whome edward coke esquire , her maiesties attourney generall , did enforme , that the said griffin had vnlawfully erected and built one tenement in hog-lane in the countie of middlesex , which he diuided into two seuerall roomes , wherein were now inhabiting two poore tenants , that onely liued and were maintained by the reliefe of the parishioners there , and begging abroad in other places : and that the said iohn scrips had in like sort diuided a tenement in shordich , into , or about seuenteene tenancies or dwellings , and the same inhabited by diuers persons of very poore and base condition , contrary to the intent and meaning of her highnesse proclamation , published and set out the seuenth day of iuly 1580. in the two and twentieth yeere of her highnesse reigne , whereby the same , and such manner of buildings and diuisions , are altogether forbidden and prohibited , as by her maiesties said proclamation more at large appeareth . moreouer , her highnesse said attourney further informed this honourable court , that sithence the said proclamation , sundry decrees haue beene made and 〈…〉 this court , aswell for the prostrating , pulling downe , and defacing of diuers new buildings : as also for reformation of diuisions of tenements : all which notwithstanding , sundry wilful and disobedient persons , continue in their contemptuous maner of buildings and diuisions : by meanes whereof , the citie of london , and suburbs thereof , are ouercharged , and burdened with sundry sorts of poore , beggerly , and euill disposed persons , to the great hinderance and oppression of the same ; so as the magistrates and officers in and about the citie , to whom the execution of the aforesaid decrees and orders chiefly appertaineth , cannot performe and doe the same , according to the purport and tenour thereof : and in regard thereof : her highnes said attourney humbly prayed , that the said griffin and scrips might receiue , and haue inflicted on them , some condigne and fit punishment , and that at the humble petition of the lord maior and aldermen of the citie of london , and other the iustices of peace of the countie of middlesex and surrey , the court would be pleased to set downe and decree , some last and generall order in this and in all other like cases of new buildings , and diuisions of tenements . whereupon the court grauely considering the great growing euils and inconueniences that continually breed and happen by these new erected buildings and diuisions made and diuided contrary to her maiesties said proclamation , and well weighing the reasons of the said lord maior and aldermen of the said city , and iustices of the counties aforesaid in that behalfe , greatly tendring the ouerburdened and distressed estate of the inhabitants that dwell in sundry the parishes where the said new buildings and diuided tenements are , being for the most part but of small abilitie to beare and sustaine the great charge which is to grow there , by meanes of the poore placed in sundry of the new erected and diuided tenements , haue therefore by the whole and generall consent of all the honourable presence here sitting , hearing the accusations aforesaid , and the answeres , defences , and allegations of the said griffin and scrips , ordered and decreed , that the said griffin and scrips , shall be committed to the prison of the fleet , and pay twentie pounds a piece for a fine to her maiestie . and as for the pulling downe , or reforming of any house new built or diuided sithence and contrarie to the said proclamation , within the citie of london , or the compasse of three miles thereof , in which any poore or impotent persons now doe , or hereafter shall dwell or abide , for that if the same houses should be pulled downe , destroyed , or reformed , other habitations must bee prouided for them at the charge of the parishes where they be , or shall be dwelling . the court doeth as yet think fit to forbeare and respit the doing thereof , and haue ordered and adiudged that all and euery such poore and impotent persons , which dwell or shall dwell & 〈…〉 in any new buildings , or diuided tenements erected & diuided , contrary to the effect and intent of her highnesse said proclamation , and are or shall in any wise be driuen to liue by begging or to be relieued 〈…〉 within the city of london , or any other place within the compasse of three miles thereof , shall and may during the time of his or their life or liues , abide and dwell in the same , without giuing or paying any maner of rent seruice or other recompence vnto the landlords or any other , for , and in respect of the same , and not be thence 〈…〉 they shall after become able to liue of themselues , and that the said landlord , owner , or any other that 〈…〉 to , or for any rent or rents growing , ar●●ng , or payable for any of the said new buildings , or diuided tenements , to inhabited or to bee inhabited with poore people as aforesaid , shall 〈…〉 enioyned , and vpon this 〈…〉 and decree , take sufficient notice and warning , that hee or they doe not 〈…〉 encumber , disquiet , or moldst any of the said poore tenants , for any rents , covenants , conditions , promises or agreements , touching , or in any wise concerning the said tenements , new buildings , or any of them , for the leuying or recouering of any rent , seruice , or other consideration in lieu of any rent . and for that the new , buildings and diuisions of sundry houses , within the citie of london and three miles compasse thereof contrary to the tenor of the said proclamation , hath beene and is the occasion of great charges vnto the parishes of the said city and precinct aforesaid , whereby the said parishes are still ouermuch burdened with poore and impotent persons , it is therefore ordered and decreed , that all such landlords or owners of such buildings or diuisions whersoeuer they should dwell , shall contribute and giue such like ratable and reasonable allowance with the said prishioners where such buildings and diuisions are , towards the finding and maintaining of the poore of the parish , in which such buildings are , is , or shall bee erected or diuided contrary to the said proclamation , as should bee apportioned and allotted him or them to pay , if he or they were dwelling in the said parish . and it is further ordered and decreed by this honourable court , that after the death or departure of such poore people as doe or shall inhabite the same houses or diuided tenements aforesaid , the houses thereby being become void , then the lord maior and iustices of peace neere vnto the city adioyning , hereby are commanded to reforme the said diuided tenements , and to prostrate , pull downe and deface the said new buildings in such sort , as the same be no more left fit for habitation , and the timber and wood therof to be conuerted and disposed in such manner as by the said proclamation is required : as also to take order in all other the premisses , that this decree be duely obserued and kept : and if any shall be obstinate , then to binde such landlords as that shall obstinately and wilfully disobey this sayd decree , to appeare in this honourable court of starre-chamber to answere their contempt therein . this decree was afterward read in the court of starre-chamber the 29. of nouember 1609. and then confirmed and straitly commanded by all the lords present to be duely put in execution . in camera stellata coram concilio ibidem , vicessimo nono die nouembris , anno septimo iacobi regis . praesentibus , thoma egerton milite dn̄o ellesmere , dn̄o canc. ang. comite sarum dn̄o thesaurario ang. comite northampton . comite exon. dn̄o zouch . iul. caesare milite cancellar . scaccarij . archiepiscopo cant. fleming milite capitali iustic . de banco regis . coke milite capitali . iust . de com . banc. yeluerton milit . iustic . de banc . reg. williams milit , iustic . de banc . reg. foster milite iustic . de communi banc. this day sir henry montague , knight , recorder of london enformed this most honorable court , that where there haue been diuers proclamations as well in the time of our late souereigne queene elizabeth , as also since his maiesties most happy reigne , and also diuers orders and decrees taken in this honourable court for the restraining and reforming of the multitude of new erected and diuided tenements , and taking in of inmates , yet neuerthelesse the same doe so daily increase and multiply in euery place in and about this city of london and the suburbs thereof , infinite number of people being pestered together breeding and nourishing infection , so that the same tendeth to the great imminent danger of the gouernement and safety of this citie , and consequently to the perill of his maiesties sacred person , the queenes maiestie , and their royall issue , and the lords of the state here ordinarily residing , with many other great enormities , if the same bee not carefully and speedily preuented . and therefore it was humbly desired , that this honourable court would reuiue a decree of this court , made the twentieth day of october , in the fourtieth yeere of our said late soueraigne queene elizabeth , taken and established for restraining and reforming of such new erected buildings and diuisions . and that the said decree might bee put in present execution for the speedy refor of the said enormities , wherupon the said decree being openly read , this honourable court , and all the whole presence here sitting , taking tender care and consideration of the good and safety of the said city , and grauely fore-seeing the imminent danger and euils which doe growe and increase , and doe chiefely arise through ouermuch neglect in due execution of those former proclamations , decrees and ordinances which are not looked into as they ought to bee , doeth therefore decree and order , that the said former decree taken the said twentieth day of october in the said fortieth yeere of our late soueraigne be presently , and from time to time hereafter , more seuerely looked into , and put in execution . and his maiesties learned councell , and also the lord maior , and aldermen of london , together with all iustices of peace , and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer which the same may any way concerne , are hereby straitly charged and required , that they and euery of them doe from time to time hereafter diligently and strictly cause and see the said decree to bee in all points duely obserued and put in execution , and tearmely to make certificate to his honourable court of their proceedings therein , and of such persons as they shall finde to offend in that behalfe ; whereupon this court doth purpose to proceed against them for their contempts with very seuere punishment . * ⁎ * london , imprinted by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie anno dom. 1626. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06288-e3880 the church-wardens of euery parish , & other substantiall housholders yeerely to be nominated at easter , to be ouerseers for the poore . children of the poore to be set to work . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stocke of 〈…〉 axe & hemp 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be raised . the church-wardens and ouerseers to meet together once euery moneth . account to be giuen by the ouerseers to two iustices of peace . other parishes within the hundred , to be taxed towards the reliefe of poore parishes . how to leuie money of such as refuse to pay . punishment of such as will not work . poore children to be put apprentices by the church-wardens and ouerseers . dwelling places for impotent poore to be built . order for such as are geieue with any sesse or taxe . parents , &c. being able , shall maitain their owne poore . 〈…〉 every alderman in the city of londō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authority as two iustices of peace . iustices . &c. to meddle onely in their owne liberties . a double account to be made . 〈…〉 for 〈…〉 . penalties and forfeitures to bee employed to poores vse . parishes to be rated at the generall ●●●●ions . leuying of summes of money rated . reliefe of the prisoners in the kings bench , marshalsey , hospitals , &c. treasurers for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 vp their account at the yeeres end . l chiefe iustice ▪ knight marshall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 surplusage shal be bestowed . refusing to be treasurer to giue the reliefe appointed . a former statute for reliefe of the poore . 〈…〉 . the defendants plea in a suite commenced against him . notes for div a06288-e4460 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . taxation 〈…〉 parish . refusing to pay the money taxed . churchwardens shall pay to the high constables the money taxed . churchwardens , &c. failing to make payment . a treasurer failing of account , or neglecting his charge . to which treasurer the souldier shall repaire for reliefe . who shall make the souldiers certificate . allowance of the certificate . treasurers shall assigne reliefe to soldiers . iustices shall grant reliefe to souldiers . how much reliefe shall be assigned . the iustices may alter souldiers reliefe . souldiers ariuing far from the place where they are to haue reliefe . the treasurers booke of computation , and register . a treasurer refusing to giue reliefe . a souldier begging , or counterfeiting a certificate . the surplusage of the stock . chiefe officers in corporate townes . how the forfeitures shal be imployed . pensions assigned , to stand in force , though the statutc be repealed . taxations made and not leuied . if the rate be not sufficient for souldiers in london . notes for div a06288-e4950 all former statutes concerning rogues , &c. reuealed . iustices of peace shall set downe order for erection and maintenance of houses of correction . who shall be adiudged rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers . the punishment of a vagabond . a testinoniall after punishment . rogues which be dangerous , or will not be reformed . rogues to be banished the realme , or committed to the gallies . rogues returning after banishment , to be reputed felons . the forfeiture of a constable &c. not doing his duty . disturbing the execution of this statute . bringing into this realme of irish , scottish or manniske vagabonds . diseased persons resorting to bath and buxton . the iustices within towns corporate shall only intermeddle . s. thomas hospitall in southwarke . the iurisdiction of iohn dutton of dutton reserued . in what sort the forfeitures shall be imployed . iustices of peace may heare and determine the causes of this statute . commissioners to enquire for mony gathered . a prouision for poore sea-faring men . glassemen not begging . this act to be proclaimed . no authoritie giuen by any baron , &c. shal free others from the offence and punishment of the statute of 39. eliz. glassemen brought within the compasse of the statute . rogues branded with an hot yron r. glassemen brought within the compasse of the statute . notes for div a06288-e5660 taxing others for the reliefe of the sicke of the plague . the inhabitants vnable to relieue the infected . an infected person commanded to keep his house , disobeyeth . infected persons how felons . attendants appointed vpon the infected persons . the vniuersities , cathedrall churches , caron , winchester . the cure of the plague by an antidote called aurum vitæ. being well approved to be an easie safe, and perfect cure thereof; as also of contagious agues, or feavers beginning either hot or cold. the description, order and use whereof, together with the said antidote, and are to be sold at the shop of nicholas bourne, stationer, at the south entrance of the royal exchange. invented and produced by john woodall, master in surgery. published by authority. woodall, john, 1556?-1643. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a15689 of text s113972 in the english short title catalog (stc 25961). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a15689 stc 25961 estc s113972 99849200 99849200 14338 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a15689) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 14338) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1698:15) the cure of the plague by an antidote called aurum vitæ. being well approved to be an easie safe, and perfect cure thereof; as also of contagious agues, or feavers beginning either hot or cold. the description, order and use whereof, together with the said antidote, and are to be sold at the shop of nicholas bourne, stationer, at the south entrance of the royal exchange. invented and produced by john woodall, master in surgery. published by authority. woodall, john, 1556?-1643. [14] p. printed by e. p[urslowe] for nicholas bourne, london : 1640. printer's name from stc. b4 is a cancel; b4v line 1 begins: dreadfull disease,. signatures: a-b⁴ (-a1, blank?). reproduction of the original in the british library. eng plague -early works to 1800. medicine -early works to 1800. a15689 s113972 (stc 25961). civilwar no the cure of the plague by an antidote called aurum vitæ. being well approved to be an easie safe, and perfect cure thereof; as also of conta woodall, john 1640 3378 3 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-05 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cvre of the plague by an antidote called aurum vitae . being well approved to be an easie safe , and perfect cure thereof ; as also of contagious agues , or feavers begining either hot or cold . the description , order , and use whereof , together with the said antidote , are to be sold at the shop of nicholas bourne , stationer , at the south entrance of the royal exchange . invented and produced by john woodall , master in surgery . published by authority . london : printed by e. p. for nicholas bourne . 1640 to the reader . the author sendeth greeting in the lord . shewing , that he having of late published some workes in surgery , amd amongst the rest , a treatise concerning the cure of the plague , which workes , although they are allowed and well approved of by many right worthy personages , for the matter in them contained , yet neverthelesse the author findeth , he hath by improvidence failed of his desires in one of the main points he aimed at , in the production of those workes , which was in the putting forth of the treatise of the plague in one and the same volumne , with the rest of his workes , for whereas his intent was , that treatise above the rest should have beene common , and open to every person , and also to have bin at an easie rate for the poorer sort , in which case his best course had beene to have printed it by it selfe , so had it borne its owne burthen of price , but by reason that the other treatises are bound up together with it , the book will cost ten shillings , which the poorer sort cannot buy , and they commonly have the greatest need thereof , especially in that dreadfull disease of the plague ; wherefore , partly through solicitation of some friends , and partly , for that the present time of infection requireth helpe , he hath thought fit to draw out of the said treatise , that one principall medicine called aurum vitae , and to publish it by it selfe , with an expression of the vertues and uses thereof , for the present occasion , and service of any person which shall thinke good to make use thereof , or that shall for the future be disposed to be provided before hand , against a time of need , of such a medicine , as will not decay in seven yeeres and more . vale . a description of the cordial antidote called avrvm vitae . this antidote , at one onely time given , taketh away the pestilentiall feaver , and therby cureth the plague , that the patient frequently becommeth well the very next day ; especially if the medicine be taken upon the first day of the complaint ; he or she observing of certain easie rules hereafter prescribed , concerning the order of administring thereof , and it is so easie and safe a medicine , that an infant , although it sucke upon the mothers breasts , may safely take it ; yea , and may easily be induced to receive it into the body : for that it is small in quantity , and is without offence in taste or smell to any : also , it may safely be given to any woman that is great with childe , whereof diverse trials have bin had with safety and comfort . the dose or quantity sufficient thereof for a man or woman to take at any one time , is but eight graines , and by that proportion , any discreet person may gather what may be given to any younger person : viz. a child of two full yeeres old , may safely take two graines , and a child of foure or five yeeres old , may take three graines , or foure , and one about foureteene yeeres may take six graines , and one of eighteene , nineteene , or twenty yeeres old , or more , may safely take the full of eight graines . and note that this medicine performeth its operation only by sweat which is the truest and safest way of the entrance upon that cure of the plague ( for the most part ) and also it doth ●t without moving the body either upwards or downeward ; and namely it causeth no vomits nor stooles : neither is it at all nauseous or offensive to the stomach , neither any wayes causing extraordinary thirst , nor faintnesse to the patient , but on the contrary , the patient , when his sweating is over , shall manifestly feele cheerefulnesse , as being much refreshed thereby , with also an abatement of his paines , and his feaver will be gone at the onely once taking thereof , neither shall the patient need to over-burthen himselfe with too many cloathes to force him or her to sweat : for the medicine of it selfe sufficiently performeth that duty , onely hee may bee ordered to have somewhat more to cover him , than the ordinary coverings he usually lyeth under , and the roome ought likewise to be kept warme with a fire therein , for that cold aire in time of sweating , is obnoxious and dangerous . and further , this medicine may bee kept seven whole yeares and longer , if occasion and need be , it will not decay in that time , for it being truly prepared of gold , is thereby permanent above other medicines , and looseth not its vertue as vegetable medicines doe : but as gold , that excellent mineral , excelleth all other mettals , in price and vertue ; even so the true prepared medicines thereof , as far exceed al other mineral medicines in their vertues , in the preserving and defending of men from diseases , as also in curing their inffrmities , when by gods permission they seize upon the bodyes of mankind . and whereas other strong medicines commonly worke two wayes at once , namely by sweat , and also by vomit , whereby they fiercely distract the patient , and produce fearefull accidents , as if death it selfe were at hand , by two violent expulfions at one time , yea oftentimes by a third , viz. by purging downeward : also this most safe , and sweating medicine , performeth as much as it promiseth , pleasantly , and without rigour or nautious offence , as well in the plague , as also in other contagious diseases , and namely in the smal pox , where nature also striveth to thrust out her venemous enemy , per poros cutis , or by the sweat holes of the skin , and that course of curing , is of all other the safest , in a contagious disease at the first entrance , which then consisteth rather of poysonous vapours vapours then of putrifaction of humours , in which regard the aforesaid course is safe , for it is a fearefull thing , yea , and a desperate one ( as i conceive ) to purge in the beginning of a contagious disease . this medicine is also approved good to be given in the beginning of any contagious ague or feaver , hot or cold , and for the most part , it cureth the patient at once giving , and it faileth seldome . of the rule and order to be held in the taking of this antidote for the cure of the plague . first the patient is to be demanded if he had any stoole that day , or the day before , and if yea , all is well for that point ; if otherwise , and that you find you have time to tarry so long ( else not ) let the patient have onely a suppository that may move him once , and when he hath had one stoole thereby , proceed without any further delay to the administring of the antidote ; for delayes are dangerous in that fierce disease , and whether the patient at that instant be found sweating , burning , quaking , raving , or in any other distemper give it in , and the party that taketh it , ●ought to be in his warme bed fitted with sufficient coverings before he takes this medicine in , then let him take it , either mixed with some cordiall thing , if he please , as a little mithridate , or give it mixed with the pap of an apple , which will doe as well , and so it is easiest taken in by infants ( as i suppose ) for it needs no addition at all to adde vertue to it , onely the addition chiefly serves to carry or convay the medicine without wasting into the stomach , for that it is a powder small in quantity , and subject to waste . also the party that is to take it , must have before hand an ordinary posset of ale and milke to the quantity of a quart very warm , which when he hath taken his medicine , shortly after let him drink a reasonable full draught of the said posset well warmed , and then lying on the one side , which side the patient please , let him be warme covered , head , face and all , leaving full breathing scope , and so in gods name let him lye still and sweat gently , if he can beare it for three or foure houres were best , & ever as he thirsteth , let him freely take warme posset drink , which were best to be given him in some cruet or spout-pot , if such were at hand , that he take no ayre by raising himselfe up in drinking . and when he hath performed his due sweating , let him be wiped dry and shifted , and then give the patient some warme broath ▪ and further by divers experiences the author hath found , that a patient so healed ( shifting his cloaths ) infecteth not an other , although he goe abroad the next day , for by that strong sweating the venome of the disease is wholy evaporated and gon , so as the next day he may by gods mercy safely goe abroad , but for the day of his sweating let him keepe within , and give him food competent in a sparing quantity , such as is of a light digestion , and deny him not drinke , so that it be somwhat warme at the fire only for that day . thus much for those which take the medicine within 24 houres of the first complaint . item unto such as the disease hath taken greater hold of , namely that before the receite of the aforesaid antidote , the patient have outward tumours , swellings or soares , as botches , carbuncles , or blaines , not yet broken nor ripe , if hee take the medicine as aforesaid , and sweat well upon it , the venome of the soares as is said , shall , through gods mercy , be so evapourated by his sweating , that the swellings shall decline of themselves , and not at all come forward , and if any after do break , as being formerly supperated , or ripe before the medicine tooke place , they also shall , as ordinary boyles , easily and quickly heale with every meane medicine . and notwithstanding generally , once sweating healeth the patient , yet neverthelesse if occasion bee , hee may safely take a second dosse , or proportion , yea , and a third without danger ; as diverse have done , so that he may be the more confident of perfect health ; neverthelesse if he find his desire by the first , let him not take a second , and if by a second , let him not take a third , for sweating medicines , too often taken , are obnoxious to a dijected weeke patient . the vertue of the precedent antidote , in the cure of the small pox . the disease of the small pox , hath great affinity with that most fearefull disease of the plague , being also contagious and deadly often times , and the cure thereof i have experienced to be by the same way , as the cure of the plague , only the cure of the smal pox succeeds best , if it be begun before that they doe manifest themselvs , and namely , in the first day of the feaver , or soon after , for that disease hath ever a forerunning hot feaver , or ague , for a messenger , wherfore it were not amisse for any that hath young children , especially in times that are contagious and infectious , to be prepared with remedies at hand , to fit such an unwelcome guest , considering the medicine will keep its vertue for more then seven yeeres . moreover , for the manner of the sweating in the small pox , let it bee very wearily and gently , and with no more cloathes then will keepe the patients sweating , and defend them from taking cold , and deny not them warm posset-drinke in the time of their sweating . also , when any person is desirous to take the benefit of the aforesaid medicine , having an ague , or feaver , with paraxismes or fits , let him not take the medicine in the time of the fit , but one full houre as is said , before the fit , or rather more , but if the feaver be continuall , as often in that fierce disease of the plague it is , give it at any time in manner aforesaid ; for if he take it , and his burning change into sweating , which the medicine usually produceth , the feare of death in the patient is halfe over . and further of a truth , the author can affirme that he hath cured some by the heretofore mentioned antidote , that had the pestities , or spots of the plague , vulgarly called gods tokens , upon them , and they are yet living witnesses thereof ; for which , and all other his exceeding favours in that fearefull disease , the almighty god alone be glorified : and so the author briefly eoncludeth with a copy of a certificate concerning the vertue of the before mentioned antidote , aurum vitae , referring the reader for further attestation to the authors booke called the surgions mate , or militarie and domestike surgerie . the copy of a certificate , concerning the vertue of the precedent antidote ; called aurum vitae , from the justices , ministers , and other the officers of the parish of s. margaret vvestminster , as it was by them presented to the right honourable , henry , earle of manchester , lord privy seale , &c. which by his lordship was presented to the rest of his majesties most honourable privy counsell . wee the inhabitants of saint margarets in westminster whose names are here under written , doe most humbly certifie your lordships , and that upon our owne knowledge , that in this time of visitation of the plague , feavers , agues , and other diseases , which have beene very grievous and great afflictions unto us : it pleased almighty god by the hands of one iohn vvoodall chirurgion of the east india gompany , and of his majesties hospitall of saint bartholomewes in london , a learned , judiciall , and expert man , which said iohn vvoodall about five weekes before michaelmas last , delivered unto some of us , who were officers in this said parish , an antidote composed in pills , which hee had made us , with directions how they should be administred to such as had the plague , feavers , agues , or any such violent diseases , that then remained among us ; which said pills have beene employed very carefully , according to his said directions , and administred to threescore severall persons , some of this new feaver , some of the small pox , some agues , and some other diseases , but most , to them that were visited with the plague , which had risings , soares , carbuncles , blaines , and were certainely knowne to have that fearefull disease , all which persons recovered , and not one of all them that have taken the said pils , dyed , thanks be given to almighty god : neither can we doe lesse than publish the great skill , judgement , and charity of the said iohn vvoodall , by whose industry and care this antidote hath wrought so good effect , and did bestow them freely , without one penny recompence for the same . westmincter the 6 of october . 1638. pet. heywood , iustice . rob. white , sub-curate . thomas mar. church-wardens . richard protter . church-wardens . william hawkins . copia vera tho. kirke . edward martin . and for satisfaction of such persons , as being in health , desire preservatives , the author observing , that although his antidote , be granted to be a cure for the diseased of the plague yet nevertheles therby it giveth not those that are well , satisfaction concerning their desires , which are rather for the present , to be furnished with some good preservative medicine , such as by art , through gods permission , may preserve them in health from that dreadfull disease , that it seaze not upon them unawares ; wherefore to satisfie such , he hath prepared two preservative helpes , the one being a powder to be inwardly taken , fasting each morning , the quantity of eight graines , either in beere , ale , or wine ; or to children , if it be mixed with butter , and spred upon their bread , or given them in milke , or any way else that they will be induced to take it in , it sufficeth ; and that they fast two houres after it , they may relie upon it , as on a good preservative , well approved of : and further , if any man , woman , or child , should accidentally or willingly take treble the quantity prescribed , they may safely doe it without any danger at all : yet by way of a preservative as is said to prevent the comming of the disease , the author holdeth the aforesaid quantity of eight graines is sufficient . the second preservative intended for correction of the ayre , is to be carried in a box , about the person of any , to make use of it at their wils , that they may often smell thereto , and thence draw in a preservative ayre to defend them from the danger of noysome vapours , which commonly the plague entreth by , as sent from the almighty , who alone defendeth from , sendeth to , and of his mercifull providence cureth the plague ; vnto whom be ascribed all honour , and glory amen , these 2 last recited medicines , are to be sold with the antidote , ready prepared for use , by nicholas bourne , as aforesaid . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a15689e-260 the dose of aurum vitae . of the continuance of its vertue . to cure agues or feavers that are contagious . necessaries to bee provided before the taking . the vveeping lady: or, london like niniuie in sack-cloth describing the mappe of her owne miserie, in this time of her heauy visitation; with her hearty prayers, admonition, and pious meditations, as the occasions of them offer themselues in her passion. written by t.b. t. b. (thomas brewer) 1625 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16822 stc 3722 estc s104667 99840400 99840400 4901 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16822) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4901) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1541:02) the vveeping lady: or, london like niniuie in sack-cloth describing the mappe of her owne miserie, in this time of her heauy visitation; with her hearty prayers, admonition, and pious meditations, as the occasions of them offer themselues in her passion. written by t.b. t. b. (thomas brewer) [24] p. : ill. by b[ernard] a[lsop] and t[homas] f[awcet] for mathevv rhodes, and are to be sold by nath: browne, in the long walke, neere christ church, printed at london : 1629. t.b. = thomas brewer. in verse. printers' names from stc. signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the weeping lady : or , london like ninivie in sack-cloth . describing the mappe of her owne miserie , in this time of her heauy visitation ; with her hearty prayers , admonition , and pious meditations , as the occasions of them offer themselues in her passion . written by t. b. lord , haue mercy on vs. weepe , fast , and pray . printed at london by b. a. and t. f. for mathevv rhodes , and are to be sold by nath : browne , in the long walke , neere christ church . 1625. the epistle to the reader . courteous reader , briefly thus : if looking in my booke , you see men imprison'd in their owne houses , and abroad none ; if heere you see a multitude of crosses , and abroad none ; if heere their equall number of bils , with lord have mercie vpon vs , and abroad none ; and shall say , thus they haue beene , but are not . i answere , that they haue , is enough , why they are not , i know not ; that they yet might be , we all know , in the losse of husbands , wiues , children , seruants , kindred , our neighbours , and common acquaintance . a wound smarts no lesse couer'd , then discouer'd : for some decrease in the number , let vs praise god , and pray to god , for the continuance of this mercy begun , till this sad visitation be ended . my intent in erecting this poore monument of misery , was , to make this ladies teares out-liue her teares : that , when ( by the infinite mercies of god they shall bee wip'd off , and all her sores made whole ; we may ▪ in the view of this , and other ( more worthy ) remembrances of her , re-view them ; in them , those infinite mercies ; and in both , be made mindfull of them , end eternally thankfull for them : which god grant . thine ; tho : brevver . lord , haue mercy on vs. weepe , fast , and pray . to the right worshipfvll , generous , and euer-worthy louer of goodnesse , and pious endeauours , walter leigh , esquire , sword-bearer to the honourable lord-maiors of this famous citie of london . right worthy sir : a sad sharer of the common miseries of these sad times , prompted by his owne sorrowes , ha's , ( though too weak a pencil-man for such a piece ) vndertaken to draw that sorrow to the life , that ha's drawne many thousands to death ; my title speaks my meaning ; the wounds of this vveeping lady . to haue drawne her in her health , the idea or conceptions of the most pure and pregnant vvits might haue been deficient , such was her beauty , her splendor , such were her change of colours , glorious within , and without in embroydered garments . but now , ( such is her change shee ha's no change , wearing only one suit , and that the sad habit of mourning . in thus presenting her , i present you with nothing but grones , sighs , tears , shreaks , folding of armes , bearing of brests , wringing of hands , pale looks , deiected eies , bleeding hearts , & most heauy & bitter condolements . how vnpleasing this might be to many , i am not ignorant ; but imboldned by that of the preacher , the heart of the wise is in the house of mourning , &c. my hopes are faire of her fauorable and gracious receiuing . to whom better to present this lady of so many honourable lords , then to your worthy selfe , i know not ; your worship hauing been to many , & now to this , her last , ( equall in fame with any from her first ) a prime and much respected officer , beating the sword that most impartially guards her , and wounds her enemies . shee is now on the mending hand , and our hope ( in him , that what he wil doe can doe ) is strong for the dayly decrease of her sorrowes ; the speedy returne to her solace , and fulnesse of beauty and lustre . for which among many thousands of her afflicted sons and daughters , incessantly praying ; i rest , euer bound to your vvorshi●● pleasure : t. b. the weeping lady : or london like ninivie in sack-cloth . ierim . 9.21 . death is come vp into our windowes , and entered into our houses . like tender plants , beate , with too great a showre , or like a tree that 's blasted ; or a flowre pluckt from the roote ; decembers gloomy shade , the sunne ecclips'd ; youth to disease betraid : or like to any thing , that chance , or time or heauens iust anger , scourges in the prime , disroabing it of ornament , of grace , and seating what 's opponent in their place sits now the mistresse , lady of her kinde ; that queene , whose beauty did attract the minde of all , to see it ; to admire , to loue , and ( in their functions serue it ) to approue her worth , and their owne duties : ó like these , or sadder figures , of her sad disease lies london now ; beate , blasted , wither'd , shooke , of strangers pittied , of her owne forsooke . but , to diuide her sorrowes , and to bring , the wounds , sighes , teares , and each particular sting of her afflicted bosome , to your eye , liues not in my intention . nor if i had such a will , had i the power to speake my griefe ; for hers ( too strong ) makes me too weake . her selfe doe that , for what 's in sorrowes breast , the bearer of it , can decipher best : i onely drawe the curtaine , and thus show , this queene of cities , now , the queene of woe . london , the anatomizer , of her owne miseries , as out of a broken slumber thus speakes . how saine would sorrow sleepe ? but as my head would touch the pillow , of that downy bed the mournfull sound of sighings , of deepe groues , vision of teares , and vniuersall mones that doe present themselues before me , keepe that comfort from me , and command me weepe . her bells , continually towling . o heare the instruments , my soule did loue , my bells , that summon to the spouse , the doue , the oracle of heau'n , now sadly sound nothing but frightfull summons to the ground : nothing but calls to death ; nothing but knells ; all notes of griefe , for all are passing bells . nay more to adde , to my affrights , affright death , will haue all times , minutes ; and by night command this dolefull towling , as by day : we know who sends him , and we must obey . what change there is in all things vnder fate ? how sadly now they found ? and but of late , when their shrill voyces , did proclaime the gaine of englands heart , out of the hate of spaine , what dulcet sounds they had ? — and while they plaid to th'mounting flame of bonfires , that were made ioying his safe arriuing ? since that time what musicke made they , when the pride and prime of all her sex ( maria ) in our land made her most wisht arriuall ; hand in hand ioyning two royall sisters , to aduance the glories of them both : great britaine , france . but i too farre , in this digression goe , my joy ( almost ) made me forget my woe : the woes of my disease ; — the sore , that treads my beauty vnder foot ; — the sore that spreads o're all my happinesse ; — the sore that makes me , to be loath'd and left ; — the sore that takes my sonnes and daughters from me ; and the sore that makes this mournfull musick sound , all o're my spatious circuit , round about my walls ; for round about them , are the dreadfull calls of death , in their sad language . — had we heard their calls vnto the temple , and prepar'd zeale , and diuine affection , that the word sowne in our soules , might ( as it ought ) afford a fruitfull haruest of good workes , no doubt , we had not heard these clangors flye about thus to affright , to wound vs. — but 't is iust those sounds , we would not heare , these sounds we must ; till heau'n be pleas'd to still'em . — that he may le ts flye to meet him ; weepe , and fast , and pray . the graues still greedily gaping . o see , ( like wounds digg'd in my tender side ) my multitude of graues , that gaping wide are hourely fed , with carcasses of men ; those hardly swallowed , they 'le be fed agen , gorg'd with my sonnes and daughters : as if hee all things were made for , were but made , to be a prey to wormes : — as if the end of birth , were 〈◊〉 to cry , to labour , and in earth haue his eternall period : — as if breath were a childes bubble , and the sport of death : for so hee triumphs now ; so now he kills , so empties houses ; so the graue he fills , those tenements of his . — where many lye , ( too many manyes ) not like things that dye assur'd in their redeemer , that they shall rise to a beeing , whence they ne're can fall ; but — i ha' done ; — passion , thy power is strong the rest in weeping ; teares are sorrowes tongue . sleepe , sleepe in peace my children , in your dust wee see what t' is , to brittle life to trust , and her still fayling adjuncts : for thus fades the pompe of flesh : and — enter'd those darke shades from court , or from the village , all are one , degrees in life there are , in death there 's none . her houses , their masters prison . o see my sonnes and daughters , that suruiue their houshold massacr'e , ( halfe dead ) aliue , in their owne houses buried ; or as bad , enjayl'd , imprison'd ; — in that passion clad , that to behold them , makes affection wring my heart to blood , mine eyes into a spring ; ( maternall loues companions ) — see the wife sadly bemone , the losse of halfe her life , i' th' losse of her poore husband . — see her sit , ( while sighes , doe sighes , and teares , doe teares beget ) ready to follow him , from this sad vale to his eternall mansion . — see the pale and gastly seate of death , vpon the face of husbands for their wiues : — behold the race of griefe in parents , for the sad depart of sonnes and daughters ; sonnes and daughters smart , to see the stroake , this strange disease doth giue vpon those liues by which they be , and liue. see them debard all meetings of delight , see them debard society , and sight of kindred , and familiars ; — see them there bard the best pleasure , that doth passion cheare , their recreatiue walkes , losing their share of what all taste , the sweet and wholsome ayre , a poore mans only physicke . — see them loose the benefits of those poore trades they vse : to summe vp all their miseries in one , see them i' th' dongeon , of laments and mone . yet thus it must be , by the lawes , and loue of me , their citie , and of that aboue , for 't is by heau'n commanded . — — thou great god that more delightst in mercy , then thy rod. ( ioyning them both together ) — be to these in their need plenty , in their languor ease . and in the midst of this infectious flame , let thy good angell come , and be the same to them , and me their mother , that he was to those i' th' midst of burning flames did passe vntouch'd , or vnoffended . — in thy hand , is life and death ; all power in thy command . her multitude of crosses . o see me full of crosses ; see , and weepe to see the crosse thus like a gangrene creepe from part to part vpon me . — nor i st strange wee weare these crosses ; they are heau'ns exchange of crosses with 's . — wee crosses had before . the rich-mans crosse vpon the hungry poore , in griping and ingrossing : which to quit , need ha's agen ( with a dexterious wit ) crost them in cheats and theeuing . — woe is me the many crosses of a terme to see ; strange crosses in strange cases : — then a sleight ; the crosse of measure , and the crosse of weight ; the crosse of honest-seeming , to deceiue ; the crosse of swearing , to make men beleeue what truth is rackt to looke on . — and for these crosses of sinne , the crosses of disease sticke like a brand vpon 's ; vpon vs fall the first , on many ; but the last , on all. but to the crosse agen , which doth present in all , ( but in my sorrowes ) all content . saint george his crosse , englands , the badge of ioy , is heere the badge of him that doth destroy , no champion euer like him : — for his power , in thousand places , thousands in one hower turnes to the pit before him. — gainst this losse o lets petition heau'n ; and that this crosse , this viol full of anger may bee staid ; which , till it be ( by the almighty laid ) wee patiently must beare it ; 't is decreed : for hee for vs vpon a crosse did bleed , has told vs plainly we his crosse must beare , or nere ascend his dwelling . — where no care , no chance , no change , time or defection dwels ; but all so full of glory , it excels the compasse of mans thought . — toth' crosse we then add — lord haue mercy vpon vs all. — amen . o see my termes cut off , in them the law , ( that eeuen line , iustice her selle doth draw , guiding to pious dealing ) like a mute ; nor hinder wrong , nor help a rightfull suite , while my infection spreads . woes , woe succeed , of all demurres , heere 's a demurre indeed . ¶ see how the city ha's disturbd the court , how my disease ha's troubled the import and weighty businesses of that high seat , where royall charles and his graue synod treat the grounds of all our safety . — and at last dissolu'd that royall meeting heere , and plac'd mine , and my sisters dignity and grace vpon a handmaid to vs. — ore which place , thou god of mercy all thy mercies spread , and there , and heere , and euery where strike dead this all-deuouring monster . let thy loue , make this an act , in thy great court aboue . ¶ o see how my disease , has seem'd to checke the loue , and dutie , is prepar'd to decke my streetes with stately pageants . things should weare much cost , much art , and in their structures beare the fulnesse of inuention : where the eye , may feast it selfe , on the varity of specious formes , and figures , and the eare , the soule , of all those rich inuentions heare deliuer'd , in choyce language . — i presume that thus they shall be , when they shall assume their costly robes preparing . — but ( alas ) they yet stand bare and naked ; and men passe by them , as by my selfe : for that disease that dyms my lustre , has denyed it these , and all those beauties my large bounds embrace . repaire sweet mercy , what sad frownes deface . o see how thicke , these shafts of vengeance flye , how thicke they fall , how thicke men fall and dye , which way so e're we turne vs ! if your eyes can see for teares , see how this tyrant plyes the cruell part hee 's acting . how he sweepes whole familyes before him , and then keepes ( in dismall emptinesse ) possession there , where life againe would enter , but that feare do's for a time deterre him . for this foe , ( inuisible , inuincible ) a blow giues aboue all resist . — o see my streets to many , death-beds ; for this monster meets men boldly there and strikes 'em : — heere men tread , to sight , in safety ; there o' th' sodaine dead . see , see , o see , how thicke from all my parts gallants in coaches , and their goods in carts flye my poore wounded body : — where before ( that their rich splendor might in mine be more ) they would embrace me , hugge me . — but the flight of these moue little ; that would kill me quite , is , that my sonnes , ( they that vpon my brest haue had repose , ( a long and tender rest ) and from it suck'd the substance made them grow great in the worlds opinion ) in my woe , want and distresse forsake me . these , that hee that was a bond-man , and by me made free ; that tooke his oath to loue me , and submit his best endeuours to mee , to beget , guard and maintaine mine honors . — but no more . thus swallowes winter flye ; the rich , the poore . vpon relation of the many miseries , that many of those that flye the city , doe fall into in the countrey . her teares , sighes , and passion augmented . o my full tyde of anguish ! yet myne eye drops not so fast , so much to see them flye ; as , in that flight , to see them headlong runne to greater dangers , then they flye to shun : in multitudes we finde it ; and still thus deplore their sorrowes , though they mind not vs. heere bils and halberts meete 'em ; — where , ( as one had dar'd the law in some great mischiefe done ) they must be staid , examin'd , and there show what place they came from , to what place they goe ; th' occasions of their trauaile ; and before some constable , can hardly tell three score , must shew their passes . and from place to place , ( passing through villages ) through this disgrace passe till they end their iourney . and what then ? what comfort find they ( poore distressed men ) when ( through these scornes and loathings ) they haue got the place to which they trauaile ? are they not with great suspition , much amaze and feare , ( as if each part about them seem'd to bearo plagues and infections in them ) entertain'd at halberds point , at distance ? and constrain'd ( in their least pitty ) to a priuate roome ? though nere so sound they are ; and in the doome of that imprisonment , some part o' th' load of what they shun at home , they meet abroad . but this is but disgrace : see some poore soules vnder necessities more harsh controules made strangers to acquaintance ; nay , the sonne a stranger to his father ; brothers shun the partners of their blood ; and mothers 〈◊〉 , those they haue hugg'd and dandled , ( as they me . ) o let me weepe , ( weepe blood ) and through that glasse looke yet a little further ; where ( alas ) wee may behold some of my sonnes that here had soft and easie lodging , lodging there in stables , barnes , out-houses ; nay be glad to sleepe in houils ; thinke no roome too bad that had a couering o're it : some be faine to lodge , where neither ' gainst the wind , the raine , nor the suns fury , they could shelter haue ; heau'n only couering them , and they their graue . then , as a sad companion to their woe , ( for miseries doe seldome single goe ) behold them in these lodgings , faint and weake , their purses many may some comfort speake , but purchase none or little ; and that too , but dealt among them , as a man should doe such duties to a lyon , to a beare , or some such sauage creature , in great feare , fling some poore pittance to them , and then flye : heere 's all their tendance , let them liue or dye . see some o're taken with so faint a breath , ere halfe their iourneyes done they inne with death , i' th' common way they tread on ; as they goe fall to the ground and dye : great numbers so in rodes , in ditches , in the open field , the debt of breath , thus to their maker yeeld ; and wher● they dye , are buried . some agen ( so bold we are to sinne to adde more sinne ) on sledges , barrowes , dung-carts , any thing ( the wisedome of those places please to bring ) are borne to places more remote ; and some ( like dogges ) are hal'd with cart-ropes to a tombe fit , but for dogges and caryon : into which , as they are found , th' are tumbled ; poore , and rich : their rich apparell , their rich pockets ; all : nay , gold it selfe they bury ; that must fall to'th' place it came from : so that by this rod , that seemes a diuell now , seem'd once . god. oh , i could weepe my selfe into a stone , or my , as senslesse image , in the mone of my poore sonnes and daughters ; that with me had had farre better vsage : but , in vaine i weepe for them : now to my selfe againe . so , ( as preparing to a bridall bed ) in what a path of hearbs and flowers men tread , which way so ere they wander : for , each street seemes now a garden ; all as greene , as sweet . but oh , my sad my sicke , my bleeding heart ! these are no nuptiall strewings ; heere no part of such a ioye 's appearing : for ( o , see ! ) these paths are for the dead , and such as be the halfe , dead traine attends them . euery where nothing but graues , but coffins , but the beere , and bearing breathlesse bodies to the ground ; delight 's an exile now , pale mourning cround . ¶ see how my streets are emptied , how my trade , ( io which there is another sicknesse made ) lyes as 't were dead and buried . see , ( o , see ) the shops of those are dead and those that flee , so euery where shut vp , a man may say ; what 's all this time ; but grim deaths holiday ? ¶ yet see my emptinesse too 〈…〉 mone , for not a friend , a friend without a groue , sighes and sad language meet . — see death destroy all our expected pleasure , all our ioy , till heau'n shall stop his progresse . vnawares our feasting's turnd to fasting ; play , to prayers . most fit it should bee , and most fit , wee praise that holy king , that made these holy daies . that has commanded , what his god commands , that second god to vs , that vnderstands that the best buckler , to defend the stroake , heau'n layes on sinners , which their sinnes prouoke ; i●●eeping niniuies . that prayers and teares , when hezekiah , was beset with feares , procur'd an angell , in his cause to fight , whose vnresisted power , in one night , a hundred , fourescore , and fiue thousand men laid dead before him ; hee who knowes agen , when god had purpos'd this good king to death , by prayer , he chang'd that purpose , and got breath for fifteene summers longer . he that knowes how ; when the fiery serpents , wounded those murmur'd at moses , when good moses prayed , those serpents lost their stings , that plague was staied . so lord stay this , this serpent , whose sharpe sting has pierc'd to many ; and let mercy spring , in thy good pleasure to vs. — from the deepe 〈◊〉 anguish lord we call , we pray , we weepe , ●nd doe as they did : by this serpent strooke , wee on a second ; on our sauiour looke , expecting cure . — to which be pleas'd to bow , and what their prayers did then , let ours doe now . with this exhortation to her sonnes , in the briefe enumeration , or repetition of some things formerly spoken by way of allusion , shee concludes . heare then my bells , call to the church , and death ; reuiew my graues : there the full point of breath ; know thy proud flesh , a prison to thy soule ; the crosse a badge , did death and hell controuse . 〈…〉 thou the lawe of heau'ns eternall loue , the acts and statutes of that court aboue ; loue thou the sights , the blessed angels see ; serue thou the god , with whom all pleasures be ; obey his royall substitute , thy king ; let loue among you , haue an endlesse spring : leuell your words , and actions to the will of him , has power to pardon , or to spill , and i shall soone be well ; and you in me , and i in you , all our best wishes see . the authors comfortable conclusion and thankfull remembrance of gods great mercies , in the happy surcease of this dangerous contagion , and preseruation of those , who are yet liuing . thus much for this cloude of miserie , now to that gloriou● sunne of gods mercy , which most graciously rising vpon vs , hath begun to dissolue , dissipate , and dispell it , in the decrease of those that dye of this heauily bewayled contagion : vpon which looking , let vs say with dauid , what shall i returne to the lord , &c. withall , make this promise , and zealously striue to performe it ; that that god , that in his anger , remembers mercy ; that desires not the death of a sinner , but rather , than he returne and liue , may continue this mercy to vs ; and speedily ( if it be his blessed will and pleasure ) say as he said , to that destroying angell , in the time of his kingly prophet , it is sufficient ; hold now thy hand . that so , we heere at home , and those abroad , that ( as if they could slye from god ) slew from vs , may againe meete ; he decently merry ; liue louingly , assist one another willingly , and finally that all together , to him that of ●othing , hath made vs ; that lost , hath redeemed vs ; that erring , reduced vs ; that ignorant , hath taught vs ; that sinning hath gently chastised vs ; that dispayring hath comforted vs ; that falling hath raised vs ; that standing hath held vs ; that going hath lead vs , that comming hath receiued vs ; and , that from this and many other dangers hath deliuered vs. wee may shew our selues euermore thankfull : still pray , still praise him , that so this span of life ended , we may , ( falling in death ) rise againe to that life that shall neuer end . foure things euer to bee remembred . thinke on thy sinne , that thou maist grieue : on death , that thou thy sin maist leaue : the last great iudge , that thou maist feare : on mercie , that thou not dispaire . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a16822-e520 towling night and day . digression . the king his returne from spaine the queenes arriuall . the neglect of our duties remembred . her counsell to flye to him , from him we cannot . all things made for man , man for god. deaths triumph . a great helpe to liue , is , to remember we must die . the wife . the husband . parents . children . the summ of their misery yes prayer . our crosse dealing one with another . our sinnes the cause of our fichnesse . these crosses the badge of death . her incitement to prayer and ●oly duties . the necesty of them ¶ her termes . her parament . london , westminst . oxenford . her petition . ¶ her pageants . what they should be . what they shall be . what they are . her briefe petitions of this massacre in generall whole families taken away . the flight of citizens her sons , ●ith her ●ender hearts an●uish for it . 1. her gree● for them that mind not hers. 2. met and stayed like fel●ons . 3. shew their passes like rogues their en●tainmēt . marke 〈◊〉 mise●● . hardly welcome hard ●odging . ● . their miseries in their sicknesse . 9. the tendance . 10. many there , as with vs , dye in the common way , 〈◊〉 & ditche the s 〈◊〉 god , a d●uell . her apostrophe in groues & sighing . his proclamation is falling an prayer niniu . buckler . hezekiahs prayer . his life prolonged by prayer 〈…〉 certaine statutes especially selected, and commanded by his maiestie to be carefully put in execution by all iustices, and other officers of the peace throughout the realme with his maiesties proclamation for further direction for executing the same. also certaine orders thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie counsell, to bee put in execution, together with sundry good rules, preseruatiues, and medicines against the infection of the plague, set downe by the colledge of the physicians vpon his maiesties speciall command: as also a decree of the starre-chamber, concerning buildings and in-mates. laws, etc. england and wales. 1630 approx. 177 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22844 stc 9342 estc s125901 99836994 99836994 1298 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22844) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1298) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1630:2 or 2005:3) certaine statutes especially selected, and commanded by his maiestie to be carefully put in execution by all iustices, and other officers of the peace throughout the realme with his maiesties proclamation for further direction for executing the same. also certaine orders thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie counsell, to bee put in execution, together with sundry good rules, preseruatiues, and medicines against the infection of the plague, set downe by the colledge of the physicians vpon his maiesties speciall command: as also a decree of the starre-chamber, concerning buildings and in-mates. laws, etc. england and wales. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) royal college of physicians of london. [148] p. printed by robert barker and iohn bill, printers to kings [sic] most excellent maiestie, london : anno dom. m.dc.xxx. [1630] includes the proclamation of 23 april 1630. signatures: pi⁴ a⁴ [par.]a⁴ b-q⁴ r² . variant: mostly composed of a reissue or reimposition of sheets or pages from "foure statutes, specially selected and commanded by his majestie to be carefully put in execution by all justices and other officers of the peace throughout the realme" (stc 9341); collation pi⁴ a⁴, "a5", b-i⁴, k1-2, k2-n4, m1-n3, p⁴ q² ; pagination [18], 68, [16], 85-95, [1], 107-117, [1] p. for derivation of all sheets of this see stc. reproductions of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery and bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -great britain -17th century. public welfare -law and legislation -great britain. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2008-06 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine statvtes especially selected , and commanded by his maiestie to be carefully put in execution by all iustices , and other officers of the peace throughout the realme ; with his maiesties proclamation for further direction for executing the same . also certaine orders thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie counsell , to bee put in execution , together with sundry good rules , preseruatiues , and medicines against the infection of the plague , set downe by the colledge of the physicians vpon his maiesties speciall command : as also a decree of the starre-chamber , concerning buildings and in-mates . london printed by robert barker and iohn bill , printers to kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxx . royal blazon or coat of arms honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense diev· et· mon· droit . ❧ to the iustices of peace . as the want of lawes occasioneth wrongs to be committed wittingly ; and want of knowledge of lawes carieth men into offences ignorantly : so are lawes thēselues a burthen when they are too many , and their very number is a cause that few are executed : where penall lawes haue otherwise no life , but in their execution . and certainely that magistrate who knowes but few , and causeth those to be duely obserued , deserueth better of the common-wealth , then he that knoweth many , and executes but few . therefore is the composition of this volume , that those few lawes , and other ordinances being most needfull for the time , may bee easily had , soone knowne , and duely executed ; which is required by his maiestie . ¶ the contents of this booke . 1a proclamation for quickning the lawes made for the reliefe of the poore , and the suppressing , punishing , and setling of the sturdy rogues , and vagabonds . 2 an act for the reliefe of the poore . 3 an act for the necessarie reliefe of souldiers and mariners . 4 an act for punishment of rogues , vagabonds , and sturdie beggars . 5 an act for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons jnfected with the plague . 6 orders concerning health . 7 a decree of starre-chamber against inmates and new buildings . ❧ by the king . ¶ a proclamation for quickning the lawes made for the reliefe of the poore , and the suppressing , punishing , and setling of the sturdie rogues and vagabonds . whereas many excellent lawes and statutes with great iudgement and prouidence haue been made in the times of our late deare and royall father ▪ and of the late queene elizabeth , for the reliefe of the impotent , and indigent poore , and for the punishing , suppressing , and set●ing of the sturdy rogues , and vagabonds , which lawes and statutes , if they were duely obserued would be of exceeding great vse for the peace & plenty of this realme , but the neglect thereof is the occasion of much disorder , and many insufferable abuses . and whereas it is fit at all times , to put in execution those lawes which are of so necessarie , and so continuall vse : yet the apparant and visible danger of the pestilence , ( vnlesse the same by gods gracious mercie , and our prouident endeuours be preuented ) doth much more require the same at this present . we haue therefore thought it fit , by the aduice of our priuie councell , by this our publike proclamation , straightly to charge and command ▪ that all our louing subiects in their seueral places , doe vse all possible ●ate and diligence as a principall meanes to preuent the spreading , and dispersing of that contagious sicknesse , to obserue and put in due execution , all the said lawes made and prouided against rogues and vagabonds , and for the reliefe of the truely poore and impotent people . and in the first place , wee strictly charge and command , that in our cities of london , and westminster , and suburbs thereof ▪ and places adiacent thereunto , and generally throughout the whole kingdome , that there bee carefull watch , and ward , kept for the apprehending and punishing of al rogues and vagabonds , who either in the streets or high wayes , vnder the names of souldiers , or mariners , glasse-men , pot-men ▪ pedlars , or petty-chapmen , or of poore or impotent people , shall bee found either wandring , or begging . and wee doe further strictly charge and command , that all constables , head boroughs , and other officers , doe vse all diligence , to punish , and passe away according to the law , all such wanderers , or beggars , as shall be apprehended ▪ either in the cities , or places aforesaid , or in any other cities , towns , parishes , or places within this realme , and take great care that none passe vnder the colour of counterfeit passes . and that all irish rogues , and vagabonds be forthwith apprehended , wheresoeuer they shall bee found and punished , and sent home according to a former proclamation heretofore published in that behalfe . that all householders of whose persons , or at whose houses , any such vagrants shall bee taken begging , doe apprehend , or cause them to be apprehended , and caryed to the next constable , or other officer to bee punished , according to the lawes . and that they forbeare to relieue them , thereby to giue them incouragement to continue in their wicked course of life . that the iustices of peace in their seuerall places throughout this kingdome be carefull either by prouost marshals , or by the high constables , or otherwise by their good discretions effectually to prouide , that all rogues and vagabonds of all sorts bee searched for , apprehended punished and suppressed according to the law. and that once euery moneth at the least , a conuenient number of the iustices of peace in euery seuerall counti● and diuision , shall meete together in some conuenient place in that diuision , and take account of the high constables , petty constables , and other officers within that diuision , how they haue obserued the lawes and our commandement touching the premisses . and that they seuerely punish all such as shall bee found remisse or negligent in that behalfe . and we doe hereby strictly charge and command as well all and singular iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , and other our officers and ministers , as also all our louing subiects of what estate or degree soeuer to vse all diligence , that all and euery houses or places which are or shall bee visited or infected with the sicknesse , bee carefully shut vp , and watch and ward kept ouer them that no person or persons within those places doe goe abroad , or depart from thence , during the time of such visitation . and we doe hereby command all and singular our iudges of assize in their seuerall circuits to giue speciall charge , and make speciall inquiry of the defaults of all and euery the iustices of peace who shall not obserue their meetings in the seuerall counties and diuisions aforesaid , or shall not punish such constables or other officers as being informed either by their owne view and knowledge , or otherwise are or shal be found remisse or negligent in the premisses , or in leauying such penalties & forfeitures as the lawes and statutes of this realme require against the parties offending herein . and thereof to informe vs or our priuy councell , to the end that such due course may be taken either by remouing out of the commission such negligent iustices of the peace , or otherwise by inflicting such punishment vpon them as shal be due to such as neglect their owne duties , and our royall command published vpon so important an occasion . and we doe hereby will require and command all and euery our iudges of assize , maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs and other our officers , ministers and subiects whom it may concerne , that they carefully and effectually obserue and performe all and euery the premisses , as they will answere the neglect thereof at their vttermost perils . and whereas wee haue lately commanded a booke to be printed and published containing certaine statutes made and enacted heretofore for the reliefe of the poore , and of souldiers and mariners , and for punishment of rogues and vagabonds , and for the reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague , and also containing certaine orders heretofore , and now lately conceiued and made concerning health : all which are necessarie to be knowen and obserued by our louing subiects that thereby they may the better auoid those dangers which otherwise may fall vpon their persons or estates by their neglect thereof . wee haue thought it fit hereby to giue notice thereof to all our louing subiects , to the end that none may pretend ignorance for an excuse , in matters of so great importance . and wee doe hereby declare , that whosoeuer shall bee found remisse or negligent in the execution of any part of the premisses , shall receiue such condigne punishment for their offence , as by the lawes of this realme , or by our prerogatiue royall can or may be iustly inflicted vpon them . giuen at our court at whitehal the three and twentieth day of april , in the sixt yeere of our reigne of england , scotland , france and ireland . god saue the king. anno xliij . reginae elizabethae . ❧ an acte for the reliefe of the poore . be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament , that the churchwardens of euery parish , and foure , three , or two substantiall housholders there , as shall be thought meete , hauing respect to the proportion and greatnes of the same parish and parishes , to bee nominated yeerely in easter weeke , or within one moneth after easter , vnder the hand and seale of two or more iustices of the peace in the same countie , whereof one to be of the quorum , dwelling in or neere the same parish or diuision , where the same parish doeth lie , shall bee called ouerseers of the poore of the same parish . and they , or the greater part of them shal take order from time to time , by , and with the consent of two or more such iustices of peace , as is aforesayd , for setting to worke of the children of all such whose parents shal not by the said churchwardens , and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , bee thought able to keepe and maintaine their children . and also for setting to worke all such persons married , or vnmarried , hauing no means to maintaine thē , vse no ordinary & daily trade of life to get their liuing by , and also to raise weekly or otherwise ( by taxation of euery inhabitant , parson , vicar , and other , & of euery occupier of lands , houses , tithes impropriate , or propriations of tithes , colemines , or saleable vnderwoods in the said parish , in such competent summe and sums of money , as they shal thinke fit ) a conuenient stocke of flaxe , hempe , wooll , threed , yron , & other necessary ware & stuffe to set the poore on work , and also competent summes of money , for , and towards the necessary reliefe of the lame , impotēt , old , blind , and such other among them being poore , and not able to worke , & also for the putting out of such children to be apprentices , to bee gathered out of the same parish , according to the ability of the same parish , and to do , and execute all other things , aswell for the disposing of the said stocke , as otherwise concerning the premisses , as to them shal seem conuenient . which said church wardens & ouerseers so to be nominated , or such of them as shall not be let by sicknesse , or other iust excuse , to bee allowed by two such iustices of peace or more , as is aforesaid , shall meete together at the least once euery moneth in the church of the said parish , vpon the sunday in the afternoone , after diuine seruice , there to consider of some good course to bee taken , and of some meet order to be set down in the premisses , & shal within foure daies after the end of their yeere , & after other ouerseers nominated as aforesaid , make & yeeld vp to such two iustices of peace as is aforesaid , a true and perfect account of al summes of money by them receiued , or rated and sessed , and not receiued , and also of such stocke as shal be in their hands , or in the hands of any of the poore to worke , and of all other things concerning their said office , and such summe or summes of money as shall be in their hands , shal pay and deliuer ouer to the said church-wardens and ouerseers , newly nominated and appointed as is aforesaid , vpō paine that euery one of them absenting themselues without lawfull cause as aforesaid , frō such monethly meeting for the purpose aforesaid , or being negligent in their office , or in the execution of the orders aforesaid , being made by and with the assent of the said iustices of peace , or any two of them before mentioned , to forfeit for euery such default of absence , or negligence , twenty shillings . and be it also enacted , that if the said iustices of peace doe perceiue that the inhabitants of any parish are not able to leuy amōg themselues sufficient summes of money for the purposes aforesaid : that then the said two iustices shall and may taxe , rate and assesse , as aforesaid , any other of other parishes , or out of any parish within the hundred where the said parish is to pay such summe and summes of money to the churchwardens & ouerseers of the sayd poore parish , for the said purposes , as the said iustices shal think fit , according to the intent of this law. and if the said hundred shal not be thought to the said iustices , able , and fit to relieue the sayd seuerall parishes not able to prouide for themselues as aforesaid , then the iustices of peace at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater number of them , shal rate and assesse , as aforesayd , any other of other parishes , or out of any parish within the said countie for the purposes aforesaid , as in their discretion shall seeme fit . and that it shall be lawfull aswell for the present as subsequent churchwardens and ouerseers , or any of them , by warrant from any two such iustices of peace as is aforesaid , to leuie aswel the said summes of money and all arrerages of euery one that shall refuse to contribute according as they shall be assessed , by distresse and sale of the offendors goods , as the summes of money , or stock which shal be behind vpon any account to be made as aforesayd , rendring to the parties the ouerplus , and in defect of such distresse , it shal be lawfull for any such two iustices of the peace , to commit him or them to the common gaole of the county , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , vntill paiment of the said sum , arrerages & stocke , and the sayde iustices of peace , or any of them , to send to the house of correction or common gaole such as shall not employ themselues to worke , being appointed therunto as aforesaid : and also any two such iustices of peace , to commit to the said prison , euery one of the sayd churchwardens and ouerseers , which shall refuse to accompt , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , vntill he haue made a true accompt , and satisfied and payd so much as vpon the sayd accompt shall bee remaining in his hands . and be it further enacted , that it shall be lawfull for the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , by the assent of any two iustices of the peace aforesayd , to bind any such children as aforesaid , to be apprentices , where they shall see conuenient , till such man child shall come to the age of foure and twenty yeeres , and such woman childe to the age of one and twentie yeres or the time of her mariage : the same to be as effectuall to all purposes , as if such child were of full age , and by indenture of couenant bound him or her selfe . and to the intent that necessarie places of habitation may more conueniently be prouided for such poore impotent people , be it enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that it shall and may be lawfull for the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or the greater part of them , by the leaue of the lord or lords of the mannour , whereof any waste , or common within their parish is or shall be parcell , and vpon agreement before with him or them made in writing vnder the hands and seales of the sayd lord and lords or otherwise , according to any order to be set downe by the iustices of peace of the sayde countie at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater part of them , by like leaue and agreement of the said lord or lords , in writing vnder his or their hands and seales , to erect , builde and set vp in fit and conuenient places of habitation , in such waste or common , at the generall charges of the parish , or otherwise of the hundred or countie as aforesayd , to be taxed , rated and gathered , in maner before expressed , conuenient houses of dwelling for the sayd impotent poore , and also to place inmates or more families then one in one cottage or house , one acte made in the one & thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne , intituled , an acte against the erecting and maintaining of cottages , or any thing therein contained to the contrarie notwithstanding . which cottages and places for inmates shal not at any time after be vsed or imployed to or for any other habitation , but only for impotent and poore of the same parish , that shall be there placed from time to time by the churchwardens and ouerseers of the poore of the same parish or the most part of them , vpon the paines and forfeitures contained in the said former acte made in the sayd one and thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne . prouided alwayes , that if any person or persons shall finde themselues grieued with any sesse or taxe , or other acte done by the sayde churchwardens and other persons , or by the sayde iustices of peace , that then it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace , at their generall quarter sessions , or the greater number of them , to take such order therein as to them shal be thought conuenient , and the same to conclude and binde all the sayd parties . and be it further enacted , that the father and grandfather , and the mother , and grandmother , and the children of euery poore , olde , blinde , lame , and impotent person , or other poore person , not able to worke , being of a sufficient abilitie , shall at their owne charges relieue and maintaine euery such poore person in that manner , and according to that ra●e , as by the iustices of peace of that countie where such sufficient persons dwell , or the greater number of them , at their generall quarter sessions shall bee assessed , vpon paine that euery one of them shall forfeit twentie shillings for euery moneth which they shall faile therein . and be it further hereby enacted , that the maiors , bayliffes , or other head officers of euery towne and place corporate , and city within this realme , being iustice or iustices of peace , shall haue the same authoritie by vertue of this acte , within the limits and precints of their iurisdictions , aswell out of sessions as at their sessions , if they holde any , as is herein limitted , prescribed , and appointed to iustices of peace of the countie , or any two or more of them , or to the iustices of peace in their quarter sessions , to doe and execute for all the vses and purposes in this acte prescribed , and no other iustice or iustices of peace to enter or meddle there . and that euery alderman of the city of london within his ward , shall and may doe and execute in euery respect , so much as is appointed and allowed by this acte to be done and executed by one or two iustices of peace , of any countie within this realme . and be it also enacted , that if it shall happen any parish to extend it selfe into more counties then one , or part to lie within the liberties of any citie , towne , or place corporate , and part without , that then as well the iustices of peace of euery countie , as also the head officers of such city , towne , or place corporate , shall deale and entermeddle onely in so much of the said parish , as lyeth within their liberties , and not any further . and euery of them respectiuely within their seuerall limits , wards and iurisdictions , to execute the ordinances before mentioned concerning the nomination of ouerseers , the consent to binding apprentices , the giuing warrant to leuie taxations vnpayd , the taking accompt of churchwardens and ouerseers , and the committing to prison such as refuse to accompt , or deny to pay the arrerages due vpon their accompts . and yet neuerthelesse , the sayd church-wardens and ouerseers , or the most part of them of the sayd parishes , that doe extend into such seuerall limits and iurisdictions , shall without diuiding themselues , duely execute their office in all places within the sayd parish , in all things to them belonging , and shall duely exhibite and make one accompt before the sayd head officer of the towne or place corporate , and one other before the said iustices of peace , or any such two of them as is aforesaid . and further be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if in any place within this realme there happen to bee hereafter no such nomination of ouerseers yeerely as is before appointed , that then euery iustice of peace of the county dwelling within the diuision , where such default of nomination shall happen , and euery maior , alderman and head officer , of city , towne , or place corporate , where such default shall happen , shall lose and forfeit for euery such default fiue pound , to bee imployed towards the reliefe of the poore of the sayd parish , or place corporate , and to be leuied as aforesaid of their goods by warrant from the generall sessions of the peace of the sayd countie , or of the same citie , towne , or place corporate , if they kepe sessions . and bee it also enacted by the authority aforesayd , that all penalties and forfeitures , before mentioned in this act to bee forfeited by any person or persons , shall go and be imployed to the vse of the poore of the same parish , and towards a stocke and habitation for them , and other necessary vses and reliefe as before in this act are mentioned and expressed , and shal be leuied by the said churchwardens and ouerseers , or one of them , by warrant from any two such iustices of peace , or maior , alderman , or head officer of citie , town or place corporate , respectiuely within their seuerall limites by distresse and sale therof , as aforesaid , or in defect therof , it shal be lawful for any two such iustices of peace , and the said aldermen and head officers within their seuerall limits , to commit the offendor to the said prison , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , till the said forfeitures shal be satisfied and payed . and be it further enacted by the authoritie aforesayd , that the iustices of peace of euery countie or place corporate , or the more part of them in their general sessions to be holden next after the feast of easter next , and so yeerely as often as they shall thinke meet , shall rate euery parish to such a weekely summe of money as they shall thinke conuenient , so as no parish bee rated aboue the summe of sixe pence , nor vnder the summe of a halfepeny , weekely to bee payd , and so as the totall summe of such taxation of the parishes in euery county , amount not aboue the rate of two pence for euery parish within the said county . which summes so taxed , shall be yeerely assessed by the agreement of the parishioners within themselues , or in default thereof , by the churchwardens and petie constables of the same parish , or the more part of them , or in default of their agreement , by the order of such iustice or iustices of peace , as shal dwell in the same parish , or ( if none be there dwelling ) in the parts next adioyning . and if any person shal refuse or neglect to pay any such portion of money so taxed , it shall be lawfull for the said churchwardens and constables , or any of them , or in their default for any iustice of peace of the sayd limite , to leuie the same by distresse , and sale of the goods of the party so refusing or neglecting , rendring to the party the ouerplus , and in default of such distresse , it shal be lawful to any iustice of that limite , to commit such person to the sayd prison , there to abide without baile or maineprise , till he haue payed the same . and be it also enaced , that the said iustices of the peace at their generall quarter sessions to bee holden at the time of such taxation , shall set down what competent sums of money shal be sent quarterly out of euery county or place corporate , for the reliefe of the poore prisoners of the kings bench , and marshalsey , & also of such hospitals , and almes houses , as shal be in the said county , and what summes of money shal be sent to euery one of the said hospitals , & almes houses , so as there bee sent out of euery county yerely xx . s. at the least to each of the said prisons of the kings bench , and marshalsey , which summes ratably to be assessed vpon euery parish , the churchwardens of euery parish shall truely collect and pay ouer to the high cōstables in whose diuision such parish shall be scituate , from time to time quarterly ten dayes before the end of euery quarter , and euery such constable at euery such quarter sessions in such county , shall pay ouer the same to such two treasurers , or to one of them , as shall by the more part of the iustices of peace of the county , be elected to be the said treasurers , to be chosen by the iustices of peace of the said county , citie , or towne , or place corporate , or of others which were sessed and taxed at fiue pound lands , or ten pound goods at the least , at the taxe of subsidie next before the time of the said election to be made . and the said treasurers so elected , to continue for the space of one whole yere in their office , and then to giue vp their charge with a due account of their receipts and disbursements , at the quarter sessions to be holden next after the feast of easter in euery yeere , to such others as shall from yeere to yeere in forme aforesayd successiuely be elected treasurers for the said county , citie , towne , or place corporate , which said treasurers or one of them shall pay ouer the same to the lord chiefe iustice of england , and knight marshal for the time being , equally to be diuided to the vse aforesaid , taking their acquittance for the same , or in default of the said chiefe iustice , to the next ancientest iustice of the kings bench as aforesaid . and if any churchwarden or high constable , or his executors or administrators , shall faile to make paiment in forme aboue specified , then euery churchwarden , his executors or administrators , so offending , shall forfeit for euery time the summe of ten shillings , and euery high constable , his executors or administrators , shall forfeit for euery time , the summe of xx . s , the same forfetures together with the summes behinde , to be leuied by the said treasurer and treasurers , by way of distresse and sale of the goods as af●resayd , in forme aforesaid , and by them to bee imployed towards the charitable vses comprised in this act. and be it further enacted , that all the surplusage of money which shall bee remaining in the said stocke , of any county , shal by discretion of the more part of the iustices of peace in their quarter sessions , be ordered , distributed and bestowed for the reliefe of the poore hospitals of that countie , and of those that shall sustaine losses by fire , water , the sea , or other casualties , and to such other charitable purposes , for the reliefe of the poore , as to the more part of the said iustices of peace shall seeme conuenient . and bee it further enacted , that if any treasurer elected , shall wilfully refuse to take vpon him the sayd office of treasurership , or refuse to distribute and giue reliefe , or to account according to such forme as shal be appointed by the more part of the sayde iustices of peace , that then it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace in their quarter sessions , or in their default , for the iustices of assize , at the assizes to be holden in the same countie , to fiue the same treasurer by their discretion : the same fiue not to be vnder three pound , and to bee leuied by sale of his goods , and to be prosecuted by any two of the said iustices of peace , whom they shall authorize . prouided alwayes , that this act shall not take effect vntill the feast of easter next . and be it enacted , that the statute made in the nine and thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne , entituled , an acte for the reliefe of the poore , shall continue and stand in force vntill the feast of easter next , and that all taxations heretofore imposed and not payed , nor that shal be payed before the said feast of easter next , and that all taxes hereafter before the sayd feast , to be taxed by vertue of the sayd former act , which shall not be payed before the sayd feast of easter , shall and may after the said feast of easter , be leuied by the ouerseers and other persons in this act respectiuely appointed , to leuie taxations by distresse , and by such warrant in euery respect , as if they had bene taxed & imposed by vertue of this act , & were not payd . prouided alwayes , that whereas the iland of fowlenesse in the countie of essex , being inuironed with the sea , and hauing a chappell of ease for the inhabitants thereof , and yet the said iland is no parish , but the lands in the same are scituated within diuers parishes , farre distant from the same iland , be it therefore enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that the said iustices of peace shall nominate and appoint inhabitants within the saide iland to be ouerseers for the poore people dwelling within the sayde iland , and that both they the sayd iustices , and the said ouerseers shall haue the same power and authoritie to all intents , considerations and purposes , for the execution of the parts and articles of this acte , and shall be subiect to the same paines and forfeitures , and likewise that the inhabitants and occupyers of lands there , shall be liable and chargeable to the same paiments , charges , expences , and orders in such manner and forme as if the same iland were a parish . in consideration whereof , neither the sayd inhabitants or occupiers of land within the sayd iland , shall not be compelled to contribute towards the reliefe of the poore of those parishes , wherein their houses or landes which they occupy within the sayd iland are situated , for or by reason of their sayd habitations or occupyings , other then for the reliefe of the poore people within the sayd iland , neither yet shall the other inhabitants of the parishes wherein such houses or lands are situated , be compelled , by reason of their resiancie or dwelling , to contribute to the reliefe of the poore inhabitants within the sayd iland . and be it further enacted , that if any action or trespasse , or other suite shal happen to be attempted & brought against any person or persons for taking of any distresse , making of any sale , or any other thing doing , by authority of this present acte : the defendant or defendants in any such action or suit , shall & may either plead not guilty , or otherwise make auowry , cognisance , or iustification , for the taking of the sayd distresses , making of sale , or other thing doing , by vertue of this act , alleaging in such auowry , cognisance , or iustification , that the sayd distresse , sale , trespasse , or other thing whereof the plaintife or plaintifes complained was done by authority of this acte , and according to the tenor , purport , and effect of this acte , without any expressing or rehearsall of any other matter of circumstance contained in this present acte . to which auowrie , cognisance , or iustification , the plaintife shall be admitted to reply , that the defendant did take the sayd distresse , made the said sale , or did any other acte or trespasse , supposed in his declaration of his owne wrong , without any such cause alleaged by the said defendant , whereupon the issue in euery such action shall be ioyned , to be tried by verdict of twelue men , and not otherwise , as is accustomed in other personall actions . and vpon the triall of that issue , the whole matter to be giuen on both parties in euidence , according to the very trueth of the same . and after such issue tryed , for the defendant or non-suite of the plaintife , after appearance , the same defendant to recouer treble dammages , by reason of his wrongfull vexation in that behalfe , with his costes also in that part susteined , and that to be assessed by the same iurie , or writ to enquire of the dammages , as the same shall require . prouided alwayes that this acte shall endure no longer then to the end of the next session of parliament . anno xliij . reginae elizabethae . ❧ an acte for the necessary reliefe of souldiers and mariners . whereas in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of the queenes maiesties reigne that now is , an acte was made , intituled , an acte for the necessary reliefe of souldiers and marriners : and whereas in the nine and thirtieth yeere of her maiesties reigne , there was also made another acte , intituled , an acte for the further continuance and explanation of the sayd former : bee it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that both the sayd actes shall be and continue in force vntill the feast of easter next , and shall bee from and after the sayd feast discontinued . and forasmuch as it is now found more needefull then it was at the making of the sayd actes , to prouide reliefe and maintenance to souldiers and marriners , that haue lost their limmes and disabled their bodies in the defence and seruice of her maiestie and the state , in respect the number of the sayd souldiers is so much the greater , by how much her maiesties iust and honourable defensiue warres are increased : to the ende therefore , that they the said souldiers and mariners may reape the fruits of their good deseruings , and others may be incouraged to performe the like endeuours : be it enacted by the authority of this present parliament , that from & after the sayd feast of easter next , euery parish within this realme of england , and wales , shall bee charged to pay weekely , such a summe of money , towards the reliefe of sicke , hurt , and maimed souldiers and mariners , that so haue been as afore is said , or shall lose their limmes , or disable their bodies , hauing been prest , and in pay , for her maiesties seruice , as by the iustices of peace , or the more part of them , in their generall quarter sessions , to be holden in their seuerall counties , next after the feast of easter next , & so from time to time at the like quarter sessions , to be holden next after the feast of easter , yeerely shall be appointed , so as no parish be rated aboue the summe of ten pence , nor vnder the summe of two pence weekely to be payd , and so as the totall summe of such taxation of the parishes , in any county where there shall be aboue fifty parishes , doe not exceede the rate of sixe pence for euery parish in the same countie , which summes so taxed , shall bee yeerely assessed by the agreements of the parishioners within themselues , or in default therof , by the churchwardens and the pety constables of the same parish , or the more part of them , or in default of their agreement , by the order of such iustices , or iustice of peace , as shall dwell in the same parish , or if none be there dwelling , in the parts next adioyning . and if any person shall refuse or neglect to pay any such portion of money so taxed , it shal be lawfull for the said churchwardens and petie constables , and euery of them , or in their defaults , for the said iustices of peace , or iustice , to leuie such summe by distresse , and sale of the goods or chattels of the party so refusing or neglecting , rendring to the party the ouerplus raised vpon such sale . and for the collecting and custodie of the summes taxed in forme aforesaid , be it enacted , that the churchwardens , & pety constables of euery parish , shal truely collect euery such summe , & the same shall pay ouer vnto the high constable , in whose diuision such parish shall be situate , ten dayes before the quarter sessions , to be holden next before , or about the feast of the natiuity of s. iohn baptist next , in the county where the sayd parish shall be situate , and so from time to time , quarterly within ten dayes before euery quarter sessions . and that euery such high constable , at euery such quarter sessions in such county , shall pay ouer the same , to two such iustices of peace , or to one of them , or to two such other persons , or one of them , as shall be by the more part of the iustices of peace of the same county elected , to be treasurers of the said collection , the same other persons , to bee elected treasurers , to be such , as at the last taxation of the subsidie next before the same election , shall be valued , and sessed at ten pounds in lands yeerely , or at fifteen pounds in goods : which treasurers in euery county so chosen , shall continue but for the space of one whole yere , and then giue vp their charge , with a due account of their receits and disbursements , at their meeting in easter quarter sessions , or within ten dayes after , to such others , as shall from yeere to yeere in the forme aforesayd , successiuely be elected . and if any churchwarden , pety constable , or high constable , or his executors or administrators , shall faile to make payment in forme aboue specified ▪ then euery churchwarden , and petie constable , his executors , or administrators so offending , shall forfeit the summe of twenty shillings , and euery high constable , his executors , or administrators , the summe of fortie shillings , to bee leuied by the treasurers aforesaid , by distresse and sale in maner before expressed , and to be taken by the said treasurers , in augmentation of their stocke , to the vses aforesayd . and if any treasurer , his executors or administrators , shal faile to giue vp his account within the time aforesaid , or shall be otherwise negligent in the execution of his charge , then it shall be lawfull for the more part of the iustices of peace , of the same countie in their sessions , to assesse such fine vpon such treasurer , his executors or administrators , as in their discretion shall seeme conuenient , so it bee not vnder the summe of fiue pounds . and for the true and iust distribution and employment of the summes so receiued , according to the true meaning of this act , be it enacted by the authority aforesayd , that euery souldier or mariner , hauing had his or their limmes lost , or disabled in their bodies by seruice , being in her maiesties pay , as aboue is mentioned , or such as shall hereafter returne into this realme , hurt , or maimed , or grieuously sicke , shall repayre , if he be able to trauell , and make his complaint to the treasurers of the countie , out of which he was pressed , or if he were no prest man , to the treasurers of the countie where hee was borne , or last inhabited , by the space of three yeeres , at his election . and if he be not able to trauell , to the treasurers of the countie where he shall land , or arriue , and shal bring a certificate vnto any of the treasurers aforesaid , vnder the hand and seale of the generall of the campe , or gouernor of the towne wherein hee serued , and of the captaine of the band , vnder whom hee serued , or his lieutenant , or in the absence of the sayde generall or gouernour , from the marshall or deputie of the gouernour , or from any admirall of her maiesties fleete , or in his absence , from any other general of her maiesties shippes at the seas , or in absence of such generall , from the captaine of the ship wherein the sayd mariners or soldiers did serue the queenes maiestie , containing the particulars by his hurts and seruices , which certificate shal be also allowed of the generall muster master , for the time being , resident here within this realm , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , the treasurer and controller of her maiesties nauie , vnder his hand , for the auoyding of all fraud , and counterfeiting : then vpon such certificate , such treasurers as are before expressed , shall according to the nature of his hurt , and commendation of his seruice , assigne vnto him such a portion of reliefe , as in their discretions shall seeme conuenient for his present necessitie , vntill the next quarter sessions , at the which it shall be lawfull for the more part of the iustices of peace vnder their hands , to make an instrument of graunt of the same , or like reliefe , to endure , as long as this acte shall stand or endure in force , if the same souldier or mariner shall so long liue , and the same pension not bee duely reuoked or altered , which shall be a sufficient warrant to all treasurers for the same countie , to make payment of such pension vnto such persons quarterly , except the same shal be afterward by the sayd iustices reuoked or altered . so that such reliefe as shall be assigned by such treasurers or iustices of peace to any such souldier or mariner , hauing not borne office in the said warres , exceed not the summe in grosse nor yeerely pension of ten pounds . nor to any that hath borne office vnder the degree of a lieutenant , the summe of fifteen pounds . nor to any that hath serued in the office of lieutenant , the summe of twentie pounds . and yet neuerthelesse , it shall and may be lawfull to and for the iustices of peace and others , hauing authoritie by this acte , to assigne pensions to souldiers & mariners , vpon any iust cause , to reuoke , diminish , or alter the same from time to time , according to their discretions in the generall quarter sessions of the peace , or general assemblies for cities or townes corporate , where the same pension shall be granted . and whereas it must needs fall out , that many of such hurt and maimed souldiers and mariners , doe arriue in ports , and places farre remote from the counties , whence they are by vertue of this acte , to receiue their yeerely annuities , and pensions , as also they are prescribed by this act , to obtaine the allowance of their certificates from the muster master , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , who commonly is like to abide about the court or london , so as they shall need at the first , prouision for the bearing of their charges , to such places : be it therefore enacted , that it may bee lawfull for the treasurers of the countie where they shall arriue , in their discretion vpon their certificate ( though not allowed ) to giue them any conuenient relief for their iourney , to cary them to the next countie , with a testimoniall of their allowance , to passe on towards such a place . and in like maner shal it be lawfull for the treasurer of the next countie to do the like , and so from countie to countie ( in the direct way ) till they come to the place where they are directed to finde their maintenance , according to the tenure of this statute . and for the better execution of this acte in all the branches thereof , be it enacted , that euery the treasurers , in their seuerall counties , shall keepe a true booke of computation , of all such summes as they leuie , and also a register of the names of euery such person vnto whom they shall haue disbursed any reliefe , and shall also preserue , or enter euery certificate , by warrant whereof , such reliefe hath beene by them disbursed , and also that the muster master , or receiuer generall of the muster rolles , shall keepe a booke , wherein shall be entred , the names of all such , whose certificates shall bee by him allowed , with an abstract of their certificates , and that euery treasurer returning , or not accepting the certificate brought vnto him from the sayd muster-master , shall write and subscribe the cause of his not accepting , or not allowing thereof , vnder the said certificate , or on the backe thereof . and bee it further enacted , that if any treasurer shall wilfully refuse to distribute and giue any reliefe , according to the forme of this acte , that it shall be lawfull for the iustices of peace , in their quarter sessions , to fine such treasurers , by their discretions , as aforesayd , the same fine to be leuied by distresse and sale thereof , to bee prosecuted by any two of them , whome they shall authorize . and be it also enacted , that euery soldier or mariner that shall be taken begging , in any place within this realme , after the feast of easter next , or any that shall counterfeit any certificate in this acte expressed , shall for euer lose his annuitie or pension , and shall be taken , deemed , and adiudged as a common rogue , or vagabond person , and shall haue , and sustaine the same , and the like paines , imprisonment and punishment , as is appointed and prouided for common rogues and vagabond persons . prouided alwayes and be it enacted , that all the surplusage of money which shall bee remaining in the stocke of any county , shall by ●he discretion of the more part of the iustices of peace , in their quarter sessions be ordered , distributed and bestowed vpon such good and charitable vses , and in such forme as are limited and appointed in the statutes made and now in force , concerning reliefe of the poore , and punishment of rogues and beggers . prouided alwayes that the iustices of peace within any county of this realme or wales , shall not intromit or enter into any city , borough , place , or towne corporate , where is any iustice of peace for any such citie , borough , place , or towne corporate , for the execution of any article of this acte : but that it shal be lawfull to the iustice and iustices of the peace , maiors , bailiffes , and other head officers of those cities , boroughs , places , & towns corporate , where there is any iustice of peace to proceede to the execution of this act , within the precinct and compasse of their liberties , in such maner as the iustices of peace in any county may doe , by vertue of this act. and that euery iustice of peace within euery such citie , borough , place or towne corporate , for euery offence by him committed , contrary to the meaning of this statute , shal be fineable , as other iustices of peace at the large in the counties are in this act appointed to be . and that the maior and iustices of peace in euery such borough , place and towne corporate , shall haue authority by this present acte to appoint any person , for the receiuing of the sayd money , and paying the same within such citie , borough , place or towne corporate , which person so appointed , shal haue authority to do all such things , and be subiect to all such penalties , as high constables , by vertue of this acte should haue or be . and be it enacted , that all forfeitures to bee forfeited by any treasurer , collector , constable , churchwarden , or other person , for any cause mentioned in this act , shal be imployed to the reliefe of such souldiers and mariners , as are by this acte appointed to take and haue reliefe , and after that reliefe satisfied , then the ouerplus thereof , with the ouerplus of the stocke , remaining in any the sayd treasurers hands , shall bee imployed as is before mentioned , to the charitable vses , expressed in the said statutes , concerning the reliefe of poore , and for punishment of rogues and beggers , ( except the sayd iustices , or the more part of them , shall thinke meete to reserue and keepe the same in stocke for the maintenance and reliefe of such souldiers and mariners as out of the same countie may afterward bee appointed , to receiue reliefe and pensions . ) and that the relief appointed to be giuen by this acte , shall be giuen to souldiers and mariners , out of the county or place where they were pressed , so far forth as the taxation limited by this acte , will extend . and if the whole taxation there , shal be before imployed , according to the meaning of this act , or that they shall not be prest men , then out of the place where they were borne or last inhabited , by the space of three yeres , at his or their election . prouided alwayes , and be it enacted , that euery pension assigned heretofore to any souldier or mariner , or that shall be assignen before the said feast of easter next , notwithstanding the discontinuance of the said two former actes , shal stand in force , and shal yeerely from and after the said feast of easter next , be satisfied and payed , out of such taxations and forfeitures , as shall bee made , collected , and leuied by force of this act , so long as the saide pension shall remaine in force , without such reuocation or diminishing , as is before in this acte mentioned . which clause of reuocation or diminishing before mentioned , shall extend aswell to pensions heretofore assigned , as to such as at any time hereafter , before , or after the said feast of easter , shall bee assigned to any person or persons . and be it also enacted , that all arrerages of taxations heretofore made , by vertue of the said former statutes , or any of them , which shall be or remaine , at the said feast of easter next , vncollected , and not receiued , or leuied , shall and may by authoritie of this act , be had , receiued , and leuied , by such persons , and in such maner and forme , as in euery respect , taxations made by vertue of this act , are appointed to be collected , receiued and leuied , and shall be imployed to the vses expressed in this acte , and no otherwise . prouided alwayes , and bee it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that if the sayd rate shall be thought not to bee sufficient for the reliefe of such souldiers , and mariners , as shal be to be relieued within the citie of london , that then it shall bee lawfull for the maior , recorder , & aldermen of london , or the more part of them , to rate and taxe , such reasonable taxe , summe and summes of money , for the sayd reliefe , as shal be to them thought fit and conuenient . so as such summe and summes of money , so to bee rated , doe not exceede three shillings weekely out of any parish , and so as in the totall , the summe shall not exceede , or be vnder twelue pence weekely out of euery parish , one with another , within the said citie and the liberties thereof . this acte to endure to the end of the next session of parliament , and no longer . anno xxxix . reginae elizabethae . an acte for punishment of rogues , vagabonds , and sturdie beggars . for the suppressing of rogues , vagabonds and sturdie beggers , be it enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that from and after the feast of easter next comming , all statutes heretofore made for the punishment of rogues , vagabonds , or sturdie beggers , or for the erection or maintenance of houses of correction , or touching the same , shall for so much as cōcerneth the same be vtterly repealed : and that from and after the said feast of easter , from time to time it shall and may be lawfull to and for the iustices of peace of any countie or city in this realme or the dominions of wales , assembled at any quarter sessions of the peace within the same county , city , borough , or towne corporate , or the more part of them , to set downe order to erect , & to cause to be erected one or more houses of correctiō within their seueral counties or cities : for the doing & performing wherof , & for the prouiding of stocks of money , and al other things necessary for the same , and for raising and gouerning of the same , and for correction and punishment of offenders thither to be committed , such orders as the same iustices , or the more part of them , shal from time to time take , reform , or set downe in any their sayd quarter sessions in that behalfe , shal be of force , and be duely performed and put in execution . and be it also further enacted by the authoritie aforesayd , that all persons calling themselues schollars , going about begging , all seafaring men , pretending losses of their ships or goods on the sea , going about the countrey begging , all idle persons , going about in any country , either begging or vsing any subtile craft , or vnlawfull games and playes , or faining themselues to haue knowledge in physiognomie , palmestry , or other like craftie science , or pretending that they can tell destinies , fortunes , or such other like fantasticall imaginations : all persons that be , or vtter themselues to be proctors , procurers , patent gatherers , or collettors for gaoles , prisons or hospitals : all fencers , bearewards , common players of interludes , and minstrels , wandering a●road ( other then players of interludes belonging to any baron of this realme , or any other honourable personage of greater degree , to bee authorized to play vnder the hand and seale of armes of such baron or personage ) all iuglers , tinkers , pedlars , and pety chapmen wandering abroad , all wandering persons , and common labourers , being persons able in body , vsing loytering , and refusing to worke for such reasonable wages , as is taxed or commonly giuen in such parts , where such persons doe , or shall happen to dwell or abide , not hauing liuing otherwise to maintaine themselues , all persons deliuered out of gaoles that begge for their fees , or otherwise doe trauaile begging : all such persons as shall wander abroad begging , pretending losses by fire , or otherwise : and all such persons not being felons , wandering and pretending themselues to bee egyptians , or wandering in the habite , forme , or attire of counterfeit egyptians , shal be taken , adiudged , and deemed rogues , vagabonds , and sturdie beggers , and shall susteine such paine and punishments , as by this acte is in that behalfe appointed . and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid , that euery person which is by this present act declared to be a rogue , vagabond , or sturdie begger , which shall be at any time after the said feast of easter next comming , taken begging , vagrant , wandering or misordering themselues in any part of this realme , or the dominion of wales , shal vpon their apprehension by the appointment of any iustice of the peace , constable , headborough or tythingman of the same countie , hundred , parish , or tything , where such person shall be taken , the tythingman or headborough , being assisted therein with the aduise of the minister , and one other of that parish , be stripped naked from the middle vpwards , and shall bee openly whipped vntill his or her body be bloodie : and shal be forthwith sent from parish to parish , by the officers of euery the same , the next straight way to the parish where hee was borne , if the same may be knowen by the parties confession or otherwise . and if the same be not knowen , then to the parish where he or shee last dwelt before the same punishment by the space of one whole yeere , there to put him or her selfe to labour , as a true subiect ought to doe : or not being knowen where hee or she was borne or last dwelt , then to the parish through which he or she last passed without punishment . after which whipping , the same person shall haue a testimoniall subscribed with the hand , & sealed with the seale of the same iustice of the peace , constable , headborough or tythingman , & of the minister of the same parish , or of any two of them , testifying that the same person hath beene punished according to this acte , & mentioning the day and place of his or her punishment , and the place whereunto such person is limited to go , and by what time the sayde person is limited to passe thither at his perill . and if the said person through his or her default do not accomplish the order appointed by the said testimoniall , then to be eftsoones taken & whipped , and so as often as any default shal be found in him or her contrary to the forme of this statute , in euery place to bee whipped , till such person be repaired to the place limited : the substance of which testimoniall shall be registred by the minister of that parish , in a booke to be prouided for that purpose , vpon paine to forfeit 5. shillings for euery default thereof , and the party so whipped , & not knowen where hee or shee was borne , or last dwelt by the space of a yeere , shall by the officers of the sayd village where hee or she so last past thorow without punishment , bee conueyed to the house of correction of the limit wherein the said village standeth , or to the common gaole of that countie or place , there to remaine and be imployed in worke , vntill hee or she shal be placed in some seruice , and so to continue by the space of one yeere , or not being able of body , vntill he or she shall be placed to remaine in some almeshouse in the same countie or place . prouided alwayes , and be it enacted , if any of the sayd rogues shall appeare to be dangerous to the inferiour sort of people where they shall bee taken , or otherwise be such as wil not be reformed of their roguish kind of life by the former prouisiō of this act , that in euery such case it shal & may be lawfull to the said iustices of the limite where any such rogue shall be taken , or any two of them , whereof one to be of the quorum , to commit that rogue to the house of correction , or otherwise to the gaole of the county , there to remaine vntill their next quarter sessions to be holden in that countie , and then such of the same rogues so committed , as by the iustices of the peace then and there present , or the most part of them , shall be thought fit not to be deliuered , shall and may lawfully by the same iustices or the most part of them , bee banished out of this realme , and all other the dominions thereof , and at the charges of that countrey , shal bee conueyed vnto such parts beyond the seas as shall bee at any time hereafter for that purpose assigned by the priuie councell vnto her maiesty , her heires or successors , or by any sixe or more of them , whereof the l. chancellor , or l. keeper of the great seale , or the l. treasurer for the time being to be one , or otherwise be iudged perpetually to the gallies of this realme , as by the same iustices or the most part of them it shall bee thought fit and expedient . and if any such rogue so banished as aforesaid shall returne againe into any part of this realme or dominion of wales without lawfull licence or warrant so to doe , that in euery such case , such offence shall be felony , and the party offending therein suffer death as in case of felonie : the sayd felonie to bee heard and determined in that county of this realme or wales , in which the offender shall be apprehended . and be it also enacted by the authority aforesayd , that if any towne , parish , or village , the constable , headborough or tithingman be negligent & do not his or their best endeuours for the apprehension of such vagabond , rogue or sturdy begger , which there shall be found contrary to the forme of this present act , and to cause euery of them to be punished and conueied according to the true meaning of this present act , that then the said constable , headborough or tithingman in whome such default shall bee , shall lose and forfeite for euery such default ten shillings . and also if any person or persons doe in any wise disturbe or let the execution of this law or any part thereof , concerning the punishment or conueying of rogues , vagabonds , sturdy beggers , or the reliefe or setling of poore impotent persons in any maner of wise , or make rescusse against any officer or person authorized by this present acte for the due execution of any the premisses , the same person so offending , shal forfeit & lose for euery such offence the summe of fiue pound , and shal be bound to the good behauiour . and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no person or persons hauing charge in any voyage , in passing from the realmes of ireland or scotland , or from the isle of man into this realme of england , doe wittingly or willingly bring or conuey , or suffer to be brought or conueyed in any vessell or boate from and out of the said realme of ireland , scotland , or isle of man , into the realme of england or wales , or any part thereof , any vagabond , rogue or begger , or any such as shall be forced or very like to liue by begging within the realme of england or wales , being borne in the same realms or island , on paine of euery such person so offending , to forfeit and lose for euery such vagabond , rogue , begger or other person like to liue by begging xx . s. to the vse of the poore of the said parish in which they were set on land . and if any such mannisk , scottish or irish rogue , vagabond or begger , be already , or shall at any time hereafter be set on land , or shall come into any part of england or wales , the same after he or she shall be punished as aforesayd , shall be conueyed to the next port or parish in or neere which they were landed or first came , in such sort as rogues are appointed to bee by this present acte , and from thence to bee transported at the common charge of the countrey where they were set on land , into those partes from whence they came or were brought . and that euery constable , headborough , and tythingman , neglecting the due performance therof , shall forfeit for euery such offence ten shillings . bee it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that no diseased or impotent poore person shal at any time resort or repaire from their dwelling places to the citie of bath , or towne of buxton , or either of them to the baths there for the ease of their griefes , vnlesse such person doe forbeare to begge , and be licensed to passe thither by two iustices of the peace of the countie where such person doeth or shall then dwell or remaine , and prouided for to trauaile with such reliefe , for & towards his or her maintenance as shal be necessary for the same person , for the time of such his or her trauell , and abode at the city of bath , and town of buxton , or either of them , and returne thence , and shall returne home againe as shall be limited by the said licence , vpon paine to be reputed , punished and vsed as rogues , vagabonds , and sturdy beggers declared by this present acte . and that the inhabitants of the same citie of bath , and towne of buxton shall not in any wise be charged by this acte with the finding or reliefe of any such poore people . prouided alwayes that the iustices of peace within any county of this realme or wales , shall not intromit or enter into any citie , borough or towns corporate , where be any iustice or iustices of the peace for any such citie , borough , or towne corporate for the execution of any branch , article or sentence of this acte , for or concerning any offence , matter or cause growing or arising within the precincts , liberties or iurisdictions of such city , borough , or townes corporate , but that it may and shal be lawfull to the iustice and iustices of the peace , maiors , bayliffes , and other head officers of those cities , boroughes , and townes corporate , where there be such iustices of the peace to proceed to the execution of this acte , within the precinct and compasse of their liberties in such maner and forme as the iustices of peace in any countie may or ought to doe within the same countie , by vertue of this acte , any thing in this acte to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . prouided alwayes , that this acte , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to the poore people for the time being , in the hospitall , called saint thomas hospital , otherwise called the kings hospital , in the borough of southwarke neere adioyning to the citie of london , but that the maior , communaltie and citizens of the sayde citie of london for the time being , shall and may haue the rule , order and gouernment of the sayd hospitall , and of the poore people therein for the time being , any thing in this acte to the contrary notwithstanding . prouided alwayes , that this acte or any thing therein contained or any authority thereby giuen , shall not in any wise extend to disinherite , preiudice or hinder iohn dutton of dutton , in the countie of chester esquire , his heires or assignes , for , touching or concerning any liberty , preeminence , authoritie , iurisdiction or inheritance , which the said iohn dutton now lawfully vseth , or hath , or lawfully may or ought to vse within the county palantine of chester , and the countie of the citie of chester , or either of them by reason of any ancient charters of any kings of this land , or by reason of any prescription , vsage , or title , whatsoeuer . and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that all fines and forfeitures appointed or to grow by this present acte , ( except such as are otherwise limited and appointed by this present act ) shall wholly goe and be imployed to the vse of the reparations and maintenance of the said houses of correction , and stocke and store therof , or reliefe of the poore where the offence shall be committed , at the discretion of the iustices of the peace of the same limit , citie , borough , or towne corporate : and that all fines and forfeitures appointed or to grow by conuiction of any person according to this present act , shall by warrant vnder the hands and seales of any two or more of the iustices of the peace of the same county , citie , borough or towne corporate , bee leuied by distresse and sale of the goods and chattels of the offender , which sale shall be good in the law against such offender . and that if any of the said offences shal be confessed by the offender , or that the same shall bee prooued by two sufficient and lawfull witnesses , before such two or more iustices of the peace , that then euery such person shall forthwith stand and be in the law conuicted thereof . and bee it also further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that any two or more iustices of the peace within all the said seueral shires , cities , boroughs or townes corporate , wherof one to be of the quorum , shall haue full power by authority of this present acte , to heare and determine all causes that shall growe or come in question by reason of this acte . and bee it also further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that the lord chancellor or keeper of the great seale of england for the time being , shall and may at all times hereafter by vertue of this present act , without further warrant , make , and direct commission or commissions vnder the great seale of england , to any person or persons , giuing them or some of them thereby authority , aswell by the othes of good & lawfull men , as of witnesses or examination of parties , or by any other lawfull wayes or meanes whatsoeuer , to enquire what summes of mony or other things haue been or shall bee collected or gathered for , or towards the erection of any houses of correction , or any stockes or other things to set poore on worke , or for the maintenance therof at any time after the seuenteenth day of nouember , in the eighteenth yeere of the reigne of the queenes most excellent maiestie , and by whom the same were or shall be collected or gathered , and to whose hands commen , and to what vse , and by whose direction the same was or shall bee imployed . and to call all & euery such person & persons , and their suerties , and euery of their executors or administrators to an accompt : and to compell them and euery of them by attachment of their goods or bodies to appeare before them for the same , & to heare and determine the same , and to leuie such money and things as they shal find not to haue been duly imployed vpon the said houses of correction , or stocks , or vpon other like vses , hauing in such other like vses respect of things past by the said commissioners to be allowed of , either by distresse & sale of the goods and chattels of such persons as they shall thinke fit to bee chargeable or answerable for the same , or by imprisonment of their bodies at their discretion : and that the said commissioners shall haue full power and authoritie to execute the same commission according to the tenor and purport thereof : and that all their proceedings , doings , iudgements and executions by force and authority thereof , shall be and remaine good and auaileable in the law : which said money so leuied by the sayd commissioners , shall bee deliuered and employed for the erecting or maintenance of the same . prouided alwayes neuerthelesse , that euery seafaring man suffering shipwracke , not hauing wherewith to relieue himselfe in his trauailes homewards , but hauing a testimoniall vnder the hand of some one iustice of the peace , of , or neere the place where he landed , setting downe therein the place and time , where , and when he landed , and the place of the parties dwelling or birth , vnto which he is to passe , and a conuenient time therein to be limited for his passage , shall and may without incurring the danger and penaltie of this act , in the vsuall wayes directly to the place vnto which he is directed to passe , and within the time in such his testimoniall limited for his passage , aske and receiue such reliefe as shal be necessarie , in , and for his passage . prouided also , that this statute nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to any children vnder the age of seuen yeeres , nor to any such glassemen as shall be of good behauiour , and doe trauaile in or through any countrey without begging , hauing licence for their trauailing vnder the handes and seales of three iustices of the peace of the same countie where they trauell , whereof one to be of the quorum . and be it also further enacted by the authoritie aforesaid , that this present act shall be proclaimed in the next quarter session or sessions in euery countie , and in such other market townes or places , as by the more part of the iustices of the peace in the sayd sessions shal be agreed and appointed . this acte to endure to the end of the first session of the next parliament . ❧ certaine branches of the statute made in the first yere of the reigne of king iames , concerning rogues , vagabonds , and sturdie beggars . forasmuch as sithence the making of the acte of 39. eliz. diuers doubts & questions haue beene mooued and growen by diuersitie of opinions , taken in and vpon the letter of the said act : for a plaine declaration whereof , be it declared and enacted , that from henceforth no authoritie , to be giuen or made by any baron of this realme , or any other honourable personage of greater degree , vnto any other person or persons , shall be auaileable to free and discharge the said persons , or any of them from the paines and punishments in the sayd statute mentioned , but that they shal be taken within 〈◊〉 ●ffence and punishment of the same s●te . and whereas in the sayd statute , there is a prouiso conteined , that the sayd statute , nor any thing therein conteined , shall extend to any such glassemen as shall be of good behauiour , and shall trauell in or thorow any countie without begging , hauing licence for their trauelling , vnder the handes and seales of three iustices of the peace of the same countie , where they trauell , whereof one to be of the quorum , as by the statute more at large appeareth : by reason of which libertie , many notorious rogues and vagabonds , and euill disposed persons haue vndertaken , and doe professe the trade of glassemen , and by colour thereof doe trau●ll vp and downe diuers counties of this realme , and doe commit many pickeries , pettie felonies , and other misdemeanours : for the auoiding of which inconuenience , be it established and enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that from and after two moneths next after the end of this present session of parliament , all such person and persons , as shall wander vp and downe the countrey to sell glasses , shall be adiudged , deemed , and taken as rogues and vagabonds , and shall suffer the like paine and punishment in euery degree , as is appointed to be inflicted vpon rogues , vagabonds and sturdie beggers , by the intent and true meaning of the sayd statute , made in the nine and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of the sayd late queene elizabeth , and shall be set downe , limitted , and appointed by this present acte , any thing in the sayde statute of the nine and thirtieth yeere of her sayde reigne to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding , and forasmuch as one branch of the statute of 39. eliz. is taken to be somewhat defectiue , for that the sayd rogues hauing no marke vpon them to be knowen by , notwithstanding such iudgement of banishment , may returne or retire themselues into some other parts of this realme where they are not knowen , and so escape the due punishment which the said statute did intend to inflict vpon them : for remedie whereof , be it ordeined and enacted , that such rogues as shall after the ende of two moneths next after the ende of this session of parliament , be adiudged as aforesayd , incorrigible or dangerous , shall also by the iudgement of the same iustices , or the more part of them then present , in their open sessions of the peace , be branded in the left shoulder with an hot burning iron of the breadth of an english shilling with a great romane r vpon the iron , and the branding vpon the shoulder to be so throughly burned , and set on vpon the skinne and flesh , that the letter r bee seene , and remaine for a perpetuall marke vpon such rogue during his or her life , and thereupon bee sent by the same iustices to the place of his dwelling , if he haue any , if not , then to the place where he last dwelt by the space of a yeere , if that can bee knowen by his confession or otherwise : and if that cannot bee knowen , then to the place of his birth , there to be placed in labour as a true subiect ought to doe : and after such punishment of any such rogue as aforesayd , if any rogue so punished shall offend againe , in begging or wandering contrary to the sayd statute , or this present acte , that then in euery such case , the party so offending shall bee iudged a felon , and shall suffer as in cases of felonie without benefite of clergie , the same felony to bee tried in the countie where any such offender shall be taken . anno primo iacobi regis . ❧ an acte for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague . forasmuch as the inhabitants of diuers cities , boroughs , townes corporate , and of other parishes & places being visited with the plague , are found to be vnable to relieue the poorer sort of such people so infected , who of necessitie must be by some charitable course prouided for , lest they should wander abroad , and thereby infect others : and forasmuch as diuers persons infected with that disease , and others inhabiting in places infected , aswell poore people and vnable to relieue themselues , that are carefully prouided for , as other which of themselues are of abilitie , being commanded by the magistrate or officer , of or within the place where the infection shal be , to keepe their houses , or otherwise to separate themselues from company , for the auoiding of further infection , doe notwithstanding very dangerously and disorderly demeane themselues : bee it therefore enacted by the authoritie of this present parliament , that the maior , bailiffes , head officers , and iustices of the peace , of euery citie , borough , towne corporate , and places priuiledged , where any maior and bailif●es , head officers , or iustices of peace are or shall bee , or any two of them , shall haue power and authoritie from time to time , to taxe and assesse all and euery inhabitant , and all houses of habitation , lands , tenements and hereditaments within the sayd citie , borough , towne corporate , and places priuiledged , or the liberties or precincts thereof , at such reasonable taxes and paiments , as they shal thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of such persons infected , or inhabiting in houses and places infected in the same cities , boroughs and townes corporate , and places priuiledged , and from time to time leuie the same taxes , of the goods of euery person refusing or neglecting to pay the sayde taxes , by warrant vnder the hand and seale of the maior and bailiffes , and head officers aforesayd , or two such iustices of peace , to bee directed to any person or persons for the execution thereof . and if the party to whom such warrant is or shal be directed , shall not find any goods to leuie the same , and the party taxed , shall refuse to pay the same taxe , that then vpon returne thereof the sayd maior , bailiffes , head officers or iustices of peace , or any two of them , shall by like warrant vnder their hands and seales , cause the same person so taxed to bee arrested and committed to the gaole , without bayle or maineprise , vntill he shal satisfie the same taxation , and the arrerages thereof . and if the inhabitants of any such citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , shall finde themselues vnable to relieue their said poore infected persons , and others as aforesayd , that then vpon certificate thereof by the maior , bailiffe , head officers , and other the said iustices of peace , or any two of them , to the iustices of peace of the countie of or neere to the sayde citie , borough , towne corporate , or priuiledged place so infected , or any two of them to be made , the said iustices of or neere the sayd county or any two of them , shall or may taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the countie within fiue miles of the sayd place infected , at such reasonable and weekely taxes and rates as they shall thinke fit to be leuied by warrant from any such two iustices of peace , of or neere the countie , by sale of goods , and in default thereof , by imprisonment of the body of the party taxed , as aforesayd . and if any such infection shall bee in any borough , towne corporate , or priuiledged place , where there are or shall be no iustices of peace , or in any village or hamlet within any county , that then it shall and may be lawfull for any two iustices of peace of the said county , wherein the sa●d place infected is or shall be , to taxe and assesse the inhabitants of the said county , within fiue miles of the said place infected , at such reasonable weekely taxes and rates as they shall thinke fit for the reasonable reliefe of the said places infected , to bee leuied by warrant from the said iustices of peace of the same county by sale of goods , and in default therof , by imprisonment of the body of euery party so taxed , as aforesaid : the same taxes made by the said iustices of peace of the county , for the reliefe of such cities , boroughs , townes corporate , & places priuiledged , where there are no iustices of peace , to be disposed as they shall thinke fit . and where there are iustices of peace , then in such sort as to the maior , bailifs , head officers , & iustices of peace there , or any two of them shal seeme fit and conuenient . all which taxes and rates made within any such citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , shal be certified at the next quarter sessions to be holden within the same citie , borough , towne corporate , or place priuiledged , and the said taxes and rates made within any part of the said countie , shall in like sort be certified at the next quarter sessions to bee holden in and for the said countie , and that if the iustices of peace at such quarter sessions respectiuely , or the more part of them shall thinke it fit the sayd taxe or rate should continue , or be enlarged , or extended to any other partes of the countie , or otherwise determined , then the same to bee so enlarged , extended or determined , increased , or taxed and leuied , in maner and forme aforesaid , as to the sayd iustices at the quarter sessions respectiuely shal be thought fit and conuenient , and euery constable , and other officer that shall wilfully make default in leuying such mony as they shal be commanded by the said warrant or warrants , shall forfeit for euery such offence ten shillings , to be employed on the charitable vses aforesaid . and bee it further enacted , that if any person or persons infected , or being or dwelling in any house iniected , shall be by the mayor , bayliffes , constable , or other head officer of any citie , borough , towne corporate , priuiledged place , or market towne , or by any iustice of peace , constable , headborough , or other officer of the countie , ( if any such infection be out of any citie , borough , towne corporate , priuiledged place , or market towne ) commaunded or appointed , as aforesayd , to keepe his or their house , for auoyding of further infection , and shall notwithstanding wilfully and contemptuously disobey such direction and appointment , offering & attempting to breake and goe abroad , and to resist , or going abroad , and resisting such keepers or watchmen as shall bee appointed , as aforesayd , to see them kept in , that then it shall be lawfull for such watchmen , with violence to inforce them to keepe their houses . and if any hurt come by such enforcement to such disobedient persons , that then the sayde keepers , watchmen , and any other their assistants , shall not bee impeached therefore . and if any infected person as aforesayd , so commanded to keepe house , shall contrary to such commaundement , wilfully and contemptuously goe abroad , and shall conuerse in company , hauing any infectious sore vpon him vncured , that then such person and persons shall bee taken , deemed , and adiudged as a felon , and to suffer paines of death , as in case of felonie . but if such person shall not haue any such sore found about him , then for his sayd offence , to be punished as a vagabond in all respects should , or ought to bee , by the statute made in the nine and thirtieth yere of the reigne of our late souereigne lady queene elizabeth , for the punishment of rogues and vagabonds , and further to be bound to his or their good behauiour for one whole yeere . prouided , that no attainder of felonie by vertue of this acte , shall extend to any attainder or corruption of blood , or forfeiture of any goods , chattels , lands , tenements , or hereditaments . and be it further enacted by the authoritie aforesayd , that it shall be lawfull for iustices of peace , mayors , bayliffes , and other head officers aforesayd , to appoynt within the seuerall limits , searchers , watchmen , examiners , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places respectiuely , infected as aforesayd , and to minister vnto them othes for the performance of their offices of searchers , examiners , watchmen , keepers , and buryers , and giue them other directions , as vnto them for the present necessitie shall seeme good in their discretions . and this acte to continue no longer then vntill the end of the first session of the next parliament . prouided alwayes , and be it enacted by authoritie of this present parliament , that no mayor , bayliffes , head officers , or any iustices of peace , shall by force or pretext of any thing in this acte contained , doe or execute any thing before mentioned , within either the vniuersities of cambridge or oxford , or within any cathedrall church , or the liberties or precincts thereof , in this realme of england , or within the colledges of eaton or winchester , but that the vicechancellor of either of the vniuersities for the time being , within either of the same respectiuely , and the bishop and deane of euery such cathedrall church , or one of them , within such cathedrall church , and the prouost or warden of either of the sayd colledges within the same , shall haue all such power and authority , and shall doe and execute all & euery such act and actes , thing and things in this acte before mentioned , within their seuerall precincts and iurisdictions abouesayd , as wholly , absolutely , and fully to all intents and purposes , as any mayor , bayliffes , head officers , or iustices of peace within their seuerall precincts and iurisdictions , may elsewhere by force of this acte doe and execute . ¶ orders thought meete by his maiestie and his priuie counsell , to be executed throughout the counties of this realme , in such townes , villages , and other places as are , or may be hereafter infected with the plague , for the stay of further increase of the same . also , an aduise set downe by the best learned in physicke within this realme , containing sundry good rules and easie medicines , without charge to the meaner sort of people , aswell for the preseruation of his good subiects from the plague before infection , as for the curing and ordering of them after they shal be infected . as the most louing and gracious care of his maiestie for the preseruation of his people , hath alreadie beene earnestly shewed and declared by such meanes and waies as were thought expedient to suppresse the grieuous infection of the plague , and to preuent the encrease thereof , within the citie of london , and parts about it ; so whatsoeuer other good meanes may be yet remaining which may extend and prooue behoouefull to the countrey abroad ( where his maiestie is sorie to vnderstand that the contagion is also in many places dispersed ) it is likewise his gracious pleasure that the same be carefully prouided and put in practise . and therefore hauing taken knowledge of certaine good orders that were vpon like occasion published in times past ; together with certaine rules and medicines prescribed by the best and most learned physicians ; and finding both of them , to serue well for the present time , his maiestie is pleased that the same shal be renewed and published : and withall straitly commandeth all iustices of the peace and others to whome it may appertaine , to see the said orders duely executed . at the court at hampton court this 30. of iuly . 1603. infection of the plague . inprimis , all the iustices in euery countie , aswell within the liberties as without , immediatly vpon knowledge to them giuen , shall assemble themselues together at some one generall place accustomed , being cleare from infection of the plague , to consult how these orders following may be duely put in execution , not meaning that any iustices dwelling in or neere places infected , shall come thither , whiles their comming may bee doubtfull . and after their first generall assembly , they shall make a distribution of themselues to sundry limits and diuisions , as in other common seruices of the countie they are accustomed to doe , for the prosecution thereof . 2 first they shall enquire , and presenly informe themselues by all good meanes , what townes and villages are at the time of such assembly infected within euery their counties , and in what hundred or other diuision , the sayde townes and villages are , and how many of the same places so infected are corporate townes , market townes , and villages , and shall consider of what wealth the inhabitants of the same townes and parishes are , to be able to relieue the poore that are or shall be infected , and to be restrained in their houses . 3 item , thereupon after conference vsed according to the necessitie of the cause , they shall deuise and make a generall taxation , either by charging the towne infected with one summe in grosse , or by charging the speciall persons of wealth within the same , to be forthwith collected for the rate of one moneth at the first , and so if the sickenesse shall continue , the collection of the like summe , or of more or of lesse , as time and cause shall require , and the same to be euery first , second , third , or fourth weeke employed to and for the execution of the sayde orders . and in case some of the sayd townes infected , shall manifestly appeare not to bee of sufficient abilitie to contribute sufficient for the charges requisite , then the taxation or collection shall bee made or further extended to other parts , or in any other further limits , as by them shall bee thought requisite where there shall bee any such townes or villages so infected , and vnable to relieue themselues . and if the said townes be situated in the borders and confines of any other shire , then as the iustices shall see cause and neede for the greatnesse of the charge requisite , that the parts of the shire ioyning to the townes infected be not able , they shall write their letters to the next iustices of the other shire so confining , to procure by collection some reliefe , as in like cases they are to relieue them , in respect of neere neighbourhood of the place , and for that the same infection may bee the better stayed from the said adioyning places , thogh they be separated by name of the countie . 4 item , they shall cause to be appointed in euery parish aswell infected as not infected , certaine persons to view the bodies of all such as shall die , before they be suffered to be buried , and to certifie the minister of the church and churchwarden , or other principall officers , or their substitutes of what probable disease the said persons died : and the said viewers , to haue weekely some allowance , & the more large allowance where the townes or parishes bee infected , during the infection , towards their maintenance , to the end they which shal be in places infected , may forbeare to resort into the company of others that are sound : and those persons to be sworne to make true report according to their knowledge , and the choise of them to be made by direction of the curate of the church , with three or foure substantiall men of the parish . and in case the said viewers either through fauour or corruption , shall giue wrong certificate , or shall refuse to serue being thereunto appointed , then to cause them to be punished by imprisonment , in such sort as may serue for a terrour to others . 5 item , the houses of such persons out of the which there shal die any of the plague , being so certified by the viewers , or otherwise knowen , or where it shal be vnderstood , that any person remaineth sicke of the plague , to be closed vp on all parts during the time of restraint , viz. sixe weekes , after the sicknes be ceased in the same house , in case the said houses so infected shall be within any town hauing houses neere adioyning to the same . and if the infection happen in houses dispersed in villages , and separated from other houses , and that of necessitie , for the seruing of their cattell , & manuring of their ground , the said persons cannot continue in their houses , then they be neuerthelesse restrained from resorting in●o company of others , either publikely or priuately during the sayd time of restraint , and to weare some marke in their vppermost garments , or beare white rods in their handes at such time as they shall goe abroad , if there bee any doubt that the masters and owners of the houses infected , will not duely obserue the directions of shutting vp the doores , specially in the night , then shall there be appointed two or three watchmen by turnes , which shall be sworne to attend & watch the house , and to apprehend any person that shall come out of the house contrary to the order , and the same persons by order of the iustices , shall be a competent time imprisoned in the stockes in the high way next to the house infected : and furthermore , some speciall marke shall bee made and fixed to the doores of euery of the infected houses , and where any such houses shal be innes or alehouses , the signes shal be taken downe for the time of the restraint , and some crosse or other marke set vpon the place thereof to be a token of the sickenesse . 6 item , they shall haue good regard to chuse honest persons , that either shall collect the summes assessed , or shall haue the custodie thereof , and out of the sayd collection to allot a weekely proportion for the finding of victuall , or fire , or medicines for the poorer sort , during the time of their restraint . and whereas s●me persons being well disposed to yeeld almes and reliefe , will be more willing to giue some portions of victuall , as corne , bread , or other meate , the same shal be committed to the charge of some speciall persons , that will honestly and truely preserue the same , to be distributed as they shal be appointed for the poore that are infected . 7 item , to appoint certaine persons dwelling within the townes infected , to prouide and deliuer all necessaries of victuals , or any matter of watching or other attendance , to keepe such as are of good wealth being restrained , at their owne proper costs and charges , and the poore at the common charges : and the said persons so appointed to be ordered , not to resort to any publike assembly during the time of such their attendance , as also to weare some marke on their vpper garment , or to beare a white rodde in their hand , to the ende others may auoid their company . 8 item , that in the shire towne in euery countie , and in other great townes meete for that purpose , there may be prouision bespoken and made , of such preseruatiues and other remedies , which otherwise in meaner townes cannot be readily had , as by the physicians shal be prescribed , and is at this present reduced into an aduise made by the physicians , and now printed and sent with the said orders , which may be fixed in market places , vpon places vsuall for such publique matters , and in other townes in the bodies of the parish churches , and chappels : in which aduise onely such things are prescribed , as vsually are to be had and found in all countreys without great charge or cost . 9 item , the ministers and curats , and the churchwardens in euery parish , shal in writing certifie weekely to some of the iustices , residing within the hundred or other limit where they serue , the number of such persons as are infected and doe not die , and also of all such as shall die within their parishes , and their diseases probable whereof they died , and the same to be certified to the rest of the iustices at their assemblies , which during some conuenient time would be euery one and twentie dayes , and thereof a particular booke kept by the clerke of the peace or some such like . 10 item , to appoint some place apart in each parish for the buriall of such persons as shall die of the plague , as also to giue order that they be buried after sunne setting , and yet neuerthelesse by day light , so as the curate be present for the obseruation of the rites and ceremonies prescribed by the law , foreseeing as much as conueniently he may , to be distant from the danger of infection of the person dead , or of the company that shall bring the corpse to the graue . 11 item , the iustices of the whole countie to assemble once in one and twentie dayes , to examine whether those orders be duely executed , and to certifie to the lords of the priuie counsell their proceedings in that behalfe , what townes and villages be infected , as also the numbers of the dead , and the diseases whereof they died , and what summes of money are taxed and collected to this purpose , and how the same are distributed . 12 item , the iustices of the hundred , where any such infection is , or the iustices next adioyning thereunto , to assemble once a weeke , to take accompt of the execution of the sayd orders , and as they finde any lacke or disorder , either to reforme it themselues , or to report it at the generall assembly there , to be by a more common consent reformed . 13 item , for that the contagion of the plague groweth and encreaseth no way more , then by the vse and handling of such clothes , bedding and other stuffe as hath bin worne and occupyed by the infected of this disease , during the time of their disease : the sayd iustices shall in the places infected take such order , that all the sayde clothes and other stuffe , so occupyed by the diseased , so soone as the parties diseased of the plague are all of them either wel recouered or dead , be either burnt and cleane consumed with fire , or else ayred in such sort as is prescribed in an especiall article conteined in the aduise set downe by the physicians . and for that peraduenture the losse of such apparell , bedding , and other stuffe to be burnt , may be greater then the poore estate of the owners of the same may wel beare : it is thought very good and expedient , if it be thought meet it shall be burnt , that then the sayd iustices , out of such collections as are to bee made within their counties for the reliefe of the poorer sort that be infected , allow also them such summe or summes as to them shall be thought reasonable , in recompense of the losse of their sayd stuffe . 14 item , the said iustices may put in execution any other orders that by them at their generall assembly shall be deuised and thought meet , tending to the preseruation of his maiesties subiects from the infection : and to the end their care and diligence may the better appeare , they shall certifie in writing the said orders newly deuised : and if any shall wilfully breake and contemne the same , or any the orders herein specified , they shall either presently punish them by imprisonment , or if the persons so contemning them , shal be of such countenance as the iustices shal think meet to haue their faults knowen to his maiestie , or to the councell , they shall charge and binde them to appeare before vs , and the contempt duely certified , that there may be a more notorious sharpe example made by punishment of the same by order of his maiestie . 15 item , if there be lacke of iustices in some partes of the shire , or if they which are iustices there , shal be for the time absent , in that case the more number of the iustices at their assembly shall make choice of some conuenient persons to supply those places for the better execution hereof . 16 item , if there be any person ecclesiasticall or lay , that shall hold and publish any opinions ( as in some places report is made ) that it is a vaine thing to forbeare to resort to the infected , or that it is not charitable to forbid the same , pretending that no person shall die but at their time prefixed , such persons shall be not onely reprehended , but by order of the bishop , if they be ecclesiasticall , shall be forbidden to preach , and being lay , shal be also enioined to forbeare to vtter such dangerous opinions vpon paine of imprisonment , which shall bee executed , if they shal perseuere in that errour . and yet it shall appeare manifestly by these orders , that according to christian charitie , no persons of the meanest degree shall be left without succour and reliefe . 17 and of these things aboue mentioned , the iustices shall take great care , as of a matter specially directed and commaunded by his maiestie vpon the princely and naturall care he hath conceiued towards the preseruation of his subiects , who by very disorder , and for lacke of direction doe in many partes wilfully procure the increase of this generall contagion . an aduice set downe by the colledge of physitians , by his maiesties speciall command : containing certaine necessary directions , as well for the cure of the plague , as for preuenting the infection : with many easie medicines and of small charge , the vse whereof may be very profitable to his maiesties subiects . that none come from forraine infected places , or bring goods from thence . it is necessarie that there be care taken , that neither men , nor goods may come from any suspected places beyond the seas , or in the land , without a certificate of health , or else either to bee sent suddenly away , or to be put to the pesthouse , or some such like place , till the certaintie of their soundnesse may be discouered . that all established good orders be reuiued . that the statutes and good orders made and formerly published against common beggars , against all manner of playes , bowling-allies , inmates , tipling houses , lestals , against the sale of corrupt flesh or fish , may bee reuiued and strictly executed , and that the scauengers in generall , and euery particular housholder take care for the due and orderly cleansing of the streetes and priuate houses , which will auaile much in this case . that dogs , cats , conies , and tame pigeons bee destroyed about the towne , or to bee kept so sparingly , that no offence may come by them , nor that swine bee permitted to range vp and downe the streetes as they frequently doe ; or rather not to keepe any at all . it were also to bee wished that the slaughter-houses were vtterly put from out the liberties of the citie , being in themselues very offensiue . to be cautulous vpon any suspition . it is to bee feared , that because euery one desireth their libertie , that none will giue notice of any suspition of the plague , against themselues , wherefore it must be the ouerseers care vpon any notice or suspition of infection by the doctors , chirurgions , keepers , or searchers to finde out the trueth thereof , and so to proceede accordingly . the care to be taken when a house is visited . that vpon the discouery of the infection in any house , there bee presently meanes vsed to preserue the whole , as well as to cure the infected , and that no sicke person be remoued out of any house , though to another of his owne , without notice thereof to be giuen to the ouerseers , and be by them approued ; or if the whole be to be remoued , that notice be giuen to the ouerseers of their remoue , and that caution be giuen that they shal not wander about till they be sound . the house that is knowen to bee infected , though none be dead therein , to be shut vp , and carefully kept watched , till a time after the partie be well recouered , and that time to be forty dayes at the least . caution concerning flying into the countrey . because many masters of families , presently vpon the visiting of the houses before any be dead , fly into the countrey to their friends : by which meanes the plague , is often caried into the country , that no man shall depart his house , except it bee to a house not inhabited , and that it bee to a house of such distance , as that hee may conueniently trauell thither without lying by the way , much lesse that hee send his children or seruants ; and this to bee done by the approbation of the ouerseers vnder their hands . that such also as remooue into the countrey before their houses bee visited , haue a certificate from the ouerseers of their parish vnder their hands and seales testifying , that such persons were not visited before their remooue , that by vertue thereof they may the freelier trauell in the countrey , and be more readily entertained . because it is likely that the better sort will not call to them such doctors as are deputed to the cure of the plague , vpon the first falling sicke of any in their houses , least thereby they might draw greater infection vpon themselues : if therefore any house so vsing other doctors shal happen to be visited , that then the doctor who shall vndertake the care of that house , shall presently cause notice of the said infection to be giuen to the ouerseers , that care may be had thereof . buriall of the dead . that one being dead in any house of the plague notice bee giuen to the ouerseers , and that the dead party be buried by night in priuate manner , yet not without the priuity of the minister , clarke , bearers and constable or ouerseers , and that none enter the visited house , but permitted persons , vpon danger to bee presently shut vp themselues , and that there bee a visible marke set vpon the outside of the doore , and so to stand shut vp forty dayes . caution about apparell and houshold stuffe . that no apparell nor houshold-stuffe be remooued or sold , out of the infected house for three moneths after the infection is ceased in the house , and that all the brokers and inferiour cryers for apparell bee restrained in that behalfe . no visited person to be secretly remoued without licence . that no infected person be secretly conuered out of any house , and in any such misdemeanour , the master of the house both from which the sicke party is sent , as also the master of the house , into which the partie shall be receiued without the licence of the ouerseers of both parishes respectiuely , shall be seuerely punished , at the discretion of the ouerseers . doctors , apothecaries , and chirurgions . that by the gouernment of the citie , there bee appointed sixe or foure doctors at the least , who may ioyntly and seuerally apply themselues and their studies to the cure of the infected , and staying of the infection , and that these doctors bee stipendaries to the citie for their liues , and that to each doctor there bee assigned two honest apothecaries , and three chirurgions , who are also to bee stipended by the citie , that so due and true care may be taken in all things that the people perish not without helpe , and that the infection spread not , while none takes particular care to resist it , as in paris , venice , and padua , and many other cities . if any doctor , apothecary , or chirurgion stipended by the citie , shall happen to die in the seruice of the attendance of the plague , that then their widowes suruiuing , shall haue the moitie of their pension during their liues . publique prayers . aboue all things prayers must be publiquely made in euery parish , humbly to intreat god to bee mercifull to his people , and that he will not powre out the vials of his wrath vpon vs , according to our iust deseruings , but in mercie will be pleased to hold his auenging hand , & to stay the destroyer of his people , and that he will be pleased to blesse his maiesties care , and endeauors of the magistrates and inferiour officers for the staying of the infection , and that hee will blesse such good meanes , as are , and shal be directed by the doctors in this so dangerous a visitation . preseruatiues . by correction of the ayre . for the correcting of the infectious ayre , it were good that often bonefires were made in the streetes , and that sometimes the tower-ordnance might bee shot off , as also that there be good fires kept in and about the visited houses , and their neighbours . take rosemary dried , or iuniper , bay-leaues , or frankincense , cast the same vpon a chafendish , and receiue the fume or smoke thereof : some aduise to bee added lauender or sage . also to make fires rather in pannes , to remooue about the chamber , then in chimneys , shall better correct the ayre of the houses . take a quantitie of vineger very strong , and put to it some small quantitie of rose-water , ten branches of rosemary , put them all into a bason , then take fiue or sixe flint-stones heated in the fire till they be burning hote , cast them into the same vineger , and so let the fumes bee receiued from place to place of your house . that the house be often perfumed with rue , angelica , gentian , zedoary , setwall , iuniper wood , or berries , burnt vpon imbers , either simply , or they may be steeped in wine-vineger , and so burnt . greene coppris burnt in an earthen potte , and cast hot into vineger , therewith perfume the house and all therein , or with this slake lime in vineger , and aire the house therewith , burne much tarre , rosen , frankincense , or turpentine , both in priuate houses and in the churches before prayers . by perfuming of apparell . svch apparell as you shall commonly weare , let it be very cleane , and per●ume it often either with some red saunders burned , or with iuniper : and if any shall happen to be with them that are visited , let such persons as soone as they shall come home , shift themselues , and ayre their clothes in open ayre for a time . by carrying about of perfumes . svch as are to goe abroad shall doe well to carry rue , angelica , or zedoarie in their hands to smell to , and of those they may chew a little in their mouthes as they goe in the streete , especially if they bee afraid of any place . it is not good to be ouer fearful ; and it cannot bee but bad to bee ouer presumptuous and bold . take rue one handfull , stamp it in a morter , put thereto wine-vineger enough to moisten it , mixe them well , then straine out the iuyce , wette a piece of spoonge , or a toste of browne bread therein , tye it in a thinne cloth , beare it about to smell to . or this . take the roote of angelica beaten grosly , the weight of sixe pence , of rue and wormewood , of each the weight of foure pence , setwall the weight of three pence , bruise these , then steepe them in a little wine vineger , tye them in a linnen cloth , which they may carrie in their hands , or put it into a iuniper boxe full of holes to smell to . or they may vse this pomander . take angelica , rue , zedoarie , of each halfe a dramme , myrrhe two drammes , camphire sixe graines , waxe and labdanum of each two drammes , more or lesse as shall bee thought fitte to mixe with the other things , make hereof a ball to carrie about you , you may easily make a hole in it , and so weare it about your necke with a string . the richer sort may make vse of this pomander . take citron pils , angelica seeds , zedoarie , red rose leaues of each halfe a dramme , yellow saunders , lignum aloes of each one scruple , galliae moschatae foure scruples , storaxe , calamit , beuzoni , of each one dramme , camphire sixe graines , labdanum three drammes , gum tragaranth dissolued in rose-water enough to make it vp into a pomander , put thereto sixe drops of spirit of roses , enclose it in an iuory boxe , or weare it about your necke . also it is good in going abroad in the open aire in the streets to hold some things of sweet sauour in their hands , or in the corner of a handkerchiefe , as a sponge dipped in vineger and rose-water mixed , or in vineger wherewith wormewood or rue called also herbegrace hath beene boyled . take the roote of enula campana , being laid and steeped in vineger and grosse beaten , put a little of it in a handkerchiefe , and smell to it if you resort to any that is infected . it shall bee good to take a handfull of rue , and as much common wormewood , and bruise them a little , and put them into a pot of earth or tinne , with so much vineger as shall couer the herbes , keepe this pot close couered or stopt , and when you feare any infection , dip into this vineger a piece of a sponge , & carry it in your hand , and smell to it , or else put it into a round ball of yuory or iuniper , made full of holes of the one side , carying it in your hand , vse to smell thereunto , renewing it once a day . by inward medicines . let none goe fasting forth , euery one according to their fortunes , let them eate some such thing as may resist putrefaction . some may eate garlicke with butter , a cloue● two or three according to the abilitie of their bodies ; some may eate fasting some of the electuary with figs and rue hereafter expressed : some may vse london treacle , the weight of eight pence in a morning , taking more or lesse , according to the age of the party after one houre let them eate some other breakefast , as bread and butter with some leaues of rue or sage , ●nd in the heate of summer of sorrell , or wood sorrell . to steepe rue , wormwood , or sage all night in their drinke , and to drinke a good draught in the morning fasting is very wholesome ▪ or to drinke a draught of such drin●e after the taking any of the preseruatiues will be very good . in all summer plagues , it shall bee good to vse sor●ell sauce , to bee eaten in the morning with bread . and in the fall of the leafe to vse the iuice of barberies with bread also . take of the powder of good ba●beries the huske taken away from them , before they be dryed , a spoonefull : let the patient drinke this well mingled in a draught of good stale ale or beere , which is neither sowre nor dead , or with a draught of white wine , and goe to bed , and cast himselfe in a sweat , and forbeare sleepe . take the inward barke of the ash-tree , a pound of walnuts , with the greene outward shels , to the number of fifty , cut these small ; of scabious , of veruen , of petimorel , of housleeke , of euery one a handfull , of saffron halfe an ounce , powre vpon these the strongest vineger you can get foure pints ▪ let them a little boyle together vpon a very soft fire , and then stand in a very close pot well stopt all a night vpon the embers , after distill them with a soft fire , and receiue the water close kept . giue vnto the patient laid in bed and well couered with cloathes two ounces of this water to drinke , and let him be prouoked to sweat , and euery sixe houres during the space of twenty foure houres , giue him the same quantitie to drinke . this medicine for the worthinesse thereof and because it will stand the maner thereof in little charge , it shall be very well done to distill it in summer , when the walnuts h●ng greene vpon the tree , that it may bee ready against the time that occasion serueth to vse it . after infection . forasmuch as the cause of the plague standeth rather in poyson , then in any putr●faction of humours , as other agues doe , the chiefest way is to moue sweatings , and to defend the heart by some cordiall thing . cordials . mithridates medicine of figgs . take of good figgs and walnuts , of each twenty foure , rue picked , two good handfuls , salt halfe an ounce , or some what better , first stampe your figgs and walnuts well together in a stone morter , then adde your rue , and last of all your salt , mixe them exceedingly well , take of this mixture euery morning fasting the weight of sixteen pence : to children and weake bodies lesse . or this will be more effectuall . take twenty walnuts , pill them , figs fifteene , rue a good handful , tormentil roots three drams , iuniper berries two drams , bole-armoniack a dram & a halfe ; first stampe your roots then your figs and seeds , then adde your walnuts , then put to your rue and bole , and with them put thereto sixe drammes of london treacle , and two or three spoonefuls of wine-vineger , mixe them well in a stone morter , and take of this euery morning the quantity of a good nutmeg fasting , they that haue cause to goe much abroad may take as much more in the euening two houres before supper . for women with child , children , and such as cannot take bitter things vse this . take conserue of roses , wood-sorrel , of each two ounces , conserues of borrage , of sage-flowers , of each sixe drams , bole-armoniake , shauings of harts-horn , sorrell-seeds , of each two drams , yellow or white saunders halfe a dramme , saffron one scruple , sirrop of wood-sorrell enough to make it a moist electuary , mixe them well , take so much as a chesnut at a time , once or twice a day as you shall finde cause . take the shauings of harts-horne , magistery of pearl , magistery of coral , tormentil rootes , zedoarie , true terra sigillata , of each one dramme , citron pills , yellow white and red sanders , of each halfe a dramme , white amber , hyacinth-stone prepared , of each two scruples , bezoar stone , of the east vnicornes horne , of each foure and twenty graines , citron and orenge pils canded , of each three drammes , lignum aloes , one scruple , amber-grease and muske , of each eight graines , white sugar candy , twice the weight of all the rest , mixe them well being made into a dredge powder , take the weight of twelue pence at a time euery morning fasting , and also in the euening about fiue a clocke , or an houre before supper . with these powders and sugar there may be made lozenges , or manus christies and with conuenient conserues they may be made into electuaries . all which and many more , for their health they may haue by the aduice and directions of their owne physicians , or at least physicians wil not bee wanting to direct them as they may haue neede . they may also vse bezoar water , or treacle water , or saxonias cold cordiall water , which they may vse simply , or they may mixe them also with all their antidotes as occasion shall require . the vse of london treacle is good both to preserue from the sicknesse , as also to cure the sicknesse , being taken vpon the first apprehension in a greater quantitie , as to a man two drammes , but lesse to a weake body or a child , in cardius or dragon water . take of the finest cleere aloes you can buy , in colour like to a liuer , and therefore called hepatica , of cinamom , of myrrhe , of each of these the weight of three french crownes , or of two and twenty pence of our money , of cloues , maces , lignum aloes , of masticke of bole-oriental , of each of these halfe an ounce , mingle them together , & beat them into a very fine powder , of the which take euery morning fasting the weight of a groat of this in white wine delayed with water , and by the grace of god you shall bee safe from the plague . no man which is learned if hee examine the simples of this medicine whereof it consisteth , and the nature and power of them can deny , but that it is a medicine of great efficacie against the plague , and the simples whereof it is made , are easily to be had in any good apothecaries shop , except bole-orientall , which is vsed in the stead of true bolus armenus . take a dry figge and open it , and put the kernell of a walnut into the same , being cut very small , three or foure leaues of rue commonly called herbegrace , a corne of salt , then roste the figge , and eate it warme , fast three or foure houres after it , and vse this twice in the weeke . take the powder of tormentill the weight of sixe pence with sorrell or scabious water in summer , and in winter with the water of valerian or common drinke . or else , in one day they may take a little wormwood and valerian , with a graine of salt , in another day they may take seuen or eight berries of iuniper dried and put in powder , and taking the same with common drinke , or with drinke in which wormewood and rue hath beene steeped all night . also the treacle called diatessaroum , which is made but of foure things of light price , easie to be had . also the roote of enula campana , either taken in powder with drinke , or hanged about the brest . likewise a piece of arras roote kept in the mouth as men passe in the streets is very good cordiall . take sixe leaues of sorrell , wash them with water and vineger , let them lye in the said water and vineger a while . then eate them fasting , and keepe in your mouth and chew now and then either setwall , or the roote of angelica , or a little cinamom . medicines purgatiue . it is good for preuention to keepe the bodie reasonable open , especially with such things as are easie of operation , and good to resist putrefaction , such are these pils which are vsually to bee had at good apothecaries , and are called pestilentiall pilles . take aloes two ounces , myrrhe and saffron , of each one ounce , ammoniacum halfe an ounce , make them vp into a masse with the iuice of limons , or white wine vineger , to keepe the bodie open , a small pill or two will bee enough taken a little before supper , or before dinner , but to purge the bodie , take the weight of a dramme , made into fiue , or sixe , or more pilles , in the morning fasting , and that day keepe your chamber . if the patient bee costiue and bound in his body , let him take a suppositary made with a little boyled honie , and a little fine powder of salt , and so taken in at the fundament , and kept till it mooue a stoole . for the poore take aloes the weight of sixe pence , put in the pappe of an apple , and for the richer , pilles of rufus to be had in euery apothecaries shop . ¶ blood-letting . if the patient be full of humors which be good , let him immediatly bee let-blood vpon the liuer veine in the right arme , or in the median veine of the same arme ( if no sore appeare ) in the first day . such as are tyed to necessary attendance on the infected , as also such as liue in visited houses , shall doe well to cause issues to be made in their left armes , or right legs , or both , as the doctor shall thinke fit . for blood-letting , purging , and making of issues there must be particular directions had from the doctors , according to the constitution of the parties . these preparations thus vsed , the first day that the patient shall fall sicke , as cause shall be to vse the one or the other ( no sore appearing ) in which case if the sore shal appeare , they are both to be forborne , the next is to vse all meanes to expell the poyson , and to defend the heart by cordials . medicines expulsiue . the poyson is expelled best by sweatings , prouoked by posset-ale , made with fennell and marigolds in winter ; and with sorrell , buglosse , and borage in summer , with the which in both times they must mixe the treacle of diatessaroū , the weight of nine pence , & so to lay themselues with all quietnes to sweat one halfe houre , or an houre , if they bee strong ; for they that be neither full of humors , nor corrupt in humors , neither need purging , nor letting of blood , but at the first plunge may mooue themselues to sweate with cordiall things , mixt with such things as mooue sweat . medicines internall . for the cure of the infected vpon the first apprehension , burre seedes , cucheneely , powder of harts-horne , citron seedes , one or more of them with a few graines of camphire , are good to be giuen in carduus or dragon water , or with some treacle water . as thus . take burre seeds and cucheneely , of each halfe a dramme , or to a weake bodie , of each one scruple , camphire fiue graines , mixe these with two ounces of carduus or dragon water , halfe an ounce of treacle water , sirup of wood-sorrell a spoonefull , mixe these , giue it the patient warme , couer him to sweate , you may giue him a second draught after twelue houres , let him drinke no cold drinke ; this posset drinke or the like will be good to giue the visited liberally . take wood-sorrell halfe a handfull , marigold flowers halfe so much , shauings of harts-horne , three drammes , a figge or two sliced , boile them well in cleare posset-drinke , let them drinke thereof freely ; you may put thereto a little sugar . another . take citron seeds sixe or eight , shauings of harts-horne halfe a dramme , london treacle one drame , mixe them with two ounces of carduus water , or with three ounces of the prescribed posset drinke , drinke it warme , and so lye to sweat . another . take sorrell-water fiue or sixe spoonefuls , treacle-water one spoonefull , london treacle one dramme and a halfe , mixe them well , giue it warme , and so lay the patient to sweat . take tormentil , and celandine roots of each foure ounces , scabious and rue of each one handfull and a halfe , white wine vineger three pints , boyle these till one pinte be wasted , straine out the liquor , which reserue for the vse of the infected : let it be taken thus ; take of this liquor ▪ of c●s water , of each one ounce and a halfe , london treacle one dramme and a halfe , bol●-armoniake halfe a scruple , put thereto a little sugar , mixe them well , let the partie drinke it warme , and couer him to sweat . in summer this is good . take the iuyce of wood-sorrell two ounces ▪ the iuyce of limons one ounce , diascordi●m one dramme , cinamo● sixe graines , vineger halfe an ounce ▪ giue it warme , and lay the ●ic●e part● to sweat . take ●n ●gge and make a hole in the top of it , take out the white and yolke , fill the shell with the weight of two french crownes of saffron , roste the said egge thus ●lled with saffron vnder the embers , vntill the shell begin to wa●e yellow : then take it from the fire , and ●eat the shell and saffron in a morter together , with halfe a spoonefull of mustard seed ▪ take of this powder a french crowne weight , and assoone as you suspect your selfe infected , dissolue it into ten spoonefuls of posset-ale , and drinke it lukewarme , then goe to bed ▪ and prouoke your selfe to sweating . another is to take 〈…〉 of sorrell that groweth in the ●d ▪ or a greater quantity according as you will 〈◊〉 more ●s lesse of the water thereof , a●l●t it lye inf●ed or steeped in good vineger the space of foure & twenty houres , then take it off , and dry it with a linnen cloth , put into a l●mbe●ke , and distill the water thereof : and assoone as you finde your selfe touched with the sicknesse , drinke foure spoonefuls of the said water , with a little sugar , and i● you be able , walke vpon it vntill you sweate , i●●ot , ●epe your bed and be well couered , prouoke your selfe to sweating , and the next day to take as much againe of it a little before supper . to prouoke vomit with two ounces of 〈◊〉 oyle ▪ or 〈◊〉 oyle , a spoonefull of the iuyce of celendi●e , and halfe a spoonefull of the iuyce of ●●dice roote , so that the party infected 〈◊〉 ●alke and not 〈◊〉 , or better then any letting of blood , or any purging : for the disease , neither can suffer agitation of humours , nor when one is 〈◊〉 , hath any time to bleed or to purge . medicines externall . v● 〈◊〉 supplyed to 〈…〉 inside of the thighes , or about the bottome of the 〈…〉 legge ▪ will ●w foorth the 〈…〉 requires the direction of the doctor . for the swelling vnder the c●●es , arme-pits , or in the ●ro●●es , they must be alwayes drawne foorth and ripened , and broke with all speed , to vse any repelling thing is presently to ●ill the patient . these tumors , and more the car●cles and blaynes , doe require the care and skill of the expert chirurgi● : but not to leaue the poorer ●ort 〈◊〉 of good remedies , these following are very good . some pull off the feathers from the tayles of liuing cocks , hens , pigeons or chickens ▪ and holding their bills , they hold them hard to the botch or swelling , and so keepe them at that part till they dye ▪ and by this meanes draw out the poyson . to breake the tumor . take a great onion , hollow it , put into it a figge , rue cut small , and a dramme of venice treacle , put it close stopped in a wet paper , and ro●te it in the embers , apply it hote vnto the tumor , lay three or foure one after another , let one lye three houres . scabious ▪ and sorrell roasted in the embers , mixt with a little 〈◊〉 leaues , and some barrowes grease , and a little salt will draw it , and breake it . take two or three roasted onyons , a lilly roote or two roasted , a handfull of scabious roasted , foure or fiue figges , a piece of leauen , and a little rue , stampe all the●e together , if it be too dry , put to it two ounces of oyle of lillies , or so much salt butter , make a pultesse , apply it hot , after it hath lay●e three or foure houres take it off and burne it ▪ and apply a fresh pultesse of the same , if it proue hard to breake , adde a little burnt copris to the pultesse , which will soone worke his effect . or this . take the flowers of elders , two handfuls , rocket seede bruised one ounce , pigeons dung three drammes : stampe these together , put to them a little oyle of lillies , make thereof a pultesse , apply it , and change it as you did the former . to draw . when it is broken to drawe it and deale it , take the yolke of an egge , one ounce of honey of roses , turpentine halfe an ounce , wheate flower a little , london treacle a dramme and a halfe : mixe these wel● , spread it vpon leather , change it twice a day . you must take care not to heale any of these pestilent sores too soon , for that might breed a new sicknesse , or at least a new sore . for the carbuncle . some put great confidence in a cautery , laying a defensatiue of bole armoniacke , or terra sigillata , mixed with vineger and the white of an egge round about the tumor , but not vpon it . take three or foure cloues of garlicke , rue halfe a handfull , foure figges , strong leauen , and the soote of a chimney in which wood hath been burnt , of each halfe an ounce , mustard seede two drammes , salt a dramme and a halfe , stampe these wel together , and apply it hot to the sore ; you may put thereto a little salt butter if it be too drie . or this . take leauen halfe an ounce , radish rootes , the bigger the better , an ounce and a halfe , mustard seed two drammes ; onions and garlicke rosted , of each two drammes and a halfe , venice treacle or mithridatum , three drammes , mixe these in a morter , applie it hote thrice a day to the sore . but these sores cannot be well ordered and cured , without the personall care of a discreete surgeon . take of scabious two handfuls , stampe it in a stone morter with a pestell of stone if you can get any such , then put vnto it of old swines grease salted two ounces , and the yelke of an egge , stampe them well together , and lay part of this warme to the sore . take of the leaues of mallowes , of camomill flowers , of either of them a handfull , of li●eseed beaten into powder two ounces , boyl● the mallow leaues first cut , and the flowers of camomill in faire water standing aboue a fingers breadth , boile all them together , vntill all the water be almost spent , then put thereunto the lineseede , of wheate flower halfe a handfull , of swines grease , the skins taken away , three ounces , of oyle of roses two ounces , stirre them still with a sticke , and let them all boyle together on a soft fire without smoake , vntill the water bee vtterly spent , beate them all together in a morter vntill they bee well incorporated , and in feeling smooth and not rough ; then make part thereof hot in a dish set vpon a chafendish of coales , and lay it thicke vpon a linnen cloth , applying it to the sore . take a white onion cut in pieces , of fresh butter three ounces , of leauen the weight of twelue pence , of mallowes one handfull , of scabious , if it may bee had , one handfull , of cloues of garlicke the weight of twenty pence ; boyle them on the fire insufficient water , and make a p●●tesse of 〈◊〉 , and lay it 〈◊〉 to the sore . another . to the sore it 〈◊〉 doe thus , 〈◊〉 two handfulls of 〈◊〉 , three roots of da●t ▪ an handful of s●allage or lo● , if you can get it , 〈◊〉 them 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 , and a 〈◊〉 cr●es of bread , an● 〈…〉 thereof , and lay it warme to the so●e till it breake . another . if you cannot haue these herbes , it is good to lay a loafe of bread to it hot , as it commeth out of the ouen ( which afterward shall be burnt , or buried in the earth ) or the leaues of scabious or sorrel rosted , or two or three lilly rootes rosted vnder embers , beaten and applied . a generall medicine for all sorts of people taken with the pl●gue , to bee ●ad without cost . take of the roote butter burre , otherwise called pestilent-wort one ounce , of the roote of great valerian a quarter of an ounce , of sorrell an handfull , boyle all these in a quart of water to a pint , then ●ine it , and put thereto two spoonfuls of vineger , 〈◊〉 ounces of good sugar , boyle all these together vntill they bee well mingled ▪ let the infected drinke of this so ●otes ●e may 〈◊〉 it a good draught , and i● be● chance to 〈◊〉 it vp againe , let him take the same quantity straightway vpon it , and prouoke himselfe to sweat , and hee shall finde great helpe . ¶ orders conceiued and agreed to be published by the lord maior and aldermen of the citie of london , and the iustices of peace of the counties of middlesex and surrey , by direction from the lords of his maiesties most honourable priuy councell . whereas in the first yeere of the reigne of our late soueraigne , king iames of happy memory , ouer this realme of england , an act was made , for the charitable reliefe and ordering of persons infected with the plague : wherby authoritie is giuen to iustices of peace , maiors , bayliffes , and other head officers , to appoint within their seuerall limits examiners , searchers , watchmen , keepers , and buriers for the persons and places infected , and to minister vnto them oathes for the performance of their offices . and the same statute also authoriseth the giuing of other directions , as vnto them for the present necessity shall seeme good in their discretions . it is therefore vpon speciall consideration thought very expedient , for the preuenting and auoiding of the infection of sicknesse ( if it shall please almighty god ) which is now dangerously dispersed into many places within the city and suburbs of the same : that these officers following bee appointed , and these orders hereafter prescribed bee duely obserued . examiners to be appointed in euery parish . first , it is thought requisite and so ordered , that in euery parish there bee one , two or more persons of good sort and credit , chosen and appointed by the alderman his deputy , and common councell of euery ward , and by the iustices of peace in the counties , by the name of examiners , to continue in that office the space of two moneths at least : and if any fit persons , so appointed as aforesaid , shall refuse to vndertake the same , the said parties so refusing , to be committed to prison vntill they shall conforme themselues accordingly . the examiners office. that these examiners be sworne by the alderman , or by one of the iustices of the county , to enquire & learne from time to time what houses in euery parish be visited , and what persons be sicke , and of what diseases , as neere as they can enforme themselues , and vpon doubt in that case , to command restaint of accesse , vntill it appeare what the disease shall prooue : and if they f●nd any persons sicke of the infection , to giue order to the constable , that the house be shut vp : and if the constable shal be found remisse or negligent , to giue present notice thereof to the alderman , or the iustice of peace respectiuely . watchmen . that to euery infected house there be appointed two watchmen , one for the day , and the other for the night : and that these watchmen haue a speciall care that no person goe in or out of such infected houses , whereof they haue the charge , vpon paine of seuere punishment . and the sayd watchmen to doe such further offices as the sicke house shall neede and require : and if the watchman be sent vpon any busines , to lock vp the house and take the key with him : and the watchman by day to attend vntill ten of the clocke at night : and the watchman by night till sixe in the morning . chirurgions . that there be a speciall care , to appoint women searchers in euery parish , such as are of honest reputation , & of the best sort as can be got in this kinde : and these to be sworne to make due search and true report , to the vtmost of their knowledge , whether the persons , whose bodies they are appoynted to search , doe die of the infection , or of what other diseases , as neere as they can . and for their better assistance herein , forasmuch as there hath beene heretofore great abuse in misreporting the disease , to the further spreading of the infection : it is therfore ordered , that there bee chosen and appointed three able and discreete surgions , besides those three that doe already belong to the pesthouse : amongst whom , the citie and liberties to be quartered , as the places lie most apt and conuenient : and euery of these sixe to haue one quarter for his limit : and the sayde chirurgions in euery of their limits , to ioyne with the searchers for the view of the body , to the end there may be a true report made of the disease . and further , that the sayd chirurgions shall visite and search such like persons as shall either send for them , or bee named and directed vnto them , by the examiners of euery parish , and informe themselues of the disease of the sayd parties . and forasmuch as the sayd chirurgions are to bee sequestred from all other cures , and kept onely to this disease of the infection : it is ordered , that euery of the said chirurgions shall haue twelue pence a bodie searched by them , to be payd out of the goods of the partie searched , if he be able , or otherwise by the parish . orders concerning infected houses and persons sicke of the plague . notice to be giuen of the sickenesse . the master of euery house , assoone as any one in his house complaineth , either of botch , of purple , or swelling in any part of his bodie , or falleth otherwise dangerously sicke , without apparant cause of some other disease , shall giue knowledge thereof to the examiner of health within two houres after the said signe shall appeare . sequestration of the sicke . as soone as any man shall be found by this examiner , chirurgion or searcher , to be sicke of the plague , hee shall the same night be sequestred in the same house . and in case he be so sequestred , then though hee afterwards die not , the house wherein he sickened , shall be shut vp for a moneth , after the vse of due preseruatiues taken by the rest . ayring of the stuffe . for sequestration of the goods and ●●uffe of the infected , their bedding , and apparell , and hangings of chambers , must be well ayred with fire , and such perfumes as are requisite within the infected house before they be taken againe to vse , this to bee done by the appointment of the examiner . shutting vp of the house . if any person shall haue visited any man , knowen to be infected of the plague , or entred willingly into any knowen infected house , being not allowed : the house wherein he inhabiteth shall be shut vp for certaine dayes , by the examiners direction . none to be remooued out of infected houses , but &c. item , that none bee remooued out of the house where he falleth sick of the infection , into any other house in the city , borough , or countie ( except it be to the pesthouse or a tent , or vnto some such house , which the owners of the sayde visited house holdeth in his owne handes , and occupyeth by his owne seruants ) and so as securitie be giuen to the parish , whither such remooue is made , that the attendance and charge about the said visited persons , shall be obserued and charged in all the particularities before expressed , without any cost of that parish , to which any such remoue shall happen to be made , and this remooue to be done by night : and it shall be lawfull to any person that hath two houses , to remooue either his sound or his infected people to his spare house at his choice , so as if he send away first his sound , he may not after send thither the sicke , nor againe vnto the sicke the sound : and that the same which hee sendeth be for one weeke at the least shut vp , and secluded from company for feare of some infection , at the first not appearing . buriall of the dead . that the buriall of the dead by this visitation be at most conuenient houres , alwayes either before sunne rising , or after sunne setting , with the priuitie of the churchwardens or constables , and not otherwise , and that no neighbors nor friends bee suffered to accompanie the coarse to church , or to enter the house visited , vpon paine of hauing his house shut vp or be imprisoned . no infected stuffe to be vttered . that no clothes , stuffe , bedding or garments be suffred to be caried or conueyed out of any infected houses , and that the criers and cariers abroad of bedding or olde apparell , to bee sold or pawned , bee vtterly prohibited and restrained , and no brokers of bedding , or olde apparell bee permitted to make any outward shew , or hang forth on their stalles , shop-boords or windowes , towards any streete , lane , common way or passage , any olde bedding or apparell to bee solde , vpon paine of imprisonment : and if any broker or other person shall buy any bedding , apparell , or other stuffe out of any infected house , within two moneths after the infection hath been there , his house shall be shut vp as infected , and so shall continue shut vp twenty dayes at the least . no person to be conueyed out of any infected house . if any person visited doe fortune , by negligent looking vnto , or by any other meanes , to come , or bee conueyed from a place infected , to any other place , the parish from whence such party hath come , or been conueyed , vpon notice thereof giuen , shall at their charge cause the sayd party so visited and escaped , to bee caried and brought backe againe by night , and the parties in this case offending , to bee punished at the direction of the alderman of the warde , and the iustices of the peace respectiuely : and the house of the receiuer of such visited person , to be shut vp for twentie dayes . euery visited house to be marked . that euery house visited be marked with a redde crosse of a foot long , in the middle of the doore , euident to be seene , and with these vsuall printed wordes , that is to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs , to be set close ouer the same crosse , there to continue vntil lawfull opening of the same house . euery visited house to be watched . that the constables see euery house shut vp , and to be attended with watchmen , which may keepe them in , and minister necessaries vnto them at their owne charges ( if they be able ) or at the common charge if they be vnable : the shutting vp to be for the space of foure weekes after all be whole . that precise order be taken that the searchers , chirurgions , keepers and buriers are not to passe the streets without holding a redde rodde or wand of three foot in length , in their hands , open and euident to bee seene , and are not to goe into any other house , then into their owne , or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for , but to forbeare and abstaine from company , especially when they haue beene lately vsed in any such businesse or attendance . and to this end it is ordered , that a weekly taxe be made in euery parish visited : if in the city or borough , then vnder the hand of the alderman of the ward , where the place is visited : if in either of the counties , then vnder the hands of some of the iustices next to the place visited , who , if there be cause , may extend the taxe into other parishes also , and may giue warrant of distresse against them which shall refuse to pay : and for want of distresse or for assistance , to commit the offenders to prison , according to the statute in that behalfe . orders for cleansing and keeping sweete of the streets . the streets to be kept cleane . first , it is thought very necessary and so ordered , that euery householder doe cause the street to be daily pared before his doore , & so to keepe it cleane swept all the weeke long . that the rakers take it from out the houses . that the sweeping and filth of houses be daily caried away by the rakers , and that the raker shall giue notice of his comming by the blowing of a horne , as heretofore hath beene done . laystals to be made farre off from the citie . that the laystals be remooued as farre as may be out of the citie , and common passages , and that no nightman or other be suffered to emptie a vault into any garden neere about the citie . care to be had of vnwholsome fish or flesh , and of mustie corne. that speciall care be taken , that no stinking fish or vnwholesome flesh , or mustie corne , or other corrupt fruits , of what sort soeuer be suffered to bee sold about the citie or any part of the same . that the bruers and tipling houses be looked vnto , for mustie and vnwholesome caske . that order bee taken , that no hogges , dogges or cattes , or tame pigeons , or conies be suffered to be kept within any part of the citie , or any swine to be or stray in the streetes or lanes , but that such swine be impounded by the beadle or any other officer , and the owner punished according to the acte of common councell , and that the dogges be killed by the dog-killers , appointed for that purpose . orders concerning loose persons , and idle assemblies . beggers . forasmuch as nothing is more complained on , then the multitude of rogues and wandering beggers , that swarme in euery place about the citie , being a great cause of the spreading of the infection , and will not bee auoyded , notwithstanding any order that hath beene giuen to the contrary : it is therefore now ordered , that such constables , and others whom this matter may any way concerne , doe take speciall care , that no wandering begger be suffered in the streetes of this citie , in any fashion or manner whatsoeuer , vpon paine of the penalty prouided by the lawe , to be duely and seuerely executed vpon them . playes . that al plaies , beare-baitings , games , singing of ballads , buckler play , or such like causes of assemblies of people , be vtterly prohibited , and the parties offending , seuerely punished , by any alderman or iustice of the peace . tipling houses . that disorderly tipling in tauernes , alehouses and sellers , be seuerely looked vnto , as the common sinne of this time , and greatest occasiō of dispersing the plague : and where any shall bee found to offend , the penalty of the statute to be laid vpon them with all seuerity . and for the better execution of these orders , as also for such other directions as shal be needfull , it is agreed that the iustices of the citie and the counties adioyning doe meete together once in tenne dayes , either at the sessions house without newgate , or some other conuenient place , to conferre of things as shall be needfull in this behalfe . and euery person neglecting the duetie required , or willingly offending against any article or clause contained in these orders , he to be seuerely punished by imprisonment , or otherwise , as by law he ought . god saue the king. in camera stellata coram concilio ibidem , vicesimo die octobris , anno regni reginae elizabethae quadragesimo , &c. praesentibus . thoma egerton mil. dn̄o custod . magni sigilli angliae . dn̄o north. dn̄o buckhurst . iohanne fortescue milite cancellar . scaccarij . archiepiscopo cantuariens . popham milite capitali iustic . de banco regis . anderson milite capitali iustic . de communi banco . this day rice griffin and iohn scrips were brought to the barre , against whome edward coke esquire , her maiesties attourney generall did enforme , that the said griffin had vnlawfully erected and built one tenement in hog-lane in the countie of middlesex , which hee diuided into two seuerall roumes , wherein were now inhabiting two poore tenants , that onely liued and were maintained by the reliefe of the parishioners there , and begging abroad in other places : and that the said iohn scrips had in like sort diuided a tenement in shordich , into , or about seuenteene tenancies or dwellings , and the same inhabited by diuers persons of very poore and base condition , contrary to the intent and meaning of her highnesse proclamation , published and set out the seuenth day of iuly 1580 , in the two and twentieth yeere of her highnesse reigne , whereby the same , and such maner of buildings and diuisions , are altogether forbidden and prohibited , as by her maiesties said proclamation more at large appeareth . moreouer , her highnesse said attourney further informed this honourable court , that sithence the sayd proclamation , sundrie decrees haue been made and taken by this court , aswell for the prostrating , pulling downe , and defacing of diuers new buildings : as also for reformation of diuisions of tenements : all which notwithstanding , sundry wilfull and disobedient persons , continue in their contemptuous maner of buildings & diuisions : by meanes whereof , the city of london , and suburbs therof , are ouercharged , and burdened with sundry sorts of poore , beggerly , and euill disposed persons , to the great hinderance and oppression of the same ; so as the magistrates and officers in and about the citie , to whom the due execution of the aforesayd decrees and orders chiefly appertaineth , cannot performe and doe the same , according to the purport and tenor thereof : and in regard thereof , her highnesse said attourney humbly prayed , that the sayd griffin and scrips might receiue , and haue inflicted on them , some condigne and fit punishment , and that at the humble petition of the lord maior and aldermen of the citie of london , and other the iustices of peace of the countie of middlesex and surrey , the court would bee pleased to set downe and decree , some last and generall order in this and in all other like cases of new buildings , and diuisions of tenements . whereupon the court grauely considering the great growing euils and inconueniences that continually breed and happen by these new erected buildings and diuisions made and diuided contrary to her maiesties sayd proclamation , and well weighing the reasons of the sayd lord maior and aldermen of the sayd citie and iustices of the counties aforesayd in that behalfe , greatly tendering the ouerburdened and distressed estate of the inhabitants that dwell in sundry the parishes where the sayd new buildings and deuided tenements are , being for the most part but of small ability to beare and sustaine the great charge which is to growe there by meanes of the poore placed in sundry of the new erected and diuided tenements , haue therefore by the whole and generall consent of all the honourable presence here sitting , hearing the accusations aforesaid , and the answeres , defences , and allegations of the said griffin and scrips , ordered and decreed , that the sayd griffin and scrips shal be committed to the prison of the fleete , and pay twentie pounds a piece for a fine to her maiestie . and as for the pulling downe , or reforming of any house new built or diuided sithence and contrary to the said proclamation , within the citie of london , or the compasse of three miles thereof , in which any poore or impotent persons now doe or hereafter shall dwell or abide , for that if the same houses should be pulled downe , destroyed , or reformed , other habitations must bee prouided for them at the charge of the parishes where they be or shal be dwelling , the court doeth as yet thinke fit to forbeare and respit the doing thereof , and haue ordered and adiudged that all and euery such poore and impotent persons , which dwel or shall dwell and inhabite in any new buildings , or diuided tenements erected & diuided , contrary to the effect and intent of her highnesse said proclamation , and are or shal in any wise be driuē to liue by begging , or to be relieued by almes within the city of londō or any other place within the compasse of three miles thereof , shall and may during the time of his or their life or liues , abide and dwell in the same , without giuing or paying any maner of rent , seruice or other recompence vnto the landlords or any other , for and in respect of the same , and not be thence remooued , vnlesse they shall after become able to liue of themselues , and that the said landlord , owner , or any other that claimeth interest to or for any rent or rents growing , arising , or payable for any of the said new buildings or diuided tenements , so inhabited or to be inhabited with poore people as aforesaid , shall hereby be enioyned , and vpon this sentence and decree take sufficient notice and warning , that hee or they doe not impleade , encumber , disquiet or molest any of the said poore tenants , for any rents , couenants , conditions , promises or agreements , touching or in any wise concerning the said tenements , new buildings , or any of them , for the leuying or recouering of any rent , seruice , or other consideration in lieu of any rent . and for that the new buildings and diuisions of sundry houses , within the citie of london and three miles compasse thereof contrary to the tenor of the sayd proclamation , hath beene and is the occasion of great charges vnto the parishes of the sayd citie and precinct aforesaid , whereby the said parishes are still ouermuch burdened with poore and impotent persons , it is therefore ordered and decreed , that all such landlords or owners of such buildings or diuisions wheresoeuer they should dwell , shall contribute and giue such like ratable and reasonable allowance with the said parishioners where such buildings and diuisions are , towards the finding and maintaining of the poore of the parish , in which such buildings are , is , or shal be erected or diuided contrary to the said proclamation , as should be apportioned and allotted him or them to pay , if hee or they were dwelling in the said parish . and it is further ordered and decreed by this honourable court , that after the death or departure of such poore people as doe or shall inhabite the same houses or diuided tenements aforesaid , the houses thereby being become voide , then the lord mayor and iustices of peace neere vnto the citie adioyning , hereby are commaunded to reforme the said diuided tenements , and to prostrate , pull downe and deface the said new buildings in such sort , as the same bee no more left fit for habitation , and the timber and wood thereof to be conuerted and disposed in such manner as by the sayd proclamation is required : as also to take order in all other the premisses , that this decree be duely obserued and kept : and if any shall be obstinate , then to binde such landlords as that shall obstinately and wilfully disobey this said decree , to appeare in this honourable court of starre-chamber to answere their contempt therein . this decree was afterward read in the court of starre-chamber the 29. of nouember 1609. and then confirmed and straitly commanded by all the lords present to be duely put in execution . in camera stellata coram concilio ibidem , vicesimo nono die nouembris , anno septimo iacobi regis . praesentibus . thoma egerton milite dn̄o ellesmere , dn̄o canc. angl. comite sarum dn̄o thesaurario angl. comite northampton . comite exon. dn̄o zouch . iul. caesar milite cancellar . scaccarij . archiepiscopo cant. fleming milite capitali iustic . de banco regis . coke milite capitali iust . de com . banc. yeluerton milit . iustic . de banc. reg. williams milit . iustic . de banc. reg. foster milite iustic . de communi banc. this day sir henry mountague , knight , recorder of london enformed this most honorable court , that where there haue been diuers proclamacions aswell in the time of our late souereigne queene elizabeth , as also since his maiestie most happie reigne , and also diuers orders and decrees taken in this honourable court for the restraining and reforming of the multitude of new erected and diuided tenements and the taking in of inmates , yet neuerthelesse the same doe so daily increase and multiply in euery place in and about this citie of london and the suburbs thereof infinite number of people being pestered together breeding and nourishing infection , so that the same tendeth to the great imminent danger of the gouernment and safetie of the citie , and consequently to the perill of his maiesties sacred person , the queenes maiestie , and their royall issue , and the lords of the state here ordinarily residing , with many other great enormities if the same bee not carefully and speedily preuented . and therefore it was humbly desired , that this honorable court would reuiue a decree of this court , made the twentieth day of october , in the fourtieth yeere of our sayd late souereigne queene elizabeth , taken and established for restraining and reforming of such new erected buildings and diuisions . and that the sayd decree might bee put in present execution for the speedy reformation of the sayd enormities , whereupon the sayd decree being openly read , this honourable court , and all the whole presence here sitting , taking tender care and consideration of the good and safetie of the said citie , and grauely foreseeing the imminent danger and euils which doe growe and increase , and doe chiefly arise through ouermuch neglect in the due execution of those former proclamations , decrees and ordinances which are not looked into as they ought to be , doeth therefore decree and order , that the said former decree taken the sayd twentieth day of october in the sayde fortieth yeere of our late souereigne be presently , and from time to time hereafter , more seuerely looked into , and put in execution . and his maiesties learned councell , and also the lord mayor and aldermen of london , together with all iustices of peace and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer which the same may any way concerne , are hereby straitly charged and required , that they and euery of them doe from time to time hereafter diligently and strictly cause and see the sayde decree to bee in all points duely obserued and put in execution , and tearmely to make certificate to this honourable court of their proceedings therein , and of such persons as they shall finde to offend in that behalfe , whereupon this court doeth purpose to proceede against them for their contempts with very seuere punishment . imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. 1609. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a22844-e520 the church-wardens of euery parish , & other substantiall housholders yeerely to be nominated at caster , to be ouerseers for the poore . children of the poore to be set to worke . a stocke of fl●xe , & hemp &c. to be raised . the church-wardens and ouerseere to meete together once euery moneth . account to be giuen by the ouerseers to two iustices of peace . other parishes within the hundred , to be taxed towards the reliefe of poore parishes . how to leuie money of such as refuse to pay . punishment of such as wil not worke . poore children to be put apprentices by the churchwardens and ouerseers . dwelling places for impotent poore to be built . order for such as are grieued with any sesse or taxe . parents , &c. b●ing able , shal maintain their owne poore . maiors , bayliffes , &c. of townes corporate , to haue authoritie as iustices of peace . euery alderman of londō to haue authority as two iustices of peace . iustices &c. to meddle onely in their owne liberties . a double account to be made . forfeiture for not nominating ouerseers . penalties and forfeitures to bee imployed to the poores vse . parishes to be rated at the generall sessions . leuying of summes of money rated . reliefe of the prisoners in the ●ings bench , marshalsey , hospitals , &c. treasurers for a yeere , and to giue vp their account at the yeeres end . l. chiefe iustice , knight marshall . churchwarden or high constable failing paiment . how the surplusage shal be bestowed . refusing to be treasurer to giue the reliefe appointed . a former statute for reliefe of the poore . the iland of fowlenesse . the defendants plea in a suite commenced against him . notes for div a22844-e1100 euery parish charged with a weekly summe towards the relief of souldiers . the taxation of euery parish . refusing to pay the money taxed . churchwardens shall pay to the high cōstables the money taxed . churchwardens , &c. falling to make payment . a treasurer falling of account , or neglecting his charge . to which treasurer the souldier shall repayre for reliefe . who shall make the soldiers certificate . allowance of the certificate . treasurers shall assigne reliefe to soldiers . iustices shall grant reliefe to souldiers . how much reliefe shal be assigned . the iustices may alter soldiers reliefe . souldiers arriuing far frō the place where they are to haue reliefe . the treasurers booke of computation , and register . a treasurer refusing to giue reliefe . a souldier begging , or counterfe●●ing a certificate . the surplusage of the stocke . chiefe officers in corporate townes . how the forfeitures shal be imployed . pensions assigned , to stand in force , though the statute be repealed . taxations made and not leuied . if the rate be not sufficient for souldiers in london . notes for div a22844-e1560 all former statutes concerning rogues , &c. repealed . iustices of peace shall se● down order for erection and maintenance of houses of correction . who shall be adiudged rogues , vagabonds , and sturdie beggers . the punishment of a vagabond . a testimoniall after punishment . rogues which be dangerous , or will not be reformed . rogues to be banished the realme , or committed to the gallies . rogues returning after banishment , to be reputed felons . the forfeiture of a constable &c. not doing his duety . disturbing the execution of this statute . bringing into this realme of irish , scottish or manniske vagabonds . diseased persons resorting to bath and buxton . the iustices within townes corporate shal onely intermeddle . s. thomas hospitall in southwarke . the iurisdiction of iohn dutton of dutton , reserued . in what sort the forfeitures shall bee imployed . iustices of peace may heare and determine the causes of this statute . commissioners to enquire for money gathered . a prouision for poore seafaring men . glassemen not begging . this act to be proclaimed . no authoritie giuen by any baron ▪ &c. shall free others frō the offence and punishment of the statute of 39. eliz. glassemen brought within the compasse of the statute . rogues branded with an hot yron r. after branding , felony . notes for div a22844-e2250 taxing others for the reliefe of the sicke of the plague . the inabitants vnable to relieue the infected . an infected person commanded to keep his house , disobeyeth . infected persons , how felons . attendants appointed vpon the infected . the vniuersities , cathedral churches , eaton , winchester . a brief treatise of the nature, causes, signes, preservation from, and cure of the pestilence collected by w. kemp ... kemp, w. (william) 1665 approx. 163 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47218 wing k260 estc r6407 12905323 ocm 12905323 95311 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47218) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95311) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 386:22) a brief treatise of the nature, causes, signes, preservation from, and cure of the pestilence collected by w. kemp ... kemp, w. (william) [6], 94 [i.e. 92], [2] p. printed for and are to be sold by d. kemp at his shop ..., london : 1665. errata: p. 94. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. plague -diagnosis -early works to 1800. plague -prevention -early works to 1800. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2002-12 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief treatise of the nature , causes , signes , preservation from , and cure of the pestilence . collected by w. kemp , mr. of arts. london , printed for , and are to be sold by d. kemp , at his shop at the salutation near hatton-garden in holborn . mdclxv . to the kings most excellent majesty charles the second , by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland ; defender of the faith , &c. most dread and gracious soveraign : the glorious sun , who communicates his beams and light , not onely to the stars and heavens where he doth reside , but also to the ayre and water , and the remotest part of the earth , where the lowest shrubs are cherished with his influence , is a fit emblem of your majesty whose pious care was expressed not onely for the nobles and courtiers , that have the honour to be near your person ; but also for the commons and inferiour people , that have the happiness to be in your mind , in appointing and accepting the directions of the learned colledge of london , for the cure of , and preservation from the pestilence . in a great fire begun in the city , when the sheriffs and other officers are principally called to the quenching of it , and though they discharge their places with singular discretion and fidelity , yet many private persons of an active and publick spirit , are admitted to yeeld their best assistance . in an invasion of a foreign enemy , or insurrection of a domestick rebel , others may take armes besides the life-guard and trayn'd-bands . the plague is a fire that is not easily quenched , an enemy which the vndaunted valour of the invincible english nation , is neither able nor willing to encounter with . for their sakes these directions are published and presented at your majesties feet , and may be useful not onely for the cure of those at land , but also for the preservation of them at sea ; in both which places your majesty hath many thousands , in whose breasts the true english good natured and loyal qualities of love and fear , valour and obedience , do most religiously meet , and who would willingly part with ▪ not onely their lives , but even their own ●ssence , to add to the greatness of their soveraign : of which number is he , who daily prays that your majesty may obtain all your desires from heaven , and be obeyed in all your commands on earth ; that being safely guarded from all dangers and diseases , you may live to see your magnificent intentions take effect , not onely for the good of england , but of all christendome , africa , and the indies , and bless the age we live in , with the miracles of your wisdom and government : your majesties most loyal subject , and humble servant , w. kemp . of the pestilence . of all diseases whereunto the body of man is subject , the plague is one of the most venemous and most infectious , peculiarly opposite to the heart , consuming the vital spirits , destroying the natural heat , and corrupting the humours , usually attended with a fever , and accompanied with variety of most grievous and pernicious symptomes , and most commonly ending in death . of the causes of the pestilence . the cause of the pestilence is either supernatural , or natural . 1. supernatural , when without the concurrence of natural causes , it is immediately and extraordinarily sent from god , as a just punishment for the sins of mankind ; and this not onely jewes and christians , but even heathens , priests , poets , philosophers , and physicians , have acknowledged in their writings . who can choose but with admiration adore his almighty power , who if he will build , creates a world ; if he rewards , it is with paradise ; if he will protect his people , there is a pillar of fire by night , and a cloud by day , to attend them ; the wilderness shall feast them with quails and manna , the rocks remove their station , and give them drink , the sea opens to yield them passage , the sun and moon stay their courses to enlarge and end their victories . but if he will punish , he sends a deluge and drowns the world , fire and brimstone descend from heaven , the elements are the marshals of his camps , all creatures are his host , the angels march in the head of his troops , whereof he hath thousand thousands that stand before him , and ten thousand times ten thousand that minister unto him ; one whereof slew the first born of every house in egypt in one evening , threescore and ten thousand of the israelites in three dayes , and one hundred fourscore and five thousand of the assyrians in one night . if he send the pestilence , as when the israelites murmured , or david numbred the people , there is no natural balm of gilead of sufficient vertue to preserve from it , or recover of it : if solomon had been then alive , and made an antidote of all his gold that came from ophyr , or extracted the quintessence of all those herbs whereof he knew the several operations , it would have availed no more for the preserving the israelites , than the fortification of sennacheribs camp defended the assyrians . can any thing help nature against the god of nature ? can man think to protect himself with medicines fetcht from vegetables , minerals , or animals ? would they not rather prove his enemies , and sooner do him hurt , than afford him help ? was not one of the greatest , pope adrian , kill'd with a flie ? one of the wittiest , anacreon , choak'd with a raisin stone ? one of the proudest , herod , devoured with lice ? but blessed be his glorious name , his clemency hath not left us destitute , but revealed to us supernatural remedies , faith and repentance , prayer and patience ; which though not prescribed by galen or hyppocrates , nor found out by paracelsus , nor sold by chymists or apothecaries , are revealed by god himself , approved by the prophets and apostles , and may be had for asking , and never fail'd those that us'd them . many learned physicians have written of the theory and practise of physick , and experienced doctors have publisht the observations which they have met with in the cure of diseases , searcht into the secrets of nature , discovered the vertues of herbs , treated of the preparations of minerals , enquir'd into the operations of animals , merchants have brought druggs from the indies , rarities have been sought in the wilderness , pearls have been div'd for in the bottom of the sea , the bowels of the earth have been digged out , the universe hath been rifled , the whole creation ransackt ; and yet not one medicine found out to preserve the doctor , or make one patient immortal . the imperial crown cannot cure the head-ach , nor the golden garter keep away the gowt . the best disciplin'd and victorious armies , the most invincible navies , the best fenced cities , are not able to protect from ordinary , much less from supernatural maladies . but these coelestial and supernatural medicines are of a far more noble and certain operation , and if any may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hands of god , these are they . faith brings to your help manus christi , better than all confections , it applies the lignum vitae of the cross , of more effectual vertue than xylobalsamum or lignum aloes . it makes a soveraign balsom of the most precious blood of the son of god , that incomparable and unparalelled physician , who died himself , to save his patients life . saint paul calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the shield of faith , which will defend you from the arrow that flyeth by day ; which word signifieth also a door , and will keep out the terror by night , and the pestilence that walketh in darkness , and the destruction that wasteth at noon . what shall i say more , for the time would fail me , to tell of gideon , and of baruck , and of sampson , and of iepthah , of david also , and samuel , and of the prophets , who through faith subdued kingdoms , wrought righteousness , obtained promises , stopped the mouths of lions , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword , out of weakness were made strong , waxed valiant in fight , turn'd to flight the armies of the aliens , and raised the dead to life again . repentance purifieth the soul of all corruption , purgeth out the old leaven , and cleanseth the filth of sin ; the smiting of the heart driveth away , and the breaking of it , will not let it hold infection ; poverty of spirit makes it more couragious , sighs clear and cool the ayre , tears are the best aquae vitae , and a better antidote than aqua theriacalis . you have heard of the patience of iob , why , it was a plaister of patience which cur'd him of all his sores . moses rod when thrown down , became a serpent , but patiently took up , was but a rod : and have you not deserv'd to be corrected , and to suffer much more than is laid upon you ? what is the shivering of a cold fit to the gnashing of teeth ? what is a burning fever to the flames of hell fire ? to be shut up for a moneth in your own habitation , or a pest-house , and there to be vexed with the impertinencies of nurses , the directions of doctors , and operation of chirurgeons , for a few dayes , in comparison of being imprisoned and tormented with the devil and his angels in the lake of fire and brimstone for evermore ? is not the loss of gods favour more than the lack of trade , or separation of friends ? is not the worm of conscience more painful than a carbuncle ? is not the death of the soul infinitely more grievous than the death of the body ? why doth the living man complain that suffereth for his sin ? any thing on this side hell is mercy . are you not kindly dealt with , when in justice you ought to lose your head , and in mercy you are censur'd onely to cut your hair . the wise king solomon was a great favourite , and might have obtained any request in the court of heaven , yet when he petition'd concerning the pestilence , that might be sent by god among his people , never intreats that medicines might have their desired effect , to preserve the healthy and restore the sick , but passeth by the helps of nature , and speaks as if there were none to be had , being consumed by famine , destroyed by blasting , corrupted by mildew , eaten by locusts , devoured by catterpillars , and spoiled by enemies , and puts all their hope and expectation of relief in the supernatural remedy of prayer , 1 kings 8. 37. if there be pestilence , whatsoever plague , whatsoever sickness there be ; what prayer and supplication soever be made by any man , or by all thy people israel , which shall know every man the plague of his own heart , and spread forth his hands toward this house ; then hear thou in heaven , and forgive , and do to every man according to his wayes , &c. prayers , whether they be gods heavenly and sudden inspirations , or our holy and premeditated desires , are as so many angels of intercourse descending and ascending between god and us ; and it is one of the greatest favours mortality is capable of , at all times , and in all places , and on all occasions , to have free access to the throne of grace , and make our wants known , and be relieved ; for god being universa ! goodness , and willing to communicate and diffuse the same unto his creatures , how can we fail in having our petitions granted , when we concur with him in desiring that help and pity , wherewith his very nature doth most delight . man was but a heap of dust , till the breath of life was breath'd into him , and then he became a living soul , and prayer will keep him a living soul , from returning unto dust again . is wrath begun ? prayer will make an atonement ; phineas prayed , and the plague was stayed : it as it were dis-armes the almighty , and in some sort may be said to bind his hands . it made him when angry , to entreat moses to let him alone . it holds the drawn sword of the destroying angel. it is an incense , that being offer'd up with fervent zeal , perfumes the air above all arabian odors , or the spice of india . hearty prayer availeth much , and is the most effectual cordial , the best preservative , the most excellent restorative , the most soveraign antedote , the most powerful amulet . 't is best to be used fasting in the morning , and last at night , three times a day with daniel , seven times a day with david , alwayes , as saint paul directs . as health is the salt of all earthly blessings , without which they would be uncomfortable , so prayer seasoneth and exalteth the vertue of all medicines ; nay 't is the universal medicine , it cures all diseases , and makes all work for the best , and like the philosophers stone turns every thing , nay the iron rods into gold , and the dreadful marks and purples into gods tokens . secondly , the plague may be caused extraordinarily , by the devil . that evil spirit that by his temptations enticeth men to wickedness , is most ready upon all occasions to reward them with punishment . he that can poyson the minds of men , by suggesting unto them most destructive and pestilent notions , much more can poyson their bodies with pernicious diseases . the devil , though fallen , is an angel , and though he hath lost his happiness , yet retains his power , neither did his knowledge of natural causes and their effects , depart from him with his innocence . he that being permitted to vex iobs body with biles and sores , that could drive winds and tempests together to beat down his house , that could bring down fire from heaven to destroy his cattel , can alter the disposition and healthy constitution of the air , whereof he is prince and ruler . when egypt was plagued , god sent evil angels among them , and those spirits that did corrupt the water , by turning it into blood , and poyson the rivers with froggs , and the cattel with murrain , may also corrupt the air and water , and raise on mens bodies botches and boils , and destroy them with the pestilence . hitherto may be referred that pestilence , which in some countries followeth upon the death and burial of certain witches , which though it may seem fabulous , yet being related out of hercules saxonia by that most candid author the learned sennertus ( whose honoured name must never be mentioned by me , without a particular respect and grateful acknowledgement of his learned labours in the art of physick ) i shall mention it in saxonia's own words . i had ( saith he ) a very strong argument to confirm this thing ; but because it did seem to exceed all credulity , i did not dare to publish it : namely , that in poland and germany the plague is sometimes caused by certain witches , when they are first dead and buried , and doth not cease till the corps be found and taken up ; then it hath in the mouth of it , some pieces of its own grave-cloths , or of some near adjacent carcass ( which it holds fast in the teeth , as if it were about to devour and eat them ) then they cut off the head of it , and set it on a pole , and bury the corps again . th because it seem'd to pass my understanding , i did not dare to write : but afterwards being confirm'd by manifold testimonies , especially of the most learned doctor john ursinus , i did not doubt to publish . the said vrsinus having seen it with his own eyes , relates it thus , in the year of our lord 1572. when a certain woman of rzesna in poland was buried near the church of the exaltation of the holy cross , the plague began to rage and spread extreamly , whereupon the buriers with good reason suspecting that there was a witch there lately buried , dig up her carcass , and find in her mouth some pieces of devoured grave-cloths ; they cut off her head , as the fashion is in such cases , set it on a pole , and bury the corps again , and the plague ceased . for confirmation whereof , the said saxonia brings the testimony of several famous men . and though the reason of it is not easily found out , yet it may not be unpleasant for those that have more leasure to make further enquiry . perhaps these wretched persons being of the same malicious mind with him , that wisht the destruction of the world at his dissolution , and said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , might indent with the devil to do some extraordinary mischief when they themselves could do no more ; and he , to draw others into the like cursed contract , might get leave to perform his bargain . martin weinrichius hath written a large narrative of the tragedies and troubles that a certain taylor of silesia stirred up after his death ; and histories relate strange stories done by witches in those places that are under the power of the prince of darkness , and without the light of the gospel . i have heard of the plague that hath followed upon great butcheries and slaughters of men that have been denied quarter , though their corpses have been all buried . if the body after death , neither by it self , nor by good , or evil spirits , hath no operation , how comes it to pass , that being taken out of the grave , many weeks after it hath been buried , it will bleed fresh blood at the presence of its murderer ? i have heard of many strange stories of tempests that have attended on the death and burial of conjurers and magitians ; and it is probable there was somewhat more than ordinary in that wind on the third of september , when that detestable tyrant and traytor cromwell died . however the devil can go no further than his chain , nor exceed his commission in afflicting iob , nay he could not enter into the gadarens swine without leave . the indians talk much of the mischief their powowes can do , but yet have no power to hurt the english ; and the wise wife of keith at the intreaty of earl bothwell , could not hurt king iames the brittish solomon . the light of religion destroys the power of darkness , and the infernal spirits are subdued and overcome by the heavenly vertues of faith and repentance , prayer and patience ; these call in angels to our guard , which will take charge over us , that there be no inchantment against iacob , nor divination against israel . secondly , the natural causes of the pestilence are likewise two-fold , 1. such as generate and breed it . 2. such as propagate and spread it . one cause of breeding the pestilence is the corruption of the air , which is occasioned , sometimes by the influence of the stars , by the aspects , conjunctions and oppositions of the planets , by the ecclipses of the sun and moon , by the consequences of comets , by immoderate heat , and excessive moisture , whereby vapours and exhalations being drawn up , and remaining unconsumed , do rot and putrifie , and so corrupt and infect the air with a venenate , malignant , and pestilential quality . and though some may think it strange , that those pure and coelestial bodies , as the sun , moon , and stars , should produce any pernicious or hurtful effects to mankind , or creatures here below ; yet when it shall be considered , that individuals have no perpetuity in themselves , but in their species , and therefore there is a necessity of corruption as well as generation , it will not be difficult to answer , that the stars intending no evil , hurt , or mischief , produce it onely by accident ; of themselves they preserve , but by accident destroy . moreover , the effects that proceed from the coelestial bodies , are not so much to be judged by the nature of the superior heavens , as by the disposition of the inferiour creatures : the same heat of the sun doth harden clay and soften wax ; thesame rain that washeth stones , makes miry places the more dirty . do you not see in the four seasons of the year , spring , summer , autumn , and winter , which are accompanied with warmth , drought , cold , and moisture , which are in themselves good , though many individual creatures receive damage thereby . the warmth of the spring is exceeding comfortable , and tending to the good of the universe , and yet that heat meeting with a body full of vicious humors , that had been stored there in the fore-going winter , stirs up fevers , plurisies , and other diseases , whereof many die . the summer season attended with its parching heat , serves for ripening of the fruits of the earth , and yet in some persons it causes calentures and mortal maladies . the rains of autumn , the cold and frosts of winter , though good in themselves and seasonable to the earth , yet in some bodies , occasion gowts , palsies , dropsies , and consumptions . and though these stars , being as it were pestilently bent against us , and have neither pity , sense , nor power to change their influence , or alter their motion , yet our most gracious god , who is the lord of the host of heaven , that made the sun and moon stand still for ioshua , and the sun to go back ten degrees for hezekiah ; that god which iob speaks of , which removeth the mountains , and shaketh the earth out of her place ; he that sealeth up the stars , and treadeth on the waves of the sea , iob 5. can disperse any hurtful exhalations that are gathered in the air , and suppress any noxious vapours that arise from the earth . he that can bind the sweet influence of the pleiades , can also hinder the malignant aspects of the planets ; and he that can loose the bands of orion , can as well dissolve the conjunction of mars and saturn , whom it is no more difficult for him to over-rule , than to guide arcturus and his sons , iob 38. 31 , 32. astra regunt homines , sed regit astra deus . secondly , the corruption of the air may be caused , not onely by the influence of the stars , but also by the vapours and exhalations that ascend from pools and standing waters , from lakes that do not run , from stinking sinks , and ditches that are not cleansed , as also from holes and caverns of the earth ; they which dig in cole-pits , and work in mines , oft-times , to the damage of their health and hazard of their lives , are made sensible of the effect of damps that thence arise . guainerius relates , that upon the opening of a pit in campania , there rushed forth such a poisonous breath , that presently kill'd the by-standers . physicians , out of iulius capitolinus , make mention of an exceeding old chest , which being found and opened in babylon , there began a most deadly plague , that reacht as far as parthia . and ammianus marcellinus relates , that in the time of marcus verus the emperor , apollo's temple was sackt , and his image brought to rome , where some of the souldiers of avidius crassus espied a little hole , which afterward they opened , and thereupon sallied out such a hurtful blast of air , that kindled a most grievous pestilence . the air also may be corrupted by the exhalations and vapours that ascend out of the bowels of the earth , wherein are many poisonous minerals , upon the eruption of earthquakes , after which ( as histories report ) most grievous plagues have followed . lastly , the air may be corrupted by the steams and fumes that arise from carcases not at all buried , or not buried deep enough , or digged up to make room for others before they have been quite consumed . i have read of a great plague that hath begun upon the opening of a grave , and one might guesse worse , if he should conceive this to be one reason why the parish of saint giles in the fields should be more infected than other places ; and those that have ability and authority may do a worse deed than cause the church-yard to be covered over with fresh earth . secondly , the plague may be caused by corrupt and superfluous humours , which being bred by ill diet , unhealthy food , unwholesome meat and drink , and being long detained in the body , at last arrive to the highest degree of putrefaction , and become venemous and pestilential : hence came the proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : after famine comes the plague . from this corruption of humours it is , that especially women and children , that are of a hot and moist temper , and of a soft and tender constitution ; and the meaner sort of people that keep little or no order in diet , and have small regard to preserve their health , but having foul bodies , and abounding with peccant humours , become most subject to this pernicious disease ; from the danger whereof , others that guide themselves more orderly , for the most part live more secure . secondly , as the plague may be generated and bred by the corruption of the air and putrefaction of the humours , so is it often propagated by infection , whereby the like venemous disposition and diseased effect is produced in a healthy body , wherewith that sickly person from whence it came , was first afflicted ; and it is most powerful if it be received into such a body , proportionable and of like constitution , to that wherein it was formerly kindled ; whence kinsfolks and those of the same bloud , are soonest infected by one another . the turks are perswaded , that every ones fate is written in his fore-head , and hath a fatal destiny appointed by god , which it is impossible for any to avoid ; so that they believe , those that shall die by the plague , cannot be slain in war , nor drown'd in water , and those that shall die in battel , cannot be kill'd by the plague ; by which credulity , they slight and neglect all care of avoiding the infection , conversing with one another , and buying the goods out of infected houses , and wearing the apparel of them that lately died . i shall not trouble my self to confute this opinion , since at grand cayre and constantinople there have been thousands that have suffered death , and multitudes that have been executed by the plague for this heresie . but would one think there should be any such in england , that in opposition to the good orders of the magistrates , and without any regard to their own safety , or the lives of their families , their children , neighbours , friends and acquaintance , and all with whom they have to do or come a-near , should not refrain the conversation of the sick , and coming into infected places , when they have no necessary occasion , that calls them thereunto . i have seen some sit at the doors , where the houses have been shut up , and have heard them speak ( i cannot say ) reason ) as if there were no such thing at all , as that which people fear and call infection ; they say the scripture doth not say the plague is infectious : why , neither doth it say that whoredome breeds the pox. they will tell you , they and many more have been with the sick and kept them company , and eat , and dranke , and lay with them , and yet themselves never ail'd any thing : they may as well argue that many have had the plague , botches , blains , carbuncles and the tokens , and recovered , and therefore the sicknesse is not mortal . when a phylosopher came to a heathen idols temple , one of the priests shewed him a table of the names of such persons , that in extremity of tempests and other dangers , made vows to their deity , and escaping shipwrack came safe to land ; but quoth the philosopher ; can you shew me how many made their vows and yet perished ? i have observed that most of these people are extream ignorant : and who so bold as blind bayard ? it would be no great difficulty to perswade an indian that never saw a gun shot off , to stand before a canons mouth when it is loaden and discharged : or else they have no good nature , or kindness for mankind ; or else they are exceeding covetous ; or such as care not much to be rid of some of their relations ; or else such as have had the plague formerly ; or else they are middle-witted persons and diseased in the pate , and are as fit for a pest-house as a mad man is for bethlem ; and the proper way to confute them is not with discourse or reason , but with a padlock and a watch-man . are there not some diseases that are infectious ? do not some sick bodies send out fumes and steams from them ? is not the plague as infectious as the itch or pox ? doth not the apparel of several persons smell of such things as they daily use and handle in their trade ? things of a homogeneous nature contain their whole essence in a little quantity ; every part of quicksilver is quicksilver ; the least drop of oyl is oil ; the least spark of fire is fire , and if it meet with combustible matter , what a flame will it soon beget and kindle ! any one that shall consider , what operation there is in a few grains of arsnick , or other deadly poysons ; what dolorous effects , and most grievous symptomes , are caused by the biting of any venemous beast , or stinging of such little creatures as hornets , wasps , and bees , that with their slender stings do make a wound so small , that it is scarce discernable by the sharpest sight ; will soon be perswaded , that a great force and efficacy of contagion may be included in a small quantity of room , and like leaven ( a little whereof leaveneth the whole lump ) will soon dilate and spread it self throughout the whole body , and destroy the vital spirit . this infection is of a hot nature , that it may disperse ; 't is subtil and thin , that it may enter ; 't is viscous and tenacious , that it may stick ; and venemous and pernicious , that it may destroy . it is not conveyed after one manner , sometimes it is communicated by breathing , sometimes by the pores of the skin , sometimes by sweat , or in form of a vapour , and divers other wayes ; but it is then most dangerous , when it comes from those that are in a dying condition , in whom nature is overcome by the strength of the disease ; sometimes it lies hid , and as it were dormant , and lurking for many dayes ; sometimes it quickly becomes rampant , and suddenly discovers its devouring nature ; sometimes a man may carry it about him in his apparel , and not being infected himself , may infect others . hitherto may be referred the infection that is caused by powders , ointments , mixtures , and compositions dispersed by mischievous persons , whereby the pestilence hath been strangely spread abroad , and for which ( as several credible histories report ) many of them being discovered , have been deservedly executed . and here a question may be asked , how it comes to pass , that such mischievous persons escape themselves ? and whence it is , that nurses , searchers , buriers , and such as minister about the sick , are free from infection ? to which i answer , that , perhaps this may not be alwayes true , the pitcher indeed goes often to the well , but at last may come home broken . there have been some chyrurgeons , that have had plague sores ; some nurses have died with their patients , nay have died , when their patients have recovered ; and there have been bearers and buriers that have stood in need of the same office to be done for them , which but very lately they did do for others . perhaps also , many of these persons have formerly had the plague , and recovered , being like some pieces that remain untoucht , when most of the house hath been consumed with the fire ; or like some souldiers , that have escaped with life , when most part of the whole army hath been cut to pieces . this their freedom from infection , cannot be said to proceed from better antidotes which they take , nor from healthier constitutions that they are of , nor better diet and order which they observe ; for many times such persons take little or nothing at all , and are subject to several diseases which many others are free from , and are often of disorderly and dissolute lives , given to intemperance and excess of drink . but it proceeds from an undaunted courage , a bold , ready , and present mind , not distracted with fear , or terrified with any peril , whence they adventure on and perform such actions , as others having their minds distracted with danger , and spirits dismayed and dissipated with fear , could not undertake without the apparent hazard of their lives ; as we see some that slide on ice , that walk on precipices , that swim in deep waters , that climb up tall trees , that dance on high ropes , do it without any great difficulty , because undaunted ; whereas others that should attempt to do the same actions with fear would fail of their enterprise , and break their necks . secondly , it may arise from a particular constitution they have , which is not easily subject to this contagion : before any action can have its effect , and make impression , the subject must be first disposed thereunto , and made capable thereof . a salamander is said to live in the flame , though a flie is consumed therewith . gun-powder and brimstone will take fire presently , so doth not chalk nor clay . it is from some particular constitution , that some persons can neither sing , nor distinguish any tune , neither care they for any musick , and yet others there be which are even ravisht with it . i know one , that playing at gleek , for more than he is willing to lose , cannot reckon his game aright , if he here one sing ; neither could he shake in the cold fit of an ague , if he heard a merry tune on the bag-pipes ; his best remedy against any pain is to hear some pleasant harmony . there are many fine dames that love to play with a squirrel , and carry it in their pockets , and yet i know a lady that will sound if she come neer one . how many are delighted with the fragrant smell of a damask rose , and yet it did blister a ladies cheek when laid upon it , though she was a-sleep . there are some that will even sound and be very faint , not only at the sight , but even at the presence of a cat , though lockt up and concealed in a chest ; and yet how many are there that love their melancholy company ? i have seen some that will put a snake in their bosome , and let it wind it self like a bracelet about their arm , and yet there are others that will be put into strange fits , and be extream sick at the sight of an eel . it is needless to tell how many hate cheese , and yet others think they have not din'd well without it . some persons there be which hardly any thing will make them sweat , others that can hardly vomit , some that nothing will purge ; some there are whom many drams of scamony will not stir , and yet twelve grains will purge others i know a gentlewoman now living , about sixty five years of age , and very well , that about five years ago could not be made to vomit with more than three ounces of the infusion of crocus metallorum , taken three dayes together , and yet would rid her stomach twice or thrice in a morning with drinking a draught of plain ale ; neither could she be purg'd with twenty grains of resin of ialap , and twelve of gambugia , and yet as much swell'd as one that had the dropsie , and withal so feeble , that she could scarce hold a card , wherewith she delighted much to play ; and yet was contrary to the expectation of all her acquaintance perfectly cured , by being about five and twenty times let blood , and is now living and very healthy . also i know a knight that will be as much purged with eating of one egge , as if he had taken a full dose of pills , or a churlish potion . thirdly , this their freedom from infection , may proceed from some custome . there have been some that by using themselves to the taking of venemous things and poyson , have made it as familiar and innocent to themselves as ordinary nourishment . there have been some that have eaten spiders and hemlock , and great quantities of opium , without any hurt or prejudice . what custome will do , one may see by them that are great drinkers , and smoke and chew and snuff tobacco , without distempering either their brains or stomacks . they who work in glass-houses , or near great fires , seldom complain of that heat which would even melt or roast others . many of the poorer sort there be , that in the cold north countrey , go bare-foot and wet-shod without catching cold or ague . some by using to dive in the sea for pearls , can hold their breath the space of almost half an hour . and those who are accustomed , and make it their unhappy trade to empty jakes and privies , scarce perceive , neither are offended with that smell , which is ready to poyson others . secondly , as the plague is propagated by contagion , so likewise is it spread by fear and imagination . from the heart proceed the vital spirits , which are its life-guard , and if they by fear are dissipated , or retire inwards , and leave the outward parts forsaken , which in infectious times , are as it were environ'd and besieg'd with pestilential air , in comes the plague like a prevailing enemy , and easily enters the gates , scales the walls , and surpriseth the heart , which like a coward in extremity of danger , is not able to help it self , or make resistance . secondly , by terror and fear , there is not onely an easie passage made for infectious air to enter in , but also the spirits retiring to the center of the heart , do draw after them such noxious and noisom vapours , which are about the circumference of the body ( as the sun draws towards it the vapours of the earth ) and these arriving at the heart , make a notable motion in the blood , and causing heaviness , compression and contraction , unite that force of the venome , which before was weak and scattered , and makes it stronger and victorious . thirdly , when either by the influence of the air , or disorder of diet , or corruption of humors , there is begotten in the body , a disposition or inclination to , or as it were a seed of the pestilence , fear and terror do excite and stir it up , and quickly bring it into action ; whence that which such timerous persons did most fear , doth unavoidably fall upon them . lastly , as the humors of the body do oftentimes work much upon the mind , in like manner the passions of the mind work no less upon the body . there have been some , who by imagination have been cured of those diseases , wherewith they have been afflicted ; and there have been others , who by imagination have fallen into the same diseases they have feared . thomas a vega a learned physitian , tells a story of one that was light-headed , and sick of a burning feaver , and being in great heat , was extreamly importunate , that he might have leave to swim in that pool there ( pointing with his hand to the floor of the chamber , which he fancied to be water ) for said he , if i should but swim there , i should be immediately well : at length the physician being overcome with his intreaty , gave him leave , and presently with great content he gets out of the bed , and cheerfully rowles himself upon the floor , saying , the water was now as high as his knees , but he could wish it deeper ; by and by after he was more pleas'd that it was up to his middle , and withall he wisht it a little higher , and presently after he seem'd to be over-joyed , for that the water came up to his chin , and then he said , he was very well ; and so it was indeed , for he presently recovered . whereas on the contrary there be other stories , that make relation of some , that did but see one infected with the plague , and of some that did but behold a-far off a corps going to be buried ; of others , who being in the house , did but hear the noise of the buriers , and presently after have caught the sickness , and died of the plague themselves . 't is not seldom seen , that the weeping of one person will draw tears from the eyes of another . when one begin to cough , many presently follow after . 't is very usual , that the laughing of one man , will set another on laughing , that seeth him laugh , though he doth not know the cause why the first man laughed ; and the like effect we see in yawning and stretching , which breedeth the like gaping in the lookers on ; and this doth proceed out of the action of the object upon the fancy of the spectator , which making as it were the picture , resemblance , or image of it self in the others mind , sendeth his spirits unto the same parts , where they produce the same actions . how great the force of imagination is , may be seen not onely by the longing marks that are made on children , when their mothers cannot obtain the thing they so much fancy ; thus some have had the picture of a cherry or mulberry , or some such fruit , imprinted on their body : but also by the impressions of those things that are made on the children , wherewith their mothers were affrighted ; thus some have had the resemblance of a bird , or mouse , or blood , or some such thing ▪ which put the mother in a fear . did you never see some frantick , distracted persons , who imagining that they are bound , and tied , and cannot stir from the place wherein they are , will lie still , and make great complaints of their imprisonment , and not go one step to reach any meat or drink , that should be laid and placed very near them , although they were never so much pressed with hunger , or with thirst ; nay , they would not rise up and run away , though an enemy came to them with a drawn sword , or though thieves were rifling all the room , because the apprehension of being tied and bound , is so strong in their fancy , that it neither can nor will send any spirits into other parts of the body to cause motion . so when any persons being frighted with this grievous disease , shall think of nothing but the plague , and have their thoughts and fancy fixed night and day upon this sickness , whereof they imagine they shall surely die and not escape , it comes to passe that the apprehension of the pestilence is so strong in their imagination , that they forget and neglect to send any spirits unto the heart , to bring it succour and relief , against its mortal and pernicious enemy . now for remedy against these passions , fears , terrors , frights and imaginations , which are more easily discoursed of , than removed . when , nay and before you are forsaken of friends , and hear nothing but complaints of neighbours , the crying of wives and children , the mourning of husbands and parents , the sorrowing of kinsfolks and allies , the sickness spreading , the pestilence raging , and the plague encreasing from tens to hundreds , from hundreds to thousands , and now ready to seize upon your self , as it hath done already upon others ; remember how saint peter and the disciples prayed in a tempest : call to mind what david did when he was greatly distress'd at ziklag , the town taken , sackt , and burnt , by the amalekites , his wives taken prisoners , the inhabitants carried away captive , and those few souldiers that he had left , ready to stone him , 1 sam. 30. 6. he comforted himself in the lord his god : cast off then the love of the world , let the distrust of gods mercy be far from you , use the exercise of a holy life and good conversation , and because it is gods doing , repine not at his providence : use the aforesaid approved supernatural remedies . faith is the best fence against fear , patience the best plaister against sores , repentance the best restorative , and prayer the best antidote . of the signs of the pestilence . although after several evil aspects and malevolent conjunctions of the planets after bad constitutions of the air , and distemper of the weather , after dearth of corn and scarcity of provision , whereby the humours of mens bodies have been corrupted , and several diseases have sprung up , yet no plague hath followed ; and on the contrary , though after the signs of healthy seasons , plenty of good and wholesome diet , yea and after a most cold and dry winter , and in a dry and temperate summer , the plague hath risen up and spread abroad ; yet most commonly there have been some tokens , signs , and fore-runners of it , which have given men an alarm to pre●●re for it , expect it , and provide against it . these signs are of two sorts : 1. the signs of the plague immanent , and approaching . 2. the signs of it present and raging . first , the signs of the plague approaching , may be observed , first , from the causes producing it : such as are the position of the heavens , the conjunction of mars and saturn , the appearance of comets and blazing stars ( but what and how much may be from thence fore-told , i leave to astrologers ) such also are the alterations of the seasons of the year from their usual temper , such are also the corruption of the humours , discovered by the frequency of malignant fevers and epidemical diseases , the commoness of the small-pox and measils , which often are fore-runners of the plague ; such also are the eruptions of earth-quakes , and digging up several places of the earth , especially old sinks and standing pools that have been formerly stopped up ; such is also contagion , for if the plague is , or lately hath been in any neighbour country , it doth not usually cease there , but travails from one place and nation to another , as physitians and historians do at large relate . secondly , the signs of the plague approaching , may be gathered from the effects . first , in the earth : if herbs , plants and grashoppers do wither almost as soon as spring up , if the fruits and flowers of it be blasted and devoured by caterpillars , spiders , moths , and such like creatures ; if there be more than ordinary encrease of mushromes , if there hath been a murrain among sheep or cattel ; for though the same plague that destroys man , doth not hurt sheep , neither doth the same disease that kills sheep , presently assault men , yet it may so come to pass , that by much and long eating of rotten mutton , bad humors bred thereby may arrive to so great a malignity as to kill men . secondly , in the water : if there be a great increase of frogs and toads , if fishes die in ponds or lakes , if the water of springs , pumps , wells and conduits become muddy and troubled . thirdly , in the air : if there be more flies , locusts and insects than is usual , if birds die , or forsake their place , if flesh sooner putrifie than ordinary , and bread sooner become mouldy . simon kelway in the third chapter of his treatise of the plague , printed at london 1593. hath these words , when we see young children flock themselves together in companies , and then will fain some of their company to be dead amongst them , and so will solemnize the burial in a mournful sort , this is a token which hath been well observed in our age to fore-shew great mortality at hand . and i have heard that one did fore-tell our late unhappy civil wars , by seeing boys and children make officers , muster and imitate the train-bands ; saying , when he was in germany , before the wars did there begin , the children there did do the like . i remember about twenty years ago , one of the chaplains of his late majesty king charles the first of ever blessed memory , did preach at bristol upon this text out of gen. 4. 15. and the lord set a mark upon cain : and in his sermon did speak much against black-patches and beauty-spots , and among other things , said that they were fore-runners of other spots , and marks of the plague ; and presently , within a very little while after , the plague brake out among them , and all those persons that did wear them , fled the town . and when saint andrews church-yard wall did break or fall down this winter , i heard some prognosticate the coming of the plague , saying , it fell in like manner the last great sickness in 1625. but what reason these had to say so , i do not fully understand . secondly , the signs of the plague raging , are two-fold : first , such as are common to other diseases . secondly , more proper and peculiar to it self . when the plague first seizeth upon any particular person , before many have been infected , it is very hard to discern it , because it hath divers symptomes attending it that are common to other diseases , and there is no one perfect proper , infallible , and inseparable sign to distinguish it , and many excellent and learned physicians have disputed and differed much about it ; but when it hath continued a while , and spread it self abroad among many , it is very easie to be known . as man is called a microcosme or little world , not only because he partakes something of the ●●●ure of all creatures , he hath a simple being with things without life ; he hath vegetation and growth with plants , sense and motion with bruits , and understanding with the angels ; but also because he hath in him the resemblance of all creatures , his flesh like the soft earth , his bones like the hard stones and minerals , his hair like the grasse , the blood in his veins and arteries distributed throughout the whole body , and all meeting in the heart or liver , like the rivers and waters dispersed in the earth , and all meeting in the sea and ocean ; his breath like the wind , his head like the heavens , wherein are seated his eyes , which some compare to the sun and stars : so also is the plague called the great sickness , because it borroweth the symptomes , and includes and comprehends in it self something of the nature of all diseases , whereof it is the abridgement and epitome . it sometimes begins with a cold shivering like an ague , sometimes continues with a mild warmth like a hectick fever or a diary , and encreaseth with violent heat like a burning fever . it corrupteth the blood and all the humours , it afflicteth the head with pain , the brain with giddiness , the nerves with convulsions , the eyes with dimness , making them look as if they had wept , and depriving them of their lively splendor , it makes the countenance look ghastly , troubling the ears with noise and deafness ; it infecteth the breath with stinking , the voice with hoarseness , the throat with soreness , the mouth with drought , and the tongue with thirst ; the stomach with worms and want of appetite , with hickhop , nauseousness , retching , and vomiting ; the bowels with looseness and the bloody flix , the sides with stitches , the back with pains , the lungs with flegme , the skin with fainty and stinking sweats ; spots , blains , botches , sores , and carbuncles , the pulse with weakness , the heart with sounding and faintness . it makes feeble like the palsie , it causeth sleepiness like the lethargy , watchfulness and madness like a phrensie , and sudden death like the apoplexy . and these symptomes happen not alike to all , but differ and vary according to the several constitutions of the parties that are sick . and as in the times of great infection all diseases turn to the plague , so the plague discovers the symptomes of all those diseases whereof it had its beginning and original . and , though this grievous sickness , most commonly comes in state , attended with a fever , and strengthened with other maladies , yet it is not alwayes so , for sometimes it comes stealing into the heart , whereby many have died suddenly , without the sense of fore-going pain or preceding distemper . iacob de partibus tells us of some that in the plague time bronght him their urine to look upon , and he could perceive neither any symptome or grievous fever that they had , and yet they died either before , or as soon as they went from him . alex. benedictus tells of some that whilst they have been employed about their business in the house ▪ their trading in the market , their devotions in the church , have died suddenly ; and sundry other physitians relate the like , and perhaps the same hath or might have been observed here at london . besides these signs that the plague hath in common with other diseases , it hath some more proper to it self , and doth incredibly destroy the vital spirit , and weaken nature , so that in a very short time , without any manifest reason or fore-going cause , the party is as weak and faint , as if he had endured much pain without ease , as if he had watched long without sleep , as if he had bled extreamly without stopping it , or purged or vomited exceedingly , without staying it . it is the most venemous and infectious of all diseases , it seiseth upon many , and the most of them it kills . what the event of the sickness is like to be , one may from hence conjecture and prognosticate : first , if the sick party in the very first beginning of the disease , and as soon as ever he felt himself ill , did take some proper and effectual medicine , and did not vomit or cast it up again ; and if by chance he did cast it up , if presently after he did take some more of the same , or some other , which did abide in his stomach , and was digested , and did make him sweat , and if he grew lightsomer after sweat ; if the swellings , botches , or carbuncles quickly arise to a place not dangerous , neither to the heart , neck , throat , nor about the ears , and thereupon the symptomes do abate , if the swellings be great , or more than one , and quickly break and run , and come to maturation : if the party hath an honest careful nurse , and but one physitian ( for two physitians , a wicked nurse , and the plague , are able to make an end of any one sick patient ) there is great probability and hope of his recovery . secondly , but if the party hath neglected to take any approved cordial or medicine in the beginning of the disease , before he slept , if the swellings be but small , and arise slowly and near about the heart , if there be more carbuncles than one , if the swellings retire back , and quickly strike in again , if the party continue light-headed , talke idle or hath convulsions , or a deep sleep , or be sick after sleep , or hath no sleep at all , if he hath a great thirst , and the tongue be black and scorcht , if the eyes look ghastly , the voice be hoarse , the nostrils drawn together , if he say that all things stink ; if he purge or vomit , or bleed at the nose , and is not better for it , if he be outwardly cold , and inwardly burn , if he doth often faint or swoune , for the most part death follows . thirdly , there is no disease more treacherous and deceitful , for sometimes , when one may think the worst is past , death is at hand , and when death seems to be at hand , the party sometimes recovers beyond hope or expectation . fourthly , children are most in danger , women with child next , and young maids that are marriageable , more than elder or aged persons . lastly , those that die of the plague , have commonly to be seen upon them spots , or marks , or botches , blains or carbuncles , and though these sometimes vanish or disappear , yet the flesh will be quickly softer in one place than another , and the whole body , by reason of the corruption of the humours , will grow limber , and become more soft than ordinary , and worse coloured than other corpses , the ears also , and the nails and nose will wax blew , as if they had been beaten or bruis'd . of the preservation from the pestilence . death is not a greater enemy to nature , than the pestilence is a friend to death , and though it be so grievous a disease , against which there is yet known no general nor infallible medicine ; yet sometimes , either by the strength of nature , or help of physick , it hath been heal'd and cured . we see there have been some houses set on fire , and yet have been preserved ; there have been possessions that have been enter'd by adversaries , and yet have been recover'd and restor'd again to the right and lawful owners ; there have been enemies , who have invaded countries , and enter'd towns , and yet have been fortunately driven out by the valour of the inhabitants ; but yet the housholder could more easily have prevented the fire , than extinguish it ; the farmer with lesse trouble kept his possession , than have regain'd it ; and the citizens with lesse losse and hazard have defended their towns and countries , than have clear'd them of their enemies . the plague is a fire that consumeth all before it , and may quickly bring the body to dust and ashes ; it is an adversary that riotously makes a forcible entry , and may assault , wound , and evilly entreat you , so that it may be despaired of your life , against whom yon cannot get your damages nor reparation ; it is an enemy that seldome gives quarter , but destroys , spoils , and lays all waste before it , and far more wisdom it is to prevent the malady , than to abide the trouble , cost , and hazard of the cure. the way and means of preservation ( under gods assistance , as in all things , so especially now , we ought to seek by prayer and devotion ) consist in two things : 1. in avoiding all the causes of the plague . 2. in strengthening our bodies against them . one cause of the sickness , is the corruption and infection of the air ; for when the plague begins to raign in any place , and the pestilence is as it were sown among the people , the sick continually not onely breath out of their mouths , but send out of their bodies infectious steams and vapours , which being disperst and scattered in the air , are soon after drawn in by the breath of others ; and thence whole families are extinguisht , and the plague not onely creeps , but runs from one house to another : and hence it is that the plague destroyes more in cities than in countries , and more in narrow streets and lanes of those cities , than in open places , because usually there are narrow and little rooms , which are soonest fill'd with infectious vapours , and longer keep them in ; for though the air be never so corrupt , you must draw it in with your breath continually , for without it you cannot live an hour . as meat and drink is the food of our bodies , so is the air the nourishment of our spirits ; and therefore as by unwholsome meat our bodies are diseased , so by corrupt air , our spirits are easily infected , weakened , and extinguished ; and therefore we have good cause to avoid it , and provide against it . hence it was that the ancients ( as plutarch relates in his roman questions ) did alwayes build the temple of aesculapius the supposed god of their health , without the walls ▪ because they judged the country air more wholesome than the city . and in this case the counsel of hippocrates in advising to change and flie the corrupted air , is , and hath been receiv'd as an oracle , and as a proverb generally approved by all , the antidote made of three adverbs , cito , longe , tarde , flie quickly , go far , and return slowly , hath oft-times proved effectual . and if any of those that will strain at a gnat , and swallow a camel , should pretend any scruple of conscience about the lawfulness of this remedy , in flying from infected places , and say , out of envy , at the accommodation of others , or discontent that they are not so well provided themselves , or some secret design ( as i have heard several expresse it ) the lord can follow them and find them out ; they may also understand , that it is not their desire to flie from his presence , but his plague , not from their gracious god , but from his punishing and fearful rod. do you not see this sort of people , if they should be looking out at a window , and it should chance to thunder and lighten in their faces , would they not presently turn their backs , and shut the casement , and retire inwards ? and yet they cannot think that the casement can resist thunder , or the glasse keep out lightning . do they not in winter , frost , and snow , wear muffes and gloves , and put on more apparel ? and yet the psalmist saith , who can stand before his cold ? psal. 147. but i shall leave these people as diseas'd in the pate , and as i have advis'd all my friends ( though much against my own interest ) if possible to remove and change their dwelling ; so i think it no more unlawful for any persons , whose stay in infected places is not more necessary than their lives , to take the benefit of better air , than for a great man that hath a large house , to remove from one end or side of it , that is infected or set on fire , to another part of it , that is free and safe from burning ; onely this i shall intreat of all that go from infected neighbours , that they would thankfully adore gods bounty in providing for them places of refuge , and part with some of their finery , pride , excesse , prodigality , superstuity , and luxury , for the alms and relief of those that are now brought to great necessity , and send up their prayers for the health of such places , upon which some of their sins may have helpt to pull down plagues . but as in taking of other physick , it is necessary to observe and follow the directions , otherwise you would run into an error , and make the remedy worse than the disease ; so when you fly from infected places , you must observe the rules to do it . 1. cito , quickly ; you must delay no time , but remove with all speed , least you be arrested by death , before you go , or carry the infection with you , either in your own body , which being stirred and heated with motion , may occasion the humours to putrefie , and destroy your self ; or else in your cloths , whereby those persons among whom you come to dwell or sojourn , having not been accustomed to such evil air out of which you come , may very easily be infected . evagrius lib. 4. of his history , relates that many sound persons coming out of infected places , did infect the inhabitants , and brought the plague among them ; and the like may be remembred to be done in later years . 2. longe , far ; when there hath been a little cloud dissolved in the air , it hath been observed to rain sometimes at one end of a town , and not at all at another ; mists have been at the tops of the hill , when there have been none in the valley ; there hath been sun-shine in one field , and rain in the next ; it hath snowed in some grounds , when it hath hail'd in others ; fearful thunders have astonisht the people in some places , and yet twenty miles off they have not been heard ; but in a great over-casting of the heavens , you must not think to get out of the reach of the rain or storm in a little journey . you cannot smell rosemary half a mile in england , but from spain you may smell it many leagues . if the infection be in a country village , a little way will serve to flie from it , but if it be in a great and imperial city , you must go further , and though you fare worse , you will scape the better . lastly , tarde ; as you must flie from the infected place in hast , so you must return to it by leasure ; for you were better stay away a moneth too long , than return a day too soon . when a fox is to passe over any frozen river , he puts his ear to the ice , and if he hear the water run , the memory of being formerly wet , and the unpleasantnesse of swimming in the cold , coming to his mind , makes him retire back . 't is no wisdom for you , having taken up a good shelter , to come out of it into a storm or tempest , till all be calm . those who are to return into their homes that have still remained clear from the infection , may do it sooner than those who are to go into houses that have been visited . infection as well as smells and perfumes , may last a long time in a garment or apparel . fracastorius tells of a furre gown ( sure it was a mourning gown ) that occasion'd the death of five and twenty men that wore it , one after another in verona , and died of the plague . and alexander benedictus speaks of feather-beds that have held the infection seven years ; if you lie in them too soon , the linnen may prove your winding sheet , and the down-bed your death-bed , where you may sleep your last , and instead of having a good-morrow , bid the world good-night . but least any with over-much care should prejudice their own private affairs , or the trade of this royal city of london ( whose wealth and prosperity every true english-man is oblig'd to seek ) he may be informed that in the ending of the last great sicknesse 1625. the people went promiscuously one among another , and the houses were quickly fill'd with inhabitants , and fresh comers out of the country , and yet no new infection followed . and i remember that in the loyal city of bristol ( the place where i was born ) about twenty years ago , many houses were shut up , and hundreds died every week , of the plague , both before and during the siege , whilst it was kept for the kings most excellent majesty , by that most renowned and and valiant commander his highnesse prince rupert ; but as soon as ever the enemies enter'd in , as if the lesser plague vanisht , and departed at the approach of a greater , the souldiers made no great difference of quartering in any houses or coming into any company , and the inhabitants return'd to their forsaken dwellings at one gate , whilst the pestilence went out at the other , and hath not hitherto return'd again . but now if through poverty and lack of means to maintain you , and want of friends to receive and entertain you in better air , or having such callings , from the attendance whereon , you cannot with honesty and good conscience absent your self , but are enforced still to stay , and cannot possibly avoid the occasions of the sicknesse ; you must then , secondly , strengthen your bodies against the causes of it . for which purpose you must look upon the plague as a most poysonous and pernicious serpent , as a most dangerous and deadly dragon , whose venom is increased by destroying , and you tied to encounter with him , where if he assault you , you must either get the victory , or die upon the spot . if you were to defend your self against a thief , a pistol would perhaps affright him ; if to duel a quarrelsome hector , a sword or rapier would preserve you ; a staffe will serve to beat a dog , the shewing of your self would chase a fox , and make him take his kennel ; but the plague is so venemous and destructive an enemy , that to defend your self , and get the victory , you must be more than ordinarily armed and appointed . imagine then your self to be a garrison , whereof you are the governour , and which you are commanded for to keep upon the hazard of your life , and in this case do as a most discreet and valiant souldier would , to defend and maintain his trust , and save his honour . he will remove or secure all traytors , and secret enemies , cut down all trees and hedges , and burn all houses wherein the enemy may take shelter and annoy him ; and spoil all provisions that may relieve and succour him ; he will repair all breaches and weak places , at which the enemy may make a battery , and seek to enter by assault ; he will lay in sufficient stores of ammunition and provision ; he will fortifie the place with trenches , lines , and out-works ; he will raise and muster up a sufficient number of souldiers , and by good discipline have them ready at all postures , marches , and commands ; he will furnish himself with all manner of offensive and defensive weapons , engines , and fire-works . he will be jealous , and examine all strangers and unknown persons that enter in . he will have his spies abroad for intelligence , and never be secure , but alwayes on his guard. now in the body , bad corrupt humours are as traytors , which will soon take part with the disease , and let him in , if you do not suppresse the breeding of them , and purge them out . all slovenly or sluttish nastinesse , all disorder and excess , are as so many shelters , wherein the enemy may lurk and lie in ambush to assault you . the infirmity or weakness of any part , is a breach , by which the sicknesse may enter , and which you must make up and repair to keep him out . issues and fontanels , are as trenches , graffes and ditches ; fumes as fire-works and granadoes ; amulets as fortifications and out-works , which you must make to keep him off : the natural animal and vital spirits are the souldiers , which you must by all means maintain and cherish , revive and comfort , and keep from fear and fainting . good diet and cordials are the provision which you must not want . medicines are your offensive and defensive weapons , to preserve your self , and destroy your enemy . intelligence and knowledge with whom you do converse , or have to do , are your spies , and carefulness your guard and sentinel that keeps you from being surpriz'd ; and little enough , you cannot be too careful ; for there have been places that have been betrayed by the inhabitants , surpriz'd by ambush , yielded up by cowardise , starved for scarcity of provision , surrendred for lack of ammunition , could not be made tenable for breaches , overcome for want of souldiers , taken by letting in unknown persons , and surpriz'd by being secure . the city of troy was taken by bringing in a wooden horse , whose belly was full of armed greeks ; some places have been surpriz'd by souldiers covered with a load of hay ; and others by enemies brought in with houshold-stuffe . but your life is in greater hazard , it may be lost by a pair of gloves , a periwigge or a muffe , or any apparel ; your destruction may be brought upon you by your meat from the shambles , by your wine from the tavern , by your bread from the bakers , by your drink from the brewers ; it may come in a nose-gay from the garden , in herbs from the fields , in fruit from the market ; it may be handed to you by the water you wash in , it may be drawn in by the air you breath in ; and as at other times you are so frail , that your breath ( so in times of infection your death ) may be in your nostrils . secondly , to strengthen our bodies against the causes of infection . one cause of infection , is , the corruption of the air ; and the way to fortifie our selves against it , is , to correct and purifie it . and here the air may be considered two wayes : first , in general . secondly , in particular . the general air , is , that of all the region and place where people live , which is , and may be purged by cleansing and removing all filthy and offensive things out of the streets , and adjacent places . physitians , in the time of great and grievous plagues , have used several means , and tried divers wayes to clear and purifie the air. some direct to make great fires in the streets , as hyppocrates did in the plague at athens , and burning among them sweet odors , spices and perfumes , fragrant ointments and compositions , whereby he freed the city from infection . some would have guns and muskets discharged in the streets , especially in hot weather ; and this makes a greater commotion , though less heat and inflamation . cardanus directs to burn leather , and things that send out strong scents , though they be never so odious and stinking . others , as alexander benedictus , would have dogs kill'd , and left in the streets unburied , that the carrion smell might expel the venom of the putrid air ; and perhaps for this reason , that poysons have not onely an antipathy to their antidotes , but also sometimes to one another , it being no more unusual for one poyson , than for one heat , to drive out the other . moreover , seeing that everything doth work upon its like , and there ought to be something agreeable and suitable between the agent and the patient ( as we see that oylwill presently mixe & incorporate with grease or wax , but not with vinegar , and many gums will dissolve in vinegar , that will not melt nor mix with oil ) it might be probable , that in an extraordinary infection , those odious scents being somewhat of the same nature with those poysonous vapours that caus'd the pestilence , might incorporate with them , and carry them away , whereas delightful and better odors and perfumes , by reason of the contrariety of their nature , might have no effect upon them . rodericus a castro would have kine and oxen driven up and down the streets , that the impurity of the air might be cleansed by the sweet smell of their breath ; and i have heard the smell of sheep very much commended ; and some have also suspected it , least their flesh afterwards when they come to be kill'd should poyson the eaters . but as the same plague and murrain that kills sheep and beasts ▪ will not hurt men , so will not the plague that kills men , hurt sheep or cattel . the particular air is that in our own private houses , and which we breath into us , and this is purified by smells or fumes , of both which , as well simple as compound , there are a very great number prescribed by physitians . i shall commend this . take white-wine vinegar and smell to it , and wash your mouth and nostrils with it , or mixe it with water that you wash your face and hands with ; or wet your face and hands with it , after you have washt them with water , and let the vinegar dry in , without wiping of it off . or else use it thus . take sage and rew , of each a handful , steep it in a quart of white-wine vinegar , and use it as aforesaid . or else use this . take nutmegs , the roots of contrayerva virginia , shakeweed , pestilence wort , angelica , elicampane , zedoary , master-wort , lovage , of each an ounce bruised , infuse them in three quarts of white-wine vinegar close stopped in a bottel , and use it as aforesaid , and smell to some of the root and nutmeg ; and carry some about you in an ivory or other box with holes in it ; or wet a piece of a sponge in the liquor , and carry it about you , and put a piece of any of the ingredients in your mouth . rhasis , a costly physitian , would have linnen cloths dipt in vinegar , and hang'd about the room , instead of hangings . some do commend pomanders and sweet perfumes , and others dispraise them , that they onely recreate the spirits , but being no antidotes-resist not poyson ; but vinegar is a thing without exception , and any or all of those ingredients , do exalt the vertue of it , and make it admirable : and if you cannot get all the aforesaid roots , get as many as you can , and abate a proportionable quantity of vinegar . also , the vrine of a goat is much commended by the arabian physitians , avenzoar and averroes , as having in its smell a specifick and appropriate quality to help the infection of the ayre . and mercurialis tells that he went to vienna to medicine maximilian the emperour of germany , one day when he dined with the chancellor of hungary , he espied a great goat , and asking the reason why it was there kept , they told him for an antidote against the plague . and there is as good reason for it , as the smell of a fox should be a defensative against the palsie ; and it is not for nothing that physitians prescribe the burning of goats horn , as a good fume against pestilential and infected air. for as the air is corrected by smells , so is it also by fumes , of which there are multitudes prescribed , and i shall commend this . take either some plain white-wine vinegar , or compounded as aforesaid , and put it into a perfuming pot , either by it self or with rose water , or any other sweet water , or with any perfume , or put it on a hot fire-shovel , and let it smoke about the house . also , the american silver-weed , or tobacco , is very excellent for this purpose , and an excellent defence against bad air , being smoked in a pipe , either by it self , or with nutmeg shred , and rew seeds mixed with it ; especially if it be nosed ; for it cleanseth the air , and choaketh , suppresseth , and disperseth any venemous vapour ; it hath singular and contrary effects , it is good to warm one being cold , and will cool one being hot . all ages , all sexes , all constitutions , young and old , men and women , the sanguine , the cholerick , the melancholy , the phlegmatick , take it without any manifest inconvenience ; it quencheth thirst , and yet will make one more able , and fit to drink ; it abates hunger , and yet will get one a good stomach ; it is agreeable with mirth or sadness , with feasting and with fasting ; it will make one rest that wants sleep , and will keep one waking that is drowsie ; it hath an offensive smell to some , and is more desirable than any perfume to others ; that it is a most excellent preservative , both experience and reason do teach , it corrects the air by fumigation , and it avoids corrupt humours by salivation : for when one takes it either by chewing it in the leaf , or smoaking it in the pipe , the humors are drawn and brought from all parts of the body , to the stomach , and from thence rising up to the mouth of the tobacconist , as to the helme of a sublimatory , are voided and spitten out . there is also a fume made of brimstone and saltpetor , but of this in the latter end of the book . lastly , to guard your self from the corrupted air , you may do well , not to walk abroad till the sun hath drawn up and disperst all foggy vapours , and to be within doors at noon and the heat of the day , when the pores being more open , are apter to receive infection , and not to be abroad in the moon-shine , whose beams are hurtful ; nor at night , when noisom things may be thrown out of doors or windows into the streets ; or when the diseased persons with sores about them , either by their own craft or contrivency of their keepers , obtain liberty to go abroad . the second cause of the pestilence , is the corruption of the humors , which you must be as careful to defend your self from as against the putrefaction of the air : and how that may be done by bleeding , purging , vomiting , sweating , and observation of diet , comes next to be considered . of bleeding . concerning bleeding , though i beleeve that it is an effectu●l means not onely to prevent , but also to cure most diseases ; and though none be more free and ready to comply with the inclination of any patients desirous thereof , nor more earnest to perswade them to the submitting thereto , and have not in my practise been unfortunate therein ; but have seen diseases that have been exasperated by other medicines , beyond expectation cured thereby ; and do think it most commonly so excellent a remedy , that many patients admitting thereof , would much shorten the time , and lessen the cost and trouble of their sickness , and not stand-in need of one quarter of those medicines and antidotes , those preparatives and corroboratives , those infusions and decoctions , those pills and potions , purges and vomits , cordials and bolus , juleps and emulsions , extracts and juices , waters and spirits , salts and oils , syrups and conserves , electuaries and powders , plaisters and ointments , blisters and glisters , they are made to take ; and though there be many medicines that will purge flegme , choler and melancholy , yet none are yet known , that will safely purge bloud or lessen it ; yet i cannot in this case of preservation from the pestilence , advise any one to open a vein , but rather disswade them from it . and because it may take better from another of more authority than my self , i have gotten iacob sylvius in his book of the blague to deliver his opinion in plain english. as for blood-letting ( saith he ) it is no way profitable for the preventing of this disease , because the bloud ▪ being diminished , the body is made more : open and lyable to external injuries , and the strength decayes by the loss of blood , the food and treasure of life . of the same mind also is the most excellent physitian sennertus , who though in the cure of most other diseases he begins with phlebotomy , yet in this forbids it ; and the most learned riverius is of opinion , that bleeding causeth one to be infected the more easily , as also to escape the more hardly ; it being in this venemous disease as in those that have taken poyson , who by bleeding draw the poyson inward , and very difficulty are recovered , and therefore upon the very suspition of being poyson'd , most skilful physitians abstain from letting blood : nevertheless , they conclude , that if there be any notable fulness of blood , or necessary evacuation suppressed , a vein may be opened upon 〈◊〉 account , ( and then very sparingly ) but not in reference to the pestilence . and as to the present time of the year , galen forbids to let bloud in a hot and dry season of the air. of purging and vomiting . although as hyppocrates saith in his aphorismes , that , those which are of sound and perfect health do quickly faint , and grievously endure a purging 〈…〉 nor superfluous humor to draw out and work upon , doth first dissipate the spirits , and then dissolves those parts of the body which are humid and moist , and afterwards corrupts those which are solid , and although ( as crato saith ) there be no purging or vomiting medicines , which are primarily and directly opposite to the venom of the plague : yet because foul bodies are more subject to infection than those which are pure and clean , and the humours they abound with , may disturb nature , and interpose themselves , and take off and dull the operation of any cordials or antidotes , and being agitated by the disease , might flow and settle to some noble part , and bring the party into a most grievous fever , frenzy , or some other inflamation , whereby he may be endangered as much as by the plague . there have been several purging medicines directed by physitians , and i shall prescribe these . the pills of ruffus , otherwise called the common or pestilential pills , are very excellent , you may take of them once or twice a week when you go to bed ; the dose of them is half a dram for an ordinary constitution , or a whole dram for a strong man. you may have them at any apothecaries , or else make such like yourself . take fine aloes two ounces , fine myrrhe one ounce , english saffron half an ounce , make them into powder , and with venice turpentine make them into pills ; and take half a dram , or a whole dram , as aforesaid . the aloes clears the stomach from bad humors , and the belly from worms , the myrrhe preserves the body from putrefaction , the saffron cheers the spirits , and the turpentine is good against the pestilence . or else take this . dissolve an ounce and a half of manna in six ounces or a little draught of spring water , and one spoonful of vinegar warmed together on the fire , then strain it , and take an ounce of venice turpentine , and put to it the yolke of a new laid egge , and stir it about , and mixe it , and it will look like cream , then by little and little put to it the liquor , being first quite cold , wherein the manna was dissolved , and stir it about , and drink it up , and keep warm , ordering your self as is usual in other purges or vomits , when it works upwards you may take posset drink and downwards broth : if it had a pleasant taste , those that know the vertue of it , would never take any other medicine : it is strong enough for any of the strongest constitution , and for those that are weaker , six drams , or half an ounce of turpentine is dose enough . women with child may use this . infuse a dram of rubarb slieed six hours in six ounces or a little draught of endive or succory-water , or spring-water , then strain it , and put to the liquor one ounce , or else two ounces of manna , and dissolve it over the fire , and strain it , and drink it up . children may take an ounce or two ounces , or half an ounce of manna dissolved in succory of endive-water , or in spring-water , or barly-water , or broth , or posset-drink . but beware of strong purges and vomits , which will sooner bring the plague upon you , than preserve you against it , especially at this time , when it is more probable that the sickness is occasioned by the corruption of the air , than by the putrefaction of humors ; there having been no scarcity of provision , whereby the poorer sort might have been necessitated to feed on unwholsome diet , and therefore no necessity of taking any purging physick . i remember about four years since , many were sick of a malignant fever , and the discontented party did attribute the cause to the keeping of lent , and eating of fish : what would they have said now , if lent had been strictly observed ? of sweating . as purging , vomiting , and bleeding , do draw in the humors and vapours from the circumference and outside of the body , to the center and inside of the heart ; so medicines that cause sweat , expel them from the heart to the outside of the body , and rarifie those humours into light and thin vapours , which turn into a watery sweat , as soon as they come out of the skin into the air , and thereby drive out those humors and vapours , which breed the pestilence . for which purpose it would not be inconvenient to take one or two drams of london or venice-treacle , or of mithridate or diascordium , or confection of iacynth , according to the age or strength of the party ; or one dram of electuary de ov● in white-wine vinegar ; or a draught of posset-drink made of vinegar and water put into the milk instead of beer or ale. or else this , which is most excellent , without heating of the body , or hurting of the purse . take crabs eyes one ounce , burnt harts-horn half an ounce , the black tops of crabs claws an ounce and a half ; make them all into a powder , and take of it one dram , or two drams , in a glass of posset-drink when you go to bed , and drink another draught of posset-drink after , to wash it down . or else you may drink a draught of oxymel posset-drink , made as followeth . boil a quarter of a pint of english honey , with a quart of water , and skum it , then put to it one pint of vinegar , and let it boil nine or ten walmes ; then let it cool , and boil a quart of milk , and turn it with a sufficient quantity of the oxymel , and put away the curd , and drink the posset-drink when you go to bed . or else take a dose or quantity of the antipestilential vinegar , of which hereafter . of observation of diet. although you defend your self never so safely from the evil air , and retain your blood as the treasure , and maintain your spirits as the guard of your life ; though you purge out vicious humors , and sweat out bad vapours ; yet if you by any neglect , disorder , excess , or defect , do recruit those humors , corrupt your blood , or spend your spirits , it will be to no more purpose , than if you had washt your cloths never so clean , and yet afterwards should tumble them in the dirt , or trample them in the mire . by observation of diet , physicians understand , the well ordering of a mans self in those six things which they call ▪ non-natures , the air , sleep , and watching , the passions of the mind , labour and rest , repletion and evacuation , meat and drink , which some have called the six strings of apollo's harp , wherein consists the harmony of health : if these be in tune , the body is sound , but if any of these be skrewed up too high by any excess , or slackened too low by any defect , or intemperately used then is the body put out of tune , and made subject to diseases . 1. for the air , let it not be too cold nor too hot , and choose rather to wear by day , and to be covered , at night , with too many cloths , than too few ; and let your apparel be rather stuff then cloth , which will soonest catch , and longest hold infection : but take heed of too great heat . mercurialis tells of many smiths and glass-men that died in the plague at venice , who by the heat of fire had made their bodies too open and apt to receive infection . 2. as for sleep , let it be moderate , and take heed of too much watching . 3. let your passions be calm'd , and your mind serene , and as much as possible refrain anger and banish fear . 4. let your exercise be moderate , and forbear over-heating your body , whereby you will be necessitated to draw in more air ; and it hath been observed that many hard labourers , have not onely been infected , but died of the plague . 5. for repletion and evacuation , take heed of excess , and keep your body neither too loose nor costive : look upon venus to be as great a friend to the plague as mars or saturn , and the venereal marks and swellings no preservative against the spots and botches of the pestilence . it is no lesse unfortunate and wretched , than devillish and wicked advice , for any to get the pox , to avoid the plague ; for experience , which is the mistriss of fools , hath taught some , that have no care of their souls , that it is as dangerous for the body to go into some other houses , as into a pest-house . lastly , for meat and drink , you are to have respect not onely to the quality , that it be good and wholesome ( and take heed of surfetting on any summer fruit ) but also to the quantity of what you take . as the body is not to be weakened , nor the spirits spent with fasting , so is it not to be overcharged with surfetting : they that will eat till they can feel the meat with their fingers , and drink till they can paddle with the liquor in their throats , and be ready to shed it out of their mouths , are in the way of cutting their throat with their tongue , and digging their grave with their teeth . mercurialis saith of his own knowledge , they are much deceiv'd , who think to preserve themselves by eating and drinking ; and tells of many great drinkers both at padua and at venice , that died of the plague , from which they thought to preserve themselves by drinking wine . it was the saying of a politician , that , maxima pars frugalitatis est bene domatus venter ; so it may be the aphorisme of a physitian , maxima pars sanitatis est bene domatus venter . as he that loveth pleasure , will not be quickly rich , so he that is given to excess , will not be long well . temperance and abstinence as they are not onely remedies against most diseases , as lessius treats at large in his spare diet , and cornaro made experiment , by a little and very wholesom food , so are they also a great corrector of any inconvenience that comes by evil nourishment . when the impregnable city of carlile , under the government of the most invincible and resolute governour sir thomas glenham , in the late wars , was besieged by an army of warlike english and hardy scots , there was great scarcity of provision ; the besieged did eat all the dogs and cats , never roast-beef was sold so dear as horse-flesh ; of which when horses were kill'd and sold in the market , no family for their money , might have above their allowance ; the best provision that an officers wife could procure whil'st she lay in child-bed , was a young colt : the souldiers were allowed but two meals a week , and that was a quantity of beans , and the water they were boil'd in , and yet so couragious as to say , give us but a bean a day , and we will keep the town . though the city was full of inhabitants and garrison souldiers , and many of the loyal gentry , and divers valiant knights , and delicate and tender ladies came to live there , to defend , and be defended in the place ; yet during all that siege of above forty weeks , as i have been credibly inform'd , there was not one person sick or died , except one woman , who surfeited upon bread made of hemp-seed . and if you would know what an excellent antidote temperance doth furnish you with against the plague , histories will tell you , that in the most grievous plague at athens , described by thucidydes , socrates the phylosopher lived free and not infected . to conclude , sleep when you are drowsie , rest when you are weary , drink when you are dry , and eat when you are hungry ; and mixe with your diet something that is cordial , as vinegar and nutmeg where it is agreeable , and rise from the table with an appetite . of issues . seeing it may easily come to pass , that in unhealthy times , notwithstanding the most exact observation of diet , some bad humours may be bred in the body , which may prove offensive to nature , it will be convenient to have recourse to issues , one in the left arm , and the other in the right leg or thigh , and by how much the greater is your danger , the more issues you ought to make : the benefit will recompence the trouble , for they evacuate excrementitious humours , which might become a receptacle for the sickness ; for the prevention whereof , they have been found a sovereign and useful remedy . mercurialis in the 23. chapter of his book of the plague , saith , that he did not onely find these issues to be much commended by nicholaus florentinus , a physitian of great authority , but hath also proved them to be excellent by his own experience , and that he can testifie , that amongst almost an innumerable company which he saw dead of the plague , he never saw but one that had an issue ▪ and desirous to be further satisfied , he made inquiry among other physitians , who testified the same , that they likewise never saw one dead that had an issue . which may be an argument that they are very helpful , and there is good reason for it ; because like sinks they continually drain the body of superfluous humours . and skenkius in his sixth book of his observations concerning epidemical diseases , relates , that many make issues and raise blisters with prosperous and good successe of health and safety , although they do converse with thousands of them that die . and for this purpose physitians forbid the drying up of running sores , the healing of filthy ulcers , or striking in the itch . and though some may say , it is good sleeping in a whole skin , yet it is not good dying in one ; and you were better to have your skin broken with a launce or cautery , than with a botch or blain ; and you will find it lesse cost , pain , or trouble , to go to a chyrurgeon to make an issue , than to have him come to you to dress a carbuncle : or else you may make one your self , for to handle a launcet is as soon learn'd as to sew with a needle ; and you may sooner grow expert to cut your skin , than to work cut-work : and though it may seem irksome to keep them alwayes running , yet there is no more danger of drying them up , when the cause for which they were made is removed , than there would be to heal a cut in the arm , or broken shin , that hath been sore , or run a quarter of a year : and though some have died that have had issues , and neglected other helps , 't is no more disparagement to the medicine , than that a town having good ditches , should be taken by an enemy that entred in at the gates that lay open and secure , and which ought to have been defended by other helps and forces . the third cause of the pestilence , against which for our preservation we must defend our selves , is contagion and infection . seeing it is almost impossible to avoid the occasions of infection , which may either assault you against your will , or invade you against your knowledge , or set upon you on a sudden , to the end that you may break the force of it , that it may have lesse power to enter in , and you more strength to keep it out , you must make use not onely of purges , vomits , and issues , which are not helps directly , and of themselves contrary to the plague ; but also , you must have recourse to appropriate medicines both external and internal , amulets and antidotes . of amulets . amulets are certain outward medicines most commonly made of poysonous things , hung about the neck and worn upon the breast , supposed to have a hidden power and secret vertue to defend the heart from the venom of the pestilence . they are worn upon the breast , because the heart is the place principally affected in this disease : but whence and how they have their operation , the learned differ and vary in opinion . some think that the heart becomes thereby somewhat more familiar and accustomed to poyson ▪ and will not so easily be hurt and overcome by it . others are of opinion , that arsnick , and such like hot things , whereof amulets are made , do dry up noxious humours , and disperse offensive vapours , as we see the heat of fire drieth moisture , and hinders putrefaction . others think that these amulets being plac't neer the heart , the vital spirits do thereupon , by a certain aversenesse and antipathy unite themselves together and become the stronger ; as we see springs and fountains , by reason of the coldness of the ambient air in winter time , do keep in all their heat , and even smoke with warmth . others say it is done by atraction , as it is commonly said , that hot bread and onions will draw unto them all the infection in the room . and these amulets by a kind of sympathy do intercept the pestilential vapours before they can be receiv'd into the body ; or else presently draw them out before they can settle there to do any mischief to the heart , it being in this case as with one that is stricken of a viper or scorpion , who is best cured by applying and binding to the place the bruised body of the beast that stung him , and if they cannot get that , they apply some other venemous creature , and the party will presently be relieved , as if the venome had been drawn out by a cupping-glasse ; for one poyson having a conformity with another , doth move and joyn it self unto it , and affecteth union with it ; even as we see , that holding a burnt hand to the fire , draws out the heat ; and bathing a frozen member in spring-water , helps it of the cold and numbness . but whatsoever the cause be , they are much commended , and mercurialis that prescribes this , saith that pope adrian the sixth did wear one . take of white arsenick two ounces , white dittany and english saffron , of each two drams , of camphire and euphorbium of each one dram , beat them into powder , and with gum arabick dissolv'd in rose-water , make them into little cakes about the breadth of a shilling , and the thickness of two half crowns , and dry them in the sun , or in an oven after the bread is taken out . skenkius commends this : take white arsenick two ounces , yellow arsenick one ounce , powder them , and with the white of an egge , or gum dragon dissolv'd in water , make them into cakes , as aforesaid . some there be , that would have onely a piece of arsenick sewed in silk , and worn in the bosome , and have little or nothing mixt with it , least it should hinder its vertue and efficacy of operation ; others put in many things , that some of them might meet with and resist the pestilential venom , which oftentimes is not of the same , but of a different and various nature . sennertus directs this : take of white arsenick two ounces , zedoary two drams , saffron one scruple , camphire half a dram ; beat all into powder , and with gum arabick dissolv'd in rose-water , as aforesaid , make it into cakes . rhenanus commends this as the most perfect amulet , which hath this property , to be moist , and as it were sweat , at the approach or presence of the pestilential venom , and they are then to be dried at the fire , or over a fume . take ( saith he ) of white and yellow arsenick of each half an ounce , the powder of dried toads two ounces , mercury sublimed , wheat flowre , the roots of dittany , of each three drams , saffron , the fragments of jacynth and emerald , of each one scruple , make them all into powder , and with gum dragon dissolved in rose-water , make them into cakes , and dry them as aforesaid . i need not tell you that you must not eat them , but sew them in a little silk bag , fastening it to a ribbon , and hanging it about your neck , let it lie about the middle of your breast . you are to avoid all violent exercise and over-heating of your self , for fear of growing fainty whilest you wear it . i have known some of these worn in the city of bristol , in the time of the plague , and the parties sometimes would have little pimples like the itch , rise about the breadth of the amulet in their breast , which they did rub and scratch , but never had the plague , and are alive till now . there are also some physitians that praise quicksilver as the best , and prefer it before any other amulet . it s vertue was found out thus , it is usual with the italian women to wear quick-silver in their bosomes , enclosed in a quill or nut-shell , against the drying up of their milk , because by attenuating grosse humours , and rarifying thick blood in the veins , which could not passe the kernels of the breast , the milk is thereby increased : now it so fell out , that during the plague all those women that wore it , escaped infection , and it hath since that grown in request , and hath been fortunately tried several times . and there be those which say they have known the shell break , and the quick-silver fall out at the very instant that the ware was infected , and this might be by the super-abundance of the force and matter of the contagion , which so little quick-silver could no longer resist or contain . it is made thus . bore a hole in a filberd or hazel-nut , and with a needle pick out the kernel , and fill the shell with quick-silver , and stop the hole with waxe , and wear it in your bosome , sewed in a little purse or bag of silk . and whereas divers physitians have not onely spoke but writ against these amulets , so likewise there are many altogether as learned , that have us'd them ; and whereas some might question the receiving of any inward benefit by such external applications , one may also ask them if they did never hear of pigeons applied to the feet , and compounded mixtures to the wrists , and plaisters to the stomachs and navels of sick patients , to draw out such vapours and humours which infest the body . 't is no difficult matter for an apothecary to make a little ball , which being held in the hand , and smell'd to at the nose , will extreamly purge his patient . many have had their bladder hurt , by having a blistering plaister put to the neck . and skenkius mentions some that pist blood , by carrying cantharides about them in their purse or pocket . there be them that will tell you that the liver of a frog applied to the heart will mitigate the fits of a burning fever . a ring made of an elkes claw is good against the falling sicknesse , and some have been helpt by wearing a piony root about their neck . it is for some good reason that gold is given to those that are cured of the kings-evil . several restless and unquiet persons have found ease by wearing of a spleen stone . the aetites or stone found in an eagles nest , if worn above the middle of a woman with-child , preserves her from miscarrying ; but if below the thigh , doth hasten her delivery ; and if not then taken away , her death . a piece of a dried toad sewed in silk , and worn in the bosome , helps bleeding at the nose , so doth the heliotropian and cornelian bloud-stone worn in bracelets about the wrists or neck . why may not then such things whereof amulets are made , have operation against the pestilence ? but if you fear the danger of having them near you , because they are esteemed venemous , it may be said that glass taken inwardly by its cutting corroding quality may prove as deadly as arsnick , which being worn only outwardly , may be as innocent as glass ; and quick-silver worn before your bosome , may be as harmlesse as that behind your looking-glasse . the plague is a venemous disease , and you were better wear poyson on the out-side of your skin , than the in-side of your heart ; and though some have died with amulets about their necks , so also have there with my lady kents powder in their bellies , and the last liquor they have taken , hath been aqua mirabilis , and yet both cordial and harmless . you know out-works may be useful for some garrisons , though perhaps by carelessnesse they have been surpriz'd by the enemy , and have no way benefited that town which they were made for to defend . of antidotes . as the pestilence being the general and great sicknesse ( as hath been formerly shewed ) doth comprehend in it something of the nature of all other diseases ; so we have hitherto already spoken of some general helps that belong to the cure of other maladies , as well as of the plague ; but because it hath in it something more than ordinarily opposite , and pecullarly dstructive to the vital spirits , we come now to speak of such medicines which have a more than ordinary , and especial vertue to resist its venome , and preserve the heart ; and these are antidotes , which are to encounter the disease not onely afar off , where we may chance to meet with it as we go abroad , but also neer at hand , when it comes to assault us at the doors and seize upon us in our houses . and here 't is necessary to give direction , what is to be done , when there is one sick or dead in the house wherein we live . this question may well be askt , because the danger is great , since you are more apt to draw in the infected air , which the sick continually are breathing out ; yet if the sick recover , the venome of the disease is then conquered and dispersed , and seldom any of that family fall desperately ill , after the first hath escaped ; but this danger is far more , when there is one lies a dying , for it is observable , that then many of the family are infected ; since nature in the sick doth by all means endeavour to drive out the venome by the breath and pores . 't is in this case as when a lamp or candle burns , there is alwayes some fume , that rises from the flame , which would blacken any thing held neer or over it ; but this is very little offensive , because the stinking noisome vapour is consumed by the flame before it can reach to any considerable distance , but when it is just burning or blown out , there comes from the the week or cotton , a most noisom smell which spreads it self over all the room . now in this case you must be as careful as you can to avoid the parties breath , and some physitians advise to put a piece of hot bread before his mouth , to receive the infection , and afterwards be sure to burn it . some counsel to put a pail or two of hot water in the chamber : some also put in a handful of green copperas in the water , and afterwards throw in three or four hot burning bricks . but in the mean time , you must be sure to take antidotes , vinegar either simple or compound , as you were before directed , against the infectious air. also for your preservation , this antidote is very excellent : take diascordium two ounces , venice treacle three drams , confection of iacynth two drams , nutmeg , seeds of rew , root of angelica , zedoary and elicampane of each two drams powdered , vinegar two ounces , oil of sulphur twenty four drops , syrup of the juice of citron , or gilly-flowers enough to make it into a moist electury ; and very often , or six or eight times a day , take of it as much as a pease , and let it dissolve in your mouth , and swallow it down . or else use the tincture of roses hereafter mentioned . or if you are hot and drie , and have a desire to drink , you may take as much conduit or spring-water as you please , and drop into it as many drops of oyl of sulphur or oyl of vitriol , or spirit of vitriol , as will make it as sharp as you desire to drink it , and the sharper it is , the better ; then sweeten it with sugar , and drink it up . you will find the excellent vertues of vitriol in the directions how to make tincture of roses . if sometimes you cannot be without strong waters , you may drink aqua petasitis composita , or angelica , or imperial-water , or aqua mirabilis , or treacle-water at the apothecaries ; or some of that water that goes by the name of the lady allens water . if you must needs have wine , you may put to a quart of wine a dram of angelica root , or of contrayerva root , or virginia snakeweed , and one nutmeg bruised . you may sometimes eat this breakfast , sprinkle vinegar on toasted bread , then spread it with butter , and put on it the powder of a nutmeg , and eat it fasting . or else this , toast a nutmeg till it sweat , then powder it , and put to it as much salt as you would eat with one bit of meat , and mixe it with two spoonfulls of vinegar , and eat it . or else this , take twenty leaves of rew , one grain of salt , two figgs , and two walnuts , eat these sometimes in a morning fasting . wallnuts have a strange vertue against the plague and worms , and droetus tells of one that was executed for spreading of the plague , that confest he took nothing to preserve himself , but a wallnut roasted and a little burnt . women with-child , may eat angelica stalks candied , or citron peel candied , or preserved ; or drink a little zedoary and nutmeg , with sugar , in a glasse of wine , beer , or ale. if there be any infants that can take nothing , wash their bodies all over with vinegar , at night when they go to bed ; once or twice a week you may do so to elder children ; and use it your self . if you have neglected to make an issue , you must lay one or two blistering plaisters broader than a five shilling piece , to the in-side of one of your arms , between the elbow and shoulder , and when it hath raised a great blister , which will be in about twelve hours , you may take it off , and lay on the place some melilot plaister , or else a plantain or colewort leaf , and change it twice a day ; and when that blister is heal'd begin to make another in the other arm or thigh , and keep one sore all the while you fear the infection . you may have plaisters at the apothecaries , or else make one your self thus ; take six spanish flies , shread them very small , and mixe them with a little mustard and wheat flowre , or dough , or leaven moistened with a little vinegar , spread it on leather and apply it . let care be taken how bread is brought home from the bakers , because it will draw to it any infection , and therefore you may do well to cover it with a cloth , and put on that cloth another wet in vinegar . be careful that your victuals stand not neer the infected , and if you want room , cover it with a cloth wet in vinegar . again remember what i told you of socrates to be very spare and moderate in your diet , discreet abstinence is as good a medicine as can be bought at the apothecaries . of preservation from the plague , when it may be caused by fear and imagination . the learned galenists in the method of their cure , teach , that diseases are to be help'd by contraries : drowth is cured by moisture , heat with coolers , consumptions with restoratives , poysons with antidotes ; so fear must be cured by its contrary hope . the industrious chymists in their undertakings observe some resemblance and agreement between the agent and patient , the disease and the remedy ; aqua fortis will melt silver , but not brimstone ; myrrhe and frankincense will not dissolve in water , so will gum dragon and arabick , because they are of a watery nature : sulphureous diseases must be removed with sulphur medicines , salt diseases dissolv'd with salts , mercurial maladies with mercurial remedies , tartareous pains eas'd with tartar , and the stone is best cured with stones , such as are lapis lincis , spongiae , iudaicus , &c. so imagination must be cured with imagination , one fancy by another , and conceit is the best receit for an opinion . thus trallianus tells of one that imagined he had a snake in his belly , who was cured by conveying a snake into the bason , when his vomit wrought . another thought he had sparrows in his head , and was cur'd by one that brought some in his sleeve , who fumbling about his ears , made him believe he took them out from thence . one fancied that he had so big a nose , that he could not go abroad for fear of peoples treading on it in the streets , and was cured by a physitian , who coming to the chamber door , seem'd to be stopt for making further entrance , and being askt why he came not in , desired the patient to put aside his nose , that he might get by it , without treading on it ; the patient did so with his hand , the doctor gravely enters by the wall , and seem'd very careful of his staffe and steps ; the patient is well pleased at the doctors plain dealing with him , in acknowledging he had that disease which his friends and family did deny , and said , he was sure he was the man that of all others must do the cure , and desires his help . the doctor scarifies his nose , and let 's run upon and from it a great quantity of bloud that he had brought with him enclosed in an empty gut , and clapt a plaister to it ; and in a few dayes he grew well . imagination directs and moves the spirits and humours to such parts the fancy runs upon ; if one mind eating , the spirits run to the stomach , and help digestion ; if venereal things , the spirits are sent to those parts that serve for generation ; if one be studious , they have recourse to the brain , to help the memory and further invention ; in one that is a coward , they descend to the feet , and help the legs in running ; in one that is quarrelsome they flie to his hands , and his fingers itch to be a fighting ; and in the sick that think well of cordials , the spirits passe presently from the speculum or septum lucidum , which is the seat of fancy in the head , by a nerve which anatomists observe to reach to the very substance of the heart , where it begets hope , and this hope makes confidence , and confidence brings joy , and joy excites heat , which reviveth the spirits , whereby they better digest their medicine , and as it were joyn forces to overcome the malady . this hope makes them obey the doctors precepts , and think highly of his medicines , and those medicines that conceited persons think well of , the stomach desires more earnestly , keeps them the more closely , and digests them perfectly , whereas the best medicine that they are averse to , doth do them little good ; and it is for nothing that people desire a fortunate physitian : think well then of your doctor , and oblige him whilest you are in health , to venture his life to preserve you when you are sick ; and think gold ill saved from apothecaries , to procure you and and your houshold the richest medicines , if it must be laid out on mercers and taylors to provide your family mourning . this electuary is very excellent both against fear , and a good preservative against the plague ; take conserve of roses , gilly-flowers , borage and bugloss flowers of each two ounces , candied orange-flowers , candied citron , of each two ounces , powder of laetificans galeni half an ounce , cinnamon , zedoary roman , doronicum of each two drams , saffron one dram , make those things into powder that are to be powdered , and with syrup of the rinds of citron make an electuary , of which you are to take the quantity of a great nutmeg morning and evening . of the cure of the pestilence . it was the direction of a wealthy citizen , when he took an ingenious youth an apprentice into his house , that by reason of the badnesse of the times , he should think every one that he did not know , which came into the shop , to be a thief : now in these dangerous and contageous times , when all diseases are so apt to turn into the plague , you may do well to suspect every disease to be the same ; and though it come like some old customer , disguised like the head-ach , which you have formerly had after too liberal drinking ; or like some pain about the stomach which hath opprest you after excessive feeding , or some old fever or ague that you have formerly been acquainted with ; yet suspect it to be the plague , and trust not to your own strength , in hope that you shall grow better , for fear you should grow worse ; for he that delayes to take medicines before his strength fails , is almost in as bad or worse case , than he that would not make use of a ladder , till after he had broke his neck . in this case the opinion of the most judicious sennertus is very considerable , lib. 4 of fevers cap. 6. i think ( saith he ) so many men do die of the plague , because most of them take antidotes too late ; who might have been recover'd , if they had took them sooner , before the venome of the disease had corrupted the humours of the body . i have sometimes observed in pestilential seasons , that some as soon as ever they have perceived themselves infected , have presently taken some antidote , and put themselves in a sweat , and presently after have recovered , and the day following have gone about their wonted occasions : whereas if they did delay 8. or 12. hours before they took some medicine , scarce one of a hundred did escape . as that is a happy nation , which provides in times of peace and plenty , for things useful in war and famine ; and as it becomes good souldiers to have their arms ready , and fix'd , before the enemy enters the town , and not have them then to buy at the gun-smiths : so should you be furnished with some medicines ready made , and not lose so much time , whilest you get a physitian to prescribe , and an apothecary to compound them ; and it were far better , that the medicine were lost for want of taking , than you lost for want of a medicine ; and it were far safer to cure any disease , as the plague , than to neglect or cure the plague , as any other disease . first then , as soon as ever you feel your self ill , without further staying for , or expecting the signs or symptomes , the spots , botch , blain , or carbuncle , having called upon god for pardon , favour and assistance , betake your self to remedies , such as are cordials and antidotes , to defend the heart against poyson . the simple are , white-wine vinegar , the roots of virginia snakeweed , contrayerva , pestilence wort , angelica elieampane , zedoary , tormentil , valerian , lovage , divilsbit , dittany , master-wort , &c. the leaves of sage and rew , berries of ivy and iuniper , wallnuts , nutmegs , bole armenick , terra sigillata , fragments of iacynth , emerald and saphire , bezar , bone in a staggs heart , harts-horn , horn of a rhinoceros , vnicorns horn , crabs eyes , and tips of crabs claws , &c. the compound are , venice and london treacle , mithridate , diascordium , confection of iacynth , electuary de ovo , pulvis saxonicus , species liber antis , gascoygne powder , the lady kents powder , compound water of pestilence-wort , compound angelica-water , bezar-water , treacle-water , treacle-vinegar , troches of vipers , oyl of sulphur and vitriol , and a thousand others , as the physitian can direct , as he sees occasion ; all which do serve for cure and preservation . as soon then as ever you feel your self sick , take some antidote to make you sweat ; for which purpose , this contra-pestilential vinegar is excellent . take nutmegs , the roots of virginia snakeweed , contrayerva , pestilence-wort , angelica , elicampane , zedoary , tormentil , master wort , devilsbit , ivy berries , iuniper berries , of each one ounce bruised ; sage and rew washt in vinegar , of each one handful , saffron one dram , juice or syrup of elder berries two ounces . to every ounce of the roots , put half a pint of white-wine vinegar , stop them close in a glass bottle , and let them stand infused till you use them . or else , take nutmegs , the roots of contrayerva , virginia snakeweed , pestilence-wort , angelica , elicampane , tormentil , zedoary , of each one ounce , bruised sage and rew of each one handful , washt in vinegar . to every ounce put in half apint of white-wine vinegar , and stop it close in a bottle , and let it stand for your use . or else , take nutmegs , angelica , and elicampan● root of each one ounce , sage and rew washt in vinegar , of each one handful , put to them for every ounce half a pint of white-wine vinegar , and stop it close in a bottle , and keep it for use . or else , take tormentil and celendine of each four ounces , scabius and rew of each two handfuls : boil them in two quarts of white-wine vinegar in an earthen glased vessel , for a quarter of an hour , and let it cool , and bottle it up . note that the most compounded are the best . now take any of these vinegars , or else ( if you can get no other ) plain white-wine vinegar twelve spoonfuls more or less , but as much as you can well drink down , and mixe with it two drams of london treacle , or venice treacle , or mithridate , or diascordium , or confection of iacynth ; stir it about and drink it up , and go to bed and sweat . two drams of any of these is a sufficient ordinary dose , or quantity , for an ordinary person to take at once ; they that are stronger than ordinary , may take more ; those that are weaker , may take lesse . if you cast or vomit it up ; take presently within a quarter of an hour , another dose or quantity ; and if you cast or vomit up that also , take another and less quantity ; for it may well be that your stomach being loaden with corrupt humors , being a little assisted with the medicine , may rise up and strive to exclude them , and that with fortunate success and hopes of future and more speedy recovery . remember that the saving of your life consists in sweating out the poyson of the disease ; and therefore you must endeavour to sweat as long as possibly you can endure it , whether it be three , six , or twelve hours , the longer the better , and avoid sleeping , and let the sweat be wiped off with hot cloths . all the time you sweat , and afterwards , you may sustain nature , and keep up your spirits , by eating some preserv'd or candied citron peel , or candied angelica stalks , or preserv'd raspices , or syrup of citron , or clove-gilly-flowers ; now and then drinking a spoonful or more of vinegar , or taking some posset-drink made with vinegar , you may afterwards eat some harts-horn gelly , or drink some almond milk , made with distill'd waters , or barley-water , putting into it a few drops of oyl of vitriol , to make it sharp . remember also that you drink not any liquor whatsoever , unless you first make water , though never so little , and then you may drink without danger . during the time of sweating , the sick should be comforted with sweet perfumes and odors that refresh the spirits , and some rose-water and vinegar is convenient to be cast on a hot shovel , or else sprinkled on a napkin and laid neer his nose . also whilest the sick doth sweat , it would be good to apply to the navel a hot loaf with a hole made in it , and two drams of treacle put therein , that the bread may draw the venome : some apply to the heart the pith of a manchet dipt in vinegar , and some apply onely a cloth dipt in vinegar : some bruise radishes and lay them to the feet . when you have done sweating , if you can be perswaded , you are to forbear the changing of your linnen ; but if you must needs change it , as you tender and regard your life , put on no fresh linnen , though never so well dried and aired by the fire ; but put on some linnen that hath been worn by your self or some body else : for if you put on fresh linnen , whether it be by reason of the sope that hath some malignity in it , or for some other cause , it hath been often observed that the sick have relaps'd into great anxiety , and bad symptomes , the forerunners of death , have quickly return'd upon them . some do highly commends this , take of bezar-stone and emerald powdered , of each seven grains , iacynth powdered three grains ; it is best to put them in a spoonful of vinegar , and swallow it down , and drink some more vinegar after it . sennertus commends this , take bezar-stone twelve grains , the bone of a staggs heart one scruple , emerald and iacynth of each seven grains , powder them very small , and take them with vinegar : but because true bezar-stone is hard to be gotten , and there be those in the world that have done as great matters as counterfeit them , that you cannot know the true from the false ; and because the fragments of those precious stones , which be commonly sold , are but the spare and crust of them , i would be loath to venture my life on their operation , neither do i perswade others to relie upon them . the root of virginia snakeweed and contrayerva are most excellent , and you may take the weight of half a dram of each of them in powder , or a dram of any one of them in powder in a spoonful of vinegar , drinking a draught of vinegar after it . for young children that can take nothing , let them be wrapped in a cloth that hath been used before , and dipped in vinegar , and put the child in the cloth so wet , and let him sweat . elder persons may sweat the same way also , being wrapped in a sheet dipt in vinegar . in the works of several physitians , there is often mention of taking vinegar , as it were by the by , in a small inconsiderable quantity , not for its own sake , but with other medicines , as if it were onely a thing to help them down the better , and make them pallatable ; they will tell you that vinegar is good with cucumbers , and gives a pleasing relish to a sallet ; whereas in truth neither one nor the other are good , but onely with vinegar . it is a thing , which is not onely wholesome in it self , but also makes other things wholsome , and takes away their hurtfulnesse . when you speak of this singular liquor , away with cold commendations , which argue rather a willingness to dispraise , than a readiness to commend : if it did whet ones wit , as much as sharpen ones stomach , there could nothing dull or flat be spoken of it . it is food and physick , meat and medicine , drink and julep , cordial and antidote : did you formerly taste it but as a common sawce ? do you now eat it as a common remedy . when you are well , 't is a preservative from sicknesse ; when you are sick 't is a restorative to health . 't is like apparel , which you put on , not onely for comeliness , to hide shame , but also for warmth , to keep out cold . 't is like the swords which gallants wear , not onely for ornament when they walk , but also for defence , to fright a thief when they travail , and slay an enemy when they fight . 't is relish for sawce , 't is sawce for meat , 't is medicine for diseases , 't is cordial for the heart , not onely a cordial for the spirits , but an antidote against poyson ; not onely an antidote against poyson , but against the plague , the chief of poysons : so vinegar is the chief of antidotes , as the sword is the king of weapons . if you look upon the plague as caused by the corruption of the air , you may take notice that the air which deadeneth and sowreth other liquors , doth not hurt vinegar , but rather exalt its vertue . 't is something to preserve it self ; but that 's not all ; its vertue is communicated , and preserves others . if roots , herbs , flowers , and fruits , be steeped in vinegar , they are kept thereby from withering , moulding , and decay . if you consider the plague , as arising from the corruption of the humours ( as indeed it is the supream & highest degree of putrefaction ) you may also take notice there is nothing that resists it more . 't is vinegar that keeps fish , as salmon and oisters , and the like ( which otherwise would soon corrupt ) from rottennesse and stinking ; and if it would not do the like for flesh , why hath it been so much used for the embalming of dead corpses ; nay , it doth not onely preserve , but recover flesh from corruption . roast stinking meat , and baste it with vinegar , and it shall neither offend your nose or palate . if you look upon the plague as a poyson , vinegar is an antidote against it . hence 't is that physitians to suppress & take away the fiery venome of spurge , laurel , mezereon , and other plants , steep them in vinegar , and so give them safely to their patients , whereas otherwise they would kill & be a worse remedy than the disease . some have been choakt by eating of poysonous mushromes , but had they taken a draught of vinegar , they had been out of danger ; but that 's a small matter , not to be choakt with a mushrome . hypoc . saith , that , those who are strangled and foam about the mouth , though they be not quite dead , yet do never recover to life again . yet christoph. a vega tells of one that was strangled with a rope , and did foam about the mouth , and yet was recovered by drinking vinegar . the heart of a viper being dexterously cut out of the body , will live and move 24. hours after , but cast a drop of vinegar on it , and it dies presently . dioscorides tells you that it resists all poysons hot and cold ; and celsus saith , it is the most effectual remedy against them ; and tells of one that was poysoned by the sting of an asp , and being at such a place where there was no liquor , and not being able to go to another , where any might be had , by chance he found a flagon of vinegar , and drank it all off , and presently recovered . if you consider the plague as bred by ill diet , what is more commonly eaten with dangerous meats with vinegar ? if that go along with it , your stomach is guarded from receiving hurt ; how else could you eat such viands , as muscles , oysters , and mushromes ? malt is a sad thing wherewith to make bread , and yet the meal thereof temper'd with ale vinegar ( nothing to be compared for goodness to wine vinegar ) in a besieged garrison hath been hearty and wholesome . if you look upon the plague spread by contagion , there is nothing that doth sooner choak and smother it . is the plague attended with a burning fever ? nothing doth sooner extinguish fire . let it not seem tedious , to consider a little how it preventeth or assuageth its grievous symptomes . have you not seen when some sorts of liquor have been put into hot milk , how it all presently turns to curds and whey , and upon stirring , the curds go one way , and the whey another ; in somewhat like manner it is , when the plague infects the bloud , the thin and watery part sweats , and is as it were spewed out of the capillary small veins into the skin , and becomes spots , where staying a little while , it loseth its proper colour , and appears various to the eye , according to the humour that is mixed with it , as if it be choler , they encline to a purple or dark yellow ; if from flegme , they are paler ; if from humours , more adust , they are blew and blackish ; but the thicker and grosser part goes to botches and carbuncles on the top of the flesh or out-side of the skin , even as you see in boiling of the said whey , the curds will rise to the top of the vessel . now vinegar hindereth and preventeth both these , the spots , by resisting the putrifaction ; and then the carbuncles , by suppressing the inflamation of the bloud . vis est mirifica refrigerandi sanguinis indege arcendi putredinis , è qua febris pestilens suboritur , & reprimendi fervoris ac incendii sanguinis un●● carbunculi nascuntur . such sowre things ( saith vidus vidius a very great master of medicines ) do work wonders , in cooling the blood , and driving away putrefaction , which cause pestilent fevers , and suppressing the heat and burning of the blood , from whence carbuncles do arise . hath the plague taken away your stomach ? vinegar will stir it up , and get you an appetite unto your meat . is your throat scorcht , your tongue black and chopt , and your mouth sore ? any ordinary nurse will tell you the vertue of vinegar to make a gargarisme , and wash it . are you like to be choakt with flegme ? syrup of vinegar is a common medicine to cut it . is your brain loaden with vapours , that you are like one in a lethargy or dead-sleep ? let some vinegar on a hot iron be smoakt under your nose , and it presently makes you to awake . are you pain'd in the head , and troubled with tedious watching ? wet a rose-cake or cloth in vinegar , and lay it to your temples , and you may go to sleep , and take your rest . but least so much vinegar in any one should cause the heart-burn , and make him look sowre , and set his teeth and tongue on edge to discourage you from using it , as not approving it himself , you may consider , that there be some that laugh at vnicorns horn , and say treacle is too hot , that find fault with tormentil as too binding , and dispraise bole armenick as too stopping . one thing is too dry , another too cold , this hurts the stomach , and that the bladder , every thing must be condemn'd , but what themselves extol . cervantes ( in his time , the wit of spain ) derides in the person of don pedro rezio physi●●●● to sancho panca , such find-fault philosophers . 〈◊〉 will say that broth ingenders rheume , and mutton is cholerick , that brawn breeds viscous humours , and lamb is hard of digestion , that veal turns into waterish , and beef into gross blood , that pork is flegmatick , and venison melancholy , and partridge most dangerous to eat , for fear of surfetting . many antidotes and medicines , as well as some meats , may have some inconvenience , but that is inconsiderable , in regard of the benefit by them . think you not , that it is a disquiet for citizens to make their town a carrison ? and yet who would not receive a regiment , to defend them from an enemy ? i have known souldiers that have been troublesome in the house where they have quartered , and yet have been born with , because of the service they were to do . had you rather a child should be drown'd , than pull'd out of the water by the hair , when one cannot take him by the hand ? they that will not put their mouths out of taste , to put their lives out of danger , are fitter to have their heads purg'd with hellebore , than their hearts preserv'd with cordials . i have heard of one , writing to a judge for a friend , intreated him , if he was innocent , that he would free him for his own sake ; but if he was guilty , that he would yet free him for his sake ; but however he must free him . if vinegar be simple and uncompounded , take it for its own 〈◊〉 mixed with other antidotes , take it for 〈◊〉 ; but however take vinegar . pliny finds fault with physitians 〈◊〉 his time , for not knowing its excellent vertue . vinegar being contrary to most other liquors in distillation , may well have something more than ordinary in operation : the spirits of wine and beer , and other liquors , presently exhale , and flie away , and have nothing but flegme ; but when vinegar is distill'd , the flegme rises first , and the spirits stay behind . now as galen saith of poysons , the hundredth part of a cantharides doth not hurt , nor one spark of fire burn to any purpose ; so it is in cordials , too little will do little good , there must be a considerable quantity , and sufficient dose ; you cannot in reason think one spoonful of vinegar enough to quench such a heat , as the plague brings . 't is for the vertue of vinegar that i wrote this book . i would be loath to present you a glo-worm instead of a diamond , or put a bulrush instead of a spear into your hand , when you are to fight with such an enemy . imagine well , and think highly of this medicine . i value my own life , as much as another man doth his . i had rather take vinegar by it self , than many other , nay then any other single medicine without it . despise it not , because 't is easie to be had , neither let it be contemn'd , because familiar . it is the more excellent , because common ; the more precious , because cheap ; the vertues of it so many , they will hardly be believed ; and therefore the greater , because incredible . but because the pestilent venome hath a power to corrupt , putrifie , and inflame the humours , and oftentimes the sicknesse is accompanied with a fever , which sometimes may be almost as dangerous as the plague , there must be care taken thereof ; so that as you may not by too cold things strike in the plague , so by too hot , you may not exasperate the fever , but have respect to both : for which purpose you may take cordial and cooling juleps , made of distill'd waters , of sorrel , endive , cichory , borage , bugloss , meadow sweet , angelica , dragons dandelyon , betony , scabius , balme , fumitory , to which you may put as much oyl of brimstone , or vitriol , as will make it very sharp to your taste , and to every quart thereof about half a dram of lapi● prunella , or sal niter , or sal peter , and afterwards sweeten it with any cordial syrups , as of gilly-flowers , citrons , lemons , violets , adding to it , if you please , alchermes , and when you are hot and dry , you may drink as much as you please , and as often as you will. as thus , take of meadowsweet and cichory water , of each one pint , of borage and buglosse water half a pint , of dragon and angelica water of each four ounces ; put to it as much oyl of vitriol as will make it very sharp , then adde to it a dram of lapis prunella powdered , syrup of gilly-flowers four ounces , alchermes two drams , and drink as much and as often as you please . or else you may make the tincture of roses thus . boil four quarts of spring-water , then let it cool , till it be but about scalding hot , then put it into a glased earthen pot , and put to it two good handfuls , or two ounces of dried red-rose leaves , and stir them in the water , that they may be all wet , then put to them one silver spoonful of oil of brimstone , or oil of vitriol , or as much as will make the liquor very sharp , stir it all about , and presently the roses and the liquor will be of a delicate red colour ; then let it stand covered about four hours , then strain it gently without squeezing , into an earthen pan , and sweeten it with a pound or two of loaf-sugar more or lesse , as you please , and with more oil of vitriol make it very sharp for your taste , and keep it in glass-bottles , and when you are hot and dry , drink as much as you please ; and if you list , you may put any cordial syrup to it , as gilly-flowers , juice of citron , lemons , poppies , or the like . or else you may take some spring-water , and put it fresh into a glass , and drop some oil of vitriol or brimstone into it , to make it sharp , and sweeten it with sugar , and drink it , both as a preservative against a fever or the plague ; and as a medicine and julep in time of sicknesse ; and let me tell you that plain spring-water and oil of vitriol or brimstone , is a better julep in the plague , pestilent , malignant , and other burning fever , than almost any other distill'd water without it . note that it is a vain and scrupulous error , to take when you are dry and burning hot , but two or three spoonfuls of julep at a time . i never denied my patients drink in the heat of a fever , but let them drink julep as much as they please , for a little julep doth but little good , and rather encreaseth the heat , as the powring of a little water on a smiths fire doth make it flame the more , and burn the hotter , whereas a great deal doth quite extinguish it and put it out . and because this oil of vitriol is so excellent and useful a remedy mixt with water , in this and all hot diseases , i should advise every ingenuous person that lives in the country , never to be without it . these oils you must understand , cannot be taken by themselves , but with spring or distilled waters ; and you must be careful of spilling any drop on your cloths , for then it will fret and make a hole in them . now if you refuse to meddle with them , for fear of receiving any hurt , you may as well do so by fire , which you must not sit by , least a spark light on your apron , neither must men take tobacco for fear of burning their faces . and yet i must tell you that 't is better to have a spot on your gown , or a hole in your cloths , which the negligent slabbering of it may occasion , than a purple in your skin , or a botch or carbuncle in your flesh , which the discreet taking of it will hinder . i have heard of a norwegian , that coming out of his frozen country , into the south parts of the world , saw some damask roses growing in a garden , and said , well may the weather be so hot , when fire grows upon the trees ; at which the hearers fell a-laughing , and told him they were most sweet and fragrant flowers , as pleasing to the smell as delightful to the eye , and gather'd him one , and bid him smell to it , but he refus'd , neither would he take it into his hands for fear of burning his fingers , nor smell to it least he should fire his beard , or singe his furr'd cap. to perswade you not to fear , but use this oil of vitriol , let me tell you what the most candid and judicious sennertus saith of it in his fourth book and 11th chapter of the cure of pestilent and malignant fevers . great in this case is the use of oil of vitriol , which hath a notable faculty to stay putrefaction , to open obstructions , to cut , disperse , attenuate , cleanse , and separate all corrupt humours , and further the activity , and exalt the vertue of other medicines with which it is most usefully mingled ; for whereas the syrups of succory , endive , violets , and the rest , by reason of the sugar in them , are not sufficient to extinguish the heat nor thirst in a fever , but are rather turn'd into choler ; yet if oil of vitriol be mixed with them , so us to make them sharp , they most happily slake the thirst and allay the heat , and with good success answer the expectation for which they were taken . and mindererus in his 15. chap. of his book of the pestilence , where he treateth of the oil of vitriol and brimstone , saith , there is no putrefaction , whose strength it doth not break , no infection which it doth not overcome , no depravation of humours which they do not rectifie . in truth , if i may speak freely , if i should be hindred or forbid the use of vitriol , i would never come to the cure of the plague , or if i did come , i should come disarm'd . afterwards , when you find your self at any time of your sicknesse , especially at the end of any burning fit , inclinable to sweat , you are to follow the conduct of nature and endeavour to second it by the use of medicines . for which purpose , take two drams of confection of iacynth , or diascordium , or one dram of electuary de ovo , or of the powder of cantrayerva , or virginia snakeweed , or of the powder of crabs eyes and claws and burnt harts-horn , as formerly you were directed ; or else two drams of gascoyn powder made without bezar . and indeed considering the uncertainty of true bezar , there may be gascoyne powder made as well without bezar as confectio alchermes made without musk ; for as some cannot endure the smell of musk , so many cannot go to the price of bezar . or else you may take some of the compounded vinegars , ordering your self for sweating , as you were formerly directed . as for purging and bleeding , there have been many learned physitians that have made diligent enquiry into the nature of the pestilence , and cure thereof , who would have it wholly omitted , and do commend rather timerousness than rashness in opening a vein ; for neither purging nor bleeding do oppose the disease , but weaken the party . in this case , the saying of hypocrates is very considerable ; where nature aimes its course , thither it behoves the physitian to direct his help . now nature labours by all means to expel the venome of the disease to the superficies and out side of the body , and bleeding and purging draw it inwards towards the heart , the center and seat of life . what is said of war ( non lioet his peccare ( for the first error will be your overthrow ) is true in the cure of the plague , the first errour will be your danger , and the second day of purging or bleeding ( if you live so long ) the first day of your repentance . in this disease the blood is the life of the party , which if you take away , you soon destroy . paraeus , a most expert chyrurgeon , in his book of the plague , relateth , that in the year 1566. when there was a great mortality throughout all france , by reason of the pestilence , he diligently enquired of all the physitians and chyrurgeons of all the cities where he came , what successe their patients had after they were let bloud and purged ? whereunto they answered all alike , that all that were infected with the pestilence , and did bleed some quantity of blood , or had their bodies somewhat strongly purged , thenceforth waxed weaker and weaker , and so at length died ; but others which were not let bloud and purged , but took cordial antidotes , for the most part escaped and recovered their health . of the blain , botch , and carbuncle . the blain is an angry little blister , somewhat like the swine or small pox , but far more painful , sometimes of a blue , reddish , or leaden colour , and being opened , affordeth corrupt matter . it may arise in any part ; sometimes there will be one or two , but never many : it seldome kills or hinders the cure of the party ; but being anointed with oil of saint iohns-wort , will break , heal , and scale of . the botch is a swelling about the bignesse of a nutmeg , wallnut , or hens egge , and cometh in the neck , or behind the eares , if the brain be affected ; or under the arm-pits , from the heart ; or in the groin , from the liver ; for cure whereof , pull off the feathers from about the rump of a cock , hen , or pigeon , and rub the tayl with salt , and hold its bill , and set the tayl hard to the swelling , and it will die ; then take another and another , and do so in manner aforesaid , until the venom doth not kill any more . or else take the pith of a hot loaf from the oven , and clap it to the sore . also it is very good to launce it ; for though some pain do thence arise , yet nature doth not draw back from the place pained , but sendeth humours thither after the launcing . also take wheat flower , honey , and the yolke of an egge , and venice turpentine , of each a like quantity , mixe it well , and lay it on just warm ; this will ripen , draw , and heal it . or else take an ounce of venice turpentine , the yolke of an egge , and oil of saint iohns-wort one spoonful , mixe it , and apply it warm , it will draw and heal it . the carbuncle , so called from its heat like a burning coal , riseth in any part of the body , like an exceeding angry wheal , with a certain rednesse near it , and as if a hole had been made with a hot iron , will quickly eat out a piece of flesh about it . it ought presently to be scarified , to let out the venome ; or else you may burn the head of it with a small hot iron , and you need not fear this burning to be too painful , for it toucheth nothing but the point of the carbuncle , which by reason of the scar that is there , is void of sense . paraeus commends this plaister , take of soot from a chimney or oven wherein onely wood is burnt , four ounces , common salt two ounces , powder and mixe them with the yolks of two eggs , and apply it warm . others highly commend this , take of soot two ounces , sowre leaven , butter , venice turpentine , salt , of each one ounce , castile soap one ounce and a half , venice treacle half an ounce , with the yolks of three eggs make it into a plaister , and apply it twice or thrice a day . some direct to make a circle about the carbuncle with a right blow saphyr , and say , that presently the carbuncle dies as a coal that is quencht with water ; according to that of the poet , sapphyri solo tactu carbunclus abibit . dyet in this disease , especially during the fever , ought strictly to be observed : avoid such things as turn into choler , and breed bad humours , such as are sugar sops and cawdels . i do not commend , but rather condemn the eating of eggs. i have made enquiry concerning milk , and am satisfied , that those that eat it during the fever , never live long after , to complain of the hurt it did them . you may safely take water-grewel and panada with corants , mutton , veal , chicken , or barley-broth , is wholesome , and if you eat any of the flesh , let your sawce be vinegar . almond-milk made with barley-broth , is good and pleasant , but harts-horn gelly is both , meat and medicine , so also is candied and preserv'd citron , eat but a little and often , discretion , moderation and temperance , are as good a dish or medicine as you can either fetch from the cooks or buy at the apothecaries . for a fume . take sulphur vivum , otherwise called quick brimstone one pound , salt-peter one ounce , powder them severally , and melt them over the fire in an iron pan , then stir into it an ounce of yellow amber powdered , and pour it out on a stone or in a mould , and it will be a cake : break a piece of it less than a nutmeg , and light it at a candle , and set it on a trencher , and let it burn in the room where you are . note that , a grain is the weight of a barley corn. a scruple is 20. grains . a dram is 3. scruples . an ounce is 8. drams . finis . errata . pag. 28. line 1. for grashoppers , read grasse . p. 42. l. 8. real all little enough . p. 46. l. 5. read when he went. p. 56. l. 6. read non naturales . p. 64. l. 32. for the ware was , they were . p. 82. l. 17. for with vinegar , read than vinegar . p. 83. l. 20. for indege , r. indeque . any one may make these medicines themselves , or be-speak them at their own apothecaries , or buy them ready made , at mr. iohn dansons at the sign of the pestle and mortar in coleman-street , or at mr. hamnet rigbies at the seven stars in fetter-lane . to the readers . courteous , good natur'd , and kind-hearted readers ; the italians have a saying , that , to speak ill of another , is the fifth element whereof every one is made . do not you then wonder that i give you this title , since some either out of envy or ignorance , may be more ready to requite my pains with a hard censure , than a kind acceptance . well , in giving you civil language , i for this time , follow the humour of a certain frenchman , who being near his death , and in despair , was encouraged to put his trust in god , and defie the devil ; but he creepingly replied , that they would please to pardon him , for he would defie no body , onely he prayed to god to keep him & his soul from — monsieur the devil ; at which uncouth and strange expression one of the by-standers being somewhat surpriz'd , ask'd him what reason he had to give the evil spirit such a title , and he answered , that it was convenient to give every one good words , because he knew not well into whose hands he might chance to come . being often requested , and almost tyred , to give directions for preventing the infectoon of the plague , and being since much satisfied with the good success to all that followed it , and considering the self-ended concealing , and the geeat cost in buying several medicines , which many people would , nay , must rather die , than be at the charge of ; and knowing how difficult it is for a doctor , how diligent soever , to attend above twenty sick families , and how ignorant many sick people are , and how little they can learn from nurses , and what errors are committed in bleeding and purging , and how hard a matter it is for those who are sick in the country , to procure speedy advice and remedy , since people are so far from visiting the sick , that they will hardly allow or permit those that are well to visit one another , amongst many distractions , and setting aside my private affairs , i endeavoured to publish this treatise . if you think i have been too brief , upon request i shall be ready to enlarge it , if not , you may do it your self ; if too tedious , you may do as at feasts , where is variety of dishes , take what you please , and leave the rest ; if too plain , there are more sick-folks and nurses that cannot understand latine and hard words , than apothecaries and chyrurgeons that will not understand english. i should be a rich man , if i had five shillings for every one that d●th not know the weight of a french crown . i have heard of elixir vitae , the grand cordial , the infallible antidote against the plague , and i remember a story of a friar , who pretended to have a plume of the angel gabriels feathers , which fell from him at the salutation of the virgin mary , but when he came to shew it after sermon to the multitude , he perceived that his feathers had been stoln out of the box , and a charcoal put in their stead , and very confidently laid the disappointment upon the indisposition of the people , who were not fuly prepared for the fight of so heavenly a relique : neverthelesse out of his own good will he would shew them one of the coals that was taken from under the gridiron that sai●t laurence was broild on . i do not much fancy quid proquo , neither do you greatly care at present for elixit vitae ae●e●●ae , neither would you have such a cordial as should cure you of all diseases , though the antidote may be infallible , yet he that takes it may be deceiv'd : many conceal'd medicines are dear enough , when they cost the taker his life ; and many cried up s●crets do greater cures on the purse of the seller , than on the body of the buyer , into whose handt , as soon as they chance to come , they lose their vertue . if things hard or impossible to be done , would have pleas'd you , i could have given you directions extravagant enough ; how for getting into a better air , you must ride on pegasus every day in the elizian fields , or else take one of the planets houses to dwell in ; and get your goods sent thither in charles's wain : 't is very healthy , to walk a turn or two in via lactaea , and when you are weary , sit down in cassiopoeia's chair . for dyet , you may have your mutton at aries , and beef at taurus , your fish at cancer or pisces ; and let ganymede fill you no wine , but what is fine , neat , and racy , with an excellent scent and flavour , &c. also if things difficult or impossible to be gotten , would have gave content , i could have told you , how handsome and warm a colchos mantle , made of jasons golden fieece would sit upon your shoulders ; how to dress your hair with a myrmaids comb , would cure the head-ach , and help perspiration ; what an excellent cordial a mornings draught of nectar or ambrosia would be , in a unicorns-horn ; how two phaenix eggs for break fast would make a rare cawdle ; how excellent a black swan would be roasted for dinner , especially , if he sang before he was killed ; how sweetly you would sleep after you had supp'd upon a manucodiata or bird of paradise ; how delightful a dish of fruit from the hesperides or pine apples of america , would be in the afternoon . but my directions aye plain and familiar , and easie to be understood by an ordinary capacity ; they which know better , may be provoked by my example , to publish them , with the method and direction how to use them ; which i had rather communicate for the good of the people of my native country , than to have gotten an estate , by giving them a hard name , to keep them secret , and having them sold for my private advantage , ( as the custome now is ) at an apothecaries or stationers shop : and so i hope that the superlative excesse of my love , shall excuse the defect of my skill . holborn , july 22. 1665. w. k. a collection of seven and fifty approved receipts good against the plague taken out of the five books of that renowned dr. don alexes secrets, for the benefit of the poorer sort of people of these nations. by w. j. gent. w. j. 1665 approx. 47 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46659 wing j47 estc r218505 99830090 99830090 34539 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46659) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34539) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2032:3) a collection of seven and fifty approved receipts good against the plague taken out of the five books of that renowned dr. don alexes secrets, for the benefit of the poorer sort of people of these nations. by w. j. gent. w. j. alessio, piemontese, b. ca. 1471. aut [4], 16, [4] p. printed by peter lillicrap, for john wingfield at the bible and anchor in tower-street near mark-lane end, london : 1665. caption title on p. 1 reads: a collection of seven and fifty receipts good against the plague. final two leaves cropped, affecting pagination. reproduction of the original in the lincoln's inn library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known 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mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of seven and fifty approved receipts good against the plague . taken out of the five books of that renowned dr. don alexes secrets , for the benefit of the poorer sort of people of these nations . by w. j. gent. london , printed by peter lillicrap , for john wingfield at the bible and anchor in tower-street near mark-lane end , 1665. the author to the reader . courteous reader , i through gods divine providence , have had at severall times , great occasion to make use of medicines for the health of my own body , as namely in the year 1642 , for cuts and shots , where then i came acquainted , and into familiarity with master george dunne chyrurgion , master leadbeater the apothecary , master guye , master hicks , and master nicholas culpepper , by whose familiarity i lost nothing , in the end of september 1663 our house was visited with the plague , one died before we knew what it was , the family was five in number , i lay in the same bedding the deceased dyed out of , he dyed full of the marks , i had a boyle in my groyne that never brake , but went away by purging and vomiting , my fellow had one that brake , yet none dyed but the first , i helpt to coffin about six persons , in one family at that time , yet by gods providence am yet a live , in the year 1649 , i had along sickness from midsomer till christmas , of that miserable disease called the griping or plague of the guts , which caused me to search all publick means for cure , and having spent what means i had upon doctors like the woman that had the bloudy issue : and all gave me over for dead , i betook me to search for directions in books , and after the reading of many providence guided me to light upon the most excellent and approved works of that famous doctor named don alexes , a man well skilled in the latine greek hebrew chaldee and arabick tongues , and of divers other nations and countreys , he being naturally inclined and took a singular pleasure in phylosophy , and in the secrets of nature , he travelled seven and twenty years to gain knowledge , the five books were translated into english by master william ward and master richard andrews and dedicated unto the right honourable francis lord russell earl of bedford , but lest i should make my porch greater then my building , i do refer those that would be further satisfied , unto those five books aforesaid , where they shall finde every one inserted , i gathered them at first for my own perticular private use , but considering the scarcity of the books and altogether at an extraordinary dear rate , i have for the publick benefit of all men exposed them to the care of the printer to serve for publick use . june 12. 1665. w. j. a collection of seven and fifty receipts good against the plague . chap. i. an approved remedy against the pestilence be it never so vehement . take an ounion and cut him overthwart , then make a little hole in each peece , the which you shall fill with fine triacle , then set the peices together again as they were before , then wrap them in a white linnen cloth . puting it so to roast in the embers and ashes , then when it is roasted enough press out all the juice of it : and give the patient a spoonful thereof to drink , and so by gods help he shall feel ease and most undoubtedly be healed . chap. 2. a very good perfume against the plague . take mastick , cyprus , incence , mace , wormwood , mirrhe , lignum aloe , tegname musk , ambergreise , timioma , nutmugges , mirtle-tree , bay-tree , rosemary , saige , roses , elder , cloves , juniper , rue , pitch , and a kind of raw-pitch , called in latine rasise , stamp all these together mixe them well set them on the embers , or coles and so perfume the chamber . chap. 3. another very good remedy against the plague . take the ripe berries of a baytree , then pill off the black skin that is upon them , beat them into powder with a little salt , and as soon as the party perceiveth himself infected with the plague , and that he begin to have a hot fevor , he must take a spoonfull of the said powder , mixt with a little vineger and water , let him heat it a little and drinke it , and then covering himself warm sleep , sleeping soundly by gods help he shall be cured in a short time , but if the fevor come with a cold , instead of vineger he must take wine , and then do as is said before , this hath been experimented on many in the last great plague time . chap. 4. for him that is sick of the plague . take white dittany , turmentill , white corall , genitine , bole armoniack , terra sigilata , and endive , water of scabius , and the accedent coming upon him , this must be made at least four hours before it be used , take of the said things stamped each one by it self , and put them severally inglasses , and make of all of them a drink at your own discretion , making the vineger mount in the glass a little above the other things , and let the patient take it hot , covering himself hot in his bed untill he sweat , and by gods help he shall undoubtedly be cured . chap. 5. a marvellous preservative against the plague to make this take white dicany , round aristolochia , with crocodilium otherwise called cardina , or cordua , with voruine , gentian , zeduarise , an hearb called in latine , per muli , of each of them two ounces , stamp all these together with a handful of rue , then take a glass that holdeth at least three quarts , and fill it with the best wine you can find , whereinto you shall put all the foresaid things , and let it stand so in your house , and in dangerous times take every morning a glass full of the said wine before you go out of your house , but first observe to eat a walnut a fige and a branch or two of rue , do this every morning . chap. 6. an approved good ointment to make an impostume break and the plague sone to fall off . to make this take a quantity of oyl of olive and set it on the fire in some firme vessell , put thereto fine cerus or white lead well stamped together , literage of silver very fine and thine , with a quantity of common wax , set it on the fire untill you may spread it with your finger upon a smooth stone , then take it from the fire and power a little vineger upon it , but have a care of your face , then make a plaister of this ointment , as big as all the sore , and make a hole in the midst thereof the breadth of a penny , make then a little plaister of suppling ointment the bigness of the hole , then make another plaister of the same bigness , and lay it on the suppling plaister , the mortifying plaister be between both , let this lye twenty four hours , then change onely the middle plaister , leting it so lye twenty four hours longer , but remember to annoint the top of the sore with some hogs suite , or hen or capons grease to mollifie it , so it will be hard in the middle , and round about it will be tender flesh , in such sort that the sore will break and come forth about the end of forty and eight hours , take of the foresaid plaisters , and lay upon it another plaister made with fresh hogs grease , then will the dead flesh fall out with the core , like unto a round half ball , but the hole will remain which you must dress with healing ointment , you must strow burnt alum beaten to powder to eat the dead or rather proud flesh away . chap. 7. another remedy against the plague . take the topes of rue a garlick-head , or half a quarter of a walnut , and a corn of salt , eat this every morning continuing so a moneth together , this is also good against the worms both in young and old . chap. 8. another very good remedy against the plague . take a quantity of the water of wilde pursley , called in greek melissophillon , melephilo , and melenon , and in latine apiastrum , with plantine water , of each of these a like quantity in several glasses , take daily of this mixing equall quantities together in a small glass , and then you shall drink thereof , so by the blessing of god you shall be preserved and keept safe from the infection of the plague , this water is also good for fistula's and hath been often proved true by experience . chap. 9. another perfect receipt against the plague . fill a glass a third part full of fine triacle , and one third part with aquavitae , and fill the other third part with the urine of a man childe that is a virgin and healthfull mixe all these well together , and give the patient to drink a glass full three mornings one after another , this was proved in venice in the year 1504. and in london in the last great plague . chap. 10. another against the plague . as soon as the party feeleth himself infected , let him swallow a quantity of the best triacle , then take of the same triacle the bigness of a chesnut , and lay it on the sore that beginneth to rise , rubbing it well round about with the same triacle , then immediately take a young pegion and cut him in the midst quick feathers and all , lay him to the sore warm as he is in his feathers , let him lye till that part of the pegion become green , and the triacle red , then take it off , and you shall perceive , that out of the pegion will come a green water , which is all the venome that was in the sore , then cure the place with this following plaister , take two parts of fresh barrows greass , and one part of woormwood well stamped and lay it upon the sore and the effect followeth . chap. 11. a thing often experimented against the plague . take two ounces of mastick , one ounce of euphorbium , five ounces of spignard , beat these into powder and give it the patient to drink , if he be under ten years of age give him but a scruple of it , if betwixt ten and twenty years of age give him half a dram , if above twenty years old give him a dram , then take the hearb called in greek pentaphylon , in latine quinque folium , in english cinkfoil , and wrap it like a round apple in a linnen cloath lay it so under the embers a certain time , and having taken it out , cut it in three pieces in the middle , and lay it upon the sore , this will give immediate ease unto the patient proved and experimented many times . chap. 12. a preservative against the plague proved oftentimes . in a dangerous time take three branches of rue , a walnut and a fig , eat all this and your stomach shall be fenced against infection . chap. 13. another take vineger the juce of a white ounion , the juce of rue and of milfoil , yarrow , or nose-bleed , of each of them alike quantity mixe all together , and give the patient a glass full very hot , but let it be before the sixth hour after the pain hath taken him ; then make him sweat in a warm bed , this hath been an approved remedy . chap. 14. in a suspect time of the plague . take pennirial with suger russet , make an electuary , eat the bigness of a chesnut at breakfast this hath been proved and found good . chap. 15. another most excellent medicine good against the plague . take wallnuts that are green tender and good to confecture , or preserves , put them in vineger the space of eight days , then take them out again , and break them in pieces , then put them into the limbeck , without vineger , and still the water of them ; the patient shall drink every day a small half glass full and after drinking of this potion , let him sweat well in his bed chap. 16. a rare and perfect secret against the plague . take an ounce of aloes epaticum , half an ounce of mirrhe , half an ounce of saforne beaten into powder , sift the aloes and mirrhe together , then steep and soake the saforne , or wash it with whine wine that is very strong , so that it be like sauce , put then the other powder to it , and mixe all well together , if need require you may put more wine to it so make thereof a paste , and so make pills of the same , but if you will have it very strong put to every ounce half an ounce of diagridum and half an ounce of camphire , mr. francis albert took three eight parts of the said pills without diagridum , soaking them in good wine and gave them to his patient as soon as he could and caused him to sweat much in his bed and by sweating disolved the venome . chap. 17. another very rare approved receipt . take the flowers or blosoms of walnuts , dry them in the shadow , and when the nuts be in season to confect , you shall cut part of them into small peices , putting the same into small vineger for three days , then take them out and mingle flowers distilling them through a limbeck of glass , or of earth , well leaded , keep this water diligently , and when any man feeleth himself infected with the plague , give presently to him two ounces or three ounces more or less as the party is in years or strength , and he shall loose his disease by stoole or by vomit , or else it will force the sore to come forth , which you may ripen and break and draw forth the core and so heal the same as is before declared . chap. 18. to make a carbuncle and all other botches impostumes and plague sores to break , a present remedy and very easie to be made . take bay salt well beaten into powder and serced , incorporate it with the yolk of an egge then lay it on the carbuncle or sore , and be you assured that by gods grace it will take away all the venome and poyson of the plague sore , so that in short time he shall be cured ; this remedy hath been often proved . chap. 19. a very good remedy against the marks of the plague commonly called gods marks or god tokens . take fresh and green rhopenticum , which is the hearb and root called themore or great centory , it is named of pliny , as bulius doth write ( rhacoma ) with the roots of the hearb called sanguinaria dactillon , of some dens canis , of dioscordious it is called coronopus , that is to say crows foot , some take it to be dandelion , take therewith the roots of turmiltill , and white dittany , of each of these an ounce , stamp all well then put them in a pot or violl with clear water at your discretion , rather too much then too little , till it pass three handfulls above the other things in the pot : then boyle it with a clear fire without smoak , untill one third part be deminished then strain it softly into a clean glass and it will be of the colour of wine , when necessity doth require you may give the patient a glass full in the morning and another at night two hours before supper , but it must be very hot , then cover him well in his bed and make him sweat , when the marks come forth he shall become like a lazer or a lepper and by gods blessing shall recover in a short time and be perfectly whole . chap. 20. against the mortality of the pestilence an approved remedy . take gentian , seduaria , roots of turmentile of each of them two ounces , red sandal , white and recent , ditany , harts horn burnd , white pearl , bole armoniack round aristolochia , of each of them an ounce , half an ounce of camphere , two ounces of white suger : of all these things beaten together into powder you shall take at every time a dram with three ounces as endive water , or sorrell water , mixe the water and the suger with the bigness of a walnut of fine triacle , you must minister this medicine before the sickness have continued with the person twelve hours for it is the surer , if the patient be an infant then give him but half a dram of it with an ounce and a half of one of the said waters , and with the like quantity of triacle , this drink is neither solvable nor laxative , nor doth cause any grief to the patient but onely killeth the poyson , if any person have drunk or eaten any poyson it is a very good medicine for him , it is also very good against a hot fevor or ague , note also that if it be possible the patient must be let bloud before he take this or suddenly after . chap. 21. to make little round balls good against the plague . take of labdanum , half an ounce , storax calamica one ounce , diambre , two grains of camphere , fifteen grains of cloves , nutmukes and mace of each of them an eight part , a scruple of damask roses , half a dram of sinamon , fifteen grains of spignard , musk and civit , of each of them eight grains half a dram of fine violets , four grains of lignum aloes the bigness of a bean of calomie aromanticie , four grains of fine amber , the bigness of a bean of mirrhe , first stamp the labdanum with a hot pestle , then stamp well the storax calatimae , and all the other things each by it self and then mixe all together and stamp them still with a pestle ading to it at every time sorax laquide and rose water untill all the said things be well incorporated , and then make round bal's thereof to smell to or use at your own discretion . chap. 22. a very perfect oyl against the plague and all manner of poyson . take of the oldest oyl you can get , and boyl it the space of an hour , and for every pound of the said oyl put in fifty scorpians or as many as you can get , put all this in a pot uncovered set the pot in a kettle of boyling water untill the third part of the oyl or somewhat less be consumed , then take out the scorpions and strain the oyl into another pot , then stop it close , and set it in the sun three moneths , or by the fire on hot ashes the space of four days , but first put in two ounces of unicorns horn , one ounce of triacle , three ounces of aquavitae , when any person feeleth himself infected with the plague or poyson let him be annointed with the said oyl about the heart and pulses and he shall finde a marvelous effect . chap. 23. a marvelous secret for to preserve a man from the plague and hath been proved in england of all the physicians in that great and vehement plague in the year 1348 , and in the year 1625 in london , that in the year 1348 crept throughout all the known world , and authors affirm that there was never any person that used this secret but was by gods grace preserved from the plague . take aloe epaticum , or cicotrim , fine sinamon , of each of these three drams , cloves , mace lignum aloe , mastick , bole armoniake of each of them half a dram , let all these things be well stamped together in a morter , then mingle them together , then keep it in a close vessel , and take thereof every morning two penny weight in half a glassfull of white wine , with a little water , drink it in the morning at the dawning of the day , and so you may by the grace of god go hardily into all infection of the aire and receive no damage by the plague . chap. 24. a very sure and perfect remedy to cure a man of the pestilence . take the berries of ivie , that groweth on trees or walls , and not of them that are found on the ground , you must gather the said berries very ripe and toward the north if it be possible if not take them as you can get them ; although they be not very ripe , dry them in the shadow and keep them in a wooden box as a most precious thing , and if any be infected with the pestilence , beat the said berries to powder in a clean morter , and give the patient the said powder in a glass full of white wine , as much as will lye upon a groat or more ; then cover him in his bed and cause him to sweat , then change his shirt sheets and all the coverings of his bed if it be possible , if not at least change shirt and sheets , some having taken this over night have found themselves well in the morning , and cured . my author affirmeth that in the year 1523 he saw in aleppo amilanos that had two plague sores one under his thigh and another under his left arm , and having taken the said powder morning and evening he found that the said sores brake of themselves by virtue of this excellent medicine , sent and blest by god himself who giveth understanding unto man , it is good for all persons to have so easie a thing ready by them . chap. 25. a present remedy to heal the pestilence by drawing out the venome from the sore approved . take a quick hen and pluck the rump and place where she layeth egges quite bare , then set her so that the bare place may be upon the grief , that she may be held upon the sore , a great while the hen draweth all the poyson to her self , or at least so much as will ease the patient , shortly after she will dye , you may do this with three or four several hens immediately one after another they will draw all the venome from the sore , then anoint the place with good triacle using the ivie and bay berries and other remedies before described to break draw and heal the sore . chap. 26 how to make balls to smell to in time of the plague . take one part of storax one part of libdany halfe a part of cloves , sum camphere , aquavitae of spignard , sum nutmukes of all these make a paste with rose water wherein you must disolve sum gum dragon and gum araback , work them well together , make of this balls to hold in your hands to smell at . chap. 27. an excellent perfume for a chamber in the time of a plague or pestilence . take of storax , calamica , bengewine , lignie , aloes , of each an ounce , five ounces of coals of willow beaten into powder , mixe these things with aquavitae , as much as will make them into a paste , make thereof little cakes or what forms you please , and so keep them , when you use them put a little of them on a chafing dish and in consuming them by little and little they will make a singular good odour in the place where you burn the same . chap. 28. against the plague . take three ounces of the liquor of the inner rinde of an ash tree , , and still it with three ounces of white wine , give the patient to drink of it every three hours and by gods help within twenty four hours he shall be well . chap. 29. another against the plague . take three ounces of walnuts that be not yet full ripe , prepared and distilled at midsomer , and let the patient drink thereof and he shall be whole , but it will be better to take the outward pills of walnuts in september when they be black , so that they be not rotten , and distill them and give the patient a glassfull thereof to drink very warm he being let blood this this will help him much . chap. 30. a preservative in time of pestilence , and against all venome or poyson , and against the biting of a mad dog. if you eat before meals a wallnut or two two dry figs , and some leaves of garden rue with a corn of salt , it will be a great and good preservative against the plague , and against all poyson that a man eateth , the same being stamped and laid to the byting of a mad dog it healeth it , so do nutmukes work the like effect . chap. 31. an approved composition as well to preserve as to heal , very good in the time of a contagious plague . take an ounce of the best triacle , half an ounce of the juce of lemons , a scruple of saforne , a little of the two sorts of pearls , red corall and sorrell seed , of each half a dram two grains of camphere , mingle all these together very well with two or three drops of odeferious white wine , and make thereof an ointment , spread a quantity thereof upon a piece of crimson silke lay this hot upon the patients heart and remove it morning and evenning . chap. 32. another most excellent composition , and a very good preservative against the pestilence often tried and experienced . take a pimpernell dried an ounce and a half of sordii veti , some roots of gentian , imparatory , zedoariae , of each six drams , calamint apiastrum , or citraginie , enuly campanie roots tormentilla , which is a kinde of cinkfoile , bay berries the seed of cardus benedictus , which is one of the kinds of the herb called atriactilie , with an oringe or citron , oxill dis , which is a kind of sorrell , bole armoniack prepared of each three drachmes lickorish scraped , clycanisie seminis the seeds of scatiola , which is mubus sativa , of the kindes of endive and succory , cinamonie , exquisitie , of each two drams gilli-flowers , red roses and coriander , prepared , the seed of basill , cortisis citrie fixie , santuly luteie vel raboi agalochi , that is xilaloe ligni aloes , the scraping of ivory and red coral , pearls of each a dram and a half , and two scruples of saforne beat all these very small mingle them with sugar of equall quantity , or else with oxemelite , or sirupo aceratoe , or oxyfacchata , or rather the sirrup of lemons , but for weak stomacks make like to a lickquid confection , either , opiate vel massee , or else let there be an electuary pertabellas of a dram weight , or four scruples , then adde unto every ounce of suger , a dram of the said powder , then take thereof two or three hours before your meals , if it be in powder take a dram or half a dram at the least , with some convenient liquor of those which are now named if it be opiate , the quantity of a chestnut or a walnut if it be in form of a mass and thick make two or three pills or more very soft for to take at one time drinking after the same sum of the liquors already mentioned when it is in little tablits you may take one or two or more at your discretion . chap. 33. another composition in powder , but in another manner for the same purpose . take the roots of angilica , gentian , zedoaria , of the roots of tirmentilla the seeds of coxalidas citrie mallie , cinamon , elect with a kind of casia of yellow or red sandall or sanders cardus benedictus of each two drams , a dram and a half of oringe pills , one dram of the scrapings of ivory , half a dram of red corrall the like weight of fine sugar , put to all these things as the powder shall seem pleasant and good , or if you will seek another way as is spoken of in the first preservative , as concerning the quantity of this composition , at every time , and the time of using it let it be as the other before , but if you will have them both let them not be of a like sort , but the one being in powder in tablits the other in opiat , or mass , with pills . chap. 34. common pills very good for the same . take aloes probae , and lote , two ounces , one ounce of saforne , one ounce of good mirrhe , or else mirrhe and ammoniacum , disolved in white wine of each half an ounce , mixe them together with hony roset , but in winter you may put zedoaria , agallochi , or red sandis of each of them a dram , but in summer take away the mirrhe and amoniacum and put to it bole armoniacke prepared three drams , half a dram of red corrall with a scruple of camphere to take commonly a pill or two before your meals , sometimes a dram after your first sleep as you shall prove by experience . chap. 35. antidotes or medicines , and comfortable preservative of small cost easie to find that poor people may prepare for themselves . 1. take garlick and drink a little wine after it , or a fig with a walnut and rue and a little salt specially in winter . 2. take twenty leaves of rue with two walnuts and as many figs and a grain of salt all being mixt together receive it in the morning . 3. take six leaves of rue with vineger . 4. take the root of the herb called in latine imperatora , of sum lascopitium , gallicum . 5. take the root of angelica . 6. the roots of gentian . 7. the root of zedarie . 8. of cardus benedictus . 9. of garlina . 10. take the herb called scordium in small powder the quantity of a dram , either in a soft mass made with sodden honey and vineger , or with some surrup as of lemons or in opiat the bigness of a chesnut , or of a small pease with wine in winter , in summer with rose water , or with the juce of sorrell . 11. sorrell alone or with pimpernell in vineger and drink of it in the morning . 12. or the juce of them wherewith you may make a taste in summer . 13. or juniper berries , the leaves of green pimpernell of bittany of pulegion of sorrell of each a like quantity brayed together and sodden in honey , put thereto a little vineger like a conserve . chap. 36. another rare medicine . take juniper berries , bole armoniack , of each two drams or of both alike quantity being stamped lay it in sweet oyl and vineger or in oxmillite , in the mean form either opiat or mass . if it be opiat take as much as a chestnut , if it be mass take one great pill , and drink after it a little hidromill or oximill or wine . chap. 37. it is requisite to speak something of a savour and sweet smell ; as powders balls waters and perfumes , and first of a powder for many purposes . take four ounces of ivise florientiana , of margrom cloves and red roses of each an ounce of millissophilie , nucise odoratee or muscate zedorie , cinamon agallochi , yellow , sanders , mastick storax calamita and bengroin , half an ounce of each , and two scruples of juncus odoratus , calami odoravie , syici nardiradicise one dram of each . make of these a powder to smell , to be beaten of broken , in some piece of fine silke or a peece of fine linnen cloth , beat all these things grosly for to perfume and wash your head and beard , or let them lye a time in white wine and rose water , and strain them , keeping the water to use when you please , or you may still them in a double vessell , that they may be aqua aromatica , this being laid upon the coals is to perfume your chamber twice every day morning and evening , it is good also to wear about you or to put in a little bag and lay it amongst linnen or woollen cloathes . chap. 38. another sweet smelling ball . take two ounces of pure labdanum , one ounce and a half of bengroine one ounce of willow coals of storax calamita , six drams , two drams , a peece of marjoram , and yellow or red sanders , of red roses and calainus aramaticus , two scruples a peece , then take six drams of oyl of sweet almonds and as much of bengroin , with half an ounce of storax calamita sithe these things together then put thereto six drams of rose water . then strain it , and let that which is strained , be soft made with two ounces of white wax , and put to it of storax liquida , one dram , make it like as cereatum , or plaister incorporate these together with a hot pestle putting thereto a dram and a half of musk . chap. 39. another sweet ball more sweet for the summer . take three ounces and a half a peece of roses and violets with an ounce a peece of the berries and leaves of mirtle , and the coals of willow , six drams a peece , of juniper berries and oringe pills , two drams of red sanders , one dram of bengroin with two scruples of camphere , make a powder of these , then take an ounce and a half of oyl of roses , with two drams a peece of storax calamita , and bengroine , with an ounce of rose water with two ounces of white wax , beat all the rest together with a hot pestle , put to it a little musk and use it . chap. 40. of five outward remedies to purge the aire , the presentest and easiest and of smallest price for persons low in estate and condition . first take juniper berries with some of the root cloven asunder and dried with some of the forementioned drugs and make thereof a perfume this is good to purge the air. secondly , sprinkle your chamber with vineger alone or mixed with rose water . thirdly , when you are to go out into company , put into your mouth the pill or seed of a cittorn , or cinamon , or cloves or the roots of angelica , or zedoarie or such as are before mentioned , hold these in your mouth and chaw them for you shall finde that they will give a good odour . fourthly , if you desire to smell to a spunge or to a hancherchief both day and night , malmsey or other strong wine and sweet ; such as are muscadell alone or else with rose water , wherein there hath been tempered some aromaticall drug already spoken of , and also cloves and nutmukes , are very good for this purpose . fifthly , if it be in summer take a little camphere , with a little cold water and twice so much vineger , this is also very good . chap. 41. eight c●usions for the whole sum of governing of mans body especially in the time of the plague . 1. it is necessary that you keep every thing neat and clean in your house often washing and cleansing the same , and that as much as in you lyeth you do avoid going into all evil aire . 2. besure that you flye all excess of riot and superfluity of intemperate eating and drinking , and with all the carnall company of women 3. when you travell walk moderately and overheat not your self , neither sleep in the day time , but moderately in the night , avoid as much as you may inordinate watching . chap 42. a soverain powder against the venome of the plague , fit for princes and rich people . take saphire hiacinthe smaragdus , of one or two or of all of these one dram , of pearls bole armoniack of the best , with the seeds of oxalise of each of these two drams , of the scrapings of ivory two scruples of unicorns horn one scruple , of the seed of ocinum , half a scruple , yellow or red sanders agalocchi or xilaloes of the best , doronicie , cinamon , exquisite safforone of each three grains six grains of musk , make of these a fine powder , and leave out the musk for them that love it not , the use of the said powder and others that follow shall be declared hereafter if god permit . chap. 43. how to make a powder for the poorer sort of people . take two drams of bole armoniack with three drams of the seeds of oxalis , aloes epeticum lotum , and red corrall of each of these a dram , the powder of diatrio santalon , eight scruples with the pills of dry oringes , cloves cinamon and safforone of each of these five drams , make of these a fine powder , you may use the same with conserves or without them , with sirrups or with distilled waters , but much rather with juces and such convenient licquors as is before named . chap. 44. how with little cost to make a drink for the poor . take of the powder prescribed for the poor , conditirosatie , or conserve of roses , condii boraginis , or rather coraginis of each a dram and a half two ounces of the suck of oxalis , two ounces succi avantii coragares extract with rose water and of good white wine vineger of each an ounce and make thereof a drink . chap , . 45. a drink that hath been proved good against the plague . take two drams of the powder of mugwort of the first and second sort , the seeds of sanctie or of oringes , of mirrhe of each a dram , the scrapings of harts horn a dram , beat them well and mixe them together , you must drink this of white viniger before a fire ▪ and as soon as there appeareth any swelling in the groine or flank , or under the arm-pits , or any where else the remedy must be ready , for the medicine provoketh great sweat whereby the venome or infection avoideth every part . the patient thus swearing by the fire his infected sweat must be rubed and dried with hot linnen cloathes , which must be always changed untill the savour of the sweat be gone with rubbing . chap. 46. how opiate is made . take of the first or second powder oringe pills conserved of each an ounce and a half , the conserve of roses the conserve of bugloss , two ounces of each of the sirrup of the juce of cittorns oringes or lemons or else of oxalis , or ●mphacini , sufficient make of it a licquid electuary in form of an opiate , whereof take an ounce or more and drink some of the foresaid liquors and such as here follow , you may mingle an ounce of purslane with the said liquor . chap. 47. how to make a drink meat after the taking of opiate , or to be mixed with the opiate for the strongest or meanest men according to the time and place . to do this take the juce of cittorne or lemons three ounces of the wine of swore oringes with good white and clear vineger and rose water of each of these an ounce and mixe these all together chap. 48. how to make a good drink for the poor . take three ounces of the juce of sorrell that is very clear of bitter an● swore oringes , with white and clear vineger and rose water of each of these an ounce make thereof a drink , mixe it with a little suger to make it pleasant . chap. 49. how to make a drink to cause one to sweat . take a dram of good triacle , or a dram of mithridatum , with hole armoniack of the best of the powder of one of the herbs called cardiacee , described before , half a dram , scabious water two ounces , water of oxalise , bugloss borage of each an ounce and make a drink thereof . chap. 50. how to to make a drink easie for the poor of low price . take the decoction of scabious , and of the flowers of red pop●ge a glass full with a little suger or a little white vineger , or a ptisane , made with barley and aniseeds and the roots of parsley the roots of suckrey the one or the other decoction with sharp sirrup two ounces or a little white vineger . you must understand that these foresaid drinks be taken hot , the patient being well covered in his bed the triacle and mithridate although they be of great efficacy yet are they not meet for women with childe nor for young children , the use of them ought not to be often nor in great quantities , when the fevor is great , some mens advice is to mingle the medicine for sweating with some distilled water or with the decoction of herbs , concerning the part to which the venomous matter hath its course , now if a man knoweth that the mater goeth to the head , let the patient take it with some distilled waters or with the decoction bitony , but if it go to the vital parts , or to tha brest and heart , with the water of the decoction of borage , which is very bugloss , if it go to the belly and bowels with liquor of wormwood , if to the liver , then with the decoction water of egrimony which is the true and real zupatorium . chap. 51. how to provoke sweat and heal the plague . take of the herb called rape , with the roots of the lesser planton and knot grass of each half a handfull bray them well and boyle them in vineger then strain them through a linnen cloath , give the sick person of this to drink when he goeth to bed it will cause him to sweat out all the ill humers . chap. 52. an excellent preseruative against the plague . take one ounce of the juce of green nuts , half an ounce of the juce of agrimony , three drams of the juce of rue , three ounces of the juce of issope four ounces of the juce of hemp mingle them altogether , then take half an ounce of the said mixture with half a dram of mumea and half an ounce of suger candy and one dram of suger of roses , an electuary thereof and dissolve the quantity of a chestnut of it in good wine and drink thereof when you rise and when you go to bed . chap. 53. another against the plague . take of the roots of turmentill finely powdered , one dram with half a dram of triacle dissolve it in sorrell water and give it the diseased . chap. 54. how to make another preservative against the plague . take two egges and make a hole upon the top of each of them , then take out the whites put into them so much whole safforne as will half fill up the egge to the middle , cover them with other egge shells boyl them till they become red , then bray them with all the shells , and put thereunto of white diptamue and turmevill of each three drams of vomiting nuts one dram and a half of the seeds of rockit the quantity of the beaten eggs bray them all together the second time , then put thereunto of good triacle the weight of the other things except the eggs and make an electuary of the which give two drams in the morning when the patient riseth before he goes to labour . chap. 55. another preservative against the plague . take safforne of setwell , of turmentill of diptamus of each of these one ounce of triacle of mithridate of suger of bugloss of each eight drams with the sirrup of the pills of pomecitterns , make a lectuary of the which to preserve the party , according to his age , if he be above the age of fifteen years give him two drams in the morning before meat with white wine , and after it give him two mastick corlander seeds , if he be but 14 years of age give him but one dram , and a half , being under the age of 8 years give him one dram , when he goeth out of the house let him hold in his mouth a little of the electuary ; in the curing the plague the foresaid confection must be given as soon as he feeleth himself to have the ague , within the space of 24 hours with the which the water of sumak , the quantity aforesaid according unto age , it helpeth all cold infirmities or griefs , ministred with wine or with aquavitae having first made the universall remedies of purging letting of blood and such like . chap. 56 how to make a good water against the plague or surfeite . take red sage , celendine rosemary , herbgrass wormwood mugwort , pimpernell , dragons , scabius tyromony , rosasolis , and balm , of each of these a handfull or like quantity by weight , wash and swing them in a linnen cloth , shred them and put them into a galon of white wine with a quarter of an ounce of gentian roots , and of angelica roots the like quantity let it stand two days and two nights close covered and distill it at your pleasure that glass in which you keep it be stopt very close . chap. 57. how to purifie the air in a plague time . take an ounce of balsum , one ounce of the flower of sulpher with an ounce of mirrhe powder , all these together put thereto as much perno as will make them into a stiffe past then make it into little cakes then in the time of a pestilence every day or every other day put one or two of these upon a chasing dish of coals this is good saith mine author to purifie the air. finis . the blacke rod, and the vvhite rod (justice and mercie,) striking, and sparing, [brace] london. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1630 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20051 stc 6492.5 estc s326 22283261 ocm 22283261 25318 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20051) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25318) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1750:11) the blacke rod, and the vvhite rod (justice and mercie,) striking, and sparing, [brace] london. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [2], 20 p. printed by b.a. and t.f. for iohn covvper, london : 1630. running title: the blacke and white rod. attributed to dekker by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints. signatures: a-b⁴ c³. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the blacke rod : and the vvhite rod. ( iustice and mercie . ) striking , and sparing , london . psal. 91. surely hee will deliver thee from the snare of the hunter . and from the noisome pestilence . hee will couer thee vnder his wings , and thou shalt be sure vnder his feathers . thou shalt not bee afraid of the pestilence , that walketh in the darke , nor of the plague that destroyeth at noone-day . pugna suum finem , cum jacet hostis , habet . london . printed by b.a. and t.f. for iohn covvper . 1630. the blacke and white rod. this world is a royall exchange , where all sorts of men are merchants : kings hold commerce with kings , and their voyages are vpon high negotiations : as , the deare buying of anothers country , with their owne subiects bloud : the purchasing of new crownes , and new scepters , not satisfied with the old . and , as kings , so princes , dukes , earles , lords , clergy-men , iudges , souldiers , haue their trading in particular marchandizes , and walke euery day for that purpose vpon this old royall exchange . they talke in seuerall languages , and ( like the murmuring fall of waters ) in the hum of seuerall businesses : insomuch that the place seemes babell , ( a confusion of tongues . ) the best , ( yet most incertaine ) commodity , which all these merchants striue for , is life : if health begot into the bargaine , he is a made man , into whose hands it comes . yet when these two inestimable treasures are shipped in one bottome , together ; there are winds , and waues , and woes , which still fill the sayles , and hang vpon the tacklings . what 's the end of this voyage . currit mercator ad indos . to heape vp gold. the merchants name i' th indies , is inroll'd . nay , though he casts a girdle about the world , yet , anchor he must in one harbour or another , to come to shore , and proclaime his lading on this ryalta , this burse , or this royall exchange , and when the exchange-bell rings . ( his passing-bell tolles ) that 's the warning-peece to tell him hee must goe off , he must for that time talke there no more of his transitorie commodities , the exchange of this world with him is then done , and home does he hasten to dine with wormes . this earthly spacious building , in which we dwell , ( as tenants onely for life ) is likewise a glorious theater , full of admirable conueyances and curiosities ; the frame or module of it is round , with a siluer mouing roofe ( call'd the heauens ) to couer it by day , and a golden canopy of starres to curtaine about it by night . in stead of arras and tapestrie , ( which commonly doe now , and euer haue adorned , the old amphitheaters , this is richly hung round about with the element of ayre . the beauties of the earth are the stage : furnished bounteously , and set forth in all brauery , with woods , full of trees , gardens full of flowers , orchards full of fruit , fields full of standing corne , ( like so many speares ready for a battaile ) mountaines high in pride , valleys sweet in pleasure . our mothers wombe is the tyring-house , where we make vs ready ; and our cradle , the musicke-roome , for there we are sweetly strung with innocence . nothing ( then ) puts vs out of tune , but a peale of crying , and what 's that ? onely a little note , a little too high ; which being mended , the melodie is heauenly ; for , there is no concord without discord . vpon this goodly stage , all sorts of people ( men , women , and children ) are actors ; some play emperours , some , kings , some beggars , some wise-men , some fooles . the hardest part to play is a good man : and 't is rare to see a long part giuen him to study . on this stage are presented tragedies , and comedies ; the terriblest tragedie is that , of the soule , fighting to get off ( well , ) from the body . the best and most pleasing comedie , is that of a white conscience , and the peace of mind . some haue plaudits , showts and acclamations , and those are such who haue play'd good parts , and play'd them brauely-well . some goe hissed off the stage . and that is for want of being perfect in those good parts , which are put into them . some , play very long parts , ( and they are old men ) some , haue done in the midst of the play , ( and they are young men ) some , being but in a scaene , before they speake , are out , and lost , ( and they are children . ) euery actor hath his entrance , euery one his exit : as one comes out , another goes off , and sometimes meeting on the stage together , they leaue the stage together . but in the conclusion , he that can get angels to sit , in the galleries of heauen , and clap his action with theyr immortall hands , he is the onely roscius of the time , and one of the best actors that euer stept on stage . the sum , vpshot , and cloze of all , is this ▪ that , as many men as that walke on that royall exchange , and seeme rich , doe often breake and are lay'd in prison : so in this world ; when we appeare neuer so strong in body , neuer so stirring in minde ; yet , if health turnes banquerupt once , and that the sergeant with the blacke rod , ( sicknesse ) arrests vs ; if eyther casualties , by sea or land , if losses , vexations , misfortunes or miseries , breake our hearts , whether then are we carried ! to our euerlasting prison the graue . and so , when in this magnificent theater , we haue ietted long on the stage , and borne our heads high ; yet , our parts being done , we are inforced to put off , our gay borrowed garments , and wrapping our selues in poore winding-sheets , hasten to our owne homes , and ( still ) that 's the graue . the graue then , is the rendez-vouz where we all meet ; the market-place where the drum of death beates , to haue vs come together : the towne-hall , where all our brablings are ended : the castle , to appeare at , which at the assizes , the body is bound ouer , and there it is cast : in the feild of dead mens sculs , and fleshlesse bones , must the great army of all mankind muster , on mount caluary , christ lost his life , and in dust and ashes must we leaue ours . we need not read any bookes to proue this : euery man holds a pen in his hand , to write a story of it . to passe ouer the volumes of the graue , ( filled by adam and his children , ) in the first world ; and clasping-vp , those likewise which haue beene euer since , after the deluge , in this second world : let vs cast our eyes onely at that blacke rod , and that white rod , which from time to time , haue first smitten , and then spared , this kingdome of great britaine . in the raignes of william the conquerour , rufus , and hen : 1. ( his brother , ) death walked vp and downe this land in strange shapes : men , women , and children , fell by the pestilence : so great were the numbers of those who dyed , that the numbers of the liuing could harldy bury them . cattell were stricken in the feild , birds drop'd from the ayre , fishes , perish'd in the waters , famine followed , tillage went to ruine , so that the earth , which wont to feed others , had in the end no meate for her selfe . then , for foure kings together , little mention is made of any deuouring mortality of people by the pestilence ; yet were there blazing starres , earthquakes , stormes of hayle , which kill'd cattell , and beat downe corne : with the apparition of spirits in the ayre , in the likenesse of strange , vgly fowle , flying with fire in theyr beakes , and doing much mischiefe to houses . but presently after in the raigne of hen : 3. the kingdome in generall was torne in pieces , by two dragons , ( dearth , or want of victuals , and an exceeding great sweeping plague . ) so , edward the second , saw the fall of his people , and the famishing of his countrey by the two fore-named tyrants . so , edw. 3. in his long raigne of fiftie yeeres , lamented the losse of his then warlike nation , so struck downe by a pestilent contagion , that many who had he●l●h in the morning , lay in their graues at night : forty bodies at one time , crowding in those cold beds together , for want of more and better roome . thirteene yeares after , death spread his cullors againe , and then in that dismall battell henry duke of lancaster , his dutchesse , and the earle of warwicke , fell vnder the cruell conquerours hands . besides in one yeare , in a plot of ground , being at that time in compasse , thirteene acres , ( then called spittle-croft , or the charter-house , founded by gualter manny knight of the garter , who there lyes intoomb'd , ) were buried 50000. persons , besides those who tooke vp their euerlasting lodgings in other places . in this yeare , the blacke rod smarted deeply : the sword of diuine iustice had a sharpe terrible edge , and where it hit , it strucke home . few of the then following kings , but had their subjects snatched from them by these hot and speeding calamities . we will now , ( omitting all the rest ) looke onely , at these two great plagues indeed , ( fresh , too fresh in our memories ) the first , beginning when q. elizabeth left vs , and that k. iames , tooke vs to be his people : the second , when k. iames tooke his way to heauen , and left both all his kingdomes , and their mighty nations , to his royall sonne , our most gracious soueraigne king charles , whose yeares the great arithmetician of heauen , multiply , and blesse the numbers , till they bee all golden ones . but , let vs now draw our arrowes , to the marke we ayme at ; those two last visitations , this hydra-sicknesse with so many heads , the plague ! why carryes it the name of plague ? plaga signifies a stripe , and this sicknesse , comes with a blow , or stripe , giuen by the hand of gods angell , when ( as he did to dauid ) he sends him to strike a people for their sins . our sinnes therefore , were and are the whirlewinds , breaking open iehouahs armory , and forcing him ( the better to keepe vs from further rebellion ) to shoot his fiery and consuming indignation against vs. he hath seuerall sorts of weapons ; seuerall punishments , for seuerall offences . when q. elizabeth departed , and went on her progresse to heauen ; what a traine followed her ! how many thousands of coffins , wayted on her herse ! 't is fit , at the deaths of great princes , that there should be a great number of mourners . and so , at the comming in of new kings , there is a kind of state to be obserued , that multitudes of the old subiects , who haue done seruice to their country before , should giue way to others , to step into their places . at the arriuall therefore of king iames , vpon this , his crowne-land , god beate a path ( narrow at first , though it stretched wider ) to lead vs by the hand as it were , to this funerall ceremony of dying subiects . we were at the coronation of our new king , ( king iames ) not a new nation , but the selfe-same stiffe-necked people we were before . as mighty in our sinnes , as in our multitudes . roome therefore must be made ; for our sins were so ru●●ianly , and such roaring boyes , they did nothing but iustle one another for the wall , to try , which sinne should haue the vpper hand . the thunderer looking downe vpon this , was loath , to shoot his arrowes feathered with lightning , and headed with vengeance , vtterly to confound the mis-dooer . no ; pitty stood in his eyes , and compassion lean'd vpon his bosome . so that spying two rods lying before him , a white one , and a blacke , the blacke he threw by , till he should haue time ( by compulsion ) to vse it ; and then , taking vp the white rod , he lay'd it gently , vpon the head onely of one , who forthwith dyed of the plague : and this was on the thirteenth of ianuary , in the yeare 1602. now almost twenty eight yeares agoe . there dyed then but one of the plague ! o sparing mercy ! from such a huge tree ( as london is , ) so laden with all sorts of fruit , but one apple to drop to the ground ! no more to be shaken downe ! but one windfall ! a mountainous quarry of stony hearts , to haue but one poore pibble , digg'd away ! in the next weeke ( that yeere ) soft mercy forgot the white rod too and strucke none , none at all ; not one ! in the weeke after , foure felt the smart : then 1. againe . then none againe : then 3. then none : then 3. then 2. then 3. then 2. then 6. then 4. then 4. and then 8. so that in 15. weekes , which by this time reached to the end of aprill , there dyed of the plague but 39. this was the rod of mercy , the white rod , the fatherly correction ! it goes on a little quicker ; for then the number swelling vp , and increasing by tens , amounted in iune ( 23. day ) to 72. ( the highest ; ) so there dyed in these other 9. weekes , the full number of 297. it increased then to hundreds weekely , so that in iuly there dyed 917. in one weeke here . the white rod , ( no amendment in our liues being seene ) was for a time layd by , and the blacke officer of death , comming abroad , thousands were stricken downe euery weeke : so that from iuly 28. to october 13. being 12. weekes , were buried , twenty fiue thousand , sixe hundred and sixe . here , the diuine iustice , sate in her full throne , roab'd in scarlet , with a face threatning terrors . but mercy then step'd in , and held hands with iustice , so that a retreat was sounded ; the terrible execution , was not so hotly pursued ; the pestilentiall enemy , retyr'd a little , and fell backe , yet so ; that from october the 20. to decemb. the 1. being seauen weekes , there dyed 600. and odde , 500. and odde , 400.200.100 . and odde still euery weeke . and then abated againe to tens , ( as at first it did rise by tens , ) the greatest number of the dead , in december 22. being onely 74. so that in all these maine battels , seidges , sallyes , batteries , and skyrmishes ; ( continuing for a whole yeare together , * in and about london , ( then the most desolate of cities , ) there dyed , of all diseases , 38244. out of which number the plague challenged , 30578. for her share : yet the yeare immediately following , ( giue thankes ( ô noble troynouant ) giue thankes ) thou then didst freely walke vp , and downe in health , when all thy neighbours and friends ( when all the shires in england ) were mortally beleaguer'd by the same furious enemy . now , as when q. elizabeth resigned her crowne and scepter to king iames , and that he fate in the throne , all these changes were visibly seene : so , when the royall father went to rest , and that his most princely sonne ( charles , our royall succeeding king , and now gracious soueraigne ) was the top-branch , of the tree , ( nay , the caedar it selfe , ) a second angell was sent downe , to turne ouer the audit-bookes of our transgressions . and finding london ( for her part ) to be run out , in deepe arrerages , she was not too suddainly nor too rigorously call'd vpon , but the steward of gods court , ( mercy ) pointing with her white wand , onely at one , set a fine of death vpon his head , and that party was taken from thence on the sixth of ianuary , anno 1624. and this was the first weekes worke of the plague for that yeare . it began at one. death then had little to doe within the walles or without , for his infections , by the space of 12. weekes following ; in which time there dyed no more but 26. of the sicknesse . and then for 11. weekes following the former , it amounted to 480. the other foure weeks succeeding them , ( wherein they fell by hundreds , ) could shew in their bils , of all diseases , 3314 , out of which the plague tooke 1387. and all these three reckonings , grew to this last heighth , from the sixth of ianuary , anno 1624. to the 7. of iuly , anno 1625. being fully seauen and twenty weekes . but then on the 14. of iuly , ( being the same moneth ) the dead marches began to come in by thousands in a company . obserue therefore in what dreadfull equipage , the two armies of both our kings , ( i meane king iames , and king charles , ) went along to those fearefull encounters . king iames . 1603. 28. iuly . 1728 1496 4. august . 2256 1922 11. august . 2077 1745 18. aug. 3054 2713 25. aug. 2853 2539 1. septemb. 3385 3035 8. septemb. 3078 2724 15. sept. 3129 2818 22. sept. 2456 2195 29. sept. 1961 1732 6. october . 1831 1641 13. october . 1312 1146   in all . plague   29120 25606 king chrles . 1625. 14. iuly . 1741 1004 21. iuly . 2850 1819 28. iuly . 3583 2471 4. august . 4517 3659 11. aug. 4855 4115 18. aug. 3205 4463 25. aug. 4841 4218 1. septemb. 3897 3344 8. septemb. 3157 2550 14. sept. 2148 1672 22. sept. 1994 1561   in all . plague .   38788 30876 so , by this accompt , there fell in that great ouerthrow giuen to king iames his subjects , for 12. weeks together , ( when they drop'd downe by thousands ) the full number of twenty nine thousand , one hundred and twenty : the terror and cruelty of the plague sweeping from that number , twenty fiue thousand , sixe hundred and sixe . but in that lamentable defeature of bodies , which fell vpon vs in the raigne of k. charles , anno 1624. to the end of that yeere in 1625. there dyed in all , ( within the compasse of eleuen weeks , thirty eight thousand , seauen hundred fourescore and eight : of which the blacke rod of pestilence smote , thirty thousand , eight hundred seauenty and sixe . the difference of the numbers in those twelue weekes in king iames his raigne , and those eleuen in that yeere of king charles , being : 14. thousand , nine hundred , thirty and eight : the latter exceeding the former ( in a few weekes ) by so much . the number of all the dead for those two yeares of the two kings , amounting to one hundred fifty , eight thousand , fiue hundred and foure . now , if within so small a compasse , as a citty , and the adiacent places , so many went out of the world , how many millions , did the whole kingdome loose ! but note the exceeding , incomprehensible loue of a father to vs his children ; the mildnesse and mercy , of our iudge ! on the 22. of december , which ended that yeere of 1604. ( going on to 1605. ) there was strucke but one : it began with one , and ended with one . o iust and euen ballance , of the heauenly compassion ! how much are we in thankes indebted ( for more we are not able to pay ) for this wonderfull sparing vs , now , in this third visitation ! in that former yeares iuly , about this time , there dyed 2471. of the sicknesse ; now ( praised be heauen ) the greatest number is but sixty seauen . here was a fall ! there is a fauour . in the end , this fall from such a great number to one , came to nothing , ( a cypher . ) and so continued a long time . heauen held out a flagge of truce , and all was quiet ; the bils proclaimed no such mortall wars ; the sexton opened some few graues for common diseases , to lye in , and for fiue yeares together , the burning pestilence , had not kindled her fires amongst vs yet in that interim of yeares , other calamities afflicted vs ; warres eate vp many of our gallants , the sea swallowed others ; quarrels tooke away some , by the fatall stabbe or desperate fighting in the feild . we haue but one doore , at which we come into the world , but a thousand gates ( set wide open ) to send vs out of it . for such ill bargaines doe we make with life , that the body and the soule , being deere partners , and setting vp together , doe euery day , by many deuises , plots , and conspiracies vndoe one another . what one sinne , vice or ill custome , since the departure of the last great sicknesse is gone out of the kingdome , or hath forsaken the city ? fasting and prayer , ( whilst gods artillery shot off , and battered downe the wals of our flesh , making breaches into the liues and estates of thousands ) ran euery weeke to the holy temples . much condoling , there was , much crying for mercy , and mercy came downe . but where is fasting now , vnlesse with those that are almost staru'd with hunger ? at how few mens dores sits charity ? yet are there great numbers of religious , godly , and faithfull relieuers of the poore : but take all this city in a lumpe together , and how little true charity , true loue , true christianity , true friendship is there one to another ? what cruelty dwels in our hearts , if we catch a man ( by law ) at aduantage ? how doe we grinde his bones , and gnaw his heart in peeces ? how doe tradesmen enuy one another ? how doe gentlemen vndoe themselues and their posterities by ryots ? how doe an infinite number of schollers complaine of want ? how doe souldiers gape after spoyle ! what couetous farmer , but is glad of a deere yeare ? a dearth of corne makes such cormorants fat ? is not pride , ( which fiue yeares agoe shew'd not her face in the citty , being afraid of the plague ) now to bee seene jetting vp and downe in euery street ! does not the drunkard that was then , haunt still the same tauernes ! the body is both the caroach , in which , the soule ( being the queene of life ) rides , and the coachman too , that driues her from one place to another , from one wickednesse to a worse ; and the horses , that draw vs , are our wilde passions , or our intemperate desires . our sinnes with a dyals motion , leade vs to destruction , in a soft pace , but insensible : our ruines steale vpon vs with woolly feet , all the time it comes after vs , but being ouertaken , it smites home : for , sinne is such a boone companion , it goes to bed with vs , and all night sits waking , on those very pillowes , on which we lay our heads : when we rise , it makes vs ready , waytes when we goe forth , followes vs all day , and is more seruile , more fawning , more flattering then a slaue ; and neuer goes in mourning , till he sees vs going to our graues . the soule is the mistresse , the body the chamber-maid , that rules that mistresse ; if the soule sayes , i will rise , and doe good to day : o sayes the chambermaid you are young enough , lye longer , take your ease , be merry , and care for nothing ; twenty yeeres hence you may doe these pious deeds , and by this wicked councell of the mayd , the mistresse pulls backe her hand . thus from time to time , we deferre doing well , and thus from houre to houre , we headlong run vpon our owne miseries . this being perceiued by him , whose eye measures all mens actions . now againe , ( this yeare ) hath he opened his quiuer , and is still shooting the blacke and dismall arrowes of the pestilence , both at country , and city : in many places of the country , these darts of contagion sticke vp to the very feathers ; some harts haue beene strucke quite through here in the city , yet nothing to that army which fell in the last plague . this began in march last , and then , from the eleuenth day of march , to the eighteenth , it rise to foure . the totall of all that dyed that weeke , being 153. and of the christenings 187. so that 34. came into the world more then went out of it . then , the sicknesse fell , and at the beginning of aprill was but one againe . another weeke dyed 2. then 7. then 3. the highest it hath since mounted to , in any one weeke ( and that was now in august ) being 75. so that in 8. of the greatest weekes of sicknesse this summer , ( omitting the rest ) there haue dyed of all diseases , within london ( being 97. parishes within the walles , ) and the nine out-parishes , and the pest-house 1593. of the plague in those 8. weekes , 165. to which adde 54. of the sicknesse last weeke , and 67. this bartholmew weeke , it maketh 286. of children in that short time , 402. of consumptions some 300. and to repaire these losses and ruines amongst vs , obserue the numbers of children christened , which in those few weeks amount to 1434. out of which deduct 402. buried , there remaines 1032. aliue . then take that number from the former 1594. of all diseases , there haue for these 8. weekes but 561. departed out of the world more than are come into it : westminster being not reckoned in this accompt , the burials there being very few , neither is the greatest number of dead bodies formerly set downe , so terrible as so to hurt , spartle , and afflict so mighty and populous a city , as we see it does , but that country townes round about , are infected , and for that cause onely are faires and concurses of people forbidden , for feare the contagion by throngs meeting together , ( mingled with some infected persons ) should increase . in the former passages of this yeares sicknesse , note the great mercy of god extended to infants , in calling such a number of them to heauen , because he would haue that place glorified with some white pure , and vnspotted soules , snatched from the societie of the wicked . oh happy fathers and mothers , that are sure you haue so many saints entertained aboue , before they could haue time to offend their maker . you weepe for them when you follow them to their graues , but you should rather call it a tryumph , for they then are going to a coelestiall coronation . if you but looke vpon your childrens cloathes , you call them to mind , and then , beat your breasts , and teare your hayre , but remember , they are cloathed in the roabes of immortality . when you but talke of your little darlings , you tell how beautifull they were , how well-fauoured , how forward : but now , where they are , all the beauty of the world is vglinesse to that sweetnesse which they possesse : they haue faces and formes angelicall , and are play-fellowes and companions with none but blessed creatures . be glad therefore , that they are ridde from the miseries of the world ; that time neuer layd foule hands on them ; they are free from want , hunger , thirst , diseases , cold , heat , weeping and wayling , and all other calamities , which euen rocke vs in our cradles ; they are well and happy , we left behind them , miserable . as therefore here you are counselled , to beare the absence of your little-ones with patience , so comfort you others , with this , that both their children and yours , are gone to that high starre-chamber office , where their names are entred into the booke of life . now albeit in so many set battailes of the pestilence in yeares before , and in the light skyrmislies of this summer , so many haue falne : yet ( blessed be heauen ) wee are a populous nation still ; we haue peace and plenty , and all blessings that heauen and earth can bestow vpon a people : sing therefore hymnes vnto the almighty iehovah ; send vp sacrifices of feare , loue and obedience to him : cry to him , as david did , when he numbred his people , and euery one say , i haue sinned exceedingly , in that i haue done : therefore now lord i beseech thee , take away the trespasse of thy seruant , for i haue done very foolishly , and then , though there dye of the people from dan euen to beer-sheba , seauenty thousand men , in three dayes : yet when the angell , is stretching out his hand vpon ierusalem to destroy it , the lord will repent him of the euill , and say to the angell that destroyeth the people ; it is sufficient , hold now thine hand . and then the blacke warder shall be throwne downe to part death and our kingdome from falling into so terrible a combat . but art thou in feare of an arrest , now that writs are gone out ( from the kings-bench office of heauen , ) to attach seuerall mens bodies ! art thou in doubt to be laid vp ! in danger to be imprisoned in thy graue ! hath sicknesse knock'd at thy doore ! does she sit on thy beds side ! hath infection blowne vpon thee with her contagious , noysome and stinking breath ! hath the pestilence , ( now in this present drooping , and sick-wing'd season ) printed her nayles within thy flesh , and hast thou tokens sent thee to come away ! fall on thy knees , call for mercy , to helpe thee , cry out vpon thy sinnes , send for thy heauenly physitian , to minister good things to thy soule , settle thy minde in peace , shake off the world , looke vp at heauen , thither is thy iourney , prepare for no voyage else ? art thou all-spotted ouer ! they are gods rich ermines ; to inroabe thee like a king , and to set a crowne of glory on thy head. art thou mark'd with tokens , and hast thou thy memory ! make vse of that memory , and seeing those markes are so set vp , that thine eye may shoote at them and hit them , now draw the last arrow home , and winne the game of thy euerlasting saluation . remember why those tokens are sent : to make all the hast thou canst to set forward , for away thou must : hug them therefore , as thy louer ; kisse , and bid them welcome , th●nke that sweet token-sender for his guift , and hauing nothing ( which thou canst call thine ) to send backe to him , leaue thy body with some friend in trust , and bid thy soule goe cheerfully on her journey . cheerfully indeed , and with all alacrity , for now thou art trauailing into a farre country , where all thy friends are . there , thou shalt meet with thy old parents , ( thy old father and mother ) adam and eve . there shalt thou see that great nauigator of the world ( noah ) who in one ship , carried all the people in the world then liuing . there wilt thou find abraham and his sonne isaac ; old iacob , and his twelue sonnes the patriarches . moses and aaron will there receiue thee into gods sanctum sanctorum ; in that glorious pallace , shalt thou behold , all the kings of israel , all the tribes of ivda , all the ancient prophets , all the apostles , all the saints and glorious army of martyrs , with branches of palme-trees in their hands , and golden starres sticking on their fore-heads . nay , there thou shalt see thy redeemer sitting at the right hand of this father ; there ( face to face ) shalt thou see god himselfe , attended on by angels archangels , principalities , and powers , cherubins , and seraphins ; and who would not reioyce , to be setting forward on this blessed iourney , to the end he may at length come to be a fellow-citizen , in the heauenly hiervsalem . all the kingdomes on the earth , are not worth the seeling of that glorious chamber of presence , which is in this court : this is a kingdome , where there are no changes of kings ; no alterations of state : no losse of peeres : no warres : no reuenges : no citizens flying for feare of infection : none dying of them , that stay , no women-keepers to rob you of your goods , nor to hasten you to your end : in this coelestiall kingdome , there is true majestie , true glory , true honour , true beauty , true peace , true liberty , true health : there is all life , all happinesse , all immortality . to this-kingdome , the king of heauen and earth , call vs when it is his pleasure . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20051-e110 * from december . 23. anno 1602. to december 21. anno 1603. 2. sam. ●4 . a treatise of the plague contayning the causes, signes, symptomes, prognosticks, and cure thereof. together with sundry other remarkable passages (for the prevention of, and preservation from the pestilence) never yet published by anie man. collected out of the workes of the no lesse learned than experimented and renowned chirurgian ambrose parey. 1630 approx. 173 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08913 stc 19192 estc s103146 99838903 99838903 3293 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08913) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3293) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1212:21) a treatise of the plague contayning the causes, signes, symptomes, prognosticks, and cure thereof. together with sundry other remarkable passages (for the prevention of, and preservation from the pestilence) never yet published by anie man. collected out of the workes of the no lesse learned than experimented and renowned chirurgian ambrose parey. paré, ambroise, 1510?-1590. aut johnson, thomas, d. 1644. [4], 69, 80-93, [1] p. printed by r. y[oung] and r. c[otes] and are sold by mich. sparke, in the green arbor court in little old bailey, at the blew bible, london : 1630. printers' names from stc. translated by thomas johnson. identified as stc 19192a on umi microfilm. some print show-through. reproduction of original in the emmanuel college (university of cambridge). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of the plague , contayning the causes , signes , symptomes , prognosticks , and cure thereof . together with sundry other remarkable passages ( for the prevention of , and preservation from the pestilence ) never yet published by anie man. collected out of the workes of the no lesse learned than experimented and renowned chirurgian ambrose parey . psal. 91. 5 , 6. thou shalt not be afraid for the terrour by night , — nor for the pestilence that walketh in darknesse . london , printed by r. y. and r. c. and are sold by mich. sparke , in the green arbor court in little old bailey , at the blew bible . 1630. to the reader . reader ; for a publike good , i haue aduentured to vndergoe a publike censure , in those times totally addicted to criticisme ; induced thereto by thinking it better to helpe with those small forces i haue in this dangerusi nuasion , than through feare of censures to be silent ; chiefly seeing those , who at other times shew themselues prime leaders and souldiers to expell common and vsuall assailants , become the first and cheife fugitiues in these cases of extremity . and hauing found one whose knowledge and experience exceeds the greatest part of our common practitioners , i make bold here to present him to thy eye and vse : hee speakes plainely and honestly , and handles not nice controuersies to small purpose , nor tires with tedious and impertinent discourses ; wherefore if thou be destitute of counsell , it shall not repent thee to vse his : in which if thou finde comfort , giue thankes to him to whom onely all praise is due , who of his mercy diuert , or if not , assist vs in all times of his visitations ▪ farewell . a treatise of the plague . chap. i. the description of the plague . the plague is a cruell and contagious disease , which euerie-where , like a common disease , inuading man and beast , kils verie many ; being attended , and as it were associated with a continuall feauer , botches , carbunkles , spots , nauseousnesse , vomitings , and other such maligne accidents . this disease is not so pernitious or hurtfull , by any elementarie qualitie , as from a certaine poysonous and venenate malignitie , the force whereof exceeds the condition of common putrefaction . yet i will not deny , but that it is more hurtfull in certaine bodyes , times , and regions , as also many other diseases , of which hippocrates makes mention . but from hence we can onely collect , that the force and malignitie of the plague may be increased , or diminished according to the condition of the elementarie qualities concurring with it , but not the whole nature and essence thereof to depend thereon . this pestiferous poyson principally assailes the vitall spirit , the store-house and originall whereof is the heart , so that if the vitall spirit proue stronger , it driues it farre from the heart ; but if weaker , it being ouercome and weakned by the hostile assault , flies backe into the fortress of the heart , by the like contagion infecting the heart , and so the whole body , being spred into it by the passages of the arteries . hence it is , pestilent feauers are some-times simple and folitarie , other-whiles associated with a troope of other affects , as botches , carbunkles , blaines , and spots , of one or more colours . it is probable such affects haue their originall from the expulfiue facultie , whether strong or weake , prouoked by the malignitie of the raging matter : yet assuredly diuers symptomes and changes arise according to the constitution of the body of the patient , and condition of the humour in which the virulencie of the plague is chiefely inherent , and lastly in the nature of the efficient cause . i thought good by this description to expresse the nature of the plague , at this my first entrance into this matter , for we can scarce comprehend it in a proper definition . for although the force thereof be definite and certaine in nature , yet it is not altogether certaine and manifest in mens minds , because it neuer happens after one sort : so that in so great varietie it is verie difficult to set downe any thing generall and certaine . chap. ii. of the diuine causes of an extraordinarie plague . it is a confirmed , constant , and receiued opinion in all ages amongst christians , that the plague and other diseases which violently assaile the life of man , are often sent by the iust anger of god punishing our offences . the prophet amos hath long since taught it , saying , shall there be affliction , shall there be euill in a citie , and the lord hath not done it ? on which truly we ought alwayes to meditate , and that for two causes : the first is , that we alwayes beare this in mind , that we enioy health , liue , moue , and haue our beings from god , and descends from that father of light : and for this cause we are alwayes bound to giue him great and exceeding thankes . the other is , that knowing the calamities , by sending whereof the diuine anger proceeds to reuenge , we may at length repend , and leauing the way of wickednesse , walke in the pathes of godlinesse . for thus we shall learne to see in god , our selues , the heauen and earth , the true knowledge of the causes of the plague , and by a certaine diuine philosophy to teach , god to be the beginning and cause of the second causes , which well without the first cause cannot goe about , nor attempt , much lesse performe any thing . for from hence they borrow their force , order , and constancie of order ; so that they serue as instruments for god , who rules and gouernes vs , and the whole world , to performe all his workes , by that constant course of order , which he hath appointed vnchangeable from the beginning . wherefore all the cause of a plague is not to be attributed to these neere and inferiour causes or beginnings , as the epicures , and lucianists commonly doe , who attributing too much , yea all things to nature , haue left nothing to gods prouidence . on the contrarie , we ought to thinke and beleeue in all our thoughts , that euen as god by his omnipotent power hath created all things of nothing , so he by his eternall wisedome preserues and gouernes the same , leads and enclines them as he please , yea verily at his pleasure changes their order , and the whole course of nature . this cause of an extraordinarie plague as we confesse and acknowledge , so here we will not prosecute it any further but thinke fit to leaue it to diuines , because it exceeds the bounds of nature in which i will now containe my selfe . wherefore let vs come to the naturall causes of the plague . chap. iii. of the naturall causes of the plague , and chiefely of the seminarie of the plague by the corruption of the aire . the generall and naturall causes of the plague are absolutely two , that is , the infection of corrupt aire , and a preparation and fitnesse of corrupt humours to take that infection ; for it is noted before out of the doctrine of galen , that our humours may be corrupted , and degenerate into such an alienation which may equall the malignitie of poyson . the aire is corrupted , when the foure seasons of the yeere haue not their seasonablenesse , or degenerate from themselues , either by alteration , or by alienation : as if the constitution of the whole yeere be moyst and rainie by reason of grosse and blacke clouds ; if the winter be gentle and warme without any northerly wind , which is cold and dry , and by that meanes contrarie to putrefaction ; if the spring which should be temperate , shall be faultie in any excesse of distemper ; if the autumne shall be ominous by fires in the aire , with starres shooting , and as it were falling downe , or terrible comets , neuer seene without some disaster ; if the summer be hot , cloudy and moist , and without winds , and the clouds flye from the south into the north. these and such like vnnaturall constitutions of the seasons of the yeere , were neuer better , or more excellently handled by any , then by hippocrates in his booke epidemion . therefore the aire from hence drawes the seeds of corruption and the pestilence , which at the length , the like excesse of qualities being brought in , it sends into the humours of our bodyes , chiefly such as are thin and serous . although the pestilence doth not alwaies necessarily arise from hence , but some-whiles some other kind of cruell and infectious disease . but neither is the aire onely corrupted by these superiour causes , but also by putrid and filthy stinking vapours spread abroad through the aire encompassing vs , from the bodyes or carkasses of things not buried , gapings or hollownesses of the earth , or sinkes and such like places being opened : for the sea often ouer-flowing the land in some places , and leauing in the mudde , or hollownesses of the earth ( caused by earth-quakes ) the huge bodyes of monstrous fishes , which it hides in its waters , hath giuen both the occasion and matter of a plague . for thus in our time a whale cast vpon the tuscane shore , presently caused a plague ouer all that countrey . but as fishes infect and breed a plague in the aire , so the aire being corrupted , often causes a pestilence in the sea amongst fishes , especially when they either swim on the top of the water , or are infected by the pestilent vapours of the earth lying vnder them , and rysing into the aire thorough the body of the water , the latter whereof aristotle saith , hapneth but seldome . but it often chances , that the plague raging in any countrey , many fishes are cast vp on all the coast , and may be seene lying on great heapes . but sulphurous vapours , or such as partake of any other maligne qualitie , sent forth from places vnder the ground by gapings and gulfes opened by earthquakes , not onely corrupt the aire , but also infect and taint the seeds , plants , and all the fruits which we eat , and so transferre the pestilent corruption into vs , and those beasts on which we feed , together with our nourishment . the truth whereof , empedocles made manifest , who by shutting vp a great gulfe of the earth opened in a valley betweene two mountaines , freed all sicily from a plague caused from thence . if winds rysing sodainly shall driue such filthy exhalations from those regions in which they were pestiferous , into other places , they also will carrie the plague with them thither . if it be thus , some will say , it should seeme that wheresoeuer stinking and putrid exhalations arise , as about standing pooles , sinkes , and shambles , there should the plague reigne , and straight suffocate with its noysome poyson , the people which worke in such places : but experience finds this false . we doe answer , that the putrifaction of the plague is farre different , and of another kind then this common , as that which partakes of a certaine secret malignitie , and wholly contrarie to our liues , and of which we cannot easily ▪ giue a plaine and manifest reason . yet that vulgar putrefaction wheresoeuer it be , doth easily and quickly entertaine and welcome the pestiferous contagion as often as , and whensoeuer it comes , as ioyned vnto it by a certaine familiaritie , and at the length , it selfe degenerating into a pestiferous malignitie , certainely no otherwise then those diseases which arise in the plague time , the putrid diseases in our bodyes , which at the first wanted virulencie and contagion , as vlcers , putrid feauers , and other such diseases raysed by the peculiar default of the humours , easily degenerate into pestilence , presently receiuing the tainture of the plague , to which they had before a certain preparation . wherefore in time of the plague , i would aduise all men to shun such exceeding stinking places , as they would the plague it selfe : that there may be no preparation in our bodyes , or humours to catch that infection , ( without which , as galen teaches , the agent hath no power ouer the subiect , for otherwise in a plague time the sicknesse would equally seaze vpon all ) so that the impression of the pestiferous qualitie may presently follow that disposition . but when we say the aire is pestilent , we doe not vnderstand that sincere , elementarie , and simple as it is of its owne nature , for such is not subiect to putrefaction , but that which is polluted with ill vapours rysing from the earth , standing waters , vaults , or sea , and degenerates , and is changed from its natiue puritie and simplicitie . but certainly amongst all the constitutions of the aire fit to receiue a pestilent corruption , there is none more fit then a hot , moyst , and still season : for the excesse of such qualities easily causes putrefaction . wherefore the south wind reigning , which is hot and moyst , and principally in places neere the sea , there flesh cannot long be kept , but it presently is tainted and corrupted . further , we must know , that the pestilent malignitie which rises from the carcasses or bodyes of men , is more easily communicated to men ; that which rises from oxen , to oxen ; and that which comes from sheepe , to sheepe , by a certaine sympathy & familiaritie of nature : no otherwise then the plague which shall seaze vpon some one in a family , doth presently spread more quickly amongst the rest of that family , by reason of the similitude of temper , then amongst others of another family disagreeing in their whole temper . therefore the aire thus altered and estranged from its goodnesse of nature necessarily drawne in by inspiration and transpiration , brings in the seeds of the plague , and so consequently the plague it selfe , into bodyes prepared and made ready to receiue it . chap. iiii. of the preparation of humours to putrefaction , and admission of pestiferous impressions . hauing shewed the causes from which the aire doth putrefie , become corrupt , and is made partaker of a pestilent and poysonous constitution , we must now declare what things may cause the humours to putrefie , and make them so apt to receiue and retaine the pestilent aire and venenate qualitie . humours putrefie either from fulnesse , which breeds obstruction , or by distemperate excesse , or lastly , by admixture of corrupt matter and euill iuice , which ill feeding doth specially cause to abound in the body : for the plague often followes the drinking of dead and mustie wines , muddy and standing waters which receiue the sinkes and filth of a citie , and fruits and puls eaten without discretion in scarcitie of other corne , as pease , beanes , lentiles , vetches , acornes , the roots of ferne , and grasse made into bread. for such meats obstruct , heape vp ill humours in the body , and weaken the strength of the faculties , from whence proceeds a putrefaction of humours , and in that putrefaction a preparation and disposition to receiue , conceiue , and bring forth the seeds of the plague : which the filthy scabbes , maligne sores , rebellious vlcers , and putrid feuers being all fore-runners of greater putrefaction and corruption doe testifie . vehement passions of the mind , as anger , sorrow , griefe , vexation , and feare helpe forward this corruption of humours , all which hinder natures diligence and care of concoction : for as in the dogge-dayes the lees of wine subseding to the bottome are by the strength and efficacie of heat drawne vp to the top , and mixed with the whole substance of the wine , as it were by a certaine ebullition , or working : so melancholly humours being the dregges or lees of the blood , stirred vp by the passions of the mind , defile or taint all the blood with their feculent impuritie . we found that some yeeres agone by experience , at the battell of s t dennis , for all wounds , by what weapon soeuer they were made , degenerated into great and filthy putrefactions and corruptions with feauers of the like nature , and were commonly determined by death , what medicines , and how diligently soeuer they were applyed ; which caused many to haue a false suspition that the weapons on both sides were poysoned . but there were manifest signes of corruption and putrefaction , in the blood let the same day that any were hurt , and in the principall parts dissected afterwards , that it was from no other cause , then an euill constitution of the aire , and the minds of the souldiers peruerted by hate , anger , and feare . chap. v. what signes in the aire and earth prognosticate a plague . we may know a plague to be at hand and hang ouer vs , if at any time the aire , and seasons of the yeere swarue from their naturall constitution , after those wayes i haue mentioned before , if frequent and long continuing meteors , or sulphurous thunders infect the aire ; if fruits , seeds , and puls be worme-eaten ; if birds forsake their nests , egges , or young , without any manifest cause ; if we perceiue women commonly to abort , by continuall breathing in the vaporous aire , being corrupted and hurtfull both to the embrion and originall of life , and by which it being suffocated is presently cast forth and expell'd . yet notwithstanding , those airie impressions doe not solely corrupt the aire , but there may be also others raysed by the sunne from the filthy exhalations , and poysonous vapours of the earth and waters , or of dead carkasses , which by their vnnaturall mixture , easily corrupt the aire subiect to alteration , as which is thin and moyst , from whence diuers epidemiall diseases , and such as euerie-where seaze vpon the common sort , according to the seuerall kinds of corruptions , such as that famous catarrhe with difficultie of breathing , which in the yeere 1510 going almost ouer the world , and raged ouer all the cities and townes of france , with great heauinesse of the head ( whereupon the french named it cucuita ) with a straitnesse of the heart and lungs , and a cough , a continuall feauer , and sometimes rauing . this although it seazed vpon many more then it killed , yet because they commonly dyed who were either let blood , or purged , it shewed it selfe pestilent by that violence and peculiar and vnheard of kind of malignitie . such also was the english sweating-sicknesse , or sweating-feauer , which vnusuall with a great deale of terrour invaded all the lower parts of germany , and the low countreys , from the yeere 1525 vnto the yeere 1530 , and that chiefly in autumne . as soone as this pestilent disease entred into any citie , suddainly two or three hundred fell sicke on one day , then it departing thence to some other place , the people strucken with it languishing , fell downe in a swound , and lying in their beds , swet continually , hauing a feauer , a frequent , quicke , and vnequall pulse , neither did they leaue sweating till the disease left them , which was in one or two dayes at the most : yet freed of it , they languished long after , they all had a beating , or palpitation of the heart , which held some for two or three yeeres , and others all their life after . at the first beginning it killed many , before the force of it was knowne : but afterwards verie few , when it was found out by practice and vse , that those who furthered , and continued their sweats , and strengthened themselues with cordials , were all restored . but at certaine times many other popular diseases spring vp , as putrid feauers , fluxes , bloody fluxes , catarrhes , coughes , phrenzies , sqinancies , pleurisies , inflamations of the lungs , inflamations of the eyes , apoplexies , lethargies , small pockes , and measels , scabbes , carbuncles , and maligne pustules . wherefore the plague is not alwayes , nor euerie-where of one and the same kind , but of diuers ; which is the cause that diuers names are imposed vpon it , according to the varietie of the effects it brings , and symptomes which accompanie it , and kinds of putrefaction , and hidden qualities of the aire . they affirme , when the plague is at hand , that mushromes grow in greater aboundance out of the earth , and vpon the surface thereof many kinds of poysonous insecta creepe in great numbers , as spiders , caterpillers , butterflyes , grasse-hoppers , beetles , hornets , waspes , flyes , scorpions , snailes , locusts , toads , wormes , & such things as are the of-spring of putrefaction . and also wild beasts tyred with the vaporous malignitie of their dennes , and caues in the earth , forsake them ; and moles , toads , vipers , snakes , lezards , aspes , and crocodiles are seene to flye away , and remoue their habitations in great troopes . for these , as also some other creatures , haue a manifest power by the guift of god , and the instinct of nature , to presage changes of weather , as raines , showers , and faire weather ; and seasons of the yeere , as the spring , summer , autumne , winter , which they testifie by their singing , chirping , crying , flying , playing , and beating their wings , aud such like signes ; so also they haue a perception of a plague at hand . and moreouer , the carcasses of some of them which tooke lesse heed of themselues , suffocated by the pestiferous poyson of the ill aire contained in the earth , may be euerie-where found , not onely in their dennes , but also in the plaine fields . these vapours corrupted not by a simple putrefaction , but an occult malignitie , are drawne out of the bowels of the earth into the aire , by the force of the sunne and starres , and thence condensed into clouds , which by their falling vpon corne , trees , and grasse , infect and corrupt all things , which the earth produces , and also killes those creatures which feed vpon them ; yet brute beasts sooner then men , as which stoop and hold their heads downe towards the ground ( the maintainer and breeder of this poyson ) that they may get their food from thence . therefore at such times , skilfull husbandmen , taught by long experience , neuer driue their cattell or sheepe to pasture , before that the sunne by the force of his beames , haue wasted and dissipated into aire , this pestiferous dew hanging and abiding vpon boughes and leaues of trees , herbs , corne , and fruits . but on the contrarie , that pestilence which proceeds from some maligne qualitie from aboue , by reason of euill and certaine coniunction of the starres , is more hurtfull to men and birds , as those , who are neerer to heauen . chap. vi. by vsing what cautions in aire and dyet , one may preuent the plague . hauing declared the signes fore-shewing a pestilence : now we must shew by what meanes we may shun the imminent danger thereof , and defend our selues from it . no preuention seemed more certaine to the ancients , then most speedily to remoue into places farre distant from the infected place , and to be most slow in their returne thither againe . but those who by reason of their businesse , or employments cannot change their habitation , must principally haue care of two things : the first is , that they strengthen their bodyes , and the principall parts thereof against the daily imminent inuasions of the poyson , or the pestiferous and venenate aire . the other , that they abate the force of it , that it may not imprint its virulencie in the body ; which may be done by correcting the excesse of the qualitie inclining towards it , by the opposition of its contrarie . for if it be hotter , then is meet it must be tempered with cooling things ; if too cold , with heating things : yet this will not suffice . for we ought besides , to amend and purge the corruptions of the venenate malignitie diffused through it , by smels and perfumes resisting the poyson thereof . the body will be strengthened and more powerfully resist the infected aire , if it want excrementitious humors , which may be procured by purging and bleeding , and for the rest a conuenient dyet appointed , as shunning much varietie of meats , and hot and moyst things , and all such which are easily corrupted in the stomacke , and cause obstructions , such as those things which be made by comfit-makers ; we must shun satietie and drunkennesse , for both of them weakens the powers , which are preserued by the moderate vse of meats of good iuice . let moderate exercises in a cleere aire , and free from any venemous tainture , preceed your meales . let the belly haue due euacuation either by nature or art. let the heart , the seat of life , and the rest of the bowels be strengthened with cordials and antidotes applyed and taken ( as we shall here-after shew ) in the forme of epithemes , ointments , emplasters , waters , pilles , powders , tablets , opiates , fumigations , and such like . make choyce of a pure aire and free from all pollution , and farre remote from stinking places , for such is most fit to preserue life , to recreate and repaire the spirits , whereas on the contrarie a cloudy , or mistie aire , and such as is infected with grosse and stinking vapours , duls the spirits , deiects the appetite , makes the body faint and ill coloured , oppresses the heart , and is the breeder of many diseases . the northern wind is healthfull , because it is cold and dry . but on the contrarie , the southern wind , because it is hot and moyst , weakens the body by sloth or dulnesse , opens the pores , and makes them peruious to the pestiferous malignitie . the western wind is also vnwholsome , because it comes neere to the nature of the southern : wherefore the windowes must be shut vp on that side of the house on which they blow , but opened on the north and east side , vnlesse it happen the plague come from thence . kindle a cleere fire in all the lodging chambers of the house , and perfume the whole house with aromaticke things , as frankensence , myrrhe , benzoine , ladanum , styrax , roses , mirtle-leaues , lauender , rosemary , sage , sauory , wild time , marierome , broome , pine apples , peeces of firre , iuniper berries , cloues , perfumes : and let your cloathes be aired in the same . there be some , who thinke it a great preseruatiue against the pestilent aire to keepe a goat in their houses , because the capacitie of the houses filled with the strong sent which the goat sends forth , prohibits the entrance of the venemous aire : which same reason hath place also in sweet smels , and besides , it argues , that such as are hungry are apter to take the plague , then those who haue eaten moderately : for the body is not onely strengthened with meat , but all the passages thereof are filled by the vapours diffused from thence , by which otherwise the infected aire would find a more easie entrance to the heart . yet the common sort of people yeeld another reason for the goat , which is , that one ill sent driues away another , as one wedge driues forth another ; which calles to my mind that which is recorded by alexander benedictus , that there was a scythian physition , which caused a plague arysing from the infection of the aire , to cease , by causing all the dogges , cats , and such like beasts which were in the citie , to be hilled , and casting their carcasses vp and downe the streets , that so by the comming of this new putrid vapour as a stranger , the former pestiferous infection , as an old guest , was put out of its lodging , and so the plague ceased . for poysons haue not onely an antipathy with their antidotes , but also with some other poysons . whilst the plague is hot it is not good to stirre out of doore before the rysing of the sunne : wherefore we must haue patience , vntill he haue cleansed the aire with the comfortable light of his beames , and dispersed all the foggy and nocturnall pollutions , which commonly hang in the aire in dirtie , and specially in low places and valleys . all publike and great meetings and assemblyes must be shunned . if the plague begin in summer , and seeme principally to rage , helped forward by the summers heat , it is the best to performe a iourney begun , or vndertaken for performance of necessarie affaires , rather vpon the night time , then on the day , because the infection takes force , strength and subtiletie of substance , by which it may more easily permeate and enter in , by the heat of the sunne ; but by night mens bodies are more strong , and all things are more grosse and dense . but you must obserue a cleane contrarie course if the malignitie seeme to borrow strength , and celeritie from coldnesse . but you must alwayes eschew the beames of the moone , but specially at the full : for then our bodyes are more languid and weake , and fuller of excrementitious humors . euen as trees which for that cause must be cut downe in their season of the moone , that is , in the decrease thereof . after a little gentle walking in your chamber , you must presently vse some meanes that the principall parts may be strengthened by suscitating the heat and spirits , and that the passages to them may be filled , that so the way may be shut vp from the infection comming from without . such as by the vse of garlike haue not their heads troubled , nor their inward parts inflamed , as countrey people , and such as are vsed to it , to such there can be no more certaine preseruatiue and antidote against the pestiferous fogges or mists , and the nocturnall obscuritie , then to take it in the morning with a draught of good wine ; for it being aboundantly diffused presently ouer all the body , filles vp the passages thereof , and strengheneth it in a moment . for water , if the plague proceed from the tainture of the aire , we must wholly shun and auoid raine-water , because it cannot but be infected by the contagion of the aire . wherefore the water of springs , and of the deepest welles are thought best . but if the malignitie proceed from the vapours contained in the earth , you must make choyse of raine-water . yet it 's more safe to digest euerie sort of water by boyling it , and to preferre that water before other , which is pure and cleerer to the sight , and without either tast or smell , and which besides suddainly takes the extremest mutation of heat and cold . chap. vii . of the cordiall remedies by which we may preserue our bodyes in feare of the plague , and cure those already infected there-with . svch as cannot eat without much labour , exercise , and hunger , and who are no louers of breakefasts , hauing euacuated their excrements , before they goe from home , must strengthen the heart with some antidote against the virulencie of the infection . amongst which , aqua theriacalis , or treacle water , two ounces , with the like quantitie of sacke , is much commended being drunke , and rubbing the nose-thrils , mouth , and eares with the same ; for the treacle water strengthens the heart , expels poyson , and is not onely good for a preseruatiue , but also to cure the disease it selfe : for by sweat it driues forth the poyson contained within . it should be made in iune , at which time all simple medicines , by the vitall heat of the sunne , are in their greatest efficacie . the composition whereof is thus : take the roots of gentian , cyperus , tormentill , diptam , or fraxinella elecampaine , of each one ounce ; the leaues of mullet , carduus benedictus , diuels-bit , burnet , scabious , sheepes sorrell , of each halfe a handfull ; of the tops of rue a little quantitie ; mirtle berries one ounce ; of red rose leaues , the flowres of buglosse , borage , and s t iohns wurt , of each one ounce : let them be all cleansed , dryed , and macerated for the space of 24 houres in one pound of white wine or malmsey , and of rose water or sorrell water , then let them be put in a vessell of glasse , and add thereto of treacle and methridate , of each foure ounces , then distill them in balneo mariae , and let the distilled water be receiued in a glasse viall , and let there be added thereto of saffron two drammes , of bole armenicke , terra sigillata , yellow sanders , shauings of iuorie and harts-horne , of each halfe an ounce , then let the glasse be well stopped and set in the sunne for the space of eight or tenne dayes . let the prescribed quantitie be taken euerie morning so oft as shall be needfull . it may be giuen without hurt to sucking children , and to women great with child . but that it may be the more pleasant , it must be strayned thorough an hippocras bagge , adding thereto some sugar and cynnamon . some thinke themselues sufficiently defended with a root of elecampaine , zedoarie , or angelica , rowled in their mouth , or chawed betweene their teeth . others drinke euerie morning one dramme of the root of gentian brused , being macerated for the space of one night in two ounces of white wine . others doe take worme-wood wine . others sup vp in a rere egge one dramme of terra sigillata , or of harts-horne , with a little saffron , and drinke two ounces of wine after it . there be some that doe infuse bole armenicke , the roots of gentian , tormentill , diptam , the berryes of iuniper , cloues , mace , cynnamon , saffron , and such like , in aqua vitae and strong white wine , and so distill it in balneo mariae . this cordiall water that followeth is of great virtue . take of the roots of the long and round aristolochia , tormentill , diptam , of each three drammes , of zedoarie , two drammes , lignum aloes , yellow sanders , of each one dramme , of the leaues of scordium , s t iohns wurt , sorrell , rue , sage , of each halfe an ounce , of bay and iuniper berryes , of each three drammes , cytron seeds one dramme , of cloues , mace , nutmegs , of each two drammes , of masticke , olibanum , bole armenicke , terra sigillata , shauings of harts-horne , and iuorie , of each one ounce , of saffron one scruple , of the conserues of roses , buglosse flowers , water lillyes , and old treacle , of each one ounce , of camphire halfe a dramme , of aqua vitae halfe a pint , of white wine two pints and a halfe , make thereof a distillation in balneo mariae . the vse of this distilled water is euen as treacle water is . the electuarie following is verie effectuall . take of the best treacle three ounces , iuniper berries and carduus seeds of each one dramme and a halfe , of bole armenicke prepared halfe an ounce , of the powder of the electuarie de gemmis , and diamargariton frigidum , the powder of harts-horne , and red corall , of each one dramme : mixe them with the sirrupe of the rinds and iuyce of pome-citrons as much as shall suffice , and make thereof a liquid electuarie in the forme of an opiate , let them take euerie morning the quantitie of a filberd , drinking after it two drammes of the water of scabions , cherryes , carduus benedictus , and of some such like cordiall things , or of strong wine . the following opiate is also verie profitable , which also may be made into tablets . take of the roots of angelica , gentian , zedoarie , elecampaine , of each two drammes ; of cytron and sorrell seeds of each halfe a dramme ; of the dryed rinds of cytrous , cinnamon , bay and iuniper berryes , and saffron , of each one scruple ; of conserue of roses and buglosse , of each one ounce ; of fine hard sugar as much as is sufficient : make thereof tablets of the weight of halfe a dramme , let him take one of them two houres before meat : or make thereof an opiate with equall parts of conserues of buglosse and mel anthosatum , and so adding all the rest dry and in powder : or take of the roots of valerian , tormentill , diptam , of the leaues of rue , of each halfe an ounce ; of saffron , mace , nutmegs , of each halfe a dramme ; of bole armenicke prepared halfe an ounce ; of conserue of roses , and sirupe of lemons as much as will be sufficient to make thereof an opiate liquid enough . or take of the roots of both the aristolochia's , of gentian , tormentill , diptam , of each one dramme and a halfe ; of ginger three drammes ; of the leaues of rue , sage , mints , and peny-royall , of each two drammes ; of bay and iuniper berries , citron seeds , of each foure scruples ; of mace , nutmegs , cloues , cinnamon , of each two drammes ; of lignum aloes , and yellow saunders , of each one dramme ; of male frankincense , i. olibanum , masticke , shauings of harts-horne and iuorie , of each two scruples ; of saffron halfe a dramme ; of bole armenicke , terra sigillata , red corall , pearle , of each one dramme ; of conserues of roses , buglosse flowers , water lillyes , and old treacle , of each one ounce ; of loafe sugar one pound and a quarter : a little before the end of the making it vp , add two drammes of confectio alkermes , and of camphire dissolued in rose water one scruple : make thereof an opiate according to art , the dose thereof is from halfe a dramme to halfe a scruple . treacle and mithridate saithfully compounded excell all other cordiall medicines , adding for euerie halfe ounce of each of them , one ounce and a halfe of conserues of roses , or of buglosse , or of violets , and three drammes of bole armenicke prepared : of these being mixed with stirring , and incorporated together , make a conserue : it must be taken in the morning the quantitie of a filberd : you must choose that treacle that is not lesse then foure yeeres old , nor aboue twelue : that which is some-what new , is iudged to be most meet for cholericke persons , but that which is old for flegmaticke and old men. for at the beginning the strength of the opium that enters into the composition thereof , remaines in its full vertue for a yeere : but afterwards the more yeeres old it waxeth , the strength thereof is more abolished , so that at length the whole composition becommeth verie hot . the confection of alkermes is verie effectuall both for a preseruatiue against this disease , and also for the cure. the quantitie of a filberd of rubarbe , with one cloue chawed or rowled in the mouth , is supposed to repell the comming of the pestilent aire : as also this composition following . take of preserued citron and orange pilles , of each one dramme ; of conserue of roses , and of the roots of buglosse , of each three drammes ; of citron seeds halfe an ounce ; of annice seeds , and fennell seeds , of each one dramme ; of angelica roots , foure scruples ; sugar of roses , as much as suffices : make a confection , and couer it with leaues of gold , and take a little of it out of a spoone before you goe abroad euerie morning . or take of pine apple kernels , and fisticke nuts , infused for the space of sixe houres in the water of scabious , and roses of each two ounces ; of almonds blanched in the fore-named waters halfe a pound ; of preferued citron and orange pilles , of each one dramme and a halfe ; of angelica roots foure scruples : make them according to art vnto the forme of march-pane , or of any other such like confection : and hold a little piece thereof often in your mouth . the tablets following are most effectuall in such a case . take of the roots of diptam , tormentill , valerian , elecampaine , eringoes , of each halfe a dramme ; of bole armenicke , terra sigillata , of each one scruple ; of camphire , cinnamon , sorrell seeds , and zedoarie , of each one scruple ▪ of thē species of the electuarie diamargariton frigidum , two scruples ; of conserue of roses , buglosse , preserued citron pilles , mithridate , treacle , of each one dramme ; of fine sugar dissolued in scabious , and carduus water , as much as shall suffice : make thereof tablets of the weight of a dramme , or halfe a dramme , take them in the morning before you eat . the pilles of ruffus are accounted most effectuall preseruatiues , so that ruffus himselfe saith , that he neuer knew any to be infected that vsed them : the composition of them is thus . take of the best aloes halfe a dramme ; of gumme ammoniacum two drammes ; of mirrhe two drammes and an halfe ; of masticke two drammes ; of saffron seuen granes : put them altogether , and incorporate them with the iuice of citrons , or the sirupe of limons , and make thereof a masse , and let it be kept in leather : let the patient take the weight of halfe a dramme euery morning two or three houres before meat , and let him drinke the water of sorrell after it , which through its tartnesse , and the thinness of its parts , doth infringe the force and power of the malignitie , or putrefaction : for experience hath taught vs , that sorrell being eaten , or chawed in the mouth doth make the pricking of scorpions vnhurtfull . and for those ingredients which doe enter into the composition of those pilles , aloes doth clense and purge ; myrrhe resisteth putrefaction ; masticke strengthens ; saffron exhilarates and makes liuely the spirits that gouerne the body , especially the vitall and animall . those pilles that follow are also much approued . take of aloes one ounce ▪ of myrrhe halfe an ounce ; of saffron one scruple ; of agaricke in trochisces , two drammes ; of rubarbe in powder , one dramme ; of cinnamon two scruples ; of masticke one dramme and a halfe ; of citron seeds twelue graines : powder them all as is requisite , and make thereof a masse with the sirupe of maiden haire : let it be vsed as afore-said . if the masse begin to waxe hard , the pilles that must presently be taken , must be mollified with the sirupe of lemons . take of washed aloes two ounces ; of saffron one dramme ; of myrrhe halfe an ounce ; of ammoniacum dissolued in white wine , one ounce ; of honey of roses , zedoarie , red saunders , of each one dramme ; of bole armenicke prepared two drammes ; of red corall halfe an ounce ; of camphire halfe a scruple : make thereof pilles according to art. but those that are subiect or apt to the haemorrhoides ought not at all , or verie seldome to vse those kinds of pilles that doe receiue much aloes . they say , that king mithridates affirmed by his owne writing , that whosoeuer tooke the quantitie of an hasell nut of the preseruatine following , and dranke a little wine after it , should be free from poyson that day . take two wall-nuts , those that be verie dry , two figges , twentie leaues of rue , and three graines of salt : beat them , and incorporate them together , and let them be vsed as is afore-said . this remedy is also said to be profitable for those that are bitten or stung by some venomous beast , and for this onely , because it hath rue in the composition thereof . but you must forbid women that are with child the vse of this medicine , for rue is hot and dry in the third degree , and therefore it is said to purge the wombe , and prouoke the flowers , whereby the nourishment is drawne away from the child . of such varietie of medicines euerie one may make choyse of that that is most agreeable to his tast , and as much thereof as shall be sufficient . chap. viii . of locall medicines to be applyed outwardly . those medicines that haue proper and excellent vertues against the pestilence are not to be neglected to be applyed outwardly , or carried in the hand . and such are all aromaticall , astringent , or spirituous things which therefore are endewed with vertue to repell the venomous and pestiferous aire from comming and entring into the body , and to strengthen the heart and the braine . of this kind are rue , baulme , rosemary , scordium , sage , worme-wood , cloues , nutmegs , saffron , the roots of angelica , and louage , and such like , which must be macerated one night in sharpe vineger and aqua vitae , and then tyed in a knot as bigge as an egge : or rather let it be carryed in a sponge made wet or soaked in the said infusion . for there is nothing that doth sooner and better hold the spirituous vertue and strength of aromaticke things , then a sponge . wherefore it is of principall vse either to keepe or hold sweet things to the nose , or to apply epithemes , and fomentationsto the heart . those sweet things ought to be hot or cold , as the season of the yeere , and kind of the pestilence is . as for example , in the summer you ought to infuse and macerate cinamon and cloues beaten together with a little saffron in equall parts , of vineger of roses , and rose water , into which you must dip a sponge , which rowled in a faire linnen cloath you may carrie in your hand , and often smell to . take of worme-wood halfe a handfull ; ten cloues ; of the roots of gentian and angelica , of each two drams ; of vineger and rose water , of each two ounces ; of treacle and mithrid te , of each one dramme : beat and mixe them all well together , and let a sponge be dipped therein , and vsed as aboue-said . they may also be enclosed in boxes , made of sweet wood , as of iuniper , ceder , or cypresse , and so carryed for the same purpose . but there is nothing more easie to be carryed then pomanders : the forme of which is thus . take of yellow saunders , mace , citron pilles , rose and mirtle leaues , of each two drammes ; of benzoin , ladanum , storax , of each halfe a dramme ; of cinnamon , and saffron , of each two scruples ; of camphire , and amber greece , of each one scruple ; of muske three graines : make there of a pomander , with rose water , with the infusion of tragacanth . or take red rose leaues , the flowers of water lillyes , and violets , of each one ounce ; of the three saunders , coriander seeds , citron pilles , of each halfe an ounce ; of camphire one dramme : let them all be powders , and with water of roses , and tragacanth make a pomander . in the winter it must be made thus : take of storax , benzoin , of each one dramme and a halfe ; of muske halfe a scruple ; of cloues , lauander , and cyperus , of each two drammes ; of the root of orris , i. flower de luce , and calamus aromaticus , of each two drammes and a halfe ; of amber greece three drammes ; of gum tragacanth dissolued in rose water and aqua vitae , as much as shall suffice : make thereof a pomander . and for the same purpose you may also vse to carrie about with you sweet powders made of amber greece , storax , orris , nutmegs , cinamon , mace , cloues , saffron , benzoin , muske , camphire , roses , violets , iuncus odoratus , marioram , and such like : of which being mixed together , powders may be compounded and made . take of the roots of orris two drammes ; of cyperus , calamus aromaticus , red roses , of each halfe an ounce ; of cloues halfe a dramme ; of storax one dramme ; of muske eight graines : mixe them , and make a powder for a bagge . or take the roots of orris two ounces ; red rose leaues , white saunders , storax , of each one ounce ; of cyperus one dramme ; of calamus aromaticus one ounce ; of marierome halfe an ounce ; of cloues three drammes ; of lauender halfe a dramme ; of coriander seeds two drammes ; of good muske halfe a scruple ; of ladanum and benzoin , of each a dramme ; of nutmegs , and cinnamon , of each two drammes : make thereof a fine powder , and sow it in a bagge . it will be verie conuenient also to apply to the region of the heart , a bagge filled with yellow saunders , mace , cloues , cinnamon , saffron , and treacle , shaken together , and incorporated , and sprinckled ouer with strong vineger and rose water in summer , and with strong wine and muskedine in the winter . these sweet aromaticke things that are so full of spirits , smelling sweetly and strongly , haue admirable virtues to strengthen the principall parts of the body , and to stirre vp the expulsiue facultie to expell the poyson . contrarie-wise , those that are stinking and vnsauerie procure a desire to vomit , and dissolution of the powers , by which it is manifest how foolish and absurd their perswasion is , that councell such as are in a pestilent constitution of the aire , to receaue and take in the stinking and vnsauorie vapors of sinkes and priuies , and that especially in the morning . but it will not suffice to carrie those preseruatiues alone without the vse of any other thing , but will be also verie profitable , to wash all the whole body in vineger of the decoction of iuniper and bay berryes , the roots of gentian , marigolds , s t iohns wort , and such like , with treacle or mithridate also dissolued in it . for vineger is an enemie to all poysons in generall , whether they be hot or cold : for it resisteth and hindreth putrefaction , because it is cold and dry : therefore in this , inanimate bodyes , as flesh , hearbes , fruits , and many other such like things may be kept a long time without putrefaction . neither is it to be feared , that it should obstruct the pores , by reason of its coldnesse , if the body be bathed in it : for it is of subtile parts , and the spices boyled in it haue vertue to open . whosoeuer accounteth it hurtfull to wash his whole body there-with , let him wash but onely his arme-holes , the region of his heart , his temples , groine parts of generation , as hauing great and maruelous sympathy with the principall and noble parts . if any mislike bathing ▪ let him annoint himselfe with the following vnguent . take oyle of roses foure ounces ; oyle of spike two ounces ; of the powder of cinnamon and cloues , of each one ounce and a halfe ; of benzoin halfe an ounce ; of muske sixe graines ; of treacle halfe a dramme ; of venice turpentine one dramme and a halfe ; of waxe as much as shall suffice : make thereof a soft vnguent . you may also drop a few drops of oyle of masticke , of sage , or of cloues , and such like , into the eares , with a little ciuet or muske . chap. ix . of the signes of such as are insected with the plague . we must not stay so long before we pronounce one to haue the plague , vntill there be paine and a tumour vnder his arme-holes , or in his groyne , or spots ( vulgarly called tokens ) appeare ouer all the body , or carbuncles arise : for many dye through the venenate malignitie , before these signes doe appeare . wherefore the chiefest and truest signes of this disease , are to be taken from the heart , being the mansion of life , which chiefly , and first of all is wont to be assaulted by the force of the poyson . therefore they that are infected with the pestilence , are vexed with often swoundings , and fainting ; their pulse is feebler and slower then others , but some-times more frequent , but that is specially in the night season ; they feele prickings ouer all their body , as if it were the pricking of needles ; but their nose-thrils doe itch especially ▪ by occasion of the maligne vapours rysing vpwards from the lower and inner , into the vpper parts , their breast burneth , their heart beateth , with paine vnder the left dug , difficultie of taking breath , ptissicke , cough , paine of the heart , & such an elation or puffing vp of the hypocondria or sides of the belly distended with the aboundance of vapours raysed by the force of the feuerish heat , that the patient will in a manner seeme to haue the tympanie . they are molested with a desire to vomit , and oftentimes with much and painfull vomiting , wherein greene and blacke matter is seene , and alwayes of diuers colours , answering in proportion to the excrements of the lower parts , the stomacke being drawne into a consent with the heart , by reason of the vicinitie and communion of the vessels ; oftentimes blood alone , and that pure , is excluded and cast vp in vomiting ; and it is not onely cast vp by vomiting out of the stomacke , but also verie often out of the nosethrils , fundament , and in women out of the wombe ; the inward parts are often burned , and the outward parts are stiffe with cold , the whole heat of the patient being drawne violently inward , after the manner of a cupping-glasse , by the strong burning of the inner parts ; then the eye-lids wax blew , as it were through some contusion , all the whole face hath a horrid aspect , and as it were the colour of lead , the eyes are burning red , and , as it were , swolne or puffed vp with blood , or any other humour , shed teares ; and to conclude , the whole habite of the body is some-what changed and turned yellow . many haue a burning feauer , which doth shew it selfe by the pacients vlcerated iawes , vnquenchable thirst , drynesse and blacknesse of the tongue , and it causeth such a phrensie by inflaming the braine , that the pacients running naked out of their beads , seeke to throw themselues out of windowes into the pits and riuers that are at hand . in some the ioynts of their body are so weakned , that they cannot goe nor stand , from the beginning they are as it were buryed in a long swound and deepe sleepe , by reason that the feauer sendeth vp to the brayne the grosse vapors from the crude and cold humors , as it were from greene wood newly kindled to make a fire . such sleeping doth hold them especially while the matter of the sore or carbuncle is drawne together and beginneth to come to suppuration . often-times when they are awaked out of sleepe , there doe spots and markes appeare dispersed ouer the skin , with a stinking sweat . but if those vapours be sharpe that are stirred vp vnto the head , in stead of sleepe they cause great waking , and alwayes there is much diuersitie of accidents in the vrine of those that are infected with the plague , by reason of the diuers temperature and condition of bodyes : neither is the vrine at all times , and in all men of the same consistence and colour : for some-times they are like vnto the vrine of those that are sound and in health , that is to say , laudable in colour and substance , because that when the heart is affected by the venomous aire , that entereth in vnto it , the spirits are more greatly grieued and molested then the humours : but those , i. the spirits , are infected and corrupted when these doe begin to corrupt . but vrines onely shew the dispositions of the humours or parts in which they are made , collected together , and through which they doe passe . this reason seemeth truer to me then theirs which say , that nature terrified with the malignitie of the poyson auoyds contention , and doth not resist or labour to digest the matter that causeth the disease . many haue their appetites so ouerthrowne , that they can abstaine from meat for the space of three dayes together . and to conclude , the varietie of accidents is almost infinite , which appeare and spring vp in this kind of disease , by reason of the diuersitie of the poyson and condition of the bodyes and greeued parts : but they doe not all appeare in each man , but some in one , and some in another . chap. x. what signes in the plague are mortall . ii is a most deadly signe in the pestilence , to haue a continuall and burning feauer , to haue the tongue dry , rough , and blacke , to breathe with difficultie , and to draw in a great quantitie of breath , but breathe out little ; to talke idely ; to haue the phrensie and madnesse together , with vnquenchable thirst , and great watching ; to haue convulsions , the hickit , heart beating , and to swound verie often and vehemently ; further , tossing and turning in the bead , with a loathing of meats , and daily vomits of a greene , blacke , and bloody colour ; and the face pale , blacke , of a horrid and cruell aspect , bedewed with a cold sweat , are verie mortall signes . there are some which at the verie beginning haue vicerous and painfull wearinesse , pricking vnder the skin , with great torment of paine ; the eyeslooke crewelly and staringly , the voyce waxeth hoarce , the tongue rough and shutting , and the vnderstanding decaying , the pacient vttereth and talketh of friuolous things . truly those are verie dangerously sicke , no otherwise then those whose vrine is pale , blacke , and troubled like vnto the vrine of carriage beasts , or lye , with diuers coloured clouds , or contents , as blew , greene , blacke , fattie , and oyly , as also resembling in shew a spiders webbe , with a round body swimming on the top . if the flesh of the carbuncle be dry and blacke , as it were seared with a hot iron , if the flesh about it be blacke and blew , if the matter doe flow backe , and turne in , if they haue a laske , with greatly stinking , liquid , thin , clammy , blacke , greene , or blewish ordure ; if they auoyd wormes by reason of the great corruption of the humors and yet for all this the pacient is neuer the better ; if the eyes waxe often dimme , if the nose-thrils be contracted or drawne together , if they haue a grieuous crampe , the mouth be drawne aside , the muscles of the face being drawn or contracted equally or vnequally ; if the nailes be blacke ; if they be often troubled with the hickit , or haue a convulsion and resolution ouer all the body , then you may certainly prognosticate that death is at hand , and you may vse cordiall medicines onely , but it is too late to purge or let blood. chap. xi . of the prognostication that is to be instituted in the plague . when you thorowly know the nature of the disease , and accidents thereof , and the condition , function , and excellencie of the body and grieued parts , you may well foretell the future motions and euents of diseases : although that this may be spoken in generall , that there is no certaine prediction in pestilent diseases , either to health or death , for they haue verie vnconstant motions , sometimes swift and quicke , sometimes slow , and sometimes choaking or suffocating in a moment while one breathes in the venomous aire , as he is going about any of his necessarie affaires , hauing pustles rysing in the skin with sharpe paine , and as though the whole body were pricked all ouer with needles , or the stings of bees . which i haue seene with my eyes in the plague that was at lyons when charles the french king lay there . it many times commeth to passe that the accidents that were very vehement and raging a little before , are sodainly asswaged , and the pacients doe thinke themselues better , or almost perfectly sound . which hapned to mary one of the queene-mother her mayds in that notable pestilent constitution of the aire that yere when charles the french kinglay at the castle of rossilion : for when she was infected , a great tumour or bubo arose in her groyne , and sodainly it went in againe , so that the third day of her sicknesse , she said she was without any griefe or disease at all , but that she was some-what troubled with a difficultie of making water , and i thinke it was , because the bladder was inflamed by the reflux of the matter ; but she was sound in mind and body , and walked vp and downe the chamber on the same day that she dyed . the strangenesse of which thing made the king so fearfull , that he hasted to depart thence . although this disease doth spare no man , of what age , temperature , complexion , dyet , and condition soeuer , yet it assaulteth young men that are cholericke and sanguine , more often then old men that are cold and dry , in whom the moysture that is the nourisher of putrefaction by reason of their age is consumed , and the wayes , passages , and pores of the skin whereby the venomous aire should enter and pierce in , are more strait and narrow . and moreouer , because old men doe alwayes stay at home , but young men for their necessarie businesse , and also for their delight and pleasure , are alwayes abroad on the day time in the aire , wherehence the pollution of the pestilence commeth more often . that pestilence that commeth by the corruption of the humours , is not so contagious as that which commeth by the default of the aire . but those that are flegmaticke and melancholy are most commonly greeued with that kind of pestilence , because in them the humours are more clammy and grosse , and their bodyes more cold and lesse perspirable , for which causes the humours sooner and more speedily putrefie . men that are of an ill iuyce are also most apt to this kind of pestilence , for in the naughtie qualitie of the iuyce there is a great preparation of the humours vnto putrefaction : you may know it by this , that whē the pestilence raigneth , there are no other diseases among the common people , which haue their originall of any ill iuyce but they all degenerate into the plague . therefore when they begin to appeare and wander vp and downe , it is a token that the pestilence will shortly cease , or is almost at an end . but here also i would haue you to understand those to be of an ill iuice , which haue no pores in their skin , by which , as it were by riuers , the euill iuyce which is contrarie to nature , may be euacuated and purged . and i haue noted and obserued , that those are lesse in danger of the pestilence which haue cancerous vlcers , and stinking sores in their noses , and such as are infected with the french poxe , haue by reason thereof , tumours and rotten vlcers , or haue the kings euill running vpon them , the leprosie , or the scabbe : and to conclude , all those that haue fistulous and running vlcers in their bodyes . i thinke those that haue quartaine feauers are the better priuiledged for the same , because that by the fit causing sweat , that commeth euerie fourth day , they auoyd much of the ill iuyce that was ingendred . this is more like to be true , then to thinke that the poyson that commeth from without , may be driuen away by that which lurketh within . contrarie-wise , women that are great with child , as i haue noted , because they haue much ill iuyce , being prohibited from their accustomed euacuations , are verie apt to take this disease , and doe seldome recouer after they are infected . blacke or blew impostumes , and spots and pustules of the same colour dispersed ouer the skin , argue that the disease is altogether vncurable and mortall . when the swelling or sore goeth or commeth before the feauer , it is a good signe , for it declareth that the malignitie is verie weake and feeble , and that nature hath ouercome it , which of it selfe is able to driue so great portion thereof from the inner parts . but if the sore or tumour come after the feauer , it is a mortall & deadly signe , for it is certaine that that commeth of the venomous matter not translated , but dispersed , not by the victorie of nature , but thorough the multitude of the matter , with the weight whereof nature is ouercome . when the moone decreaseth , those that are infected with the pestilence are in great doubt and danger of death , because then the humours that were collected and gathered together before the full of the moone , through delay and aboundance , do swell the more , and the faculties by which the body is gouerned , become more weake and feeble , because of the imbecilitie of the natiue heat , which before was nourished and augmented by the light , and so consequently by the heat of the full moone : for as it is noted by aristotle , the wainings of the moone are more cold and weake : and thence it is that women haue their menstruall fluxes chiefely or most commonly at that time . in a grosse and cloudy aire the pestilent infection is lesse vehement and contagious then in a thin and subtle aire ; whether that thinnesse of the aire proceed from the heat of the sunne , or from the north wind and cold . therefore at paris where naturally , and also through the aboundance of filth that is about the citie , the aire is darke and grosse , the pestilent infection is lesse fierce and contagious then it is in prouince , for the subtletie of the aire stimulates or helps forward the plague . but this disease is mortall and pernitious wheresoeuer it be , because it suddainly assaulteth the heart , which is the mansion , or as it were the fortresse or castle of life : but commonly not before the signes and tokens of it appeare on the body : and yet you shall scarce find any man that thinketh of calling the physitian to helpe to preserue him from so great danger before the signes thereof be euident to be seene and felt : but then the heart is assaulted . and when the heart is so assaulted , what hope of life is there , or health to be looked for ? therefore because medicines come oft-times too late , and this malady is as it were a suddaine and a winged messenger of our death , it commeth to passe that so many die thereof . and moreouer because at the first suspition of this so dire and cruell a disease , the imagination and mind ( whose force in the diuersly stirring vp of the humours is great and almost incredible ) is so troubled with feare of imminent death , and despaire of health , that together with the perturbed humours , all the strength and power of nature falles and sinkes downe . this you may perceiue and know , by reason that the keepers of such as are sicke , and the bearers which are not fearefull , but verie confident , although they doe all the basest offices which may be for the sicke , are commonly not infected , and seldome dye thereof if infected . chap. xii . into what place the patient ought to betake himselfe so soone as he finds himselfe infected . we haue said that the perpetuall and first originall of the pestilence commeth of the aire , therefore so soone as one is blasted with the pestiferous aire , after he hath taken some preseruatiue against the malignitie thereof , he must withdraw himselfe into some wholesome aire , that is cleane and pure from any venomous infection or contagion for there is great hope of health by the alteration of the aire , for we doe most frequently and aboundantly draw in the aire of all things , so that we cannot want it for a minute of time : therefore of the aire that is drawne in , dependeth the correction , amendment , or increase of the poyson or malignitie that is receiued , as the aire is pure , sincere , or corrupted . there be some that doe thinke it good to shut the patient in a cloase chamber , shutting the windowes to prohibite the entrance of the aire as much as they are able : but i thinke it more conuenient that those windowes should be open from whence that wind bloweth that is directly contrarie vnto that which brought in the venomous aire : for although there be no other cause , yet if the aire be not moued , or agitated , but shut vp in a cloase place , it will soone be corrupted . therefore in a cloase and quiet place that is not subiect to the entrance of the aire , i would wish the patient to make wind , or to procure aire with a thicke and great cloath dipped or macerated in water and vineger mixt together , and tyed to a long staffe , that by tossing it vp and downe the cloase chamber , the wind or aire thereof may coole and recreate the patient . the patient must euerie day be carryed into a fresh chamber , and the beds and the linnen cloathes must be changed : there must alwayes be a cleere and bright fire in the patients chamber , and especially in the night , whereby the aire may be made more pure , cleane , and voyd of nightly vapours , and of the filthy and pestilent breath proceeding from the patient , or his excrements . in the meane time , least ( if it be in hot weather ) the patient should be weakned or made more faint by reason that the heat of the fire doth disperse and wast his spirits , the floore or ground of the chamber must be sprinkled or watered with vineger and water , or strowed with the branches of vines made moyst in cold water , with the leaues and flowers of water lillyes , or poplar , or such like . in the feruent heat of summer he must abstaine from strong fumigations that do smell too strongly , because that by assaulting the head , they increase the paine . if the patient could goe to that cost , it were good to hang all the chamber where he lyeth , and also the bed , with thicke or coarse linnen cloathes moysted in vineger and water of roses . those linnen cloathes ought not to be verie white , but some-thing browne , because much and great whitenesse doth disperse the sight , and by wasting the spirits doth increase the paine of the head : for which cause also the chamber ought not to be verie lightsome . contrariwise on the night season there ought to be fiers and perfumes made , which by their moderate light , may moderately call forth the spirits . sweet fiers may be made of little peeces of the wood of iuniper , broome , ash , tamarisk , of the rind of oranges , lemmons , cloues , benzoin , gumme arabicke , orris roots , myrrhe grossely beaten together , and layd on the burning coales put into a chasing dish . truly the breath or smoake of the wood or berries of iuniper , is thought to driue serpents a great way from the place where it is burnt . the vertue of the ash tree against venome is so great , as pliny testifieth , that a serpent will not come vnder the shaddow thereof , no not in the morning nor euening , when the shaddow of any thing is most great and long , but she will run from it . i my selfe haue proued that if a circle or compasse be made with the boughes of an ash tree , and a fier made in the middest thereof , and a serpent put within the compasse of the boughes , that the serpent will rather run into the fier then thorow the ashes boughes . there is also another meanes to correct the aire . you may sprinkle vineger of the decoction of rue , sage , rosemary , bay berries , iuniper berries , cyperus nuts , and such like , on stones or brickes made red hot , and put in a pot or pan , that all the whole chamber where the patient lyeth may be perfumed with the vapour thereof . also fumigations may be made of some matter that is more grosse and clammy , that by the force of the fire the sume may continue the longer , as are ladanum , myrrhe , masticke , rosine , turpentine , storax , olibanum , benzoin , bay berries , iuniper berries , cloues , sage , rosemary , and marioram stamped together , and such like . those that are rich and wealthy may haue candles and fumes made of wax , or tallow mixed with some sweet things . a spong macerated in vinegar of roses and water of the same , and a little of the decoction of cloues , and of camphire added thereto , ought alwayes to be ready at the patients hand , that by often smelling vnto it , the animall spirits may be recreated and strengthened . the water following is very effectuall for this matter . take of orris fourė ounces ; of zedoarie , spikenard , of each sixe drammes ; of storax , benzoin , cynamon , nutmegs , cloues , of each one ounce and a halfe ; of old treacle halfe an ounce : bruise them into a grosse powder , and macerate them for the space of twelue houres in 4 pound of white and strong wine , then distill them in a limbecke of glasse on hoat ashes , and in the distilled liquor wet a spong , and then let it be tyed in a linnen cloath , or closed in a box , and so often put vnto the nose-thrils . or take of the vineger and water of roses , of each foure ounces ; of camphire six graines ; of treacle halfe a dramme : let them be dissolued together , and put into a viall of glasse , which the patient may often put vnto his nose . this nodula following is more meet for this matter . take of rose leaues two pugils ; of orris halfe an ounce ; of calamus aromaticus , cynnamon , cloues , of each two drammes ; of storax and benzoin , of each one dramme and a halfe ; of cyperus halfe a dramme : beat them into a grosse powder , make thereof a nodula betweene two peeces of cambricke or lawne of the bignesse of an hand ball , then let it be moystned in 8 ounces of rose water , and two ounces of rose vineger , and let the patient smell vnto it often . these things must be varied according to the time : for in the summer you must vse neither muske nor ciuet , nor such like hot things : and moreouer women that are subiect to fits of the mother , & those that haue feauers or the head ach ought not to vse those things that are so strong smelling & hot , but you must make choise of things more gentle : therefore things that are made with a little camphire and cloues bruised and macerated together in rose water and vineger of roses shall be sufficient . chap. xiii . what dyet ought to be obserued , and first of the choyce of meats . the order of dyet in a pestilent disease ought to be cooling and drying : not slender , but some-what full . because by this kind of disease there commeth wasting of the spirits , and exolution of the faculties , which inferreth often swounding , therefore that losse must be repaired as soone as may be with more quantitie of meats that are of easie concoction and digestion . therefore i neuer saw any being infected with the pestilence that kept a slender dyet that recouered his health but dyed , and few that had a good stomacke and fed well dyed . sweet , grosse , moyst , and clammy meats , which are altogether , and exquisitely of subtile parts , are to be auoyded ; for the sweet doe easily take fier , and are soone inflamed ; the moyst will putrefie ; the grosse and clammy obstruct , and therefore ingender putrefaction ; those meats that are of subtile parts , ouer-much attenuate the humors and inflame them , and doe stirre vp hot and sharpe vapors into the brayne , whereof commeth the feauer . therefore we must eschew garlike , onions , mustard , salted and spiced meats , and all kinds of puls must also be auoyded , because they ingender grosse winds , which are the authors of obstruction : but the decoction of them is not alwayes to be refused , because it is a prouoker of vrine . therefore let this be their order of dyet : let their bread be of wheat or barly , well wrought , well leauened and salted neither too new nor too stale : let them be fed with such meat as may be easily concocted and digested , and may engender much laudable iuyce , and verie little excrementall , as are the flesh of weather lambes , calues , kidds , leuerets , pullets , partriches , pigeons , thrushes , larkes , quailes , blacke birds , turtle doues , moore hennes , phesants , and such like , auoyding water foules . let the flesh be moystned in veriuyce of vn-ripe grapes , vineger , or the iuyce of lemmons , oranges , cytrons , tart pomegranats , barberyes , gooseberryes , or red currance , or of garden and wild sorrell : for all these sowre things are verie wholesome in this kind of disease , for they doe stirre vp the appetite , resist the venomous qualitie and putrefaction of the humours , restraine the heat of the feauer , and prohibite the corruption of the meats in the stomacke . although that those that haue a more weake stomacke ▪ and are endewed with a more exact sence , & are subiect to the cough and diseases of the lungs , must not vse these vnlesse they be mixed with sugar and cynnamon . if the patient at any time be fed with sodden meats , let the broathes be made with lettuce , purslaine , succorie , borage , sorrell , hoppes , buglosse , cresses , burnet , marigolds , cheruill , the cooling seeds , barley and oates cleansed , with a little saffron , for saffron doth engender many spirits , and resisteth poyson . to these opening roots may be added for to auoyd obstruction ; yet much broath must be refused by reason of moysture . the fruit of capers being eaten in the beginning of the meale prouoke the appetite , and prohibite obstructions , but they ought not to be seasoned with ouer-much oyle & salt , they may also with good successe be put in broathes . fishes are altogether to be auoyded , because they doe soone corrupt in the stomacke : but if the patient be delighted with them , those that liue in stony places must be chosen , that is to say , those that doe liue in pure and sandy water , and about rocks , and stones , as are trowts , pikes , pearches , gudgions , and crauises boiled in milke , wilks , and such like . and concerning sea-fish , he may be fed with giltheads , gurnarts , with all the kinds of cod-fish , whitings not seasoned with salt , and turbuts . fagges potched and eaten with the iuyce of sorrell , are very good . likewise barley water seasoned with the graynes of a tart pomegranate , and if the feauer be vehement , with the seeds of white poppey . such barley water is easie to be concocted and digested , it cleanses greatly , and moystens and mollifies the belly . but in some it procures an appetite to vomit , and paine of the head , and those must abstaine from it . but in stead of barley water they may vse pappe , and bread crummed in the decoction of a capon . for the second course let him haue raysons of the sun , newly sodden in rose water with sugar , soure damaske prunes , tart cherryes , pippins , and katherine peares . and in the latter end of the meale , quinces rosted in embers , marmelate of quinces , & conserues of buglosse or of roses , and such like may be taken : or else this powder following . take of coriander seeds prepared two drammes ; of pearle , rose leaues , shauings of harts-horne and iuory , of each halfe a dramme ; of amber two scruples ; of cynnamon one scruple ; of vnicornes horne , and the bone in a stagges heart , of each halfe a scruple ; of sugar of roses foure ounces : make thereof a powder , and vse it after meats . if the patient be some-what weake , he must be fed with gelly made of the flesh of a capon , and veale sodden together in the water of sorrell , carduus benedictus , with a little quantitie of rose vineger , cynnamon , sugar , and other such like , as the present necessitie shall seeme to require . in the night season for all euents and mischances , the patient must haue ready prepared broath of meats of good digestion , with a little of the iuyce of citrons , or pomegranates . this restauratiue that followeth may serue for all . take of the conserue of buglosse , borage , violets , water lillyes , and succory , of each two ounces ; of the powder of the electuarie diamargaritum frigidum , of the trochisces of camphire , of each three drams ; of citron seedes , carduus seedes , sorrell seedes , the rootes of diptamnus , tormentill , of each two drams ; of the broth of a young capon , made with lettuce , purselaine , buglosse , and borraged boile in it , sixe pintes ; put them in a lembecke of glasse with the flesh of two pullets , of so manie partridges , and with fifteene leaues of pure gold : make thereof a distillation ouer a soft fier . then take of the distilled liquor halfe a pinte , straine it through a woollen bagge , with two ounces of white sugar , and halfe a dram of cinamon : let the patient vse this when he is thirstie . or else put the flesh of one old capon , and of a legge of veale , two minced partridges , and two drams of whole cinamon without anie liquor in a lembecke of glasse , well luted and couered , and so let them boile in balueo mariae vnto the perfect concoction . for so the fleshes will be boiled in their owne iuice without any hurt of the fier ; then let the iuice bee pressed out therehence with a presse : giue the patient for euery dose one ounce of the iuice with some cordiall waters , some trisantalum , and diamargaritum frigidum . the preserues of sweete fruits are to bee auoided , because that sweete things turne into cholor ; but the confections of tart prunes , cherries , and such like may be fitly vsed . but because there is no kinde of sickenesse that so weakens the strength as the plague ; it is alwaies necessarie , but yet sparingly and often , to feede the patient , still hauing respect vnto his custome , age , the region , and the time : for through emptinesse there is great danger , lest that the venomous matter that is driuen out to the superficiall parts of the bodie , should be called backe vnto the inward parts , by an hungrie stomacke , and the stomacke it selfe should bee filled with choloricke , hot , thinne , and sharpe excrementall humors , whereof commeth biting of the stomacke , and gripings in the guttes . chap. xiv . what drinke the patient infected ought to vse . if the feauer be great and burning , the patient must abstain from wine , vnlesse that he be subiect to swounding ; and he may drink the oxymell following in stead thereof . take of fair water three quarts , wherin boile foure ounces of hony vntill the third part bee consumed , scumming it continually ; then straine it and put it into a clean vessell , and adde thereto foure ounces of vineger , and as much cynamon as will suffice to giue it a taste . or else a sugered water as followeth . take two quarts of fair water , of hard sugar sixe ounces , of cynamon two ounces , straine it through a woollen bagge or cloth without anie boiling : and when the patient will vse it , put thereto a little of the iuice of citrons . the syrupe of the iuce of citrons excelleth amongst all others that are vsed against the pestilence . the vse of the iulep following is also verie wholesome . take of the iuice of sorrell well clarified halfe a pinte , of the iuice of lettuce so clarified foure ounces , of the best hard sugar one pound , boile them together vnto a perfection , let them be strained and clarified , adding a little before the end a little vineger , let it be vsed betweene meales , with boyled water , or with equall portions of the water of sorrell , lettuce , scabious , and buglosse : or take of this former described iulep strained and clarified foure ounces , let it be mixed with one pound of the forenamed cordiall waters , and boile them together a little . and when they are taken from the fire , put thereto of yellow sanders one dram , of beaten cinamon halfe a dram , straine it through a cloth : when it is cold , let it bee giuen vnto the patient to drinke with the iuice of citrons . those that haue accustomed to drinke sider , perrie , beere , or ale , ought to vse that drinke still , so that it be clear , transparent , and thinne , and made of those fruits that are somewhat tarte ; for troubled and dreggish drinke doth not onely engender grosse humors , but also crudities , windinesse , and obstructions of the first region of the bodie , whereof comes a feauer . oxycrate being giuen in manner following , doth asswage the heate of the feauer , and represse the putrefaction of the humors , and the fiercenesse of the venome , and also expelleth the water through the veines , if so be that the patients are not troubled with spitting of bloud , cough , yexing , and altogether weake of stomacke : for such must auoid all tart things . take of faire water one quart ; of white or red vineger three ounces ; of fine suger foure ounces ; of sirup of roses two ounces : boile them alittle , and then giue the patient thereof to drinke . or , take of the iuice of lemons and citrons , of each halfe an ounce ; of iuice of soure pomegranats two ounces ; of the water of sorrell and roses , of each one ounce ; of fair water boiled , as much as shall suffice : make therof a iulep , and vse it between meales . or take of sirup of lemons and of red currance , of each one ounce , of the water of lillies foure ounces ; of faire water boiled halfe a pinte ▪ make therof a iulep . or , take of the syrups of water lillies , and vineger , of each halfe an ounce , dissolve it in fiue ounces of the water of sorrell ; of faire water one pinte : make thereof a iulep . but if the patient bee young and haue a strong and good stomacke , and choloricke by natnre , i thinke it not vnmeete for him to drinke a full and large draught of fountaine water cold ; for that is effectuall to restraine and quench the heate of the feauer , and contrariwise they that drinke cold water often , and a verie small quantitie at a time , as the smith doth sprinkle water on the fire at his forge , doe increse the heate and burning , and thereby make it endure the longer . therefore by the iudgement of celsus , when the disease is in the chiefe increase , and the patient hath endured thirst for the space of three or foure dayes , cold water must be giuen vnto him in great quantitie , so that hee may drinke past his satietie , that when his belly and stomacke are filled beyond measure , and sufficiently cooled , he may vomit . some doe not drinke so much thereof as may cause them to vomite , but do drinke euen vnto satietie , and so vse it for a cooling medicine ; but when either of these is done , the patient must be couered with many clothes , and so placed that he may sleepe , and for the most part , after long thirst and watching , and after long fulnesse , and long and great heate sound sleepe commeth , by which great sweat is sent out , and that is a present helpe . but thirst must sometimes bee quenched with little peeces of melons , gourds , cucumbers , with the leaues of lettuce , sorrell , and purslane made moist or soked in cold water , or with a little square peece of a citron , lemon , or orange macerated in rose water , and sprinkled with sugar , and so held in the mouth , and then changed . but if the patient be aged , his strength weake , phlegmaticke by nature , and giuen to wine , when the state of the feauer is somewhat past , and the chiefe heate beginning to asswage , he may drinke wine verie much delayed at his meate , for to restore his strength and to supply the want of the wasted spirits . the patient ought not by anie meanes to suffer great thirst , but must mitigate it by drinking , or else allay it by washing his mouth with oxicrate , and such like , and hee may therein also wash his hands and his face , for that doth recreate the strength . if the fluxe or laske troubel him , he may verie well vse to drinke steeled water , and also boiled milke , wherein many stones comming red hot out of the fire haue beene manie times quenched . for the drinesse and roughnesse of the mouth it is verie good to haue a cooling , moistening and lenifying lotion of the mucilaginous water of the infusion of the seedes of quinces , psilium , id est , flea-wurt , adding thereto a little camphyre , with the water of plantaine and roses , then cleanse and wipe out the filth , and then moisten the mouth , by holding therein a little oyle of sweete almonds mixed with a little sirup of violets . if the roughnesse doe breede or degenerate into vlcers , they must be touched with the water of the infusion of sublimate , or aqua fortis . chap. xv. of antidotes to be vsed in the plague . now we must entreate of the proper cure of this disease , which must bee vsed as soone as may bee possible , because this kinde of poison in swiftnesse exceedes the celeritie of the medicine . therefore it is better to erre in this , that you should thinke euerie disease to be pestilent in a pestilent season , and to cure it as the pestilence : because that so long as the ayre is polluted with the seedes of the pestilence , the humors in the bodie are soone infected with the vicinitie of such an ayre , so that then there happeneth no disease void of the pestilence , that is to say , which is not pestilent from the beginning by his owne nature , or which is not made pestilent . manie begin the cure with bloud-letting , some with purging , and some with antidotes . we taking a consideration of the substance of that part that is assaulted , first of all begin the cure with an antidote , beeause that by its specificke propertie , it defends the heart from poison , as much as it is offended therewith . although there are also other antidotes which preserue and keep the heart and the patient from the danger of poison and the pestilence , not onely because they doe infringe the power of the poison in their whole substance , but also because they driue it and expell it out of all the bodie by sweate , vomiting , scouring , and such other kindes of euacuations . the antidote must be giuen in such a quantitie as may bee sufficient to ouercome the poison ; but because it is not good to vse it in greater quantitie than neederh , lest it should ouerthrow our nature , for whose preseruation only it is vsed , therefore that which cannot bee taken together and at once , must bee taken at seuerall times , that some portion thereof may daily be vsed so long , vntill all the accidents , effects , and impressions of the poison be past , and that there bee nothing to be feared . some of those antidotes consist of portions of venomous things , being tempered together , and mixed in an apt proportion with other medicines , whose power is contrarie to the venom : as treacle , which hath for an ingredient the flesh of vipers , that it being thereto mixed may serue as guide to bring all the antidote vnto the place where the venenate malignitie hath made the chiefe impression ; because by the similitude of nature and sympathie , one poison is sodainly snatched and carried vnto another . there are other absolute poisonous , which neuerthelesse are antidotes one vnto another : as a scorpion himselfe cureth the pricke of a scorpion . but treacle and mithridate excell all other antidotes : for by strenthening the noblest part , and the mansion of life , they repaire and recreate the wasted spirits , and ouercome the poyson , not onely being taken inwardly , but also applied outwardly to the region of the heart , botches and carbuncles : for by an hidden propertie they draw the poisons vnto them , as amber doth chaffe , and digest it when it is drawne , and spoile and robbe it of all its deadly force ; as it is declared at large by galen , in his booke de theriaca ad pisonem , by most true reasons , and experiments . but you will say , that these things are hote , and that the plague is often accompanied with a burning feauer . but therereto i answer , there is not so great danger in the feauer as in the pestilence , although in the giuing of treacle i would not altogether seeme to neglect the feauer , but thinke it good to minister or apply it mixed with cordiall cooling medicines , as with the trochisces of camphire , sirup of lemmons , of water lillies , the water of sorrell , and such like . and for the same cause wee ought not to choose old treacle , but that which is of a middle age , as of one or two yeares old : to those that are strong , you may giue halfe a dramme , and to those that are more weake a dramme . the patient ought to walke presently after that he hath taken treacle , mithridate , or anie other antidote ; but yet as moderately as he can : not like vnto many , which when they perceiue themselues to be infected , do not cease to course and runne vp and downe , vntill they haue no strength to sustaine their bodies , for so they doe dissolue nature , so that it cannot suffice to ouercome the contagion . after moderate walking , the patient must be put warme to bedde , and couered with manie clothes , and warme brick-bats , or tiles applied to the soles of his feete ; or in stead thereof you may vse swines bladders filled with hot water , and apply them to the grindes and arme-holes to prouoke sweate : for sweating in this disease is a most excellent remedie , both for to euacuate the humors in the feauer , and also to driue forth the malignitie in the pestilence , although euerie sweate brings not forth the fruit of health . for george agricola saith , that he saw a woman at misnia in germanie that did sweat so for the space of three dayes , that the bloud came forth at her head and breast , and yet neuerthelesse she died . this potion following will prouoke sweate . take the roots of china shaued in thinne peeces one ounce and halfe ; of guaiacum two ounces ; of the barke of tamariske one ounce ; of angelica rootes two drams ; of the shauings of harts-horne one ounce ; of iuniper berries three drams ; put them into a viall of glasse that will containe sixe quarts ; put therto foure quarts of rūning or riuer water that is pure and clear , macerate them for the space of one whole night on the hot ashes : and in the morning boile them all in balneo mariae vntill the halfe be consumed , which will be done in the space of sixe houres ; then let them be strained through a bagge , and then strained againe , but let that be with sixe ounces of sugar of roses , and a little treacle ; let the patient take eight ounces or fewer of that liquor , and it will prouoke sweat . the pouder following is also verie profitable . take of the leaues of dictamnus , the rootes of tormentill , betoni , of each halfe an ounce ; of bole armenicke prepared one ounce ; of terra sigillata three drams ; of aloes and mirrhe of each halfe a dram ; of saffron one dram ; of masticke two drammes : pouder them all according to arte , and giue one dram thereof dissolued in rose-water , or the water of wilde sorrell , and let the patient walke so soone as he hath taken that pouder ; then let him be laid in his bed to sweate as i haue shewed before . the water following is greatly commended against poyson . take the roots of gentian and cyperus , of each three drams ; of carduus benedictus , burnet , of each one handfull ; of sorrell seedes , and diuels-bit , of each two pugils ; of ivie and iuniper berries , of each halfe an ounce ; of the flowers of buglosse , violets , and red roses , of each two pugils , pouder them somewhat grossely ; then soake or steepe them for a night in white wine and rose water ; then adde thereto of bole armenicke one ounce ; of treacle halfe an ounce , distill them all in balneo mariae , and keepe the distilled liquor in a viall of glasse well couered or close stopped for your vse : let the patient take sixe ounces thereof with sugar and a little cinamon and saffron : then let him walke , and then sweate , as is aforesaid : the treacle and cordiall water formerly prescribed are verie profitable for this purpose . also the water following is greatly commended . take of sorrell sixe handfuls : of rue one handfull : drie them , and macerate them in vineger for the space of foure and twentie houres , adding thereto foure ounces of treacle : make thereof a distillation in balneo mariae , and let the distilled water be kept for your vse ; and so soone as the patient doth thinke himselfe to bee infected , let him take foure ounces of that liquor , then let him walk and sweat . he must leaue sweating when he beginneth to waxe faint and weake , or when the humor that runs down his bodie begins to waxe cold , then his bodie must be wiped with warme clothes , and dried . the patient ought not to sweate with a full stomacke , for so the heate is called away from performing the office of concoction : also he must not sleepe when he is in his sweate , lest the malignitie , goe inwardly with the heate and spirits vnto the principall parts ; but if the patient be much enclined to sleepe , he must be kept from it with hard rubbing , and bands tyed about the extreame parts of his bodie , and with much noise of those that are about him , and let his friends comfort him with the good hope that they haue of his recouerie ; but if allthis will not keepe him from sleepee , dissolue castoreum in tart vineger , and aqua vitae , and let it be iniected into his nostrels : and let him be kept continually waking the first day , and on the second and third , euen vnto the fourth ; that is to say , vnto the perfect expulsion of the venom ; & let him not sleep aboue three or foure houres on a day and night . in the meane time let the physition that shall bee present consider all things by his strength : for it is to be feared , that great watchings will dissolue the strength , and make the patient weake : you must not let him eate within three houres after his sweating ; in the meane season , as his strength shall require , let him take the rinde of a preserued citron , conserue of roses , bread toasted and steeped in wine , the meate of a preserued myrabolane , or some such like thing . chap. xvi . whether purging and bloud-letting be necessarie in the beginning of pestilent diseases . so soone as the heart is strengthened and corroberated with cordials & antidotes , we must come vnto phlebotomie and purging . as concerning bloud-letting in this case , there is a great controuersie among physitions . those that wish it to be vsed , say or affirme that the pestilent feauer doth infixe it selfe in the bloud , and therein also the pestilent malignitie taketh its seate ; and therefore it will soone infect the other humors , vnlesse that the bloud be euacuated , and the infection that remaineth in the bloud be thereby taken away . contrariwise those that do allow phlebotomie in this case , alledge that it often commeth to passe that the bloud is void of malignitie when the other humors are infected with the venemous contagion . if any man require my iudgement in this doubtfull question , i say , that the pestilence sometimes doth depend on the default of the ayre : this default being drawn through the passages of the bodie , doth at length pierce vnto the entrals , as wee may vnderstand by the abscesses which breake out one while behinde the eares , sometimes in the arme-holes , and sometimes in the groines , as the braine , heart , or liuer are infected . and hereof also come carbuncles , and other collections of matter and eruptions , which are seene in all parts of the bodie , by reason that nature vsing the strength of the expulsiue facultie , doth driue forth whatsoeuer is noisome or hurtfull . therefore if the physition will follow this motion of nature , he must neither purge , nor let bloud , lest that by a contrarie motion , that is , by drawing in from without , the motion of nature which proceeds outwardly from within , should be troubled . so wee often see in those who are purged or let bloud for such buboes as come through vnlawfull copulation , that the matter is thereby made contumacious , and by drawing it inwardly it speedily causeth the french poxes . wherefore when buboes , carbuncles , and other pestilent eruptions appeare , which come through the default of the ayre , wee ought to abstaine from purging and phlebotomie ; but it is sufficient to forearme the heart inwardly and outwardly with antidotes that are endewed with a proper vertue of resisting the poison . for it is not to bee doubted , but that when nature is debilitated with both kindes of euacuation , and when the spirits together with the bloud are exhausted , the venemous ayre will soone pierce , and be receiued into the emptie bodie , where it exerciseth its tyrannie to the vtter destruction thereof . in the yeare of our lord god 1565. in which yeare there was great mortalitie through out all france , by reaso nof the pestilence , and pestilent diseases , i earnestly and diligently enquired of all the physitions , and chirurgians of all the cities ( through whom king charles the ninth passed in his progresse vnto bayon ) what successe their patients had after they were letten bloud & purged , wherunto they all answerd alike , that they had diligently obserued , that all that were infected with the pestilence , and were letten bleede some good quantitie of bloud , or had their bodies somewhat strongly purged , thenceforwards waxed weaker and weaker , and so at length died ; but others which were not let bloud , nor purged , but took cordial antidotes inwardly and applied them outwardly , for the most part escaped and recouered their health : for that kinde of pestilence tooke its originall of the primatiue and solitarie default of the ayre , and not of the corruption of the humors . the like euent was noted in the hoarsenesse that wee spake of before : that is to say , that the patients waxed worse and worse by purging , and phlebotomie ; but yet i doe not disallow either of those remedies , if there bee great fulnesse in the bodie , especially in the beginning , and if the matter haue a cruell violence , whereof may be feared the breaking in vnto some noble part . for we know that it is confirmed by hippocrates , that what disease soeuer is caused by repletion , must bee cured by euacuation : and that in diseases that are verie sharpe , if the matter doe swell , it ought to be remedied the same day , for delay in such diseases is dangerous ; but such diseases are not caused or inflicted vpon mans bodie by reason or occasion of the pestilence , but of the diseased bodies and diseases themselues commixed together with the pestilence ; therefore then peraduenture it is lawfull to purge strongly , and to let a good quantitie of bloud , lest that the pestilentvenome should take hold of the matter that is prepared , and so infect it with a contagion , whereby the pestilence taketh new and farre greater strength ; especially as celsus admonisheth vs , where he saith ; that , by how much the sooner those sodaine inuasions do happen , by so much the sooner remedies must bee vsed , yea or rather rashly applied ; therefore if the veines swell , the face waxe fierie red , if the arteries of the temples beate strongly , if the patient can verie hardly breath by reason of a weight in his stomacke , if his spittle be bloudie , then ought hee to be let bloud without delay , for the causes before mentioned . it seemes best to open the liuer veine on the left arme , whereby the heart and the spleene may be better discharged of their abundant matter ; yet bloud letting is not good at all times , for it is not expedient when the bodie beginneth to waxe stiffe by reason of the comming of the feuer ; for then by drawing backe the heate and spirits inwardly , the outward parts beeing destitute of bloud waxe stiffe and cold ; therefore bloud cannot bee letten then without great losse of the strength , and perturbation of the humors . and it is to bee noted , that when those plethoricke causes are present , there is one indication of bloud-letting in a simple pestilent feauer , and another in that which hath a bubo , id est , a botch or a carbuncle ioined therewith . for in one or both of these being ioined with a vehement and strong burning feuer , bloud must bee letten by opening the veine that is neerest vnto the tumor or swelling against nature , keeping the straightnesse of the fibres , that this being open the bloud might be drawne more directly from the part affected ; for all and euerie retraction of putrified bloud vnto the noble parts is to bee auoided , because it is noisome and hurtfull to nature , and to the patient . therefore for examples sake , admit the patient bee plethoricke by repletion which is called ad vasa , id est , vnto the vessells , and ad vires , id est , vnto the strength : and therewithall he hath a tumor that is pestilent in the parts belonging vnto his head or necke , the bloud must be let out of the cephalicke or median veine , or out of one of their branches dispersed in the arme on the greened side . but if through occasion of fatt , or any other such like cause those veines doe not appeare in the arme , there bee some that giue counsell in such a case to open the veine that is betweene the forefinger and the thombe , the hand being put into warme water , whereby that veine may swell and be filled with bloud , gathered thither by meanes of the heate . if the tumor bee vnder the arme-hole or about those places , the liuer veine , or the median must be opened which runneth alongst the hand : if it bee in the groine , the veine of the hamme , or saphena , or any other veine aboue the foote that apreareth well , but alwaies on the greeued fide . and phlebotomie must bee performed before the third day : for this disease is of the kinde or nature of sharpe diseases ; because that within foure and twentie houres it runneth past helpe . in letting of bloud you must haue consideration of the strength . you may perceiue that the patient is readie to swound when that his forehead waxeth moist , with a small sweate sodainely arising , by the aking or paine at the stomacke , with an appetite to vomite , and desire to go to stoole , gaping , blacknesse of the lippes , and sodaine alteration of the face vnto palenesse : and lastly most certainely by a small and slow pulse : and then you must lay your finger on the veine , and stop it vntill the patient come to himselfe againe , either by nature ; or else restored by arte , that is to say , by giuing vnto him bread dipped in wine , or anie other such like thing : then if you haue not taken bloud enough , you must let it goe againe and bleede so much as the greatnesse of the disease , or the strength of the patient will permit or require : which being done , some one of the antidotes that are prescribed before will be verie profitable to be drunk , which may repaire the strength and infrigne the force of the malignitie . chap. xvii . of purging medicines in a pestilent disease . if you call to minde the proper indications , purging shall seeme necessarie in this kinde of disease , and that must be prescribed as the present case and necessitie requireth ; rightly considering that the disease is sodaine , and doth require medicines that may with all speede driue out of the bodie the hurtfull humor wherein the noisome qualitie doth lurke and is hidden ; which medicines are diuerse by reason of the diuersity of the kinde of the humor , and the condition , or temperature of the patient . for this purpose sixe graines of scammonie beaten into pouder , or else tenne graines are commonly ministred to the patient with one dramme of treacle . also pils may bee made in this forme : take of treacle and mithridate , of each one dramme ; of sulphur vinum finely poudered halfe a dram ; of diagridium foure graines : make thereof pils . or , take three drams of alloes ; of myrhe and saffron , of each one dramme ; of white hellebore and asarabacca , of each foure scruples : make thereof a masle with old treacle , and let the patient take foure scruples thereof for a dose , three houres before meate . ruffus his pils may be profitably giuen to those that are weake . the ancient physitions haue greatly commended agarick for this disease , because it doth draw the noisome humors out of all the members : and the vertues thereof are like vnto those of treacle ; for it is thought to strengthen the heart and to draw out the malignitie by purging . to those that are strong the weight of two drammes may be giuen , and to those that are more weake halfe a dramme . it is better to giue the infusion in a decoction , than in substance ; for beeing elected and prepared truely into trochises , it may bee called a most diuine kinde of medicine . antimonium is highly praised by the experience of many ; but because i know the vse thereof is condemned by the counsell and decree of the schoole of physitions at paris , i will here cease to speake of it . those medicines that cause sweates are thought to excell all others , when the pestilence commeth of the venemous ayre : among whom the efficacie of that which followeth hath beene proued , to the great good of manie in that pestilence which was lately throughout all germanie , as matthias rodler , chauncellor to duke george the count palatine , signified vnto mee by letters . they doe take a bundle of mugwort , and of the ashes thereof after it is burnt they make a lye thereof with foure pints of water ; then they doe set it ouer the fier and boile it in a vessell of earth well leaded vntill the liquor be consumed , the earthy dregges falling vnto the bottome like vnto salt , wherof they make trochises of the weight of a crowne of gold : then they dissolue one or two of those trochises , according to the strength of the patient , in good muskadine , and giue it the patient to drinke , and let him walke after that he hath drunk it for the space of halfe an houre ; then lay him in his bedde , and there sweate him two or three houres , and then hee will vomite , and his belly will be loosed as if he had taken antimonie ; and so they were all for the most part cured , especially all those that tooke that remedie betimes , and before the disease went vnto their heart , as i my selfe haue proued in some that were sicke at paris , with most happie successe : truely mugwort is highly commended by the ancient physitions , being taken and applied inwardly or outwardly against the bitings of venemous creatures , so that it is not to be doubted but that it hath great vertue against the pestilence . i haue heard it most certainly reported by gilbertus heroaldus physition of mompilier ▪ that eight ounces of the pickle of anchoues drunke at one draught is a most certaine and approued remedie against the pestilence , as hee and many other haue often found by experience . for the plague is no other thing but a verie great putrefaction , for the correction and amendment whereof , there is nothing more apt or fit than this pickle or substance of the anchoues , being melted by the sun & force of the salt that is strawed thereon . there be some which infuse one dramme of walewort seede in white wine , and affirme that it drunken wil performe the like effect as antimony . others dissolue a little weight of the seede of rue beeing bruised in muskadine , with the quantitie of a beane of treacle , and so drink it . others beate or bruise an handfull of the leaues or toppes of broome in halfe a pinte of white wine , and so giue it to the patient to drink to cause him to vomite , loose his belly , and make him to sweate . truely , those that are wounded or bitte with venemous beasts , if they binde broome aboue the wound it will prohibit or hinder the venome from dispersing it selfe , or going any farther : therefore a drinke made thereof will prohibite the venome from going anie neerer the heart . some take of the roote of elecampane , gentian , tormentill , kermesberries , and broome ; of the pouder of iuorie and harts-horne , of each halfe a dramme , they do bruise and beat all these , and infuse them for the space of foure and twentie hours in white wine and aquavita on the warme embers , and then straine it , and giue the patient three or foure ounces thereof to drinke ; this prouokes sweate , and infrignes the power of the poison , and the potion following hath the same vertue . take good mustard halfe an ounce ; of treacle or mithridate the weight of a beane , dissolue them in white wine and a little aqua vita , and let the patient drinke it and sweate thereon with walking . you may also roste a great onion made hollow , and filled with halfe a dram of treacle and vineger vnder the embers ; and then straine it , and mixe the iuice that is pressed out of it with the water of sorrell , carduus benedictus , or anie other cordiall thing , and with strong wine , and giue the patient to drinke thereof to prouoke sweate , and to repell the malignitie . or else take as much garlicke as the quantitie of a bigge nut ; of rue and celandine , of each twentie leaues , bruise them all in white wine and a little aqua vita ; then straine it , and giue the patient thereof to drinke . there be some that doe drinke the iuice that is pressed out of celandine and mallowes , with three ounces of vineger , and halfe an ounce of the oyle of walenuts , and then by much walking doe vnburthen their stomacke and belly vpwards and downewards , and so are helped . when the venemous ayre hath alreadie crept into and infected the humors , one dramme of the dried leaues of the bay tree macerated for the space of two daies in vineger and drunk , is thought to bee a most soueraigne medicine to prouoke sweate , loosenesse of the belly , and vomiting . matthiolus in his treatise de morbo gallico writeth , that the powder of mercury ministred vnto the patient with the iuice of carduus benedictus , or with the electuarie de gemmis , will driue away the pestilence before it be confirmed in the bodie , by prouoking vomite , loosenesse of the belly , and sweate : one dramme of calchanthum or white copperose dissolued in rose-water , performeth the like effect in the same disease . some do giue the patient a little quantitie of the oile of scorpions with white wine to expel the poison by vomite , and therewithall they doe annoint the region of the heart , the brest , and the wrasts of the hands . i thinke these very meet to be vsed often in bodies that are strong and well exercised , because weaker medicines doe euacuate little or nothing at all , but onely moue the humors , whereby commeth a feauer . when a sufficient quantie of the malignitie is euacuated , then you must minister things that may strengthen the belly and stomacke , and withhold the agitation or working of the humors : and such is confection of alkermes . chap. xviii . of maute symptomes which happen together with the plague : and first of the paine of the head . if the malignitie be carried into the braine , and nature be not able to expell it , it inflames not onely it , but also the membranes that do couer it : which inflamation doth one while hurt , trouble , or abolish the imagination , another while the iudgement , and sometimes the memorie , according to the situation of the inflamation , whether it bee in the former , hinder , or middle part of the head ; but hereof commeth alwayes a phrensie , with fierie rednesse of the eyes and face , and heauinesse and burning of the whole head . if this will not be amended with clisters , and with opening the cephalicke veine in the arme , the arteries of the temples must be opened , taking so much bloud out of them , as the greatnesse of the symptomes and the strength of the patient shall require and permit . truely the incision that is made in opening of an arterie will close and ioine together as readily , and with as little difficultie , as the incision of a veine . and of such an incision of an arterie commeth present helpe , by reason that the tensiue and sharpe vapours do plentifully breath out together with the arterious bloud . it were also verie good to prouoke a fluxe of bloud at the nose , if nature be apt to exonerate her selfe that way . for , as hippocrates saith , when the head is grieued , or generally aketh ; if matter , water , or bloud flow cut at the nostrels , mouth , or eares , it presently cures the disease . such bleeding is to be prouoked by strong blowing , or striuing to cleanse the nose , by scratching or picking of the inner sides of the nostrels , by pricking with an horse haire , and long holding downe of the head . the lord of fontaines , a knight of the order , when wee were at bayon , had a bleeding at the nose , which came naturally for the space of two daies , and thereby hee was freed of a pestilent feuer which he had before , a great sweate rising therewithall , and shortly after his carbuncles came to suppuration , and by gods grace he recouered his health being vnder my cure . if the bloud doe flow out and cannot bee stopped when it ought , the hands , armes , and legges must be tied with bands , and sponges wet in oxycrate must be put vnder the arme-holes , cupping-glasses must be applied vnto the dugges , the region of the liuer and spleene ; and you must put into the nostrels the doune of the willow tree , or anie other astringent medicine , incorporated with the haires pluckt from the flanke , belly , or throat of a hare , bole armenicke , terra sigillata , the iuice of plantain and knotgrasse mixed together ; and furthermore the patient must be placed or laied in a coole place . but if the pain be nothing mitigated , notwithstanding all these fluxes of bloud , wee must come to medicines that procure sleepe , whose formes are these : take of greene lettuce one handfull , flowers of water lillies and violets , of each two pugils ; one head of white poppy bruised ; of the foure cold seedes , of each two drams ; of liquoris and raisons , of each one dramme : make thereof a decoction , and in the straining dissolue one ounce and an halfe of diacodion : make thereof a large potion , to bee giuen when they goe to rest . also a barly-creame may bee prepared in the water of water lillies and sorrell , of each two ounces , adding thereto sixe or eight graines of opium : of the foure cold seedes , and of white poppie seedes , of each halfe an ounce , and let the same bee boiled in broths with lettuce and purslane ; also the pils de cynoglosso , idest , hounds tongue may be giuen . clisters that prouoke sleepe must be vsed , which may be thus prepared : take of barly-water halfe a pinte ; oile of violets and water-lillies , of each two ounces ; of the water of plantaine and purselaine , or rather of their iuices , three ounces ; of camphire seuen graines , and the whites of three egges : make thereof a clister . the head must be fomented with rose-vineger , the haire being first shauen away , leauing a double cloth wet therein on the same , and often renewed . sheepes lungs taken warme out of the bodies , may bee applied to the head , as long as they are warme . cupping-glasses with scarrification and without scarrification , may be applied vnto the necke and shoulder-blades . the armes and legges must bee strongly bound , being first well rubbed to diuert the sharpe vapours and humors from the head . frontals may also bee made on this manner . take of the oyle of roses and water-lillies , of each two ounces ; of the oile of poppey halfe an ounce ; of opium one dramme ; of rose-vineger one ounce , of camphire halfe a dram , mixe them together . also nodules may bee made of the flowers of poppies , henbane , water-lillies , mandrakes beaten in rose-water with a little vineger , and a little camphire , and let them be often applied to the nostrels : for this purpose cataplasmes also may bee laid to the forehead . as , take of the mucilage of the seedes of psilium , id est , fleawort , and quince seedes extracted in rose-water , three ounces ; of barly meale foure ounces ; of the pouder of rose leaues , the flowers of water-lillies and violets , of each halfe an ounce ; of the seedes of poppies and purflaine , of each two ounces ; of the water and vineger of roses , of each three ounces : make thereof a cataplasine , and apply it warme vnto the head . or , take of the iuice of lettuce , water-lillies , henbaine , purselaine , of each halfe a pinte ; of rose ▪ leaues in pouder , the seedes of poppie , of each halfe an ounce ; oyle of roses three ounces ; of vineger two ounces ; of barly meale as much as shall suffice : make thereof a cataplasme in the forme of a liquid pultis . when the heate of the head is mitigated by these medicines , & the inflammation of the braine asswaged , we must come vnto digesting and resoluing fomentations , which may disperse the matter of the vapours . but commonly in paine of the head , they doe vse to binde the forehead and hinder part of the head verie strongly , which in this case must bee auoided . chap. xix . of the erruptiou and spotts which commonly are called by the name of purples and tokens . in pestilent feauers , the skinne is marked and variegated in diuerse places with spotts , like vnto the bitings of fleas or gnats , which are not alwaies simple , but many times arise in forme like vnto a graine of millet . the more spots appeare , the better it is for the patient : they are of diuerse colours according to the virulency of the malignity and condition of the matter , as red , yellow , browne , violet , or purpule , blew & blacke . and because for the most part they are of a purple colour , therefore wee callthem purples . others call them lenticulae , because they haue the colour and forme of lentills . they are also called papiliones ( i ) butterflies , because they doe suddainly seaze or fall vpon diuerse regions of the body , like vnto winged butterflies , sometimes the face , sometimes the armes and leggs , and sometimes all the whole body ; oftentimes they doe not onely affect the vpper part of the skinne , but goe deeper into the flesh , specially when they proceed of matter that is grosse and adust . they doe sometimes appeare great and broad , affecting the whole arme , legge or face like vnto an erysipelas : to conclude , they are diuerse according to the variety of the humour that offends in quality or quantity . if they are of a purple or blacke colour , with often sounding , and sinke in sodainly without any manifest cause , they foreshew death . the cause of the breaking out of those spotts , is the working , or heate of the bloud , by reason of the cruelty of the venom receiued , or admitted . they often arise at the beginning of a pestilent feauer : many times before the breaking out of the sore , or botch , or carbuncle , and many times after : but then they shew so greata corruption of the humors in the body , that neither the sores , nor carbuncles will suffice to receaue them , and therefore they appeare as fore-runners of death . sometimes they breake out alone , without a botch or carbuncle : which if they be redde and haue no euill symptomes ioyned with them , they are not wont to proue deadly : they appeare for the most part on the third or fourth day of the dissease , and sometimes later , and sometimes they appeare not before the patient bee dead , because the working , or heate of the humors , being the ofspring of putrefaction is not as yet restrayned and ceased . wherefore then principally the putrid heate , which is greatest a little before the death of the patient , driues the excrementall humors , which are the matter of the spotts , vnto the skin ; or else because nature in the last conflict hath contended with some greater endeuour then before ( which is common to all things , that are ready to dye . ) a little before the instant time of death , the pestilent humor being presently driuen vnto the skinne ; and nature thus weakened by this extreame conflict , falleth downe prostrate and is quite ouerthrowne by the remnant of the matter . chap. xx. of the cure of eruptions and spotts . you must first of all take heede lest you driue in the humor that is comming outwards with repercussiues : therefore beware of cold , all purging things , phlebotomy , and drowsie or sound sleeping . for all such things do draw the humors inwardly , and worke contrary to nature . but it is better to prouoke the motion of nature outwardly , by applying of drawing medicines outwardly , and ministring medicines to prouoke sweate inwardly for otherwise by repelling and stopping the matter of the eruptions there will be great danger lest the heart be oppressed with the aboundance of the venome flowing backe : or else by turning into the belly it inferres a mortall bloody flixe : which discommodities that they may be auoyded , i haue thought good to set downe this remedy , whose efficacy i haue knowne and proued many times and on diuerse persons , when by reason of the weaknes of the expulsiue faculty and the thicknes of the skinne , the matter of the spotts cannot breake forth , but is constrayned to surke vnder the skinne , lifting it vp into bunches and knobbes . i was brought vnto the inuention of this remedy by comparison of the like . for when i vnderstood that the essence of the french poxs ( and likewise of the pestilence ) consisted in a certaine hidden virulency and venemous quality , i soone descended vnto that opinion , that euen as by the anoynting of the body with the vnguent compounded of quicksiluer , the grosse & clammie humors which are fixed in the bones , and vnmoueable are dissolued , relaxed , and drawen from the center into the superficiall parts of the body , by strengthening and stirring vp the expulsiue faculty , and euacuated by sweating and fluxing at the mouth ; that so it should come to passe in pestilent feauers , that nature being strengthened with the same kind of vnction , might vnloade her selfe of some portion of the venemous and pestilent humor by opening the pores and passages and letting it breake forth into spotts and pustles and into all kinde of eruptions . therefore i haue annoynted many in whom nature seemed to make passage for the venemous matter very slowly , first loosing their belly with a clister and then giuing them treacle water to drinke , which might defend the vitall faculty of the heart , but yet not distende the stomacke , as though they had had the french poxe , and i obtained my expected purpose ; in stead of the treacle water , you may vse the decoction of guaiacum , which doth heate , dry , prouoke sweat and repell putrefaction , adding thereto also vineger , that by the subtletie thereof it may pearce the better , and withstand the putrefaction . this is the description of the vnguent . take of hoggs grease one pound , boyle it a little with the leaues of sage , time , rosmary , of each halfe an handfull , straine it , and in the straining extinguish fiue ounces of quicksiluer , which hath bin first boyled in vineger with the forenamed herbs , of sal nitrum 3 drams , the yelkes of three eggs boyled vntill they be hard , of treacle and mithridate of each halfe an ounce , of venice turpentine , oile of scorpions and bayes , of each three ounces , incorporate them altogether in a morter , and make thereof an vnguent , wherewith annoynt the patients arme-hooles and groine , auoyding the parts that belong to the head , breast and backe bone , then let him be layed in his bed and couered warme , and let him sweat there for the space of two houres , and then let his body be wiped and clensed , and if it may bee let him be layed in another bed , and there let him be refreshed with the broth of the decoction of a capon , reare eggs , and with such like meates of good iuyce that are easie to be concocted and digested ; let him be anointed the second and the third day , vnlesse the spotts appeare before . if the patient fluxe at the mouth it must not be stopped : when the spotts and pustles doe all appeare and the patient hath made an end of sweating , it shall be conuenient to vse diureticke medicines , for by these the remainant of the matter of the spotts , which happely could not all breath forth , may easily be purged and auoyded by the vrine . if any noble or gentlemen refuse to be annoynted with this vnguent , let them be inclosed in the body of a mule or horse that is newly killed , and when that is cold let them be layed in another , vntill the pustles and eruptions doe breake forth , being drawne by that naturall heate . for so matthiolus writeth , that valentinus the sonne of pope alexander the sixt was deliuered from the danger of most deadly poyson which he had drunke . chap. xxi . of a pestilent bubo , or plague-sore . a pestilent bubo is a tumor at the beginning long and moueable , and in the state and full perfection copped and with a sharpe head , vnmoueable and fixed deepely in the glandules , or kernels , by which the braine exonerates it selfe of the venemous and pestiferous matter into the kernells that are behinde the eares , and in the necke : the heart into those that are in the arme-hooles : and the liuer into those that are in the groine ; that is , when all the matter is grosse and clammy , so that it cannot bee drawen out by spotts and pustles breaking out on the skin ; and so the matter of a carbuncle is sharpe and so feruent that it maketh an eschar on the place where it is fixed . in the beginning while the bubo is breeding it maketh the patient to feele as it were a coard or rope stretched in the place , or a hardened nerue with pricking payne : and shortly after the matter is raised vp as it were into a knob , and by little and little it groweth bigger and is enflamed , these accidents before mentioned accompanying it . if the tumor be red and encrease by little and little , it is a good and salutary signe : but if it be liuide or blacke , and come very slowly vnto its iust bigness , it is a deadly signe : it is also a deadly signe if it encrease sodainly and come vnto his iust bigness as it were with a swift violence , & as in a moment haue all the symptomes in the highest excesse , as pain , swelling and burning . buboes or sores appeare sometimes of a naturall colour like vnto the skinne , and in all other things like vnto an oedematous tumor , which notwithstanding will sodainly bring the patient to destruction , like those that are liuide and blacke , wherefore it is not good to trust too much to those kindes of tumors . chap. xxii . of the cure of buboes , or plague-sores . so soone as the bubo appeares , apply a cupping-glasse with a great flame vnto it ; vnlesse it bee that kinde of bubo which will sodainly haue all the accidents of burning and swelling in the highest nature ; but first the skinne must be annointed with oyle of lillies , that so it beeing made more loose the cupping-glasse may draw the stronger and more powerfully : it ought to sticke to the part for the space of a quarter of an houre , and to bee renewed and applied againe euerie three quarters of an houre , for so at the length the venome shall bee the better drawne forth from anie noble part that is weake , and the worke of suppuration or resolution , whichsoeuer nature hath assaied , will the better and sooner be absolued and perfected : which may be also done by the application of the following ointment . take of vnguentum dialthaea one ounce and a halfe ; oile of scorpions halfe an ounce ; of mithridate dissolued in aquavitae halfe a dramme : this liniment will verie well relaxe and loosen the skinne , open the pores thereof , and spend forth portion of that matter which the cupping-glasse hath drawne thither : in stead thereof mollifying fomentations may bee made , and other drawing and suppurating medicines , which shall bee described hereafter . a vesicatorie applied in a meete place below the bubo profits verie much , but not aboue ; as for example . if the bubo be in the throate , the vesicatorie must be applied vnto the shoulder blade on the same side : if it bee in the arme-holes , it must be applied in the middest of the arme , or of the shoulder bone on the inner side : if in the groine , in the middest of the thigh on the inner side , that by the double passage that is open for to draw out the matter , the part wherein the venome is gathered together may bee the better exonerated . spurge , crow-foot , arsmart , beare-foote , brionie , the middle barke of trauellers-ioy , the rindes of mullet , flammula or vpright virgines-bower , are fit for raising blisters . if you cannot come by those simple medicines , you may apply this that followeth , which may be prepared at all times . take cantharides , pepper , euphorbium , pellitory of spaine , of each halfe a dramme ; of soure leauen two drams ; of mustard one dramme , and a little vineger ; the vineger is added thereto to withhold or restraine the vehemencie of the cantharides ; but in want of this medicine it shall suffice to droppe scalding oyle or water , or a burning candle , or to lay a burning cole on the place : for so you may raise blisters , which must presently bee cut away , and you must see that you keepe the vlcers open and flowing as long as you can by applying the leaues of red coleworts , beetes , or iuie dipped in warme water , and anointed with oyle or fresh butter . some apply cauteries , but vesicatories worke with more speede : for before the eschar of the cauteries will fall away the patient may die : therefore the vlcers that are made with vesicatories will suffice to euacuate the pestilent venome ; because that doth worke rather by its qualitie than its quantitie . let the abscesse bee fomented as it is shewed before : and then let the medicine following , which hath vertue to draw , bee applied , fill a great onion , being hollowed , with treacle and the leaues of rue ; then rost it vnder the hote embers , beate it with a little leauen and a little swines grease , and so apply it warme vnto the abscesse or sore ; let it be changed euery sixe hours . or , take the rootes of marsh-mallowes and lillies , of each halfe a pound ; of line , foenigreeke , and mustard seedes , of each halfe an ounce ; of treacle one dram ; tenne figges , and as much hogges grease as shall suffice : make thereof a cataplasme according to arte. or , take of onions and garlicke rosted in the embers , of each three ounces ; bruise them with one ounce of soure leauen , adding thereto vuguentum basilicon one ounce ; treacle one dramme ; mithridate halfe a dramme ; of old hogges grease one ounce ; of cantharides in powder one scruple ; of pigeons doung two drams ; beate them and mixe them together into the forme of a cataplafme . hereunto old rennet is verie profitable ; for it is hot and therefore atractiue beeing mixed with old leauen & basilicon : you ought to vse these vntil the abscesse be growne vnto its full ripenesse and bignesse ; but if presently after the beginning there be great inflammation , with sharpe paine , as it often happeneth , especially when the abscesses be of the kinde of carbuncles , wee must abstaine from those remedies that are hot and attractiue , and also from these that are verie emplasticke and clammie ; because they doe altogether close the pores of the skinne , or because they doe resolue the thinner part of the collected matter , which if it might remaine would bring the other sooner to suppuration : or else because they may perchance draw more quantitie of the hot matter than the part can beare , whereof commeth rather corruption than maturation : and last of all because they encrease the feauer and paine , which inferreth danger of a conuulsion or mortall gangrene . therefore in such a case it is best to vse cold and temperate locall medicines ; as the leaues of henbane and sorrell rosted vnder the coles , galens pultis , and such like . there are manie that for feare of death haue with their owne hands pulled away the bubo with a paire of smiths pincers : others haue digged the flesh round about it , and so gotten it wholly out . and to conclude , others haue become so madde , that they haue thrust an hot iron into it with their owne hand , that the venome might haue a passage forth : of all which i doe not allow one ; for such abscesses doe not come from without , as the bitings of virulent beasts , but from within , and moreouer because paine is by these meanes encreased , and the humor is made more maligne and fierce . therefore i thinke it sufficient to vse medicines that doe relaxe , open the pores of the skinne , and digest portion of the venome by transpiration , as are these that follow . take the rootes of marsh-mallowes and lillies , of each sixe ounces ; of chamomill and melilote flowers , of each halfe an handfull ; of linne seedes halfe an ounce ; of the leaues of rue halfe an handfull ; boile them and straine them , dip spunges in the straining , and there with let the rumor bee fomented a long time . or , take the crumme of hot bread , and sprinkle it with treacle-water , or with aqud vitae , and cowes milke or goates milke , and the yelkes of three egges , put them all on stupes or flaxe , and apply them warme vnto the place . or , take of soure rie leauen foure ounces ; of basilicon two ounces , three yelkes of egges , oile of lillies two ounces , treacle one dramme ; let it bee receiued on stupes and applied in like manner . or , take of diachylon and basilicon , of each two ounces , oile of lillies one ounce and halfe ; let them be melted and mixed together , and let it be applied as is abouesaid . when you see , feele , and know , according to reason , that the bubo is come to perfect suppuration , it must be opened with an incision knife , or an actuall or potentiall cauterie , but it is best to bee done with a potentiall cauterie , vnlesse that happely there be great inflammation , because it doth draw the venome from beneath vnto the superficiall parts , and maketh a larger orifice for the matter that is contained therein : neither must it bee looked for , that nature should open it of her selfe , for then it were danger that lest while nature doth worke slowly a venemous vapour should be stirred vp , which striking the heart by the arteries , the braine by the nerues , and the liuer by the veines , causeth a new encrease of the venemous infection . for feare whereof there bee some that will not expect the perfect maturation and suppuration , but as it were in the midst of the cruditie and maturitie wil make an orifice for it to passe forth at : yet if it bee done before the tumor bee at his perfect maturitie , paine , a feauer , and all accidents are stirred vp and enraged , whereof commeth a maligne vlcer that often degenerates into a gangrene . for the most part about the tenth or eleuenth day the worke of suppuration seemeth perfected and finished ; but it may bee sooner or later by reason of the application of medicines , the condition of the matter and state of the part ▪ when the matter commeth forth , you must yet vse suppuratiue and mollifying medicines to maturate the remaines thereof , in the meane while clensing the vicer by putting mundificatiues into it , as wee shall declare in the cure of carbuncles . but if the tumor seeme to sinke in or hide it selfe againe , it must be reuoked and procured to come forth again , by applying of cupping-glasses with scarrification , & with sharpe medicines , yea and with cauteries both actuall and potentiall . when the cauteries are applied it shall bee verie good to apply a vesicatorie a little below it , that there may bee some passage open for the venome while the eschar is in falling away . for so they that are troubled with the french poxe , so long as they haue open and flowing vlcers , so long are they void of anie paine that is worth the speaking of ; which vlcers being closed and cicatriced , they doc presently complaine of great paine . if you suspect that the bubo is more maligne by reason that it is of a greene , or black , and inflamed colour , as are those that come of a melancholy humor by adustion , turned into a grosse and rebellious melancholy humor , so that by the more copious influxe thereof into the part , there is danger of a gangrene and mortification ; then the places about the abscesse must bee armed with repercussiues , but not the abscesse it selfe : and this may be the forme of the repercussiues : take of the iuice of houseleeke , purselaine , sorrell , nightshade , of each two ounces ; of vineger one ounce ; the whites of three egges ; of oyle of roses and water-lillies , of each two ounces and a halfe ; stirre them together , and apply it about the bubo , and renew it often : or boile a pomegranat in vineger , beate it with vnguentum rosatum , or populeen newely made , and applied as is aforesaid . if these things doe not stop the influxe of other humors , the abscesse it selfe and the places round about it must be scarrified round about , if the part will permit it ; that the part exonerated of portion of the venome may not stand in danger of the extinction of the proper and naturall heate , by the greater quantitie and malignitie of the humors that flow vnto it . in scarrifying you must haue care of the great vessels for feare of an irrepugnable fluxe of bloud , which in this case is very hard to be staied or resisted ; both because the part it selfe is greatly inflamed , and the humor verie fierce ; for the expulsion whereof , nature , carefull for the preseruation of the part and all the bodie besides , seemeth to labour and worke . but yet you must suffer so much of the bloud and humor to flow out as the patient is able to abide without the losse of his strength . moreouer you may spend forth the superfluous portion of the malignity , with relaxing , mollifying , and resoluing fomentations : as , take the roots of marsh mallowes , lillies and elecampane , of each one pound , of linseeds and faenigreek , of each one ounce , of fennell-seeds and annifeeds , of each halfe an ounce , of the leaues of rue , sage , rosemary , of each one handfull , of chamomill and melilote flowers , of each three handfulls ; boyle them altogether , and make thereof a decoction for a fomentation ; vse it with a sponge according to art. also after the aforesaid scarrification , we may put hens , or turkies that lay eggs ( which therefore haue their fundaments more wide and open , and for the same purpose put a little salt into their fundaments ) vpon the sharpe toppe of the bubo , that by shutting their bills at seuerall times they may draw & sucke the venom into their bodies , farre more strongly and better then cupping glasses , because they are endewed with a naturall property against poyson , for they eate and concoct toades , efts , and such like virulent beasts : when one hen is killed with the poyson that she hath drawne into her body you must apply another , and then the third , fourth , fift and sixt within the space of halfe an hower . there be some that will rather cut them , or else whelps in the middest , and apply them warme vnto the place , that by the heate of the creature that is yet scarce dead , portion of the venom may be dissipated and exhaled . but if neuer thelesse there be any feare of a gangren at hand , you must cut the flesh with a deeper scarrification , not onely anoyding the greater vessells , but also the nerues for feare of conuulsion : and after the scarrification and a sufficient flux of blood , you must wash it with aegyptiacum , treacle and mithridate dissolued in sea-water , aquavita and vineger . for such a lotion hath vertue to stay putrefaction , repell the venom , and prohibite the bloud from concretion : but if the gangren cannot be auoyded so , cauteries may be applyed to the part : especially actuall , because they doe more effectually repell the force of the poyson and strengthen the part . presently after the impression of the hot iron , the eschar must bee cut away euen vnto the quicke flesh , that the venemous vapours , and the humors may haue a free passage forth , for it is not to be looked for that they will come forth of themselues . with these iniunctions they are wont to hasten the falling away of the eschar . take of the mucilage of marsh-mallowes and linseedes , of each 2 ounces , fresh butter or hogs-grease one ounce , the yelks of three eggs , incorporate them together and make thereof an ointment : butter , swines-grease , oyle of roses , with the yelks of eggs , performe the selfe same thing . when the eschar is fallen away , we must vse digestiues . as , take of the iuice of plantane water , betonie , and smallage , of each three ounces , honey of roses foure ounces , venice turpentine fiue ounces , barly flower three drames , aloes two drams , oile of roses foure ounces , treacle halfe a dram , make a mundificatiue according to arte. or , take venice turpentine foure ounces , syrup of dryed roses and wormewood of each one ounce , of the powder of aloes , mastick , myrrhe , barly flower , of each one dram , of mithridate halfe an ounce , incorporate them together . this vnguent that followeth is very meete for putrified and corroding vlcers , take red orpiment one ounce , of vnquencht lime , burnt alome , pomegrante pills , of each six drams , of olibanus , galls , of each two drams , of waxe and oile as much as shall suffice , make thereof an vnguent . this doth mundifie strongly , consume putrefied flesh , and dry vp virulent humidities that engender gangrens . but there is not a more excellent vnguent then aegyptiacum encreased in strength , for besides many other vertues that it hath , it doth consume and wast the proud flesh , for there is neyther oyle nor waxe that goeth into the composition thereof , with which things the vertue of sharpe medicines conuenient for such vlcers is delayed , and as it were dulled and hindered from their perfect operation so long as the vlcer is kept open . there are many that being disseased with this dissease , who haue had much matter and venemous filth come out at their abscesses , so that it seemeth sufficient , and they haue beene thought well recouered , yet haue died sodainly . in the meane while when these things are in doing cordiall medicines are not to be omitted to strengthen the heart . and purgations must be renewed at certaine seasons , that nature may be euery way vnloaded of the burthen of the venenate humors . chap. xxiii . of the nature , causes and signes of a pestilent carbuncle . a pestilent carbuncle is a small tumor , or rather a maligne pustle , hot and raging , consisting of blood vitiated by the corruption of the proper substance . it often commeth to passe through the occasion of this vntameable malignitie , that the carbuncle cannot be gouerned or contained within the dominion of nature . in the beginning it is scarce so bigge as a seede or graine of millet or a pease , sticking firmely vnto the part and vnmouable , so that the skinne cannot be pulled from the flesh ; but shortly after it encreaseth like vnto a bubo vnto a round and sharpe head , with great heate , pricking paine , as if it were with needles , burn ing and intolerable , especially a little before night , and while the meate is in concocting , more than when it is perfectly concocted . in the middest thereof appeareth a bladder puffed vp and filled with sanious matter . if you cut this bladder you shall finde the flesh vnder it parched , burned , and blacke , as if there had beene a burning cole layed there , whereby it seemeth that it tooke the name of carbuncle ; but the flesh that is about the place is like a raine-bow , of diuers colours , as redde , darke , greene , purple , liuide , and blacke ; but yet alwaies with a shining blacknesse , like vnto stone pitch , or like vnto the true precious stone which they call a carbuncle , whereof some also say it took the name . some call it a naile , because it inferreth like paine as a naile driuen into the flesh . there are manie carbuncles which take their beginning with a crustie vlcer without a pustle , like to the burning of an hote iron : and these are of a black colour , they encrease quickly , according to the condition of the matter whereof they are made . all pestilent carbuncles haue a feauer ioined with them , and the greeued part seemeth to be so heauie , as if it were couered or pressed with lead tied hard with a ligature : there commeth mortall swoundings , faintings , tossing , turning , idle talking , raging , gangrenes , and mortifications , not onely to the part , but also to the whole bodie , by reason ( as i thinke ) of the oppression of the spirits of the part , and the suffocation of the naturall heate , as we see also in manie that haue a pestilent bubo . for a bubo and carbuncle are tumors of a neere affinitie , so that the one doth scarce come without the other , consisting of one kinde of matter , vnlesse that which maketh the bubo is more grosse and clammie , and that which causeth the carbuncle more sharpe , burning , and raging , by reason of its greater subtlety , so that it maketh an eschar on the place where it is , as we noted before . chap. xxiv . what prognostickes may be made in pestilent buboes and carbuncles . some hauing the pestilence haue but one carbuncle , and some more in diuers parts of their bodie . and in many it happeneth that they haue the bubo & carbuncle before they haue any feauer ; which giueth better hope of health , if there bee no other maligne accident therewith : for it is a signe that nature is the victor , and hath gotten the vpper hand , which excluded the pestilent venome before it could come to assault the heart . but if a carbuncle and bubo come after the feauer , it is mortall ; for it is a token that the heart is affected , moued , and incensed with the furious rage of the venome ; whereof presently commeth a feauerish heate or burning , and corruption of the humors , sent as it were from the centre vnto the superficies of the bodie . it is a good signe when the patients minde is not troubled from the beginning vntill the seuenth day ; but when the bubo or carbuncle finketh downe againe shortly after that it is risen , it is a mortall signe , especially if ill accidents follow it . if after they are brought to suppuration they presently waxe dry without any reason thereof , it is an ill signe : those carbuncles that are generated of bloud haue a greater eschar than those that are made of cholor , because that bloud is of a more grosse consistence , and therefore occupieth a greater roome in the flesh : contrariwise a choloricke humor is more small in quantity and thy nne , and it taketh little roome in the vpper part of the flesh only , as you may see in an erysipelas . and i haue seene carbuncles whose eichars were as broad and as large as halfe the backe : also i haue seene others , which going vp by the shoulders to the throate , did so eate away the flesh that was vnder them , that the rough artery or winde-pipe might be seene bare , when the eschar was fallen away : i had once a carbuncle which was in the middest of my belly , so that when the eschar was fallen away , i might very plainly see the peritonaum or rim : and the cicatrice that remaineth is as broad as my hand : but they doe not spread themselues so farre without the great danger or death of the patient . there are also some carbuncles which beginning at the parts vnder the chyn , disperse themselues by little & little vnto the pattell bones , and so strangle the patient . so in many , the buboes in the groine arise aboue a great part of the muscles of the epigastrium . truly of those abscesses that are so large and great in quantity , and so terrible to be seene , there is great danger of death to the patient , or at least to the greeued part . for after the consolidation the part remaineth as if it were leprous , which abolisheth the action of the part , as i haue seene in many . oftentimes also the corruption of the matter is so great , that the flesh leaueth the bones bare : but carbuncles often leaue the ioynts and ligaments quite resolued through the occasion of the moisture that is soaked and sunke in vnto them ; for they often cast out putrefied and virulent sanious matter : whereby eating and creeping vlcers are bred , many blisters and pustles arising vp in the parts round about it ; which shortly breaking into one , make a great vlcer . these doe come very seldome and slowly vnto suppuration , or at least to cast out laudible matter , especially if they haue their originall of choler , because the matter is sooner burned with heate , than suppurated . therefore then , if they can bee brought to suppuration by no medicines , if the tumor still remaine blacke , if when they are opened nothing at all , or else a very little sharpe moisture doth come forth , they are altogether mortall : and there is scarce one of a thousand who hath these accidents that recouereth their health : dispersed small blisters comming of vapours stirred vp by the matter that is vnder the skinne , and are there staied and kept from passage forth , doe not necessarily fore-shew death in carbuncles . but if the part bee swollen or puffed vp , if it bee of a greene or blacke colour , and if it feele neither pricking nor burning , it is a signe of a mortall gangren . buboes or carbuncles seldome or neuer come without a feuer : but the feuer is more vehement when they are in the emunctories , or neruous parts , than when they are in the fleshy parts , yet it is lesse , and all symptomes are lesse and more tolerable in a man that is strong and of a good temperature : carbuncles doe not only affect the outward but also the inward parts , and oftentimes both together . if the heart bee vexed in such sort with a carbuncle that nothing thereof appeareth forth on the superficiall parts , all hope of life is past , and those dye sodainly , eating , drinking , or walking , and not thinking any thing of death . if the carbuncle bee in the middriffe or lungs they are soone suffocated : if it bee in the braine the patient becommeth franticke , and so dyeth . if it bee in the parts appointed for the passage of the vrine , they dye of the suppression of their water , as it happened in the queene mothers waiting maide at the castle of rossilion , of whom i spake before . if it bee in the stomacke it inferreth the accidents that are shewed in this history following . while i was surgion in the hospitall of paris , a young and strong monke of the order of s. victor being ouerseer of the women that kept the sicke people of that place , fell into a continuall feuer very sodainly with his tongue blacke , dry , rough , ( by reason of the putrefied and corrupted humors , and the vapours rising from the whole body vnto that place ) and hanging out like vnto an houndes , with vnquenchable thirst , oftensounding and desire to vomit . hee had conuulsions ouer all his body through the vehemency and malignity of the dissease , and so hee dyed the third day , wherefore those that kept the sicke people in the hospitall thought that hee had beene poysoned , for the certaine knowledge whereof , the gouernours of the hospitall commanded his body to bee opened . i therefore calling to mee a physition and surgion , wee found in the bottome of his stomack a print or impression , as if it had been made with an hote iron or potentiall cauterie , with an eschar or crust as broad as ones naile , all the rest of his stomacke was greatly contracted and shrunke vp together , and as it were hornie ; which wee considering , and especially the eschar which was deepe in the substance of the stomacke , we all said with one voice that he was poisoned with sublimate or arsnicke . but behold while i was sowing vp his belly i perceiued manie blacke spots dispersed diuerfly throughout the skinne : then i asked my companie what they thought of those spots ; truely ( said i ) it seemeth vnto mee that they are like vnto the purple spots or markes that are in the pestilence . the physition and the chirurgion denied it , and said that they were the bitings of fleas . but i perswaded them to consider the number of them ouer all the whole bodie , and also their great depth and depression into the flesh ; for when wee had thrust needles deep into the flesh in the middest of them , and so cut away the flesh about the needle , we found the flesh about the needle to be blacke : moreouer his nostrels , nailes , and eares were liuide , and all the constitution of his bodie was contrarie and farre vnlike to the bodies of those that died of other sickenesses or diseases . also it was credibly reported vnto vs by those that kept him , that his face was altered a little before hee died that his familier friends could hardly know him . we , so perswaded by these proofes , reuoked our former opinion and sentence , and made a certificate to bee sent vnto the gouernours and masters of the hospitall , setting our hands and seales vnto it , to certifie them that he died of a pestistent carbuncle . chap. xxv . of the cure of a pestilent carbuncle . by the forenamed signes of a pestilent carbuncle , and especialy by the bitternesse of the paine , malignitie of the venemous matter , and by the burning feauer that is therewithall annexed i thinke it manifest , that very hote , emplastick , and drawing medicines should not be applied to this kind of tumor ; because they prohibite or hinder the exhalation , or wasting forth of the venenate malignitie ; because that by stopping the pores of the skinne , they encrease and cause a greater heate in the part than there was before . therefore it is better to vse resoluing medicines , which may asswage heate , and resolue the pores of the skinne . therefore first the place must be fomented with water and oyle mixed together , wherein a little treacle hath beene dissolued , leauing thereon stupes wet therein : you may also vse the decoction of mallowes , the rootes of lillies , linseedes , figges , with oile of hypericon for to make the skinnethinne , and to draw forth the matter ; and the day following you must apply the cataplasme following . take the leaues of sorrell and henbane , rost them vnder the hote ashes ; afterwards beate them with foure yelkes of egges , two drammes of treacle , oyle of lillies three ounces , barly meale as much as shall suffice ; make thereof a cataplasme in the forme of a liquid pultis ; this asswages heate & furthers suppuration . or , take the roots of marsh-mallowes & lillies , of each foure ounces , linseeds halfe an ounce , boile them , beat them , and then strain them through a searse , adding thereto of fresh butter one ounce and an halfe , of mithridate one dramme , of barly-meale as much as shall suffice ; make thereof a cataplasme according to arte : those cataplasmes that follow are most effectuall to draw the venemous matter forth , and to make a perfect suppuration , especially when the fluxe of the matter is not so great but that the part may beare it . take the rootes of white lillies , onions , leauen , of each halfe an ounce ; mustard-seedes , pigeons dung , sope , of each one dram ; sixe snailes in their shels ; of fine sugar , treacle , and mithridate , of each halfe a dramme , beate them altogether , and incorporate them with the yelkes of egges , make thereof a cataplasme , and apply it warme . or , take the yelkes of sixe egges ; of salte poudered one ounce ; of oyle of lillies and treacle , of each halfe a dramme ; barly-meale as much as shall suffice ; make thereof a cataplasme . take of ordinarie diachylon foure ounces ; of vnguentum basilicon two ounces , oyle of violets halfe an ounce ; make thereof a medicine . manie ancient professors greatly commend scabious ground or braied betweene two stones , and mixed with old hogges-grease , the yelkes of egges and a little salt ; for it will cause suppuration in carbuncles : also an egge it selfe beeing mixed with barly-meale , and oyle of violets doth mitigate paine and suppurate . a raddish roote cut in slices , and so the slices laied one after one vnto a carbuncle or pestilent tumor , doth mightily draw out the poison . the iuice of colts foote doth extinguish the heate of carbuncles : the herbe called diuels-bit , being bruised , worketh the like effect : i haue often vsed the medicine following vnto the heate of carbuncles with verie good successe ; it doth also asswage paine and cause suppuration . take of the soot scraped from a chimney foure ounces , of common salte two ounces , beate them into small powder , adding thereto the yelkes of two egges , and stirre them well together vntill it come to haue the consistence of a pultis , and let it bee applied warme vnto the carbuncle . in the beginning the point or head of the carbuncle must be burned , if it be blacke , by dropping thereinto scalding hot oyle , or aquafortis : for by such a burning the venome is suffocated as touched by lightening , and the paine is much lessened , as i haue proued oftentimes : neither is it to be feared lest that this burning should be too painfull , for it toucheth nothing but the point of the carbuncle , which by reason of the eschar that is there , is voide of sense . after this burning , you must goe forward with the former described medicines , vntill the eschar seemeth to separate it selfe from the flesh round about it , which is a token of the patients recouery , for it signifieth that nature is strong and able to resist the poison . after the fall of the eschar you must vse gentle mundificatiues , as those which wee haue prescribed in a pestilent bubo , not omitting sometimes the vse of suppuratiue and mollifying medicines , that while the grosse matter is cleansed , that which is as yet rude may be brought to suppuration ; for then the indication is twofold , the one to suppurate that which remaineth as yet crude and raw in the part , and the other to cleanse that which remaineth concocted and perfectly digested in the vicer . chap. xxvi . how to cure infants and children taken with the plague . if that it happen that sucking or weaned children be infected with the pestilence , they must bee cured after another order then is yet described . the nurse of the sucking childe must gouerne her selfe so in dyet and the vse of medicines as shee were infected with the pestilence her selfe : her dyet consisteth in the vse of the six things not naturall . therefore let it bee moderate , for the fruit or profit of that moderation in dyet cannot chuse but come vnto the nurses milke , and so vnto the infant who liueth onely by the milke . and the infant it selfe must keepe the same dyet as neere as he can in sleepe , waking , and expulsion , or auoiding of superfluous humors and excrements of the body . let the nurse bee fed with those things that doe mitigate the violence of the feuerish heate : as cooling brothes , cooling herbs , and meats of a moderate temperature : shee must wholly abstaine from wine , and annoint her nipples , as often as shee giueth the infant sucke , with water , or iuice of sorrell tempered with sugar of roses . but the infants heart must be fortified against the violence of the encreasing venom , by giuing it one scruple of treacle in the nurses milke , the broth of a pullet or some other cordiall water . it is also very necessary to annoint the region of the heart , the emunctories and both the wrests with the same medicine : neither were it vnprofitable to smell often vnto treacle dissolued in rose water , vineger of roses and a little aquavita , that so nature may bee strengthened against the malignity of the venom . when the children are weaned and somewhat well growne , they may take medicines by the mouth , for when they are able to concoct and turne into bloud meates that are more grosse and firme than milke , they may easily actiuate a gentle medicine . therefore a potion must bee prepared for them of twelue graines of treacle dissolued with a little of the syrupe of succory in some cordiall water , or the broth of a capon : vnlesse that any had rather giue it with conserue of roses in forme of a bole : but treacle must bee giuen to children in very small quantity , for if it be taken in any large quantity there is great danger lest that by inflamming the humors it inferre a feuer . furthermore broth may bee prepared to bee taken often , made of a capon seasoned with sorrell , lettuce , purslane , and cooling seedes , adding thereto bole armenicke and terrae sigillata , of each one ounce , being tyed in a ragge and sometimes pressed out from the decoction . for bole armenicke , whether it bee by its maruellous facultie of drying , or by some hidden property , hath this vertue , that being drunken ( according as galen witnesseth ) it cureth those that are infected with the pestilence , if so bee that they may bee cured by physicke : so that those that cannot bee cured with bole armenicke , cannot be preserued by any other medicines . but because the bodies of children are warme , moist and vaporous , they are easily deliuered of some portion of the venenate matter through the pores of the skinne by prouoking sweat , with a decoction of parsly seedes , prunes , figs , and the rootes of sorrell , with a little of the powder of harts horne , or iuory . but that the sweat may bee more aboundant and copious , apply sponges dipped and pressed out in the decoction of sage , rosemary , lauender , bayes , chamomyle , melilote and mallowes ; or else swines bladders halfe filled with the same decoction , to the arme-holes , and to the groines . in the time that they sweate let their faces bee fanned to coole them . also let a nodule of treacle dissolued in vineger and water of roses bee applied to the nostrels , but alwaies vse a moderation in sweating , because that children are of a substance that is easie to bee dissipated and resolued : so that oftentimes although they do not sweate , yet they feele the commodities of sweating , the matter of the venome beeing dissipated by the force of the heate through the pores of the skinne , but in the sweating while the face is fanned , and sweete and cordiall things applied to the nostrels , nature must be recreated and strengthened , which otherwise would bee debilitated through sweating , that it may bee better able to expell the venome . after that the sweat is wiped away it is verie profitable to take a potion of conserue of roses , with the pouder of an harts horne or of iuorie dissolued in the waters of buglosse and sorrell , the better to coole and defend the heart . if there appeare anie tumor vnder the arme-holes or in the groine , let it be brought to maturation with a mollifying , relaxing , drawing , and then with a suppuratiue fomentation , or cataplasme ; alwaies vsing and handling it as gently as you may , considering the tender age of the infant . if you haue neede to purge the patient , the purgation following may be prescribed with great profite . take of rubarbe in pouder one dramme , infuse it in the watet of carduus benedictus , with one scruple of cinamon , in the straining dissolue two drams of diaratholicon , of syrup of roses laxatiue three drams ; make thereof a small potion . this is the cure of the pestilence and of the pestilent feuer , as farre as i could learne from the most learned physitions , and haue obserued my selfe by manifold experience by the grace and permission of god : of whom alone , as the author of all good things that mortall men enioy , the true and certaine preseruatiues against the pestilence are to bee desired and hoped for . finis . seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of london, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by joh. tabor. tabor, john. 1667 approx. 165 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 57 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64521 wing t93 estc r15193 13144586 ocm 13144586 98038 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64521) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98038) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 780:6) seasonable thoughts in sad times being some reflections on the warre, the pestilence, and the burning of london, considered in the calamity, cause, cure / by joh. tabor. tabor, john. [12], 100 p. printed for anne seil, london : 1667. in verse. errata: prelim. p. [12]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anglo-dutch war, 1664-1667 -poetry. plague -england -london. london (england) -fire, 1666 -poetry. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion seasonable thoughts in sad times , being some reflections on the warre , the pestilence , and the burning of london . considered in the calamity , cause , cure. by joh. tabor , m. a. non placentia , sed utilia . amos 4.10 . i have sent among you the pestilence after the manner of egypt , your young men have i slain with the sword , &c. i have overthrown some of you as god overthrew sodom and gomorrah , and ye were as a fire-brand pluckt out of the burning , yet have ye not returned to me saith the lord , &c. and psal . 141.5 . let the righteous smite me , it shall be a kindness , and let him reprove me , it shall be an excellent oyl which shall not break my head , for yet my prayer also shall be in their calamity . london , printed for anne sell , 1667. to the right worshipful sir gervase elwes knight and baronet , one of his majesties deputy leiutenants in the county of suffolk , and justice of the peace and quorum for the counties of essex and suffolk . right worshipful ! the knowledge of your piety and virtue , candour and benignitie , emboldens me to address these reflections on our calamities , with their cause , and cure , to the world , under the shadow of your name , and favour ; presuming that with the regularly devout , and truly pious , such as you are , they may find favour , though perhaps not pleasing the nicer wits of this curious age , who will mind more the strain of poetry than piety , and like children throw away the kernel to play with the shell : and since they so freely and impartially taxe the vices of all , yet only the humble , and pious will endure to hear of their faults , and there ? are few such in these atheistical dayes , possibly distasting many licentious and erroneous persons , which yet discourages me not from endeavouring to amend our sad times , the complaint of all mouths , by reforming our evil manners , the care of few . now ( noble sir ) you sheltered my person under your roof , and favour in the late times of tyranny and confusion ; and when i entered into the ministery by the dore , with an episcopal ordination on my head , in a time , and place that would for that cause only render me slighted and rejected of the most , you therefore contracted the beams of your countenance more auspiciously upon me ; nor shunned to impart to me your pious and loyal thoughts of heart for our then persecuted church , and distressed soveraign . a confidence you were pleased to put in me , which hath inseparably obliged my soul to you in the greatest sincerity and dearness of honour and affection ; so that if i may be so free with you , i can sincerely profess , no gentleman in the world possesses a greater love and esteem in my heart than your self . i saw your exuberance of joy , and extasie of spirit when you received the happy tidings of the then parliaments vote for his majesties restauration , as therein for seeing the return of glory and prosperity to our land : and by this , though absent from you , i can easily guess at the greatness of your sorrow for your nations sufferings since : besides , you have been no small sufferer in these woes , chiefly in the fire , in reference to your own concernments and your relations : and therefore i conceive a poem of the nature and design this is , may not be unacceptable to you . and since i have had thoughts of making my reflection on these things publick , thinking to contribute something to the return of our prosperity , by turning if it may be , some from their iniquity , i have been glad hereby to catch the opportunity , to testifie to the world my due resentments of your manifold undeserved kindnesses ; a grateful acknowledgment being the only requital i am able to make for all your accumulated favours , a poor requital indeed , when thus by paying my old score i run but farther into your debt , begging your acceptance from him , who remains your very much obliged servant john tabor . to the pious unprejudiced reader , giving an account of the ensuing poem . christian reader , the dismal dispensations of divine providence towards us , in that series of sad judgments lately inflicted on us , viz. the destroying war , devouring pestilence , and desolating fire in london , having swallowed up my soul in a deep sense of our hainous sins as the true cause of our heavy sufferings , i remained some time in a confused plunge of spirit hereby , all other business and employs superseded , till at last recollecting my disordered thoughts , i brought them to a certain composure , and to render them more profitable to my self , and to allay the sharpness of sorrow with the pleasure of some phancy , i framed them in metre . i began with the war , therein considering not the history as to the management of men , but the calamity as to the judgment of god : i went on with the pestilence guided in my contemplation by the course of that , considering the rise , increase , progress , and deplorable effects thereof , as they happened , but having no thoughts all this time of publishing what i wrote , concluding with my self in regard these reflections would not be sin shed but with the sickness , they would be then less seasonable , acceptable and profitable to the publick , the sense of judgments too frequently wearing off with the suffering , and scarce any thing concerning them than making impression on most hearts . but then the startling and astonishing news of the cities conflagration , hurried my muse to a new wrack of tormenting griefs , rending me as many others for a time capable of nothing but to stand in the way for news , wherein for some days together we still met with job's messengers , with sad tidings of increasing misery : till at length occurring the joyful report of the miraculous extinguishing of the flames , and unexpected preservation of the unconsumed part of the city and suburbs , my mind became more sedate and quiet , and my muse set her self to reflect on this woe as the former , not without some thoughts of publication , imagining this had revived mens sense of gods just displeasure , and might render them capable of remorse for their sins , procuring these dire effects of it in such a dreadful succession of woes : then purposing to discover all our sins as cause of our sufferings , and knowing that by the law is the knowledge of sin , i run over the law of god in my thoughts , and observed how sins of all sorts against every commandment , and others more directly against the gospel abound among us , so that our sins being found so great , and numerous , we may not wonder our sufferings have been so many and calamitous : and what ever god in his merciful providence may seem to be doing for the removal of his judgments , and restoring of health , and peace , and prosperity to us , and we may flatter our selves with hopes of seeing good days again ; yet otherwise than on the foundation of our repentance and better obedience , can we build no assurance of setled prosperity for the future ; for should it now clear up , yet another cloud may soon rise , if we still provoke the god of heaven . and therefore i proceed to add an hortatory part , perswading to repentance and obedience to gods laws , as the most certain cure of our calamities , and sure way to have better times , which , ( if ( as we hope ) our woes are in a manner past , yet ) may be of good use to us all for the securing us in a flourishing condition for time to come , the prosperity of any people usually ebbing and flowing with their piety and virtue . and so at last , i add a consolatory part as a cordial for to chear the penitent and humble , introducing there , the historical relation of our war omitted in the first part. the three first parts i have composed in a familiar kind of compleat verse , as being for the most part reprehensive , and hortatory , therein condescending to the meanest capacities , as meant for the use and benefit of all : in the last , where the subject is more heroick , suitably i use quattrains closing the sense with a compleat , and rise to a little higher , though not aiming ( if i could attain it ) at a lofty strain : i seek where to make my verse serve my subject , and not subject my nobler matter to my metre . now candid reader , i hope the sincerity and integrity of my design in this work may obtain an apology for any defects in the management ▪ and the divinity excuse the want of phansie : i do more than suspect i shall fall under the censure of seduced sectaries , though piously affected , because i tax their errors ; of vitious persons , though loyal and conformable , because i tax their vices ; of hypocrites , especially such as mask traiterous and factious designs with pious pretences to seduce the people , because i lay them open to the world , furtivis nudatos coloribus , and tax their villanies , however palliated , as contributing to our calamities : but my prayer to god is , that he would open all their eyes and turn their hearts , the first to follow after truth , the second holiness , and the third sort the truth of holiness , then i am sure we should be a flourishing church and nation . if thou blame me ( reader ) for any where ripping up old sores , i will assure thee i do not otherwise than for fear that false prophets have healed the hurt of the daughter of our people slightly , to let out the corruption the right way by repentance , lest they fester and break inwardly and kill their souls . if thou complain of rough handling , know it is done with a chirurgeons heart , to heal and not wound : and if my patient cry out of me in searching his sore as an enemy , i am well assured if he would suffer the cure , he would acknowledge me in the end to be his friend : and when in searching thy sore i touch thee to the quick , lay thine hand on thine own heart confessing thy corruption and sin , rather than stretch out that , or move thy tongue to smite me who only mean thy health , and welfare . read on , and the sweetness of consolation at last will allay the tartness of reprehension before : nauseate therefore nothing herein , since all will do thee good , if thou with candor receive and digest it . accept then kindly what is intended sincerely for gods , thy souls , and this nations glory from him who is thine in the lord jesus , john tabor . to the reader . reader suspend thy censure , till thou run the whole book over , and when that is done : the author's meaning rightly understood ; that his design , if not his verse , is good , i doubt not thou wilt say ; and when you see : he layes our woes on our impietie : think not one sin , or party he alone doth here accuse , but all and every one : assure thy self the author doth designe , that times may mend , to mend his heart , and thine . curteous reader . before thou peruse this book , i intreat thee , for thine own sake , to turn to and correct or supply with thy pen , these mistakes and omissions of the printer , and let not his errors be imputed to the author , who fears some will judge he hath enough herein to answer for of his own , but desires thou wilt courteously mend the printers , and candidly forgive his errata . in the epistle to the reader page 4. line 2. & 7. for compleat r. couplet , l. 9. before where add every . in the poem p. 17. l. 10. for chelmford r. chelmsford , p. 21. l. 17. for then r. thence , p. 25. l. 2 before stuffe add their , pag. 30. that which is under an asterism in the margent refers to the asterism upon lud in the next page ; and the asterism in the margent p. 31. answers to this on brute , p. 30. p. 32. l. 25. for land r. laud , p. 33. for lately r. late , p. 36. l. 21. before mere blot out are , p. 37. l. 11. before him blot out of , & l. 14. for swettest r. sweetest , p. 38. l. 7. for to r. too , p. 44. l. 12. for first r. first 's , p. 50. l. 8. for religious r. religions , p. 56. l. 7. before glory add bliss and , p. 62. l. 19. for convey r. conveys , pag. 63. l. 2. before please blot out doth . p. 66. l. 28. for sottishness r. foolishness , p. 80. in marginal note for countries r. country as . p. 81. l. 16. for own r. one . seasonable thoughts in sad times . reflections on the war. where e're i go , the sighing air rebounds sad ecchoes to my heart , and doleful sounds of lamentation : still the plague and war , in ev'ry place , the talk of all mouths are . the funeral knells continually ring in mortal ears , and thundering guns do sing in the reporting air , by both are brought nothing but death , and slaughter to our thought . death rules at land , devouring as he please ; and sight who will , he 's master on the seas , thousands at land away he weekly sweeps , by sea he hundreds swallows in the deeps . from one poor city , in few months he hurl'd so many thousands to another world ; as against this would a stout army be : unsatiate yet , in town , and country , he hath slain so many thousands , as might serve an alexander , for a sure reserve , if to content his great ambitious mind , another world to conquer he could find : these are the dire effects ( oh god! ) of our transgressions , and thy just avenging pow'r . did then the persian cyrus , from an hill beholding his huge host , his eye-lids fill with brackish tears to think , one age revol'd , all those would into ashes be resolv'd ? and shall so many christians in one year , be turn'd to dust , and we not shed a tear ? o that my head a fountain wore , and i could vent a stream of grief from either eye , weep , and blot out of sin the crimson stain , whereby the daughter of my people 's slain ! sometimes i sit in pensive posture , and form sad ideas of the sea , and land. how while the proud insulting dutch , and we contend in dreadful fights for masterie : hell opes her mouth , and in few hours receives such crouds of souls , as no time ere retrieves : of bodies such huge numbers sinking then , as threaten to earth up the sea with men . so that our ships may for the future strand on shelves of bodies , not on shelves of sand . methinks i see the swelling billows boil , heat by the fire doth from the guns recoil : the roaring guns which pierce the parting air , with terror we on land far distant hear they shake the massie earth , and thunder like , houses , and windows into trembling strike : and each broad side which strikes my ear , i think , now a brave ship with braver men doth sink . enraged mortals striving to out-vie , thunder , and lightning in the lofty skie darken the air with smoak , but fire gives light , or they at noon-day would scarce see to sight . blood from the reeking decks into the main pours down , like water in a showr of rain , discolouring the ocean by its fall , as if 't would turn it to a red-sea all . fire-ships set all on flames , and make a show , as subterranean fires were from below , broke through the waves : and one would think no doubt , fire strove to drink up sea , sea to quench out the fire , and men by their contentious action , put all the elements into distraction : but themselves rue most , while the bloody sight gives blood to them , who do in war delight . now on the decks some shriek with painful and others sinking are in deadly swounds : wounds , here a commander falls , th' opponents hollow , the souldiers soon in death their leader follow : here from torn shoulder flies an arm , and there from shatter'd thigh a leg the bullets tear : here wags a head off , this mans brains are dasht full in the next mans face , his bowels pasht on his next neighbour , and a third is found , groaning his soul out at a wide-mouth'd wound . here bullets force drives a heart out , which dies to mortals rage a bloody sacrifice : there a head from the bloody neck is rent , mounting as if to hit the sun it meant ; thus the dutch heads we well may wish to rise , and be lift up , above their enemies . but i had rather we , and they in peace might live , and war might from all nations cease had not astraea left the earth , and rage possest mens bosomes in this iron age : had not sin first divided men from god , then from themselves , scattering all abroad to seek new countries , all had still been one language , and people , letting warr alone . sin is the onely make-bate in the world , that hath all things into contention hurl'd : but since the prince of peace his happy birth , who came to reconcile both things on earth , and things in heaven , methinks those who professe , themselves his subjects , from all wars should cease : one faith should be of force hearts to unite , in love as much as e're one language might : the second adam should all his restore to the same concord , which they had before by nature in the first , and not pursue their christian brethren , like a turk , or jew . but what a grief 't is to good hearts , to see christians among themselves thus disagree : and those , for whom christ spilt his blood & life , to shed each others blood in lust , and strife : that those , who when they go to sight doe pray to the same god , that each may have the day , and both doe hope alike in death to be translated hence to heavens felicitie , should one another with such fury kill ; and r●uch rejoyce each others blood to spill : good lord ! how will heav'n quietly hold those souls , who just now were here such deadly foes : if some of either side to heav'n do come , and both to dutch , and english be their home , could heav'n admit repentance , grief , and sorrow find a place there , those souls would surely borrow time from their heav'nly joys this to repent , and their unchristian feuds below lament : lament now christians , and leave of your slaughter , there 's no bewailing but in hell hereafter . yet 't is to be bewail'd that such a slood by christian hands is shed of christian blood . thus we contend to blood , but all the while the holy spirit grieves , and devils smile , all the good angels too are grieved for 't , but your contention makes the devils sport ; and the slain carkases of christians drest in blood , and wounds , make lucifer a feast : and at these broils the infidels do laugh , christians should weep , but yet the most do quaff : such direful deeds just god thou sufferest , sinners for their transgressions to infest : in times when blood , and wounds make such ado ; o that our hearts were rightly wounded too ! and with just grief could bleed as fast as those poor hearts , who have been pierced by their foes . slack christians , slack your fury ! and employ your noble valour for a victory more worthy praise , than any you can gain by numbers of your christian brethren slain . you souldiers by profession are , your life a warfare , and you must here live in strife : but 't is a strife more with your selves than others , ' gainst certain foes , and not your christian brothers . the world , the flesh , the devil , these are those you must still combate with , as mortal foes to your immortal bliss ; and these will find tough work enough for the most warlike mind : but while with christian men we do contest , we cherish , and serve these foes in our brest : the world rejoyces , devil takes delight , lusts of the flesh are pleas'd when christians sight . le ts turn our force then against them , and shew what noble acts our valour there can do ; the lord of hosts our captain is , and will with armour furnish you , courage , and skill : you need not doubt success at all , for he who fights gods battails shall have victorie : one lust subdued will you more glory gain , than he whose single arm an host hath slain . for 't is more honour , to o're-come within our selves our lusts , than cities wall'd to win . great alexander , who subdued all nations , continued slave still to his lustful passions . be of good courage then , subdue your sin , and an eternal crown , and kingdom win : or if the warriours spirit can't be laid , but it will still in blood , and slaughter trade let christians valiant , and victorious arm , turn to do turks , and infidels the harm which now amongst our selves , we daily feel , and let the heathen fall upon our steel ! there might be rais'd another holy war , more truly holy , than the first by far : not to get canaan , a land accurst as well for jews , as canaanites at first : but the insulting sultan to restrain ; who hath so many thousand christians slain ; and with his hundred thousands oft doth come pouring destruction into christendome , forraging , wasting all with fire , and sword , defying , and blaspheming christ our lord. leading away such as the sword doth spare , into a bondage worse than death by far : o that all christian princes could agree to hamper this leviathan , and free , from his outragious inroades , all those borders of christendom , where he commits his murders . the asiatick churches when i think upon mention'd in saint john's revelation : oh how it grieves my heart ! to think that there , where sometimes famous christian churches were now turkish mosques do stand , & men adore , the imposture mahomet , where christ before . and those who yet retain a christian name , have little else of christ , beside the same : their low estate allows no means to gain such knowledge , as is needful to retain , religion pure and perfect : besides , must they to this great turk the tenth child yearly pay . the tenth is due ( o god! ) to thee alone , and must an infidel thy tribute owne ? this woe of all their woes is worst , to see their dearest children educated be in blinder turcism , made his janizars , chief souldiers against christians in his wars . when cruel herod mockt of the wisemen slew so many infants , he did kindness shew , compared to this turkish tyranny ; for 't is a greater priviledge to die innocent martyrs , and go hence to glory , than to be train'd up in the cosening story of mahomet : poor babes ! at once must you be from christs bosome , and your parents too , by tyrants-force thus miserably torn ? better it were you never had been born . let us reflect , and think did we now hear the approaching feet of turkish officer , entring to take away our darling child , oh what a plight should we be in ? how wild , and quite beside themselves , would surely be the tender mothers of the infantry ? who , that their senses have , would not desire to see their tender infants soul expire , his brains dasht on the wall before his eyes , and how the sprawling corpse convulsing dies , rather than such should us of them bereave , in thraldom , and idolatry to live ? but who do think on this with pity , and deplores not the sad state of grecian land ? now then it were a noble enterprise , if christian princes hearts , and arms would rise , to pull down this proud sultan , and restore the christian faith where 't flourished before ; and free afflicted greece , once the worlds eye from turkish thraldom , and idolatry ; and all those christian souls which yearly come tribute , and captives from poor christendome . if th' english and dutch fleer would both combine , t' assist the bold venetian , worthy of christian valour ) they would make a designe the vaunting seigniour with his gallies quake : if throughout all christendom were more ( like those brave knights of malta , who have swore destruction to the turks ) that would combine quite to raze out the bloody ottoman line : then christendome might flourish , and be free from devastation , and captivitie . god grant us peace at home , and send us victory abroad , and end all wars 'mong christian men , and cease the plague his war with men ; in peace , and health grant us to live , that we might still a happy kingdom be . but though the lord in war on our side stood , and gave us victory for the price of blood , allaying this sore judgment by success , which in the loss of lives makes grief go less : yet the plague raging far and nigh , destroyes with sweeping slaughter , and doth damp our joys : this casts my soul into a sad reflection , on the just vengeance of such dire infection . reflections on the pestilence . jer . 9.9 . shall i not visit them for these things saith the lord ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? when the just god did visit london first , our danger less , our fears were at the worst : in every place men stood upon their guard , and against citizens kept watch , and ward : had we done so against our sins before , less had our danger been , our safety more : but when this dire destruction still doth last , and round about us fearfully doth wast ; harden'd by custom , we do nothing fear : our dangers greater , but who sheds a tear ? our hearts are stone , were they of marble kind 't were well , marble sometimes we weeping find . on the great city of this sinful land london , with wealth , and folk , abounding , and with sin , the cause of woe too , god first pour'd the brimful vial of his wrath , and showr'd his ireful judgments : there his angel drew the sword of vengeance , and that people slew , at first by tens , which soon to hundreds come , then thousands weekly sent to their long-home . the frighted citizens begin to fly from house , and habitation , lest they die : they leave their livelyhood to save their life ; and where they come , their coming makes a strife . lest they bring death with them , towns are in arms to keep out citizens , as mortal harms : waggons , and coaches still in every road are met with , which they , and their goods do load : where they shall shelter find , they scarce do know , yet durst not stay at home , where e're they go . some who did thure in stately houses dwell , now gladly creep into a countrey-cell : and others wandering up and down the fields ; no town , or village them admittance yields : thus from the rod of god poor sinners fly , not from their crimes , for which they smart , & die . alas ! what boots it from the plague to start , and bear with you a worse plague in your heart ? running will not secure you , you 're undone , unless you know how from your selves to run : had you your selves forsaken , when at home , you need not thus about the countrey roame . had you fled from your sins before as fast , you need not from the plague have made such hast . had you been just , and honest in your trade , to deal uprightly , had a conscience made ; false weights , and measures , and deceitful wares , the snares false oaths , equivocations , lies , for simple buyers , ) had you never us'd : nor with great prizes customers amus'd : for which i' th' countrey you a proverb are ; you ask , say they , just like a londoner : had not your shops been dens of such as theive , and lie in wait cunningly to deceive ; nay oftentimes your cosening with a shew of honesty , and goodness cloaked too : no plague had likely nigh your dwellings come ; you might securely still have staid at home . had you but kept your conscience , so you might your shops with comfort , free from deadly fright : but when you turn out conscience first , no doubt , gods judgments after 't justly turn you out : and if you e're get home again , beware ! more plagues in store for sinners still there are : but for a while here they resolve to be , till london shall be from contagion free : but there contagion is , from which , i fear you 'le never find the sinful city clean . but now le ts think on those who stay behind , distrest in body , and estate , and mind : who know not where to sly , and fear to stay ; but yet must bear the burthen of the day ; a wrathful day , a dismal time , wherein thousands receive the wages of their sin : some have no friends to go to , nor yet coin to make them any , some the laws enjoyn to stay , and do their office , some presume , and others trust no plague shall them consume . but it increases , spreads , destroyes , doth make such as remain , for fear of death to quake . now might you see red crosses there great store , and lord have mercy upon many a doore : the wardsman standing , as if he were sent deaths bayliffe to arrest the house for rent , and turn the dwellers out ; and sure i am , but few could live long there after he came : now knells of death continually do ring , and that same doleful sound of buryers , bring your dead out , mortal ears with terror pierce ; and now a cart becomes the only hearse to bear a heap of bodies to their grave , which neither obsequies , nor rites can have of christian burial , the best of all have now no friends attend their funeral : no cost of heirs , no mourners to be seen , but driven in a cart , as they had been from hanging carry'd , thrown into a pit , no priest to say , earth to earth i commit . now might you see all faces blackness gather , the son lamenting for his dying father , the wife for her deceased husband crying , and parents mourning for their children dying : now might you hear some from their windows cry , bread for the lords sake , or we starved die ; groaning at once under two dismal woes , the plague , and famine , both their deadly foes . now friends , and neighbours keep at distance , fear t' approach their nearest kindred , for life's dear : the father dreads to see his only son , the son to see his father too doth shun , the husband dreads his wife , whom he with dear embraces us'd to hold , durst not draw near , the wife 's afraid her husband to behold , whom in kind arms she used to infold : now such as yet do dwell in health and ease , know not how soon the plague on them may seise : where lately by our kings happy return , all joy , and triumph was , and then to mourn , it was piacular ; behold ! and see how sad now there , and mournful all things be ! and now it were ridiculous to laugh , yet some bold sinners now game , sing , and quaffe : nay ( as 't is told ) some by dead corps do play , away the remnant of their lives short day : poor london ! this thy sad condition is , yet who bemoans thee ? and who weeps for this ? thou sit'st disconsolate , of joys bereft , in thy distress by friends , and lovers left : such as to satisfie their pride , and lust , spend here their wanton summers yearly must ; when they have helpt to bring the plague upon thee now in thy woe , and misery fly from thee : but let them go , if they mend not , no doubt , gods judgments in due time will find them out : though it begins with thee , and you must bear the almighty's wrath , for that you sinful were ; a wrath so killing , that your dead do come unto nine thousand in the weekly sum ; and 't is reported , though bills speak no more , fourteen might be some weeks upon the score . hath god forgotten to be gracious ? is his mercy gone for ever , and your bliss ? o spare thy people lord , thy people spare ! who with thy precious bloud redeemed are : will god his anger evermore retain ? will he still frown , and never smile again ? no , he is gracious , and his mercies sure , his pity doth from age to age endure : humble thy self , and hope well london ! for god will not cast off his for ever , nor be always wrath , slouds at the highest fall ; so now his over-flowing judgments shall : he will consult his bowels , and have pity for mercy sake upon an humbled city : and ere the year went round , the plague was so abated , folk a pace did thither go . theirs ended : now began the countrey 's woe . and as provoking sin its course hath run , avenging judgment after that hath gone . as london like the fountain , sent forth streams of evil through the land , so now the gleams of wrath , dart thence the plague abroad , and thus sent death into the countrey among us : colchester for two years her thousands paid for tribute unto death , poor braintry's made to give her hundreds , chelmford scapes not free , and mousham long hath worn deaths liverie . in easterford kelv'don upon the way , death took into an inne , and made some stay ; but , ( blessed be the god of heav'n ) slaughter was here no dweller but a sojourner : as once the year before he here was sent into a cottage , but no further went. but in most market-towns about us slays , and by his terror puts down market-days . whereby the poor want work , the farmer vent for his commodities , his landlord rent , and such whom god doth in their persons spare , deep in their purses now afflicted are : money is dead as well as people , trade is low , yet payments high must needs be made . for sickness , and the war do both require . though things we sell are low , our rates be higher . this is our woe , this is our great distress , the more 's our sorrow , is our sin the less ? 't were well if so , our loss would be our gain , nor would i doubt to see good days remain : but this i cannot see , and therefore fear no end of these , but a third woe is near : gods knows what will be next , but sure , unless we better prove for these , god will not cease to punish us , he hath more plagues in store , and can for sin afflict us seven times more : since both the war , and sickness still endure , and once to know the cause is half the cure ; let us reflect on that , and throughly try to search the cause , and find a remedy for these calamities , which make so long , have mercy lord , the burthen of our song : let 's see what hinders mercy , and what sure course we must take , his mercy to procure : but while i was about to think on this , another woe befell ; the city is all on a flame , the countrey in a fright , our thoughts distracted , business put to flight , all stand i' th' way to hear what news from thence , as men astonisht , even bereft of sense : but when my muse her self could recollect ; on this third woe began she to reflect , resolv'd at last by light of th' fire to see the cause of all these woes , and remedie . on the bvrning of london . jer . 18.7 , 8. at what instant i shall speak concerning a nation , and concerning a kingdom to pluck up , and to pull down , and to destroy it . if that nation against whom i have pronounced , turn from their evil , i will repent of the evil that i thought to do unto them , &c. the war still slaughters , & the plague destroys , and england mournful sits , berest of joys , abandoned to sorrow : yet gods hand is stretched out against this sinful land : and as the city london still hath been the spring , and fountain of the nations sin , another wrathful vial god doth spill on them , and thence the land with terror fill . heav'n from the former with provoked ire shed death among them , but from this a fire , a wasting fire : scarce had that vial done dropping down sickness , ere this woe begun , and all at once in flaming fury thrown on this great city , quickly burnt it down : god seem'd to slack his wrath , the pestilence was in a manner quite removed thence : and having swept the city , thence did come , and all about the countrey strangely roame : and those who hither fled for safety , fly for danger hence , and gladly homewards hye : london is quickly fill'd , trading returns , no miss , or thought of those are in their urns : and with the people sin returned too unmortified , by all the plague could do : this foster'd in their flight , brought home again in their return , bred their ensuing bane : they come the same men home , take the old course ; whom judgments do not mend , they oft make worse : the beasts god sav'd in noah's ark came out beasts as they went in , and some men , no doubt , have no more sense of mercy , when they live , while god doth others to destruction give : c ham scapt among the eight in noah's flood , yet this deliverance did not make him good ; he 's sav'd , the world destroy'd , yet when all 's done wicked comes forth and proves a cursed son . so when the plague like to a deluge swept in london , and god there a remnant kept alive , and such as to the countrey fled , a life in mercy here in safety led ; london replenisht once , the plagues forgot , and god that sent it too , the folk no jot amended by it , but the plague is still most in their hearts , when lest 't is in their bill : therefore as when the plague of leprosie among the jews , could no way purged be out of their houses , gods law did require , such houses should be burned down with fire : so when the plague of sin could not be purg'd from out that sinful city , sharply scourg'd by that of sickness , god himself in ire burnt down their houses with consuming fire . upon september's second day i' th' year ▪ much talkt of * sixty six , did there appear by two i' th' morning these consuming flames , which did break out first in the street of thames : and then blown on by a strong wind into the city , what e're art , or strength could do of men to stop , or slack its fury , by the friday morning did in ruines lie the greatest part of that within the wall , and much beside of that we suburbs call : for it broke thorough newgate , and went on to holborn-bridge , and had through ludgate gone , up fleetstreet unto temple-bar before its fury stopt , and did burn down no more : if what without the walls is burnt , you count for that which stands within , as tant'amount ; even the whole city in a manner lies a ruinous heap to all spectators eyes : to quench this fire men labour'd all in vain , it wasting run like wild-fire in a train , then you might hear at first the doleful sound , fire , fire cryed all about the city round , and there you might behold with weeping eye , by fire a whole street , quickly ruin'd lye ; th' increasing flame mounting its spire to heav'n , laid th' aspiring buildings with earth even : there might you see the water-engines ply'd with toilsome hands , but god success denyed ; they quickly broke , and peoples hearts while they behold their houses to the flames a prey : thousands did strive to quench the fire , but all labour'd in vain , the stately structures fall before its fury : some do water bear ; others pull down such houses as are near , to stop its progress , but aloft it flies o're th' interval , and makes a sacrifice of the next mansion , thence again doth hast , the rest with sweeping vengeance to lay wast : no church , no hall , no house , no hospitall can stand before it , but it ruines all : what will not burn , it breaks with piercing heat , and tumbling down with rubbish fills the street : as when a field of stubble's fired , and it runs like flowing billows cross the land blown with the wind , or as when torrents fall from some steep hills , they bear before them all stands in their way : e'ven so this fire runs on , and in a little time a mile hath gone : buildings of all materials you can name , as stubble were before the spreading flame ; which like a falling torrent swiftly flows through london streets , it comes and down all goes : which while the tired people do behold with deep astonishment ; their hearts grow cold within them by this fire , when thus they view the fate of old troy light upon the new . now might you poor distressed people meet with streams of tears lamenting in each street : were these for sin , they 'd sooner quench the flames , than all the water of the river thames . some you might see there with extreamest passion , bewail their loss as nigh to desperation . now might you see our soveraign lord the king , water himself unto this fire to bring , i mean in mournful eyes , weeping to see his cities ruines , subjects miserie ; whose sorrow was their solace , as compassion to those in woe 's a kind of consolation : nor did his tears speak pity only , but by comfortable words he solace put into distressed hearts , and night , and day rode up and down from place to place , to stay by all means possible the running flame : giving forth orders look't to see the same effectually performed , ventring where inferior persons dar'd not to come near ; and with his hands to labour did not spare , ( 't is said ) and to expose his life , through care to save the city , for a rumor slew abroad of treachery , if that be true ; to think , i tremble in what peril then our soveraign was among the rout of men , when any foe had opportunitie to act a not to be thought of tragedie : but praised be the king of kings alone , no hand , or tongue was mov'd by anyone against our king , all joy'd , and blest him , when they saw his care , his grief , his labour then ; but nothing would asswage this furious fire , which all attempts to quench did raise but higher : as the smiths forge by water grows more hot ; when fire of water mastery hath got : all limbs , and spirits tired were , but yet their hopes grew lesser , and the flames more great : now faint , and weary , and despairing quite e're to put out the fire , all in a fright , ( giving o're the whole city to the will of god , and fury of the flames , which still rage more , and more ) ( too soon perhaps ) disperse their several wayes , to save stuffe , and purse : as when a town 's besieged , ta'ne and sackt ; their goods away like plunder now are packt : but many , whom the flame surpris'd before , out of their houses they remov'd their store , lost all their goods , and in one hour were some , wealthy before , mere beggars now become : and those who most did save , and bear away , much of their goods left to the flames a prey : th' excessive rates of carrs made much not worth removal , though they safe could get it forth : some hurrying what they snatcht out of the fire to the first friends they thought of , when that nigher approacht those places , now with speed they were compell'd their things away from thence to bear . and the fire still pursuing them as fast , forc't them soon to a third remove in hast : thus some to shift their place were oft compell'd , who still in hopes the fire would be quell'd , would not quite leave the town , until at last , all thinking the whole city it would wast ; no other refuge sought but open fields : man loth at last unto gods judgments yields . moore-fields with piles of goods are fill'd , and there their owners lie abroad in th' open air : thousands who lately went secure to bed , their dainty limbs on doun , or feather spread in stately mansions , now abroad must lie , the earth their bed , and heav'n their canopie . and after three days toil , trouble , and fright , having no ease by day , nor rest by night , nor leisure all this time , due food to eat , now in the fields may sleep , but still want meat : many who late fed on delicious fare , would now skip at a crust , though brown it were : but hold ! with horror think i now upon ( what 's yet forgot ) the sad condition of women then in travail , and such there as in this time sick , weak , and dying were : for scarce a day revolved , but you might here there of births , and deaths each day and night . how many sad benoni's now were born ! while lab'ring mothers through the streets are born . how many frighted parents now miscarry , and travail must , at home they may not tarry ! how many while they in the fields do lie , have pangs of child-birth , and deliverie ! how many dying persons now expire ! breathing their last like martyrs in the fire ; their souls like manoah's angel , soaring on the mounting flames to heav'ns blest mansion : how many dead have roman buryal there ! their houses funeral piles wherein they were now burned , and lie buried underneath the ruines of the place , where seiz'd by death . as when our saviour in judea wrought . his powerful miracles , they sick folk brought on beds , and couches to him ; even so you might see them carried forth the city now ; but with this diff'rence , then to him they came for life , and health , but fly hence for the same : these were the sad disasters , which the ire of heav'n did punish sinners with by fire : the rampant flames went on victorious still , on both hands levelling up to tower-hill , approach't , as if 't would offer an assault , but there receiv'd a blow , and made an halt ; houses blown up , by which a breach was made , prov'd the best rampart now , whereby was staid the fury of this foe , and in one hour gunpowder cool'd his courage , sav'd the tower : is powder then the way to quench a flame : strangely begun , went on , went out this same . stranger experiment sure ne're hath bin , thus by a blast to save the magazin . but had the fire came on , the tower ta'ne , how had that strong and ancient structure lain , great britains strength and glory , in the dust ! for want of ammunition then we must yield to our foes ; but god ( blest be his name ) would not commit the tower to the flame : which elsewhere forward went , newgate can't hold this fire , it broke the prison , and as bold as ever , unto holborn-bridge it straid , but there through mercy was its fury staid . yet still in fleetstreet did it wander far , e'ven to the temple , but god put a barre there to this lawless fire , and here supprest this tyrants raging force , and sav'd the rest ; for which we ought with thankful hearts to raise to him some trophies of immortal praise . now he that once gave forth his law in flame , would not at once destroy ours by the same . now he that saith , from truth he will not vary , gods mercy was the temples sanctuary . had not his mercy now a remnant spar'd , like sodom , and gomorrah we had far'd : the city for the most part ruin'd lies , to gods just vengeance a due sacrifice ; but through his mercy , just like a fire-brand , out of the burning pluckt , the suburbs stand : their goods for the most part too , and lives he saves , who in their houses might have found their graves : but now when i reflect on what 's consum'd , how many churches are themselves inhum'd ! how many hospitals are cripples made ! how many lofty publick halls are laid e'ven with the ground ! my quill in tears i steep , my muse sits down in dropping verse to weep . now stately churches in their graves are laid : altars themselves are sacrifices made : and now old paul a martyr is once more , and that in england , which we must deplore : his temple in the firie ocean stood like to some island , but the raging flood of flames hath drown'd its glory , over-turn'd this wondrous fabrick , wonder ! how it burn'd ! the school it self ignis could not decline : the pulpit could not its own fall divine : yet falling preacht earths glory is a trance : the organs could not pipe , though the stones dance : paul falls away in 's old age , the saint hath by strange apostacy now broke his faith † yet he who when he liv'd wrought many , fell not now 't is said without a miracle . his altar , clothing , canopie remain'd untouch't , and unconsum'd when the sire reign'd o're all the rest , lest some phanaticks shall report the bowing that way made him fall . but since he now lies buried in faith , my heart hope of his resurrection hath : where could the doctor of the gentiles have , than among learned books * , a fitter grave : now some obscure authors , profane , divine , are brought to light , and their names made to shine : some of them said , tempus est edax rerum , but this fire proves it self so , and doth jeer ' um . were i poet only , no divine , i chiefly might lament the loss of wine ; but i care not if it were burned all ; too much of this hath made the city fall . see how this fire did worldly glory jeere ! view the exchange ! o what a change is here ! now from the steeple of the stately bow the bells are shot , and run indeed , but so that scarcely one of twelve well cast is found ; all are like water spilt upon the ground : you that were wont to make the ringers sweat , now are your selves in a far greater heat : ringers keep up your bells ! so we would man , but they will fall too fast , do what we can : now for the bells men wring their hands , to see how the sweet ring of cornhil melted bee : the town 's on fire , ring the bells backwards all ! alas ! they cannot , for they backwards fall : for help to save themselves they cannot call , how sits the city solitary , who was full of people only full of woe ? how like a cottage in a garden shows , or a storm'd garrison sack't , burnt by foes , this ancient city ! which as stories tell , brute * built when samuel judged israel , and call'd it troy-novant , 't was ominous sure , and signified troy's fate it must endure . lud * afterward rebuilt , more ample made this city unto ludgate , which 't is said , deriv'd its name from his , nay some averre , he his name to the city did transferre ; and changed troy-novant into luds-town , which time hath chang'd to london of renown for age , yet beauty , strength , wealth , glory , scarce to be paralel'd in the universe : the ancient fear of kings , and royal place of british , saxon , norman , scottish race ; and which hath hitherto by age , and time , grown but more beautiful , than in its prime : but not without some alteration , true , it hath oft like a snake chang'd skin , and hew : nor did it alwayes scape the fire before , but in the conquerours twentieth year (a) it bore , such marks of wasting flames as at this day : the greatest part in ruines then did lay . saint paul's which ethelbert , (b) of saxon men first christian king , did build , was burnt down then ; this erkenwald (c) its bishop had enlarg'd , adorn'd , enricht , all which this fire discharg'd . but the next year (a) mauritius piouslie , another prelate of this ancient see , laid the foundation of a far more fair , magnificent , and stately structure there ; which in process of time , by bounteous hand of pious benefactors , late did stand this nations glory , others envy , and not to be paralel'd in christian land : the boasted of fair church of nostre dame in paris , might be handmaid to this same ; when our st. paul was in his pomp , i trow , their lady set by him would make no show until the steeples heav'n assaulting spire , by lightning sent from heav'n was set on fire : as if this seem'd to imitate the pride of babel builders , whom god did deride , this lofty pyramis he burned down ; which fire seis'd on paul's roof , & sing'd his crown , and with its smutty beams , scorched his head , black't and defac't the whole structure , and made paul look more like , to such as did him mark , an ethiopian , than an english clark : the marks of which he for a long time bore , nor could regain his beauty as before ; till to the land of god , and his own praise , the reverend archbishop land did raise paul's to its pristine glory ; till late times , when sacriledge , rebellion no crimes , but vertues were accounted : some mens zeal could devour whole cathedrals at a meal : christ's zeal for gods house eat him up , more odd was this , their zeal eat up the house of god : the holy tribe , and service , they cast out , brought horses in , the more beasts they no doubt : thus these phanaticks , o abominable ! turned the house of god into a stable ; and reformation was there never stranger , where altars stood , to set up rack , and manger : temple profaners must on the sacred sloore your horses dung ? what could the turks do more ? the jews indeed did less , they to a den turned gods temple , but it was of men , though thieves , but these more brutish , for the nonce make it a den of thieves , and beasts at once ; and by such usage , paul declin'd a pace ; the souldiers gave him deep scars on his face , his walls lookt sadly , and his gates did mourn , until the late miraculous return of king , and bishops , who remov'd th' abuse , and paul's restor'd unto its pristine use : and daily did re-edifie , repair all parts about it , which lately ruin'd were : but by this raging fire , which now befell the city , sparing neither church , nor cell , paul 'mong the rest into his grave is thrown , whence we expect his resurrection : in king , and bishops , to good works inclin'd we ethelbert , and erkenwalds to find , and generous mauritus too do trust ; who will redeem paul's once more from its dust : nor do i doubt , did we but lay to heart the causes of our woes , by which we smart : or would this stubborn nation but endure the means of their recovery , and cure : th' almighty would in mercy soon restore the city to its beauty , or to more : it should not long as now in ruines lie ; nor noise of war our borders terrifie : the killing plague should in all places cease , our land enjoy prosperity , and peace . let us consider then of all our woe the cause , the cure we shall the better know . the cause of our calamities . the cause of all , in highest heav'ns i seek , and in our sinful bosomes , which do reek with boiling lust , whence sinful deeds do rise , as vapours from the earth , above the skies ascend , and make those clouds of gods just ire , which thunder'd forth the war , lightned the fire , and did on this provoking people pour of mortal sickness a contagious showr : not for the causes meerly natural of all these woes , or means instrumental , search i , but for the prime efficient , and inward moving cause , were our hearts rent with due contrition , this we soon might spy deep in our brests , for that we must look high : god is the author , and our sins the spring ; which on us all these dreadful plagues do bring : how many atheists in this land do dwell ? even owles at athens , blind in israel . there is no god , say some fools in their heart , vvhom war , nor plague would from their atheism start : sure by the light of the late dreadful fire they 'le see their folly , and the light that 's higher . how many with corporeal fancies serve that god who is all spirit ? others swerve from his prescription , after their own will do worship him , and are devoutly ill . many a swearing , cursing miscreant , as devils upon earth , each place doth haunt , and do blaspheme gods sacred name , in spight of all plagues , wish a plague , and take delight to tear christs wounds , & afresh make him bleed ; pray to be damn'd , but sure they shall not need : when neither war , nor plague would these affright , god fir'd their houses 'bout their ears to light them to repentance , and thus let them see an embleme of the worlds catastrophe , and an epitome of that hell infernal in which the wicked after death must burn all . how many do neglect , contemn , profane all holy times consecrate to god's name , and service now ? how is the zeal grown cold , which thronged christian churches so of old ? scarce the tenth part will in some places come to church , but most do idley stay at home ? or to schismatical assemblies run , or make an halt until the pray'rs be done : of those , who in our churches do appear , how few with reverence , and godly fear behave themselves ? some do in taverns wast those precious hours , when here their souls should feast ; and one would think , when such a plague god sent , all christians now would fast , pray , and repent : but on the fasting days , good lord ! how few will come before thee , and for mercy sue ! all holy-days are mere play-days now are made , or consecrate to drunken baechus trade : church doors are open'd , & bells ring for fashion , but th' alehouse hath the greater congregation : gods house indeed is styl'd the house of pray'r , but if no preaching be , few will come there , they think 't not worth the while to call on god , even when they groan under his scourging rod : they hear , and hear , but never learn to do those duties which all preaching tendeth to : others whose lusts , and sins the word controuls , nauseate all preaching , physick for their souls ; and the seduced people , whose blind eyes see not of christ the saving mysteries , yet wholesome chatechizing wont endure , for their souls blindness though the only cure : thus is gods service crucified between two thieves like him , and in his house is seen a den of thieves , one sort rob of him of pray'r ▪ the other rob their souls of his word there : and for the blessed sacrament , so full of sweetest consolation , to the dull a quickning goad , to weak a strong support , assurance to the fearful , and a fort to tempted christians , to such as for sin cry , an handkerchief dipt in christs blood to dry their sorrow up , a cordial to the faint , an heav'nly banquet to the humble saint : how few will sit themselves , draw nigh , and tast this soul refreshing mystical repast : 't was one effect of our late reformation , t' exile this sacrament out of the nation almost , some towns in twenty years had not any communion , they had forgot do this in remembrance of me , and now they 've lost their stomacks by long fasting ; how to bring them to an appetite once more , that the lords table may of guests have store , we scarce do know , they have been so affrighted from that wherewith their souls should be delighted their preachers sounding in their ears damnation , to scare them from communion profanation , which was indeed to rise 'mong some , that durst approach without due preparation first , but still forgetting equally to press their duty to receive , though in the dress of knowledge , faith , repentance , charitie ; that in contempt did as much peril lie ; the poor deluded people did believe , the only danger was if they receive ; fly from their souls food as their certain bane ; to whom christs institution is in vain , so strangely gods commandements were then made void by the traditions of these men . now this luke-warmness to gods worship , we may both in countrey , and in city see : for such contempt of christs authoritie , might justly some be sick , some weak , some die : mens coldness kindled wrath , that fire anon , to make them fervent in religion : you would not come to church a while ago , no churches now you have to come unto : the gates of sion mourn'd ' cause few , or none would enter there , but now you make your mone , and mourn for sions gates , ' cause they are burn'd with fire , and to a heap of ashes turn'd . sion before in silence did lament , because so few her solemn feasts frequent now you may mourn in silence , sigh , and fast , for that the places of her feasts be wast : thus want of zeal hath sir'd the house of god , neglect of worship temples hath destroy'd , nor could you look , but that which burned down god's houses thus , must needs consume your own . thus justly may the war , plague , fire , and all , for our neglect to serve god , on us fall . how many disobedient are to all their parents , civil , spiritual , natural ? how rife's rebellion , while the people strive with prince and priest neither due reverence give ? their princes laws , the people think not right ; the priests their prelates admonition slight : servants rebel against their masters , and wives disobey their husbands sit command : children their loving parents honour not : obedience among all sorts is forgot . what swarms have we of stubborn sectaries ? who all dominion boldly do despise : nor are afraid to speak of dignities all kind of evil , though most grievous lies . the ark had but one cham , our church many , who glad their fathers nakedness to spy , with most reproachful mocks , and taunts discover , and blazon it abroad the nation over . nay rather than fathers in church or state , shall want the ruder peoples scorn , and hate : such whet their tongues to tell the smoothest lies , which these to pop'lar scorn may sacrifice . rebellion though as sin of witchcraft reigns among this headstrong people , whom no reins of law will rule , no power curb , or awe from following their will , their will 's a law to them alone , who without fear , or shame , publickly their perversness do proclaim : saying , if they were not commanded to these , and these things they would them freely do . o stubborn people ! shall there ever rest spirits of contradiction in your brest ? hath god stampt his authority upon your governours , and do you think they 've none ? hath he said they are gods , and will ye then give less respect to them , than other men ? counsels of whispering seducers , how prone to observe , and promptly follow , you are ; but how backwards to obey , we see , lawful commands of just authoritie : and is the lawfulness , and duty less , because enjoyn'd ? nay more your stubbornness to disobey : god is contemned sure , and such contempt from men will not endure . yet when for peoples sins he plagues hath sent , they oft impute them to the government : so the rebellious mutineers of old vvhen the earth strangely swallowed up those bold conspirators of corah's faction , cry'd ye the lords people kill'd , gods hand denied , moses , and aaron with that slaughter charg'd , till god by his just judgment them discharg'd ; by a sad plague sweeping these murmurers thence , brought the whole camp into another sense : now when the like sins among us are spread ; shall we not say for these are many dead ? gods judgments are a great deep , if we dive too far , we drown all charity , alive preserve censoriousness , believe i do all sorts have sin'd , all sorts have suffer'd too ; yet all may hear , what some observe , and dread ; most factious places are most visited . have we not murmurers among us too , like to rebellious corah , and his crew ? vvill , what is moses , and what aaron , say , are we not all holy , as well as they ? to rule , and sacrifice , all would have pow'r : might not for this a fire from god devour the city , which as eminent in sin , hath exemplary now in judgment been ? that whilome was rebellions spring and nurse , and seem'd back-sliding to the former course : is now of england's woe , and sorrow source : sin no more so , lest you are plagued worse . what murthers in this land committed were ; for civil wars on one side murthers are : and god doth know , to whose charge shall be laid that blood which in our civil wars was shed . blood is a crying sin , so much was spilt , this nation cannot but be deep in guilt ; especially when royal blood hath been profanely shed , no doubt a roaring sin ; and who doth know , but the just god doth make now inquisition for that blood , and take due vengeance on us for that barbarous fact , the like whereto no nation ere did act : unless those cursed jews who crucified their saviour , for which they still abide the wrath of god , and shame of men , as we for that through all the world reproached be . nor need we wonder judgment was delaid , that this same vengeance was no sooner paid , if it should be for this : for god is wont to call men to repentance first , he don't suddenly punish , but gives means and time , that men may see , and sorrow for their crime ; and so prevent the plague ; now all the while usurpers rul'd ; our king was in exile ; none openly of this might speak a word ; which to deluded people could afford due information of these hainous crimes , which past for vertues in those cheating times : but since the throne , and pulpit too were free from gulls , impostors and their knavery ; since all men saw , what ever such pretended , in self-advancement their religion ended : since the saints coat was pulled o're their ears , who for a cloak of villany it wears . since that vile murther hath been quite disclaim'd by a free parliament , a fast proclaim'd , wherein the nation annually may humble themselves before their god , and pray the guilt hereof may not lie on their head , to them nor their posterity be laid : since orthodox divines have soundly shown how sins of others may become our own ; and so how many ways men guilty stand of royal blood , before gods bar , whose hand or heart ne're toucht it : not by commission , covnsel , or by abetting the transgression only , or by allowing it for good , but by our not resisting it to blood , or by not mourning for 't enough , or by those sins , which did provoke the deitie , so far to suffer villany to reign , for woe to us , to kill our sovereign : since means , and opportunities have thus of true repentance been afforded us ; the only reason of gods patience ; yet so few shew a hearty penitence , even among those most deeply guilty were ; who where the fast is kept will not come there : but have such seared consciences , that they keep a thanksgiving on that fasting-day ▪ dwell we not stil with those ? whose fine tongues are more soft than oyl , yet in their hearts have war , who smoother are than butter in their words , yet in design , and wish , are drawing swords : such as pretended ever to abhorre , charles the first death , and seemed zealous for the seconds restauration , missing what in church , or state they hoped for by that , seem in their discontent to lay the train of th' old rebellion , venturing again a second charles his ruine , rather then their will shall not be law , and they the men . shall not god visit such a generation , and be avenged on a bloody nation ? and since that sinful city cannot be excus'd from guilt of blood , which was too free in contributing to the war , and killing ; and to the royal bloods inhumane spilling , not ( to the shedding of their own , ) resisting , to that which came to this , too much assisting ▪ ( the bodkins which the city dames did give , our caesar of his life help't to deprive : the tumults raised there were prologue to this tragick act , which other hands did do : ) since they could see their king before his doore murther'd by miscreants , and weep no more : since blood of loyal subjects too was shed i' th' midst of them , and they scarce shook their head . since they so long supported , and maintained usurping powers , who in rebellion raigned under the kingly power unruly were , yet tyrants force so long could tamely heauen might not for this gods justice lately call for those judgments did on the city fall ? in david's time a plague on israel , for what saul did to th' gibeonites , befel . how with uncleanness of all sorts defil'd is this our sinful land , the people wild in their unbridled lusts , like horses they are ranck , each for his neighbours wife do neigh : sodomy , incest , fornication , and adultery ; nay of heart , tongue , and hand , all kind of filthiness is sadly found to be too fruitful in our english ground : in court , and camp , city , and countrey , we this kind of sin grown impudent do see : the nation hath the forehead of an whore , declares her sin as sodom , and doth more : when such as should in others punish it , the same themselves without shame do commit ; sinners are bold , and do not seek to hide their shame , but all reproof thereof deride . we read by plague did many thousands die , when israel did with moab's daughters lie : how sodom , and gomorrah when they burn'd in lustful heat , god into ashes turn'd by fire from heav'n , since first our guilt and blame hath been , well might our suff'ring be the same ; and that same filthy city which doth lie in ruines , how full of adulterie , and all uncleaness was it ? and as some observ'd , the plague did most in places come and rage , where this sin reign'd , yet , health return'd to them , afresh they in their old lusts burn'd : in filthiness they drove on sodom's trade , and now by fire are like gomorrah made : yet have a remnant scap't , like little zoar for shelter unto lot , let such beware ! more plagues in store for sinners still there are . thou shalt not steal , saith god , but o my soul ! how doth our peoples practice this controul ? will they not rob ? yes , god himself they will ; in tithes , and offerings they do it still . in ev'ry parish vicar you may see a witness of the old church robberie : nor can we yet forget the later time , when sacriledge accounted was no crime : when from the church her rights , revenues , lands were pluck't away by sacrilegious hands : when some mens zeal the very bells did melt bullets to make , their enemies to pelt : when heat of reformation our church plate coin'd into current money for the state. and some mens feud with superstition rent each peice of brass from dustie monument : when greedy cormorants stood gaping still for gleab , and tithes , even to the goose , whose quill , thanks be to god , is left us yet to write the shame of those , who in such theft delight ; and was it not commission of transgression against this law , to plunder by commission ? besides their sequestration , decimation , was there not cunning stealing in this nation ? whatever some do reckon of their sin , far lesser theives i doubt have hanged bin . now when i fraud , and cosenage think upon , extortion , bribery , and oppression : i fear almost in ev'ry way and street , go where you will , each man 's a theif you meet : some on the bench are greater theives by far , than such as stand before them at the bar : too often law , and livings too are sold for bribes , and simony , now very bold : such as do sell , or lend to court must stay , and some years hence for expedition pay : in ev'ry shop a cheating thief doth stand , to cosen with fine words , while by the hand he friendly shakes you ; in each market , fair , each buyer finds thieves are not very rare . each brother will supplant , and falsely deal , each neighbour over-reach , which is to steal : and i believe , even to the countreys cost , the king of all men now is cheated most . whom may we trust , whose word now dare we take ? why do we bonds to one another make ? there are we see more thieves among us , then house-breakers , cut-purses , and high-way men . now may i be of jeremiah's mind , and wish some quiet lodging-place to find in solitary wilderness , that so i might from such a treach'rous people go : who bend their tongues as bows for cosening lies ; deceitful men , whom none will trust , that tries : whose tongues are arrows shot out , speak deceit , utt'ring fine words to cheat , they lie in wait : of such god saith , behold , i 'le melt , and try them : reprobate silver , then to be he 'l spy them . shall i not visit for these things , saith he , and on such people now avenged be ? and as the city hath notorious been for sins of this sort , justly now 't is seen low in the dust , sunk under its own weight of cosenage , and oppression , from its height . landlords intolerably rack't their rent , this made them rack their consciences to vent at highest rates their wares ; e'ven forc't to cheat , to get their landlords rent , their family meat : fraud , with equivocations , lies to mask , double the price of any thing to ask , hath been the brand of citizens we know : these things may be the cause of all their woe . thou shalt not bear false witness god hath said : how then are knights of th' post become a trade ? nay those who like saints walk in holy guise , do bend their tongues as bows for telling lies : had there been none who would false witness bear , our martyr'd sovereign had yet stood clear before the worst of judges , calumnies were ever blown into the peoples eyes ( lest they should see his innocence , and wrongs ) by subtile slander from their double tongues , who fought against , yet said they for him fought , vow'd to preserve , yet to the scaffold brought his life , and honour ; still belied his cause , his person , party , and the juster laws ; while in a mockery of justice , they would seem by law their sovereign to slay : falsely accuse god too , religion , reason , while they would make these seem t' allow their treason : had not false rumors , & reports 'mong us , into rebellion gull'd the people thus : they'd ne're have suffer'd charles the first so good a prince , by regicides to lose his blood : still the same trade of lying's carried on under the mask of pure religion : no mountebanck doth use more lying tricks to cheat , than these religious empericks : on womens zeal when they 'd commit a rape , the pander still must be religious ape : to slander king , and bishops , from the church , is still the way , new proselytes to lurch : and of all men the holy tribe are most belyed by some , who of their saintship boast ; nor of her sons alone false tales they broach , but most the church their mother do reproach : schism's backt with slander of the church their mother ; yet all the factions slander one another : but beside slanders , errors , heresies , false oaths , equivocations , perjuries , are in these sinful dayes among us found , to grow , and thrive , and spread in english ground : oaths of allegiance , some like sampsons cords can snap asunder , while a pack of words they call a covenant , contrived by a pack of knaves , must hold inviolably : oaths of canonical obedience many to keep make little conscience , but swallow them , and think no more upon 't , these ne're rise in their stomacks , though they don 't at all observe them , while a squeamish sister , to whom the cross , or surplice , gives a glister , it goes against their conscience to offend though oaths , subscriptions , and all bonds they rend in pieces quite ; nay their good dames to please , to all their duty give a writ of ease : nor is the countrey fertile soil alone to these ill weeds , but they have freely grown within the city , for such sins of late god justly might lay it even desolate . nor is the root of all curs'd evil less of growth in english ground , covetousness : this sin with us hath had the greatest stroke in breach of both the tables , we thus broke : many make gold their god , a silver shrine is their diana , conscience for coin is sold ; truth , honestie , justice , and faith the greedy lust of gain devoured hath : o cursed thirst for gain , what canst not thou compel frail mortals sinful hearts to do : to swear , and lie , rebel , and murther , and turn bauds , or whores , knights of the post , or stand to cry , and rob , to cosen , and betray their dearest friend , church-rights to make their prey , for gain to prostitute wives , daughters , and do any thing , they are at thy command : nay some the form of godliness do make a cloak for cosenage , and a snare to take the simple buyer in : in holy guise some hucksters dare of souls make merchandise ; who like the pharisees pray by the hour only the widows houses to devour : and others will not spare an hour to pray , devoted unto mammon quite are they ; who now do find to leave their shops to pray , had been to keep their shops the surest way : while covetousness in all our hearts thus grew , alas poor london ! is it not too true ? for these things we ▪ and thou above the rest , by the just hand of god now sufferest . nor let the drunkard think he is forgot , his nations stain , and his religions blot : who under one commandement alone is hardly rank't , his sins ' gainst ev'ry one ; or doth at least betray him to commit the heav'n provoking sins , which violate it . the swinish drunkard bacchus doth adore : who oaths , and curses in his mouth hath more ? gods service he contemns , his sundays spends at some good fellowship of drunken friends : he little honour , or obedience shows to whom he honour , and obedience ows ; be they parents or preists , prelates , or prince ; david the song of drunkards was long since : what brawls , contentions , murthers some commit in drunken revels , without fear , or wit : by drinking healths , some drink away their own , and kill themselves , a thing not seldom known : wine is they say the milk of venus , true , a drunkard not a wencher , who ere knew ? nor spares he cosening , sland'ring , and doth covet more liquor still , above his soul doth love it : to sins of all sorts thus he gives the reins , all ill with 's liquor slides into his veins : since now so rise is this abomination , who can expect from heaven , but desolation , and with the noisome pestilence chastise a beastly people , who themselves disguise so much with drink ; some their bowls tossing up , found death even at the bottom of the cup ; when in the midst of jollity were they , death brought a reck'ning up and took away ; and in this city , where this sin was common , a drawer now can show a room to no man : such who o're-charg'd with drink too oft cast in , god out of house , and home hath cast for sin : and he hath pour'd that wine upon the floore , which often laid the drinkers there before : wine in a thousand cellars was burn't all , and pour'd out at the cities funeral : and some for loss of wine did more lament than for their sins , for which our plagues are sent : more of a tavern , or play-house the fall lament , than of a church , or hospital . sick with this sin from head to foot hath bin our nation , sick 't is justly for this sin : their wine inflam'd the citizens before , justly now fire inflam'd their wine therefore : as well with shame , as wine , to make these blush , god now in th' fire appeared in the bush : and for this sin god justly might , no doubt , make this good land to spew the dwellers out . and next to drunkenness , now pride may stand accus'd as cause of all woe in this land : for this the french , whose apes in this we be , may justly be our scourge ; the vanitie of varying fashions ! which doth make us strange to such as know us , and our women change their shape with each new moon , & some do show , by the loose wanton garb in which they go , what ware they sell ; and some do strive by paint , to make the ugly devil seem a saint : some have their faces with black patches drest , as thinking dapled ladies will sell best : methinks it seems as if some feind did place the print of hell burnt fingers on their face : born with such spots should you your children see , you 'd call 't no beauty , but deformitie : god now sends spots , as he would theirs deride , and note to all , that theirs is plaguie pride : and now adays , because within there rests so little vertue in most womens brests , ( which of old won them husbands , that would give dowries to get a vertuous wife to live with them , as helps most meet , and comforts sure , friends in both fortunes till death to endure ▪ ) naked they expose them to youthful eyes , hoping , if not true love , yet lust may rise at such a sight ; and seizing on the heart betray it unto them , and the fond smart of cupid's flames , while these do now deny what they would fainest grant , and only try , by sprinkling water to increase the fire , by their denyal to augment desire : thus hunt they for their dear , and use some wile to bring the simple heart within their toil ▪ vertue can only it a subject make ; beauty a wandring heart may captive take : and now our ladies vanity , and pride , and their neglect of huswifery beside , affright all sober men , who fear to woo , lest they should court their woe in doing so ; or with their wives will now some thousands have to keep them in the fashion fine , and brave . what a fine life our gallants live ? and yet 't were fine indeed , if 't were the way to get to heav'n , and its immortal happiness ; but they 're beside the way i more than guess ; whose days , and years are always vainly spent in dressing , mistressing , and complement ; who rise , and dress by noon , come down and dine , then to a play , thence to the house of wine , and so to bed , it may be drunk before ; perhaps all night embracing of an whore : if these be christians , where 's their masters badge , the cross , and self-denyal ? they can't fadge with these ; if such go hence to glory , hell , and the devil sure are but a story : the way to heav'n is broadest sure , if they who wander thus , can thither find the way : pride doth usurp on god , provoke him thus to plague us for 't , that he might humble us : and that proud city , which lift up her hand above the rest in pride , full low is laid : the parent , nurse , spring , stage , of pride , and vain fashions , and tricks , which our religion stain . and whose proud dames out-vied in garishness , our modest ladies in their countrey dress . to all these sins , wherewith this sinful land before the lord of heav'n doth guilty stand , may many aggravations urged be , from gospel light , whereby men clearly see the evil of these evils , yet do they the works of darkness in the brightest day ; from great ingratitude so plainly shown , when god miraculously poured down incomparable mercies on us ; those , who late opprest under their cruel foes , could own their sins the cause of all their woes , now freed from these , return again to those : a king , a parliament , a church regain'd peace , liberty , religion maintain'd , some desperate god-dammes do begin to war with heav'n by their gigantine sin : the roaring blades aloud do quickly call for thundring vengeance on their heads to fall : when health , and plenty , joy , and triumph , crown'd our land , our hainous sins apace abound : swearing , carowsing , cheating , briberie , oppression , sacriledge , and simonie , pride , lust , and all the rout of sins o're-run our countrey , so our joy , and triumph's done : we first forsook the god of mercies , and god makes his mercies to forsake our land ; and now to mercy judgment doth succeed ; vve surfeited , and god doth make us bleed : abundance of corruption sickness brings ; and heat of lust hath fir'd our pleasant things : yet under all these judgments are we still incorrigible , and perverse in ill : god may say , i have sent the pestilence , that i might bring you to an humble sense of sin : your young men with the sword i slew : your city i as sodom overthrew : yet have ye not returned unto me ; therefore yet seven times more i 'le punish ye : and thus of all our woes we see the cause transgression is against gods holy laws : a gospel unbecoming conversation provoketh god thus to afflict our nation : and in the ripping up our sins to see the root , and spring of all our miserie , i would not have men think , to any one or sin , or party , i impute alone our woes , and judgments , but to one , and t'other , to all , and ev'ry one , i would not smother my own , or friends , but do desire that all would think for their sins these things us befal and each apply the plaister to his wound , which healing ev'ry one will make all sound : nor need we doubt to have a perfect cure if all will but the remedy endure : which now i shall consider of , and try , for all these woes to find a remedy . the cure. and 't is half wrought already , since we see the inward cause of our sad maladie : now to remove the cause is the most sure way to effect a safe and speedy cure : and had i but good patients , then i might promise a cure , and lose no credit by 't : but i must first the patients court , to let the physick be apply'd , for they as yet , how sick soever , scorn our ministry , who would the healing remedies apply : in bodily diseases they will hie them quickly to physicians , lest they die , send , pray , and pay , take what 's prescrib'd , endure all pains , and tortures , for a speedy cure : but in their soul distempers will not give an ear to sound advice , nor seek to live : and when we freely offer , do disgust our wholsom physick , such needs perish must : is earth less worth than heav'n ? or is the soul less to be valued than the body soul ? no reason can you thus preposterous make ; we keep the casket for the jewels sake : or if this transitory life now is in more esteem than heav'ns immortal bliss , yet take our counsel , and our medicines , seeing they 're for the welfare of your present being : receive , apply , and let them work , they health , temporal , and eternal peace , and wealth do bring : and now these remedies so rare repentance , faith , and true obedience are : repentance takes away the cause of woe , faith reconciles us unto god , and so future obedience will our bliss secure , from age to age for ever to endure . go mourning , and hold up your guilty hand before gods bar , there self-condemned stand ; the way here to be sav'd is to confess , your sins cloak not , excuse not , nor make less ; but aggravate them all , mercy implore , from him who keepeth mercy still in store for penitent offenders , ever will exalt the humble , and the mournful fill vvith oyl of gladness , never will despise , but with delight accepts the sacrifice of broken-hearts , and binds them up and heals the wounded spirit , which compunction feels : before gods foot-stool therefore prostrate lie , cry guilty lord , confess , or else you die : judge , and condemn your selves , if you would save your selves , with god such only pardon have . relent , repent , reform , and throughly purge away your sins , and god will take his scourge , and plague away , with him make but your peace , and he will make your vvars with men to cease , or us victor ; quench but the flames of lust , and he will raise the city from the dust . that kindled first gods wrath , and this the flame vvhich sit'd the city of so ancient fame : for this bow down before gods throne , and kneel , this fire might melt you , if you were all steel , into some godly sorrow ; lie as low as doth your city , and bemone your woe . repent in dust , and ashes , as that lies , and god will make it phoenix like to rise from funeral ashes , london then shall yee more glorious in its resurrection see : might this fire be the cities purgatory , god would restore it with far greater glory : thus if repentance make our peace with god , vve may believe he 'l throw away his rod : vvithout repencance faith presumption is , and finds no mercy ; but when mixt with this it never fails to find , and sure ground hath for hope , and trust , and then indeed 't is faith : if we repent , it 's the condition still imply'd in every promise , that god will prevent , or take away his judgments , but th' impenitent the door of mercy shut against themselves , and lock themselves in woe , keep then your sorrows , or your sins forgoe : but if we do repent , we then may trust , god will forgive us because he is just : then pray in faith , with hearty supplication , that god would pardon this our sinful nation , remove his heavy hand , send peace and health , repair our ruines , and restore our wealth . go sin no more , but henceforth him obey , so shall our kingdom flourish , and all they vvho seek its ruine shall confounded be , and snar'd in their subtile iniquitie : no force , nor fraud shall hurt a righteous cause , manag'd by such as keep th' almighty's laws : but we oft see the juster cause o'rethrown in sinners hands , who hardly god will own , the stronger party to the weak a prey , when they will not the lord of hosts obey . if god be for us , who can us defeat ? if he against us , where shall we retreat for refuge ? if we him against us arm whom all the creatures serve , what cannot harm and ruine us ? the angels take gods pay , and one of them a mighty host can slay : the stars in their swift course do slyly fight gods battels against sinners day , and night : clouds are his canons , swift destruction fling by thunder , and their lightnings vengeance bring by fire on sinful mortals : and the wind brings on its wings oft ruine to mankind : the calmer air convey the pestilence , whereby death steals into us without sense : the earth is iron , and the heav'ns are brass , when threatned famine god will bring to pass ! earth once did open , and take rebels in alive , as if it could not bear that sin : the seas do pass their bounds , and us o'reflow with mischeif , when god bids them further go : frogs , locusts , caterpillars , creeping things , will take the palaces of mighty kings when god doth arm them , and their persons seise , and in a land devour all ( when god doth please ) that 's fair , and fruitful : even our breath infects , our very dust turns lice , or some insects to infest sinful men ; a fly 't is spoke ventur'd a pope infallibly to choke : could he souls out of purgatory vote , and yet not keep a fly out of his throat ? but thus we see , when god gives them commission , the feeblest creatures give us expedition into another world : who god not fears hath all the world in arms about his ears : while man his maker serves , he 's lord of these ; but when he sins they are his enemies : when we provoke our god , where e're we go , each creature looks upon us as a foe : god will protect , and bless his servants , but they who rebel , no confidence can put in him : since to believe , and not obey , self flatt'ry is no faith , henceforth i pray , le ts lay the sure foundation of our trust , in purposes to keep his laws most just : then may we trust he will our plagues remove , and showr down blessings on us from above : when we do purpose to endeavour , and do strive to purpose to keep his command : begin a new course then , and never cease to walk in gods ways , for his ways are peace , and pleasantness , to bear christs yoke delight ; his yoke is easie , and his burthen light : to sin is no light thing , did it not press legions of angels to the bottomless infernal pit from highest glory ? hath not man by weight of sin been prest to death ? look upon worldly wealth , and count it dross ; deny your selves , take up your saviours cross ; the worlds crown hath its cross , his cross a crown , her smiles betray , more safety's in her frown . give unto caesar , and to god their due . fear god honour the king , to both be true : since god is one , so let your heart be , and serve him with one heart after his command . think not your wit a better way can find to worship god , than what is his own mind : take not his sacred name in vain , nor swear profanely , but with reverence , and fear mention gods holy name , in justice , truth , and judgment , when call'd to it , take an oath . observe the holy times , grudge not to spare some time each day for holy thoughts , and pray'r ; but on the days to worship consecrate , divide not betwixt god , and mammon , hate to rob god , and your souls , be wholly given to holy service , grudge not one in seven to him that made them all , nor yet refuse the churches holy days , as such to use : nor count to pray scarce worth your coming there , since god doth style his house , the house of pray'r . honour your parents of all sorts , and show to prince , and priest the rev'rence that you owe : their nakedness when spy'd lament , and bide ; and not like cham discover , and deride . hate not your brother , have no murtherous thought : remember what dire vengeance murther brought on cain , and under no pretence be killing ; religion cannot justifie blood-spilling . make clean your hearts , and keep your bodies free from fornication , and adulterie : they are the temples of the lord , be sure the holy spirit hath a mansion pure in you ; that dove likes not a cage unclean : you 'l be th' unclean spirits den , if obscaene . be just , and honest , and do no man wrong , nor cheat , and cosen with a double tongue ; ill gotten goods do not increase your wealth , but are the rust , that wasts by secret stealth : think not you gain , when you a curse do get , this is a canker , and will surely fret . accuse thou no man falsely , nor defame thy neighbour , tender as thine own , his name : the angel durst not on the devil rail ; and shall we call them saints , who do not fail prince , prelates , priests , & all their friends to slander ; nor spare the church their mother , but will brand with calumnies , their schism to justifie : bad is the cause sure , which doth need a lie for its support ; and shall they not be had in more esteem , whom foes by lies make bad ? father of lies the devil 's rightly styl'd ; and he who like him is , is his own child : his own brood then are sure the sectaries , whose constant trade is to be telling lies : truth unto ev'ry one , or friend , or foe , in justice , and in charity we owe. accuse not god as the heretick doth , who broaches his own error , for gods truth . beware of covetousness the root of evil ! mammon of all the swarm's , the master devil : love not the world , nor sell thy soul for coine ; thy soul 's a richer jewel , than doth shine in this inferior orb , keep that , and quit thy wealth , wealth 's of no worth and price to it . love god , thy soul , thy friend , covet more grace ; and care to see in heav'n thy saviours face . leave drunkenness , and lew'd debauchery , your nations , and religions infamy , your souls , and bodies ruine , families bane , estates consumption , only devils gain : god made you man , make not your self a beast ; drink of its reason will your mind divest : drink to refreshment , not to sottishness ; by healths to lose your own is ●o●●ishness ; stay at the third glass , keeping still the round doth often spill the drinkers on the ground : custom , continuance makes the wine inflame , then in thy face beholders see thy shame . leave foolish pride , and garish vanity , and cloath your selves with neat humility : meekness , and grace , with neatness more adorn , than all the foolish fashions which are worn . let not gods mercies be by us neglected ; nor all his judgments leave us uncorrected : his showrs of blessings be more fruitful under , and let his hammering judgments break asunder your rocky hearts , the means of grace regard ; walk in the light , and light shall you reward , light of gods countenance in heav'nly bliss where neither fire , nor vvar , nor sickness is : nay did we thus , i doubt not god would send us here peace , health , and joy , our times amend : and with our former blessings prosper us , for the days wherein we 're afflicted thus : vvhich that our god , and saviour quickly may ; let us repent , return , and humbly pray . deo gloria in excelsis . finis . * psal. 118.6 , 7 , 10. 6. the lord is on my side , i will not fesr what man can do unto me . 7. the lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore shall i see my desire upon them that hate me . 10. all nations compassed me about , but in the name of the lord will i destroy them . psal. 91. surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler and from the noysome pestilence . he shall cover thee with his feathers , and under his wings shalt thou trust , his truth shall be thy shield and buckler , &c. thou shalt not be afraid of the terror be night , nor for the arrow that flyeth by day . nor for the pestilence which walketh in darkness , nor for the destruction which wasteth at noon day . a thousand shall fall at thy side , and ten thousand at thy right hand , but it shall not come nigh thee . jer . 30. 18. thus saith the lord , behold ! i will bring again the captivity of jacobs tents , and have mercy on his dwelling places , and the city shall be builded upon her own heap , and the palace shall remain after the manner thereof . 19. and out of them shall proceed thanksgiving , and the voyce of them that make merry , and i will multiply them , &c. i will also glorifie them , &c. 20. their children also shall be as afore-time , &c. and i will punish all them that oppress them , &c. a cordial to chear our spirits under our calamities * . ( 1. ) when force of physick quite hath put to rout , the noxious humors did within us reign , the vital spirits almost tired out by the long conflict which they did maintain ; the wise physician doth some cordial give the patients fainting spirits to revive . ( 2. ) thus when by mournful conflicts we have won the day of sin , and hope our woes do slie : lest tim'rous hearts into despair do run , and when the cure is wrought begin to die ; 't is not amiss to give some consolation to chear the spirit of an humbled nation . ( 3. ) and if indeed the mighty hand of god hath duly humbled us , we need not fear , we once corrected , he 'l reject the rod ; and from our mournful eyes wipe ev'ry tear ; his face on us shall shine , frown on our foes , and from our land to theirs transmit our woes . ( 4. ) chear up brave english , fear no foe but sin ! though the ingrateful dutch , and dane combine , and proud french bustle , these shall nothing win , but shame , and slaughter from gods hand , and thine thy thundring guns shall shake the belgick shore , their lyon (a) couch , when ours do rowse & roar . ( 5. ) their lyon once was a poor sneaking curr broke from spains castle (b) , croucht to us , to gain our aid , in which had we but made demurr , he soon had been remanded to his chain . we succour'd him until he freedom knew , shook chain , and master (c) off , and rampant grew . ( 6. ) the poor distressed states came suppliants then , now , high and mighty grown , they have forgot , whose blood and treasure helpt to make them men , 't was the brave english , holland was it not ? methinks while lives the noble name of vere , the dutch should blush ' gainst england to appear . ( 7. ) the valiant acts of the brave veres for these , a second caesar's commentaries make , which whosoe're surveys , from thence with ease the height of dutch ingratitude may take , who by our armies raised to their height , to do us mischief , still employ their might . ( 8. ) and who may trust a rebel , or expect to find a traytor prove a faithful friend , who violate allegiance , will neglect all articles with others for their end : we hatcht them , thinking we should find a dove , come forth , and loe ! it doth a serpent prove . ( 9. ) like serpents of a vip'rous brood , which strive to kill the parent gave them life , and growth ; these who by our protection first did thrive , to let us live by whom they live are loath : but now we shall , if stars speak right their fates , bring down the mighty to distressed states . ( 10. ) so do our magi read in heav'ns bright book , ( god grant who rules the stars , they may not err , ) the shaggy comets have their mischief shook on us , now will as much to them transferr : heav'n hath , and will still take our part no doubt , th' almighty can the high and mighty rout . ( 11. ) just are thy ways o god , thy judgments right , but we to thee , our foes to us ingrate , therefore at land thou justly us do smite , and them for us at sea dost dissipate : we humbled under thy correcting pow'r , them thou wilt quickly humble under our . ( 12. ) thrice have the vaunting belgians come to show their numerous navy , by constraint did fight ; thrice have the braver english made them know , their safety 's best pursu'd by hasty slight : twice their expecting people saw them come as prey before the english hunted home . ( 13. ) once when unlucky shot disabled quite our gen'rals ships that they could not pursue , they getting home , brag'd they beat us out-right , but to get home with them is to subdue : and a thanksgiving wisely they observ'd , for that so many of them were preserv'd . ( 14. ) but stay my muse ! and on the peaceful shore behold the martial combates on the seas , such as no age ere veiwed heretofore , nor will succeeding times see after these : where god pays home ingratitude and pride ; giving the conquest to our juster side . ( 15. ) his royal highness first in person goes , with him the brave prince rupert , each of these more worth than all the navy of our foes , whom the bold opdam did not doubt to seise : with what odds fought we them ? if richest prize can whet the valour of our enemies . ( 16. ) the fleets engag'd (d) and a fierce conflict grew , the clouds of smoke obscur'd the midday sun , from thund'ring canons storms of bullets flew driving out souls , while streams of blood do run from shatter'd bodies , as sometimes you shall in sudden showres see rain from houses fall . ( 17. ) the frighted sun himself i' th' smoke doth shroud , and threatens night so soon as day 's begun ; to do his office , from no thundring cloud lightning breaks forth , but from the louder gun : when peaceful heav'n denies its purer light to mortals rage , by their own fire they fight . ( 18. ) forth from the deadly engines sirie womb the sp'rit'ous peter bursting rends the skies , and flaming sulpher raises foaming scum in boiling seas , the fish in water fries ; the earth receiving the report doth quake , but all this cannot english spirits shake . ( 19. ) no wonder they did deisie of old their valiant heroes , who undaunted run into the arms of death , resolv'd , and bold , for fame , and honour , they no peril shun , but dangers which all others dread desie ; a noble soul 's a kind of deity . ( 20. ) but if these heroes had so great renown , who stood in noiseless war , pecking out life with flying arrows , hewing bodies down with swords , to let out souls ; a sporting strife : what honours due to him who never shuns the deaths which flies so thick from roaring guns ? ( 21. ) guns , whose report strikes fearful hearts with death , and more with terror than with blows do slay , whose wind doth snatch from untouch't men their breath , and passing by can whistle souls away : here cowards hearts dead in their breasts are found , though coming off at last without a wound . ( 22. ) guns whose loud thunder shakes the worlds huge frame into convulsive fits , and seems to threat a sudden dissolution of the same , before the wise creator thinks it fit : yet among these our worthies boldly stand with hearts unshaken , shaking death by th' hand . ( 23. ) neptune rows'd with their noise comes up to see , what on the surface of his kingdom 's done , rising , he shakes his head to see that he cannot be master of the seas alone : but that two daring fleets are sighting for 't without commission from his watry court. ( 24. ) he looks upon them , and the dutch he knows , their land was stol'n from him , & all their wealth his tides bring in ; if nurselings proves his foes , he will recover what they got by stealth : he fears them not , though valiant in a cup , he thinks they cannot drink the ocean up . ( 25. ) but on the english casts a jealous eye , seeing them mantled all in fire , and smoke , he fears they will with him for empire vie , gazing a while , deep silence thus he broke : what mean these daring mortals ? who are these without my leave thus lord it on the seas ? ( 26. ) he spies the duke (e) and fears that mars is come to ravish thetis , and to rule at sea yet thinks he , i will send him whistling home , and therefore bids the winds to come away : but drawing nearer he beheld the prince (f) . and his mistake , with a far kinder sence . ( 27. ) he smooths his ruffled brow , and calms the air , comes mildly on , doth thus the duke salute ; accept this trident o thou fiercely fair , and rule at sea , see it is neptune's sute : let all the winds serve thy design , and show to thee , what reverence to me they owe. ( 28. ) where e're my trident's known , or rule extends , from sea to sea , where e're my tides do flow , and to each river which his tribute sends to me , do thou a conquerour still go ! ride sir in triumph on the ocean wide and tame these hogen mogens swelling pride . ( 29. ) he said , and on his sea-green couch sits down to see the issue of the kindling sight : by this his highness hot , and eager grown , diffuses valour as the sun doth light , till by his raies the english all on fire , make the dutch valour soon like smoke expire . ( 30. ) they fire at greatest distance , and the air not us they beat , and make the water fly , they hope the noise us a far off will scare , for they much fear that we will come too nigh : but ours bear bravely up , nor spent a shot till almost certain that they loose it not . ( 31. ) now near enough , discharged canons send pluto a present of dutch souls , who take a sudden leave of sprangling corpse , and wend to lower shades over the stygian lake : who came in hopes as high as ships on float , now sail to their long home in charon's boat. ( 32. ) when our brave admiral on lofty deck stands brandishing his sword , confronting death , whose influence to fear in all gives check , and inspires valiant heat by his warm breath . whom as a noble prey opdam espies , and with a daring fierceness at him flies . ( 33. ) him others follow , all the duke engage , who life to his , and death to their men throws from martial brows , which with a smiling rage strike awful love into his very foes . put five (g) to one is odds , yet so he shows his presence counter-vaileth four of those . ( 34. ) smith saw the unequal combate , and straight flew with wind fill'd canvase wings the duke to shield , himself between the duke , and dutch he threw , nor gives them time to choose , die , flie , or yield : one broad side given unto opdam blows him up , and blew away the other foes . ( 35. ) now bragging opdam ( set in chair of state as still alive ( though kill'd before some say ) with cosening shew his men to animate ) sinks down in triumph , leading more the way to stix and acheron , where such as shall descend , will find him pluto's admiral . ( 36. ) mean while prince rupert doth like lightning fall among the scattered squadrons of the dutch , vvhere he finds none , makes way like hanibal , who many fights have seen , saw never such : with murd'ring broad-sides opening passage wide : his dreadful frigate thorough them doth glide . ( 37 ) passing , on either side he shares his shot , to which dutch hulls so weak resistance make , that speedy death enters at ev'ry plot , and sinking ships a shrieking farewel take , and shiver'd splinters from torn planks that fly to many deaths make one shot multiply . ( 83. ) thorough , he tacks about , and soon returns , and from loud guns repeats the doom of wounds , and death to them , some sinks , some takes , some burns , and hundreds makes fall into lasting swounds : while his besieged batter'd pinnace stood a floating castle in a sea of blood . ( 39. ) experience now doth give a just allay to his high metal , both in him do meet so duly temper'd , that he justly may lead a land army , or conduct a fleet : in conduct wary , and in counsel grave , in courage fiery , and in conquest brave . ( 40. ) here gallant holms too , bold defiance gave to trump , and all his fury , whom he made ' twice quit his sinking ship his life to save , who in a boat got home at last , 't is said : where landing , if the women could have catch't him , for slaughter'd sons , and husbands they 'd have scratch't him . ( 41. ) now all this time the ecchoing air resounds , the noise of war to many aking hearts on trembling holland , and on english grounds , each wound in sympathizing bosomes smarts : but now the routed dutch invoke the winds , hoyse all their sails too slack for flying minds . ( 42. ) all steer for nearest ports where their folk stand expecting them laden with spoils to come ; but see them with stretcht canvase fly to land , and the pursuing english drive them home . whose guns , and shouts strengthning the winds the more , hast fleeing belgians to their wisht for shore . ( 43. ) got into harbour , there they skulking lie , by our triumphant daring navy aw'd : so creeps the tim'rous hare to some wood by , and squatted lies , hearing the hounds abroad : from smitten brests now doleful cries rebound , for sons , and husbands not returned found . ( 44. ) mean while our crouded shore with shouts doth ring of joyful people , which with longing eye behold the vessels that doth tidings bring , and colours (h) trophies of our victorie : and conqu'ring frigates bringing home their prize , make thundring guns shake th' earth , and rend the skies . ( 45. ) whose kind salute our watchful forts return with as loud welcome , and the watry store , proud of the worthies on its waves are born , curvets , and foams , and gallops to the shore : where landed captives , and the taken prize do take our hearts , and captivate our eyes . ( 46. ) now see the fruit of pious management of war , and all affairs , we kept a fast before the fight , and heav'n success hath sent , who sow in tears shall reap in joy at last : le ts owe our glory to humiliation ; for humble penitence exalts a nation . ( 47. ) what prayers got , let praises give to god ; who in the first engagement turn'd the wind to favour us , and be to them a rod with smoke repell'd to lash them almost blind : nor will our giving god the greatest glory at all eclipse mans honour in the story . ( 48. ) in giving thanks , we do but sow the seeds of future blessings , and lay up in store that which in time a fruitful harvest breeds ; and praise for what heav'n gives , bespeaks for more . thus do thanks-givings victories obtain , and conquests make thanks-giving-days again . ( 49. ) now bragging holland saw they could not beat the english by their single strength alone , from france , and denmark they seek aid to get , so hope to match us , being three to one : we dread them not , our trust in god shall be , there 's three in one can make our own beat three . ( 50. ) our king , and loyal hearts no help require from such consederates , our cause is good , and god will blast our foes designs , as fire consumes with sudden blaze the thorny wood . though nations compass us about , we shall in gods great name , we trust , destroy them all . ( 51. ) the faithless dane first offer'd friendship here ; and during treaty tempts us to his port (i) to seise the belg'ans indies anchor'd there , a squadron under tyddiman go for 't : and under sail to berghen by the way each sea mans mind is laden with his prey . ( 52. ) arriv'd they see inclos'd in rocks their prize , first clifford lands the governour to treat , who knowledge of his master's (k) will denies , brib'd by the dutch , he means both kings to cheat : yet bears us fair in hand if once he knows his princes will , he our design allows . ( 53. ) mean while he lets the belgians plant on shore their batt'ring canons to defend their wealth , and from his castle murd'ring pieces roar , fir'd by the dutch , he saith , got in by stealth : thus basely dealt with , the bold english fall pell , mell to batter castle , town , and all . ( 54 ) enrag'd to see themselves thus tantalize , they seek to sink what 's past their pow'r to gain one on a bed of spices sweetly dies , others by broken diamonds are slain . rich odours fir'd in ships now cloud the skies , as incense doth from kindled censors rise . ( 55. ) but this did not appease incensed minds , our batt'ring balls now shatter houses down , now thorough castle-wals death entrance finds , and folk now fear the sea will take the town , what will not english spirits bravely dare to do ? for ships to storm a castle 's rare . ( 56. ) by this the governour seems to relent , desires to treat again , pretending now th' agreement made betwixt the king is sent , the order owns , he first did disavow , that what we in their harbours take shall be betwixt the kings divided equallie . ( 57. ) now he invites ours to a fresh attempt , but limitted with terms to frustrate it , they saw his proffers did success exempt , and wisely thought a new assault not sit : till they return'd , he would secure the prey he promis'd , they hoise sail , and come away . ( 58. ) now whether denmarks king new counsels took , or berghens governour his faith did sell , few day 's expired ere the dutch forsook the harbour uncontroul'd , but a storm fell ; whereby just heav'n seeing our wrong did bring , part of the prize we fought for to our king. ( 59. ) nor shall perfidious denmark lose his due , heav'n will his kindness unto us repay , and he his double dealing erst shall rue , when england shall of holland win the day : and then have leisure to remember friends , whose proffer'd leagues but serve their treach'rous ends . ( 60. ) mean time the slighted swede may check the dane , and ballance him on the divided sound ; or ancient fame of swedish valour gain by flowing conquests on the danish ground : whom he may soon in field subdue , and then in coppenhagen block him up agen . ( 61. ) nor wish we munster's bishop better fate , who got our coin , and left us in the lurch , by whose deceit we costly learn too late , the german faith is not in roman church : which keeps no faith with hereticks we know , but did forget that they do count us so . ( 62. ) holland of france expects a kind protector , 't is envy , and not love that makes him such , i doubt he 'l rather prove a sly projector , and only help that he may rule the dutch : so once the saxons did the britains aid , until this kingdom for their service paid . ( 63. ) what ruffling france for holland means to do , two summers hence they possibly shall know , the last they complemented to and fro , this their fine fleet abroad shall fairly show : the third he may to show his horns begin , but if a storm comes wisely draw them in . ( 64. ) yet proud france blusters with his men , and arms as if he 'd win the world , and great plots laies for some invasion , but no land he harms , his mind on holland , not on england preys : the sea 's an hill (l) his forty thousand men may bravely sail up , and goe down agen . ( 65. ) le roche can tell 't is a design more meet for courtly french to man a lady home , than warlike english on the seas to greet from whose salute doth greater mischief come . if first he had not carried home their queen , france's tall ships portugal ne're had seen . ( 66. ) yet he with promises doth holland feed of great assistance which he still delays , those haughtiness in belgian spirits breed , but this their expectation still betrays : the greatest kindness he hath done them yet , was by the show he made to part our fleet. ( 67. ) unhappy parting when prince rupert went to seek the french , nois'd to be put to sea , their joyning with the belgians to prevent , which the dutch hearing came out presentlie : whom albemarle's great duke (m) engag'd alone , though they in numbers were near three to one . ( 68. ) their numerous navy he no sooner spies , which on the ocean like a city shows , but he with canvase wings to battel flies , whose fleet looks like an hamlet to his foes : more great in mind , in pow'r less by far , he hurls himself into unequal war. ( 69. ) his captains all bear bravely up , and fear no perils where this gen'ral leads them on , dangers with him like shadows do appear , which where bright phoebus sheds his rays are gone : the name of monk was dreadful still among remembring dutch , his name 's a squadron strong . ( 70. ) the fleets engage (n) , and they in numbers bold , and ours in spirit , now the fight grows warm , our snugging frigates do their sides unfold , and their 's more lofty built our rigging harm : we ply'd them thick , & made their fleet more thin , each ship its own way open'd to get in . ( 71 ) among their multitude unseen ours lie , like stragling hunters beating in a spring , until the hollowing guns do signifie to partner ships their place ; these answering : then through the dutch they cut their passage free , and let in light ; thus one another see . ( 72. ) long time our few their many counterpoise , the english valour holds the balance even , if either , the dutch scale did seem to rise , and the advantage to our side was given : but envious night her sable mantle spread , and from our force glad belgians covered . ( 73. ) the weary seamen lay them down to rest to fresh their spirits for a fiercer fight ; victorious dreams (o) the english minds possest , and black ideas did the dutch affright : those dream of flying dutch , start up , and shout these startle up to run as put to rout . ( 74. ) aurora drew her curtains , and did peep forth from her eastern bed , and scatter light , our eager souldiers shook of idle sleep , and theirs arose with early minds for flight : with wishing heart each homewards casts his eye , and vessels coming from their coast doth spy . ( 75. ) which brought a fresh supply of sixteen sail , these rais'd their fal'n spirits up anew : ours heard their shout , and saw : their hearts might fail , if ought the english spirit could subdue : whose strength 's their courage , doubling this they vie th' increasing number of their foes supply . ( 76. ) our little fleet was lesser grown by war ; a little from a little 's quickly mist : their multitude did many better spare : yet all discouragements our still resist : with such a general they scorn to fear , who doth the prize of conquer'd nations wear . ( 77. ) the noble duke , what e're his heart revolves , with smiling aspect chears his pensive men , and fills their anxious hearts with brave resolves ; to new assault he fiercely leads them then : long time with even success the fight maintain'd , no conquest ever greater honour gain'd . ( 78. ) another new supply (p) augments their store , and so the strongest strength increasing get ; while our disabled ships sent off to shore , unto the weaker adds more weakness yet : but day these conflicts weary to behold , gave leave to night her sables to unfold . ( 78. ) the careful duke commands his men to (q) rest , himself on reeling deck doth watchful stand , a thousand thoughts perplex his anxious brest no gale of hopes his fervent spirit fann'd : yet he resolves no english shore to touch , unless he 's victor o're the vaunting dutch. ( 80. ) the rising sun now gilds the eastern skie , both fleets prepare the quarrel to decide , victory thus far evenly pois'd did lie , but now inclined to their stronger side : yet are not ours o'recome when they pursue , but to the flying still the honour's due . ( 81. ) opprest with number mightiest spirits yield , when force , and ammunition both do fail , the truest valour wisely quits the field , thus wants , and weakness , not the dutch , prevail , make our unwilling general retreat , who yet in this doth still his foes defeat . ( 82. ) in such triumphant order he retires as above former victories doth raise his great renown , big frigates he requires to keep the reer , the less securely lays under the shelter of the greaters wing , and thus his shatter'd navy off doth bring . ( 83. ) our greatest frigates keep the dutch in awe , if their advancing vessels drew too near , they turn'd , and by a broadside give them law for distance , one was sunk the other fear , and follow as if awfully they come to see our batter'd navy safely home . ( 84. ) only the prince ( a gallant ship ) did strand , whose presence boldest dutch could never brook , nor durst approach while upright she could stand , but falling fowl , her helpless men they took : her self expir'd in flames , much better so than to be prize to the insulting foe . ( 85. ) at last the prince (r) whose heart was in his ear , e're since he heard the guns , steer'd by their sound , with flying colours doth far off appear , but french they were , which first did ours confound , and the glad dutch bore up their friends to meet , and him with warlike welcome kindly greet . ( 86. ) approaching , he red crosses soon displays , which husht their joy , heav'd english hearts , and hands , de ruyter sneaking back with shame , now lays with craft his bragging ships behind the sands , who with a braving shew now hover there to tempt the eager prince into the snare . ( 87. ) fierce as a lyon he to combate slyes , to check the boldness of this vaunting foe , but the dukes wibfe upon his jack-slag spyes , the signal that he should not forwards go , but first consult ; then with a slighting tack he waves the dutch , and to our fleet comes back . ( 88. ) with leaping hearts the prince , and duke embrace ; the prince doubts no success , the duke alive , the duke sees victory in the prince's face ; both joy , and weep for joy , and weeping strive to tell their sights , and fears , how parted hence , each shot against the duke did wound the prince . ( 89. ) they curse their parting hour , but 't is too late : now the dukes wasted stores the prince supplies , and both next morn resolve to try their fate , for night came on , but soon their hunting eyes did catch the breaking day , then rowse their men , and to the wakened dutch stood in agen . (ſ) ( 90. ) in this one (t) day they three days war repeat ; as if the princes presence healed all , the wounded men , and ships so nimbly treat the dutch with presents of their powder'd ball , that their vast numbers to retreat begin , willing to part stakes since they could not win . ( 91. ) night interceded for a truce again : her suit was granted , but day calls to fight ; the maimed fleets lie lagging on the main , their chiefest war was now in angry sight ; their eyes shot death , unweildy ships could not ; the princes main-yard down by luckless shot . ( 92. ) the belgians bless the time , and now with-drew , in joyful triumph stand for holland's coast , our shatter'd generals could not pursue ; and this is that great victory they boast : when we not wont such victories to make , disclaim more right , and call it parting stake . ( 93. ) now our torn vessels too are homewards bound for swift repair ; the duke displeas'd he brought no triumph home , would touch no english ground , until the dutch with more success he fought : took no content , although he had renown for what he did , in all minds but his own . ( 94. ) the famous name of monk all lands adore , and though no monks in england bishops be , the monk who soundly beat the dutch before , in spite of them shall rule the brittish sea : he th' honour of three conquer'd kingdoms bore the honour had three kingdoms to restore . ( 95. ) this sight the earnest was of great success , without a miracle could be no more ; by which wisemen with hopeless hearts did guess the rest for a new fight was kept in store : for if divided us they could not beat , how will they stand by our united fleet. ( 96. ) our careful king with pers'nal industry quickens his carpenters with active hands to sit his fleet another bout to try , whose double diligence serves his commands : now the streights fleet to joyn come fitly home : and others , newly of the stocks , do come . ( 97. ) but to maintain the honour they assum'd the hasty dutch were vap'ring on our shore , now all would think them victors they presum'd , who dar'd the enemy at his own dore : nor stayd our ( yet unready ) navy long , but soon appear as numerous , and strong . ( 98. ) the boasting dutch our coming would not stay , nor th' english durst with equal numbers meet , wisely they hoyse their sails , and go away ; and after them did sail our gallant fleet : now courages must fight , the numbers even , the glory to the valiant shall be given . ( 99. ) what ours ne're shun to seek , they seek to shun , an equal combate on the watry plain . do victors use from beaten foes to run ? leave bragging belgians ! for your brags are vain . these never will but with advantage fight , nor kindness shew but where they can get by 't . ( 100. ) behind their dangerous shallows bold they lie , as coward cocks on their own dunghils crow , ours mind no danger but to battel flie , toss't o're the flats by waves that lofty slow : well overtaken , they their foes engage , and on their own coast a fierce battel wage . ( 101. ) the generals did like themselves , nor can more in their praise be said ; allen was brave : holmes as he us'd still plaid the gallant man ; and spraggs from trump himself shall honor have : harman through fire and water glory sought , and all the rest there like true english fought . ( 102. ) the fight was sharp , but short , nor could be long where heartless foes so soon did leave the field : they will not fight but when they 're much too strong , whose hasty flight did us less glory yield , they from the waxing sight so soon withdrew , the battel wain'd e're it to fulness grew . ( 103. ) now fled to harbour close to shore they lay their beaten vessels , where 't was pretty sport , to see the fanfan with de ruyter play ; as if a pigmy went to storm a fort : the prince , and duke had pleasure there to note de ruyters ship fought by their pleasure boat. ( 104. ) while on their coast as victors thus we lie , holms , holland's scourge , goes on an enterprise ; and with admir'd success burns in the uly a numerous fleet (t) most rich in merchandise ; who when winds serv'd would sev'ral wayes have gone , but end their voyage in the torrid zone . ( 105. ) this done he lands , and gives a town to flames ; but in this light our fate we did not see , who had a greater soon on this side thames a fire that quench'd the joy of victorie : yet prais'd be god , who under all our woe supports our hearts from yielding to our foe . ( 106. ) see here the vain attempts of mortals care , with restless toil for wealth by sea , and land , when earth , fire , water , and the blustring air can all devour , what we count sure in hand : with much less labour we might be more wise , if we did trade for heavens merchandise . ( 107. ) even when the flames our london made their prey , our nimble fleet was hunting foes at sea , both french and dutch were joyned now they say , this the brave prince , and fleet would gladly see : at last they have their sought for foes in veiw ; but her black curtain night betwixt them drew . ( 108. ) and e're the morn did in the east appear , heav'n as a mediator rais'd a wind to intercept the sight , no ships could steer a steady course , nor place for battel find : this storm might christians furious spirits calm , and on its wings for wounds bring healing balm . ( 109. ) but if dutch haughty spirits will not yield to terms may suit our nations interest , let foes combine ! god is our rock , and shield , and will the justness of our cause attest : by war we seek an honourable peace , till this may be , war may not safely cease . ( 110. ) nor shall while england hath , or blood , or treasure , or loyal hearts have votes in parliament , whose princes will is their own choice , & pleasure , assur'd the nations good is his intent : and loyal london which in ruine lies , rak'd from her ashes raises new supplies . ( 111. ) whose fire hath made her loyaltie to shine , rich to her king even in her low estate , nor doth her bounty to her wealth confine , but makes her want supply the needs of state , and will convince both france , & holland's fleets , her spirit is not fallen with her streets . ( 112. ) her courage , and her patience both are try'd by fire , and do illustrious appear ; with greater patience none can loss abide or with more courage far less crosses bear ; laid low , her foes to trample on her think , but neither fire , nor water make her shrink . ( 113. ) relenting heav'n who hath us soundly scourg'd , these vertues , pledge of better times , doth give , and if our sickness hath our vices purg'd , and fire consum'd our dross , we yet shall live , to see the war in our full conquest cease , and london rising from her dust in peace . ( 114. ) then shall the wealth of nations thither flow , and silver thames be rich as tagus shore , and strangers ravish'd by her beauteous show , turn captiv'd lovers , and go home no more : the east shall her adore with incense , and the west enrich her with her golden sand . ( 115. ) in ample glory lofty , and more wide , her streets with structures uniform shall stand surpassing all the world can boast beside ; the palace , and the temple of our land : and swains who heav'n some glorious city deem , will this the new jerusalem esteem . ( 116. ) her royal father , whose dear sympathy in her late suff'rings was her sweetest fare , shall in her beauty , and her loyalty rejoyce , and she in his great love , and care : their twined int'rests and affections shall native , and forreign enemies appal , ( 117. ) we have indeed been compassed with woes , trials to good , and punishments to bad : we are beset by sea , and land with foes , who in our sorrows , and distress are glad : but let our faith and courage now appear , nor let us ought but god almighty fear . ( 118. ) who his destroying angels hand hath staid , who much from flames beyond our hopes did save , who twice our navy hath victorious made , whom still the faithful on their side shall have , who to the patient will their loss repair with double gain ; so patient job did fare . ( 119. ) now for the yet unfinisht part of war : go on brave seamen , and compleat your glory ! who die in this their countries martyrs are , whose worthy names shall live in british story : lawson , and mims with honour now do lie embalmed in the english memorie . ( 120. ) when bullets flie so thick they darken air , the lord of hosts in such a storm can save ; or if your souls these to light mansions bear , and seas your bodies take , the sea 's a grave trusty as earth , and when the angel sounds gives up her dead safe as the sacred grounds . ( 121. ) but there 's less fear of death than honour now , your vanquisht foes will scarce endure a sight , scarce will their keels this spring the ocean plough , the conquest 's now less difficult than sight : they , like dull stars the sun with-drawn , are clear about , watch their advantage to appear . ( 122. ) or as full moons rise when the sun doth set , look big , and fierce , as if the skies they won ; our searching fleet come in , so out they get , and shine as if the ocean were their own . but when the sun looks up , the moon doth hide : so can't the dutch our navy's sight abide . ( 123. ) but the sun hunts the flying moon until his opposition doth eclipse her light : so seek the shifting dutch our navy will , till they eclipse their honour in a fight . as for the french they meteors are , no doubt ; let them but blaze a while , they will go out . ( 124. ) those shine like stars , but are indeed a vapour , which hath no proper orb , howe're it shows , but only upwards cuts a nimble caper , and sinks to earth again from whence it rose : perhaps these ignes fatui may jeer the dutch into the ditch and leave them there . ( 125. ) but let us pious , loyal , loving , prove to god , our king , our church , and one another ; so shall the reliques of our woes remove , and prosp'rous days our griefs , and fears shall smother : our bliss from virtue we may calculate more sure than any stars prognosticate . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64521-e6560 * sept. 2. 1666. by two in the morning began this fire , which was not supp●●st in all places till friday morning following . † the roof of paul's falling , broke strangely through into st. faith's church underneath pauls . * many books by the stationers were put under pauls church , to secure them from the fire , but there were burned . * lud king of britain . * who as stories tell landed at totnes in devonshire , anno mundi , 2855. and before christs birth , 1108. years , and soon after built here a city , calling it troy-novant . (a) anno dom. 1086. (b) king of kent : and moved by mellitus bishop of london , to found this church mellitus consecrated bishop , an. dom. 606. (c) consecrated bishop of london , an. dom. 675. (a) anno dom. 1087. notes for div a64521-e21910 (a) the arms of holland . (b) the arms of spain , from whom the netherlands revolting , were aided by queen elizabeth . (c) king of spain . (d) the first sight with the dutch. (e) duke of york . (f) duke of york . (g) five of their ships set upon the duke 's at once . (h) colours taken from the dutch ships ours took , and sent up to the king , shewed in the countries they went. (i) bergh●n business . (k) the king of denmark who profered our king that his ships might take any dutch ships in his harbours , and the prize to be divided betwixt them . (l) according to the common o●inion that the waters are h●gher than the earth , and lie upon and heap at sea. (m) the second sight with the dutch , in the beginning of june this last summer , when prince rupert and the duke of albemarle went general● by joynt commission . (n) the first days fight . (o) the second days fight . (p) on saturday even . (q) the third day . (r) prince rupert who came into the duke on sunday ever . (ſ) the fourth days fight . (t) the fifth day the fight held but an hour or two e're the dutch withdrew . (t) con●isting of 150. sail. a sermon intended for paul's crosse, but preached in the church of st. paul's, london, the iii. of december, m.dc.xxv. vpon the late decrease and withdrawing of gods heauie visitation of the plague of pestilence from the said citie. by tho: fuller, master of arts in pembroke-hall in cambridge fuller, thomas, master of arts. 1626 approx. 101 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01346 stc 11467 estc s102824 99838586 99838586 2970 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01346) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2970) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1098:06) a sermon intended for paul's crosse, but preached in the church of st. paul's, london, the iii. of december, m.dc.xxv. vpon the late decrease and withdrawing of gods heauie visitation of the plague of pestilence from the said citie. by tho: fuller, master of arts in pembroke-hall in cambridge fuller, thomas, master of arts. [8], 56 p. printed by b. alsop and t. favvcet, for nathaniell butter, and are to bee sold at his shop at st. austines gate, london : 1626. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -great britain -sermons. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-02 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-04 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-04 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon intended for pavl's crosse , bvt preached in the chvrch of st. pavl's , london , the iii. of december , m.dc.xxv . vpon the late decrease and withdrawing of gods heauie visitation of the plague of pestilence from the said citie . by tho : fvller , master of arts in pembroke-hall in cambridge . london , printed by b. alsop a●d t. favvcey , for nathaniell butter , and are to bee sold at his shop at st. austines gate . 1626. to the right honble : allane cotton , lord major of the hon : citie of london , and to the right wor : sir iohn gore , his worthy predecessour : tho : fvller wisheth length of prosperous dayes here , and fruition of eternall prosperitie with the antient of dayes hereafter . right hon : and right wor ps●ll : this sermon not long since preached in your publique assemblie , is besides , though not against my will publisht : the seuere censure of the eare amazed me , but that more exquisite test of the eye , doth little lesse th●n confound me : euen manna in this kinde is distasted of our corrupt natures ; and but that i know there are stomackes , that will desire fruit when they refuse wholsommer dyet , i must not haue aduentured so ill a cook't dish to so various pallats ; some , i hope , will looke vpon this piece without any thought of the worthlesse author ; and if in it they finde ought either for information of judgement , which i dare not hope , or reformation of life , which is the all of my ambition , the whole neither to them , nor me may proue vnfruitfull . the subject of it being our late heauy affliction , with it's ill cause our transgressions , and it 's good effect our sorrow , together with gods gratious deliuerance and our heartie thanksgiuing for it , this citie , the stage of those scoenes may justly challenge it as her owne ; and to whom then within these walls doth it of right belong , but to your lordship the present , and that other worthy gent : the last principall magistrate therein ? whose sad eyes were witnesses of what this is onely a rude and vnpolisht draught ; he had the happinesse to out-liue those many deaths , to finish his course not more in safetie then honour : you haue the honour to enjoy the yeare of thankfulnesse , to rule in a cleare and faire skie , wherein it will bee your crowne to destroy the cockatrice in the egge , seuerely at first to punish these transgressions and iniquities , which like garden-weedes will spring vp in a sun-shine after a storme , and , if not preuented , will o're-runne the whole plot , and bring againe the like desolation ; god is the same yesterday , to day and for euer , the same to see , to hate , to punish malefactors ; hitherto onely the hands or toes of adonibezick haue beene cut off , his life spared ; worse things then what wee yet haue suffered , may befall vs : you are at the sterne , and may be a great meanes to preuent ship-wracke : good lucke haue you with your honour , ride on prosperously , and let the word of truth guide , and it will defend you . bee pleased to pardon his boldnesse that meanes and wishes well , and humbly offers not onely this but himselfe in all due respect : at your seruice , tho : fvller . faults escaped . page 3. line 1. reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 8. l. 15. for foole , r. fooles . p. 10. l. 9. for these r. theirs . p. 12. l. 6. r. opera . p. 16. l. 16. r. ebriosorum . p. 19. l. 8. r. en. l. last , r. interimat . p. 23. l. 12. r. paruas . l. 16. for out the , r. out of the. p. 40. l. 1. for enfused , r. infused . p. 41. l. 13. after remembrance , put in of . p. 43. l. 18. for respects , r. expects . p. 44. l. 12. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 45. l. 8. for condicions , r. condition . p. 47. l. 5. r. longe . l. 28. for repented . r. reported . p. 49. l. 5. for against , r. to p. 55. l 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . line 4. decursus . psal. 107. verse 17. &c. 17. fooles because of their transgressions , and because of their iniqu●ties are ( nou : trans : ) afflicted . ( vet : ) plagued . 18. their soule abhorreth all meate , and they drawe neere to the gates of death . 19. then they crye vnto the lord in their trouble , hee saueth them out of their distresses . 20. hee sent his word and healed them , and deliuered them from their destructions . 21. oh that men would therefore praise the lord for his goodnesse , and for his wonderfull workes to the children of men . what euripides spake in hecub● concerning a noble and vulgar person deliuering the same speech , eadem oratio non aequè valet : the same doe i hold true of an antient and a younger diuine should they preach , for matter and forme totidem verbis , the same sermon ; it would finde a farre different acceptation . * no man when hee hath tasted old wine will desire new , for he saith the old is better . i freely acknowledge this chayre of moses should rather bee furnished with masters in our israel , men of such grauity and learning , whose awfull presence alone might stop the mouth of all , either censorious criticisme , or enuious detraction : but so heauy hath the hand of heauen beene vpon vs , as not onely the sheepe , but the shepheards themselues haue beene scattered ; those greater and more glorious luminaries are retired to their more priuate orbes , there praying and interceding with a abraham in the fields for threatned sodome ; wisely carefull , according to the aduise of salomon b not to expose their bodyes to these arrowes of god , which as if they had chosen this citie for their proper ayme , haue thus long , thus mortally wounded vs ; so that this night of our desolation hath beene inlightened onely with lesse and weaker constellations . and those reuerend and worthy ones that haue stayed , haue found their owne pastorall charges a double labour vnto them . so that young samuel , or none must supply the place of old eli , and in the absence of the prophets , their children of seruants must discharge this duty . it will be your charity to expect from children no more then what such weaklins , and nouices can produce ; to pardon weake if there be no wilfull aberrations ; st. paul a himselfe when he was a childe , spake as a childe , b and out of the mouthes of babes and sucklins is god often pleased to make his praises issue forth : what then the heathen were wont to proclaime in the beginning of their sacrifices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so wee desire none but equall eares and milde censurers at our sermons . c good newes is good newes though from a leaper , and truth though vttered out of weake and vnworthy lips ought to lose nothing of it's worth and acceptation . the prophet in this psalme describes foure seuerall sorts of men that stand indebted to god for deliuerance from earthly and temporall dangers , and afflictions . the first whereof are they that haue suffered banishment , as the beloued disciple d iohn in pathm●s , are exiled from their natiue soyle , and may say with them in the poet , e nos patriae fines & dulcia linquim●s ar●● , their natiue country with all the pleasures thereof they forsake , and are driuen to liue among strangers , to seeke their bread in an vnknowne land , to conuerse with such people , whose language is riddles vnto them , yet there they crie vnto the lord , f whose eares as his eyes goe through the world , and hee heareth them and brings them home in safety . the second are they that haue with g peter bin lockt vp in prisons , and with h ieremy throwne into the dungeon , and fettered , not onely in chaines of iron , but which is worse , in fetters of darknesse , not hauing so much happinesse as to see themselues miserable , yet thence from those disconsolate places , they crying vnto the lord , he also heareth them and deliuereth them , breakes those bonds in sunder , and set● their 〈◊〉 ▪ in a larger r●●me . the third being the text which at this time i haue chosen to bee the subiect of my weake discourse , are they that haue beene brought so lowe , with the harbinger of death ; sicknesse , that their soules abhorred all meat , and all pleasure is as the gall of aspes vnto them , vnwelcome and vnsauorie , yet they also with i hezekiah , crying vnto the lord , their strength is renued , and there are dayes and yeares added to their liues . the fourth are they that goe downe to the sea in ships , and occupie their businesse in great waters , sea-faring men , that are neither inter vi●●s ●ec inter mor●uos , betweene the liuing nor the dead , and are ready to offer vp their soules to euery flaw of winde , and billow of water which assailes them , yet these at last are ioyfully deliuered , and safely brought to that hauen where they would bee . the a●●aebeum or burden of each one is this , oh that men would praise the lord for his goodnesse , and for his wonderfull workes to the children of men . it was the saying of salomon k a word spoken in due time is like apples of gold with siluer pictures , whose outside is faire , but the inside glorious ; if euer text was seasonable , this is now at this time , being a liuely description to our eares , of what our eyes haue beene wofull witnesses and spectators , here is a reall narration , and a true demonstration of our owne lamentable estate , whether we consider our misery we haue beene plagued and afflicted , or the cause of those sorrows our transgressions and iniquity , or the effect of those disasters , our fasting and crying vnto the lord , or the happy euent of our humilia●ion and contrition . he heard vs in our distresses , hee sent his word and healed vs , hee hath spoken and wee haue escaped from the noysome pestilence . or lastly the good end and conclusion which we all should make our thankfulnesse , oh that men would , &c. l plus profic●tur , cùm in rem presentem venitur , when we see and feele the truth of what we heare , the words cannot but moue and proue eff●ctuall . m illi ●●bur & oes triplex c●ra pectus , his sinewes are of i●on , and his soule of marble , who , when he heares the sad relation of those miseries wherein himselfe and his brethren haue beene miserable sharers , shall not haue his heart pricked , as the n iewes had at peters sermon , t●lling them their sin past , and their iudgement to come , so againe , that heart is as 〈◊〉 as brawne , and himselfe not worthy the ayre hee breathes in , that is not taken with this great deliuerance of our gratious god , that hath not his soule rauisht with ioy , and indeauours not to expresse the fruites of his gratitude in his life and conuersation , in reall acts of charity and obedience : for if euer death triumphed , 't was this yeare in the streets of our forsaken city , and if euer mercy againe victoriously ouercame , it was now in this sudden and vnexpected declination from the deaths of so many thousands in one weeke , to so few hundreds within a few we●kes after , it was onely the * lords doing , and it ought to bee meruailous in our eyes . wherefore as tully spake of a booke which cran●or wrote , it was paruus , sed aureolus , & ad verbum ediscendus , with better reason may i say of this text of scripture , it deserues to bee engrauen vpon the palmes of our hands , or rather on the tables of our hearts , neuer to bee forgotten , to be worne as a bracelet vpon our armes , or rather as a ●ron●let betweene our eyes , still to bee thought vpon and still to magnifie god for it . but because a pleni sumus r●marum as hee in the comedie , and the thought both of sorrow and deliuerance equally slips out of our memories with the sense of them , giue me leaue to thrust my finger into an al-most-healed soare , to drawe fresh blood from our late wounds ; to discourse a while of our afflictions , that so our extremitie duly and often considered , our owne escape , and miraculous preseruation may bee more welcome to vs , and we more thankfull for it . and so i come to my text. fooles because of their transgressions , &c. b the subiect of dauids song mercy and iudgement , as of all holy writ in generall , so it is the chiefe matter of this text in particular , heere is iudgement in the punishing , and mercy in deliuering againe from that iudgement , or rather here is mercy , then iudgement then mercy againe ; for what was it that suffered these fooles so long to runne on in the wayes of their foolishnesse , till they added transgressions to their f●lly , and iniquitie to their transgressions , till they heaped one sinne vpon another , that their regions were forborne not onely till they were albae ad messem , but siccae ad ignem , white for haruest , but drye for the fire , till the measure fo their wickednesse was not onely full , but heaped vp , pressed downe , and running ouer , but those viscera misericordiae as they are tearmed , the bowels of his compassion , his long suffering patience , who wills not the destruction of any ; he could in the infancy of their sin ●aue throwne them not onely to the gates of death , but euen the belly of hell , but yet he stayed , and stayed , till there was no end of their rebellions , so that laes● patientia fit furor , patience too long , too much abused becomes fury : yet a little while and his bow will be bent , and his arrowes drawne to the head , and he is as it were compelled to strike . and yet see and wonder at mercy in the middest of iudgement , they are not swallowed vp quite of this deuourer , they are but at the gates of death , * he hath chastened them sore , but hee hath not giuen them ouer vnto death . hee plagues none ad destructionem sed ad correctionem , to amend , not to destroy vs ; loath to begin , and yet in the proceeding procuring our good and aduantage . o quam vellem nescire literas , q said nero in the beginning of his raigne , when he was to subscribe for the execution of a malefactor ; ten thousand times more loth is our gouernour , the father of all comfort , and god ●f all mercy to strike , much more to kill . r hee wills not the death of a sinner , but rather their conuersion and saluation . and because prosperity doth rather breed corruption then amendment , as f ges●urun waxing ●at will kicke , and wee see that standing waters will soone grow noysome . aduersity must then succeed , as when t absolom could not draw ioab vnto him by faire intreats , he fired his barley ●ieldes to make him come , so that here is the course , god blesseth , they sin , god strikes , they pray , and then he presently heares and helpes them . thus then my text falls in sunder : first , as all phisitians comming to their patients examine the cause of the disease ; so here wee haue the ground and the originall of all our sorrowes our transgressions and iniquities . 17. foole because of their transgressions , and because of their iniquities , are afflicted . then secondly we haue the nature of the disease , the new transl●tion saith in generall they are afflicted . the old hath it , they are plagued which by the symptomes of it may be thought to b●e the same disease vnder which wee haue thus long groaned ▪ 18. their soule abhorreth all meate , and they drawe neere to the gates of death . vomiting i am sure is one of the certainest signes of the plague . then thirdly the seeking to the phisi●ian . 19. then they cry vnto the lord in their trouble . f●u●●hly the cure intended in the same verse applyed in the next . hee saued them out of their distresses . 20. hee sent his word and healed them , and deliuered them from their destructions . and lastly the conclusion of all , the onely fee and gratification which our phisition expects for the cure . 21. oh that men would therefore praise the lord for his goodnesse , and for his wonderfull workes to the children of men . these are the parts , the cause , the disease , the seeking to the phisition , the cure , and the discharge , or satisfaction . as the prodigall u when hee returned to his fathers house freely confessed hee had sinned against heauen and against him , and was no more worthy to be called his sonne , and so reduced all his delinquencyes to these two heads , god , and man ; so are all our sinnes wee can bee guilty of , included in these two , our transgressions and our iniquities ; our transgressions , as all interpreters doe agree , smiting against the first table , and our iniquities violating the second ; our sinnes of knowledge , our sinnes of ignorance , our sinnes of weaknesse , our sinnes of wilfulnesse , our secret , our open sinnes , of our thoughts , of our mouthes , of our hands , are all here comprised , whatsoeuer the diuell can suggest , or to which our hearts can consent , or our hands act are all here vnderstood . should i take vpon me to number the transgressions of our iudah , and reckon vp the particular iniquities of our israel , i might as easily call all the ●●arres by their names , and giue a true and exact accompt of the sand vpon the sea-shore ; not onely the ends of the world as * saint paul saith , but the ends of all goodnesse are met vpon this last and worst age of ours . the sinnes which in former ages were but in their infancy , are now in ours , growne to their full height and strength , those which whilome were but in the egge , are now come to be fiery flying serpents ; all these wee haue and more of our owne , more horrid ; euery new day almost brings in a new way of offending ; were salomon now aliue , he would recant , in that x he said , he saw no new thing vnder the sun , et dictum , & factum quod non prius , wee offend both in word and workes in such kindes , such fashions , as former ages were neuer guilty of the knowledge of , and non habet vlterius quod nostris moribus addat . posteritas — posterity will neuer be able to paralell our exorbitancies ; as in the time of the plague wee wondred not so much at those that dyed , as at those that escaped : so in this generall infection , they deserue no admiration that offend , but they that are found innocent , vt pueri iunonis au●m , are wondred at as a bird of diuerse colours . should euery leaper in this kinde be enforced as those other leapers in the old y law were , to go out of our cities , and rend their clothes , and cry i am vncleane , men would swarme in our fieldes like those grashoppers in aegypt , our townes and houses should onely be places for z zim and iim , owles and ostriches to inhabite in ; our streetes should bee left so desolate , that grasse might there grow , and a * man should bee more pretious then the purest gold of ophir . a not a man amongst vs but may cry as dauid did peccaui , nay stul●è seci , wee haue sinned and done very foolishly ; stocke and branch , cedar and shrubbe , prince and priest and people , all of vs are digged out of one and the same pit of adams disobedience , and hewen out of that rocke of infidelity . b the father of vs all was an ammorite , and our mother an hittite ; in sinne haue they begotten vs , and in iniquity haue they produced vs. and we our selues sucke not the ayre faster , nor behemoth drinkes downe iordane with more greedinesse then we c hale on sinne with cart-ropes , and pull it vnto vs euen by violence : the d whole head of man-kinde is sicke , and the whole heart faint of this malady . there is none that doth good , no not one , e saith dauid ; there is none that doth not cuill , say i , and very euill , no not one . salomon f at the dedication of the temple concluded vs all vnder sinne ; omnes aliquid , nemo nullum . all of vs offend in some things , and some of vs offend in all things ; g the most righteous in all the cluster of man-kinde falls in his happiest day seuen tim●s . hee hath breuia , leuiaque peccata , quam●is pauca , quamuis parua , non tamen nulla , so that omnes odit , qui malos odit , his sword must needs be against euery man that fights against wicked men . for our skin cleaues not faster to our flesh , nor our flesh to our bones , then transgressions and iniquities to the hearts and hands of vs all . but to reduce my in●ectiue into some method , as caesar comprised his victories in three words , veni , vidi , vici . so will i reduce all our extrauagancies to three other , corda , ora , opa ; our hearts , our tongues , our ▪ hands , are the three weapons with which we fight against our god , our neighbour , and our selues , with our hearts wee contemne , with our tongues we defie , with our hands we worke against the god of heauen . or if you please , because my text hath but two words , transgressions and iniquities ; i will confine my selfe also to two particulars , our transgressions against the first , and our iniquities against the second table . the former table briefely containes in it foure seuerall precepts , the first whereof commands internall pietie , that in our hearts we haue one , and but one god alone ; the second externall worship of that one god , and sorbids vs to bow our knees , or prostrate our selues to any grauen or carued image , or likenesse of any creature , but onely to himselfe : and because ex abundantia cordis os loquitur h as our sauiour saith , as wee conceiue in our hearts , our tongues will expresse , therfore the 3. commandement orders that , which is the principall member we haue , either to honour or dishonour our maker ; in it is both life and death i saith salomon ; that commands vs to exercise them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in blessing and praising his holy name , not in swearing , cursing , and blaspheming , but to speake reuerently as befits the seruants of so great a maiestie . and as at all times we ought to be busied in the celebration of his praises , so especially on that day which he hath set apart for his diuine worship , in the tabernacle and great congregation ; for which the fourth commandement takes order , which sets one day apart wherein we should meete and pray to him for things wanting , and praise him for benefites receiued at his hands . giue me a man that hath not transgrest against these foure words , and i will say and pronounce , that he needs no sauiour , nay himselfe shall become a kinde of a sauiour of his fellow-brethren . i may not be long in particulars , i shall but onely touch them leui digito , as k the 12. searchers of canaan brought some of the fruit of the land to their brethren , for a taste , so must i onely trouble you with a few , and in briefe of our rebellions in this kinde , yet so as ex vnguê leonem , yee may ghesse at the lyon by his clawes , wee shall see that , what the most are by act , all of vs are by nature . to taxe vs with the cōmon idolatry of bowing our selues as l the iewes to their golden calfe , to any carued or grauen image , it shall now be altogether vnnecessary , sith the glorious shine of the gospell hath quite dispeld all those mists of ignorance and superstition ; those idolatrous micha's that are , dare not , ( thrice blessed bee that power by which they dare not ) shew themselues abroad , but like owles and batts in obscuritie , or be●sts in their dennes , they bury themselues in their secret and vnknowne houses , and there more blinded , then the l syrians were when they were led into sa●aria , fall to their abominations ; but such order is happily taken , by direction from his sacred majestie to his iudges and principall officers of state , that these cacus-dennes shall bee more narrowly searched into , and these wooden ●riests , and wooden saints , together with their wooden gods , shall be excluded our israel , and sent to eate their bread in those places where first they suckt their contagious poyson , or liuing here , they shall be serued as the m gibeonites were , so kept vnder and supprest , as they shall neuer endanger our state and common-wealth . when the head hath thus well ordered and commanded , may those hands forget their cunning that shall either be carelesse , or negligent in the execution . cursed may he be , and may the curse cleaue to his seed , that shall doe this worke of his lord and master perfunctorily with a double heart , or a double eye , carrying fire in one hand , the authority and command of the king , and water in the other ; his owne timorous or ●upine conniuence . but there is another idolatry more common , no lesse dangerous then that other , if the n apostle deceiue vs not , couetousnesse is idolatry , and there are whose backes and o belly is their god. mammon is the god of the couetous , and belial of the voluptuous ; these are thy gods ô england , to which the greatest part of the inhabitants are votaries and idolaters ; in these respects wee may complaine as the prophet did of iudah and ierusalem , p according to the number of thy cities o iudah haue they set vp altars , and according to the number of thy streets o ierusalem haue they erected images , so according to the number of men are their idolatries . the heathen were justly taxed for burdening the poore shoulders of atlas with so many deities , for euery seuerall purpose they had one , for peace , for warre , for corne , for wine , houshold-gods , aud country-gods , and citie-gods , and field-gods ; ●ay , rome was so base in it , as to erect a god-head for their draught-houses , cloacina was the goddesse for that purpose . tantum religio potuit suadere malorum , wherein are we inferiour , and in what are they better that dei●ie their throates or bellyes ? that ob vnius horaehilarem insaniam , as drunkenesse is called , diuest themselues of all hope of eternall happinesse : whose temple is the tauerne , and the drawers their priests , the flaggons of wine their sacrifice , which they poure downe their throates , as the heathen did to their god bacchus , and so giue a drinke-offering to the deuill . that epicure that wished his necke as long as a cranes , that he might haue the longer pleasure of his meates and drinkes , compared to many a man in our times might bee thought temperate , and q di●es his dain●y fare ; or apitius dyet would be thought penurious . the diuells walke is vndertaken , r seas and lands are compassed for the satisfying our appetites in this kinde ; and as s dauid called the water of bethlehem fetcht with the hazzard of the liues of his men , the blood of those men , so the blood of many men is daily drunke , and drunke in excesse , that blood of the grape fetcht from farre alwayes with the hazzard , and many times with the losse of many a mans life . nor doth the variety so much offend , as the abominable superfluity in the abuse of them , making them indeed the liquors of blood , beginning them to the healths of ourrfriends , but often ending like tragedies in one anothers massacre . as seneca complained in his times , vidi ebrioserum sitim & v●mentium famem , haue we as much reason to complaine in ours , there being obiected daily to our eyes , as was to the blinde mans in the t gospell at the first recouery of his sight , men walking like trees , shaking like the tops of them in a winde , reeling like a vessell in a tempest at sea , cutting indentures with their inconstant feete without sense or shame , or controlement . i haue read that cleopatra beat a iewell valued at 50000. pound to powder , and drunke it off at one draught to the health of marke anthony , such summes few of our drunkards are guilty of , but as christ said in the u gospell , that the widow in offering but two mites , offered more then the rich pharisees did , because she offered all she had , so in this respect wee haue among vs , that drinke more then that vaine woman did , ventring their whole estates through the ●●raytes of their throate , and haue lost it all in the bottome thereof their bellyes , themselues hauing beene after such shipwracke forced with belisarius in rome to beg a farthing , and glad , with the * prodigall , of huskes and acornes for want of other food . and for our tables , how are they surcharged with the weight of dishes vpon them ; one fowle is fed 100. times , that it may feed vs but once , aud x all the creatures groane vnder that burden , ha●d necessitatem deprecantes sed iniuriam , they willingly like those y quayles in the wildernesse , offering themselues to our slaughter for our necessity , onely desiring the excessiue abuse of them to be forborne . i know there must be feasts for the honour of kingdomes , of states , of magistracy , publike persons must haue such publike meetings as their worth and place requires , but for z nabal to feast like a king ; for homo quidam as diues was called , a certaine rich man , to fare daintily quotidie , he is the belly-god , and this is his idolatry ; whose kitchin is his temple , whose priest is the cooke , whose table is the altar , and whose meat his sacrifice which he daily offers vp to that god , as the babilonians sometime did to their idoll bel. so weighty is the idolatry of the backe , carrying thereon whole farmes and mannor-houses that clemens alexandrinus said , it was a a meruaile they were not killed , cùm tantum onus baiulent , augustus the emperour tearmed this vanity vexillum superbiae , nidumque luxuriae , they are tokens of a naked and a wanton minde , which because their soules want that inward clothing of grace and good workes must thus like sepulchers paint and beautifie their bodies for want of better ornaments ; * they are fruitlesse twigs that aspire aloft when the fertile bowes humbly descend to the earth . they who thus vainely set out their bodies as it were to sale , meerely discouer the pouerty of their spirits . it is a pretty picture that points out an english-man naked , with a taylor standing by with a paire of sheeres in his hand , ready to shape him into any dresse , sometimes he is french alone , then spanish , then dutch , then italian , then altogether like them all , and in all so vnlike himselfe , that when the true god that made him comes to see him , hee must needs say non novi , depart from me , you have so disguised and mishapen your selues , as i doe not know you . their faithfull taylors are the priests to these idolaters , and their bills their bibles , which sometime for want of discharging they keepe by them , but when they are payd , they profanely cut them in pieces , but yet so happy are their priests , that their tenths grow to a greater heape in the close , then all their patrons 9. parts besides . but there may bee some reasons for these idolatryes , the pleasing of our senses , and the satisfaction of our flesh , but the other that we should a say to a wedge of gold thou art my hope , or to siluer , thou are my confidence , that wee should make our selues seruants to that which euery beast treads vnder his feet , this , as it hath lesse shew of reason in it , so is it farre more hatefull ; an abomination which the indians themselues abhorred in christians , when holding vp a piece of gold , they cryed eh de●s c●ristianorum . i cannot but thinke how soone a couetous man would bee downe on his face , and ▪ vp with his hands to the diuells worship , should he but say to them , i will not say as the deuill did to christ , b omnia hac dabo , but the least mole-hill almost that it containes , which is not more base in it selfe , then vncertaine for the continuance ▪ the holy altars of god shall be sacrilegiously robd , and his sacred reuenews purloyned to fill full their coffers , the temples of their mammon . and so thrifty are these beads-men , as they will not be at the charge of a priest , themselues will doe that office , or at least they doe as micah , iudg. 17. consecrate one of their sonnes , who looking to their temples and golden gods , sometime play false with them , as micah with his mother , and they with others ; what they get with the sweat of their brow , and the sorrow of their heart , their sonnes like those of c eli , spend as merrily . the father grindes the faces , and grieues the heart of the poore , the sonne glads the heart , and decks the body of an harlot . what agrippina said of nero her sonne , interim at modò imperet , so the father hee will kill , burn , destroy , so he may but get d gaine , which is his godlinesse , and the sonne kills , burnes , destroyes , to satisfie his mistresse , which is his saint , and the onely matter of his religion . thus wee violate the two first commandements , now for the third and fourth , let our horred oathes , tearing god in pieces with blasphemy , with c thomas , putting our fingers into the wounds of our sauiour , making new blood thence to issue afresh , witnesse : words come not faster then oathes , and those newly coyned , old ones are scorned as obsolete , and the forge of our braines is still on worke for new ones , such as will make the eares of euery honest christian man to tingle and shake , if it were possible , the foundations of heauen and earth . so likewise our prophane violation of the sabaoth ; i will not strictly vrge a ceremoniall abstinence from all moderate and lawfull recreations at seasonable houres , but i onely could wish this day were as happy in its kinde as the other sixe are in theirs , then are the manuary trades exercised , euery man is busie in his vocation , buying or selling , or the like , few or none are idle , onely this day wherein our humane lawes ●orbid workes , and the diuine lawes command sanctity , men take more liberty to doe euill , being longer and with farre greater content in the tauerne , and sometime in worse houses then the temple of god. thus we multiply our transgressions as the hayres of our heads , and there is no end of our rebellions the euening of our carelesnesse , and the morning of our presumption makes the first and second and third , and all the dayes of our liues . and if we thus deale with our god , how doe wee vse our neighbour ? if the first table bee thus profaned , how is the second violated ? if we swallow downe these camels , surely what followes are but g●●ts , and while we with such facility passe ouer these mountaines , mole-hills will neuer keep vs in our bounds , and so i come to consider our iniquities against the second table . i will but run them ouer . 1. wee scornefully cast the cords of superiority from vs , and breake the b●nds of all subiection in sunder , our fathers that begat vs , our mothers that bore vs , our earthly gods are neglected and forsaken , should they but command ought contrary to our humours ; 2. nay , is life spared when anger and fury is prouoked ? caligula among the romans was called lutum sanguine maceratum , are there not many among vs that haue made blood touch blood ? a wry looke , a misplaced word , a mistake sometimes hath spilt the blood of him for whom christ dyed ; man was made at first to bee as f moses to aaron , a god , a friend , a helper , but now g our siluer is become drosse ; the beasts de●uour not one the other more fiercely then one man doth another . 3. so for the third , how are our bodyes that should be vessells of honour , h temples for the holy ghost to dwell in , giuen ouer to all vncleannesse , men i neighing with the horse after his female , and thinking no k waters so pleasant , nor any bread so sweet , as what in that sort is purloyned . 4. those pronounes meum and tuum are rased out of our grammers , many violently stealing , but more fraudulently cozening their neighbours of their estates ; * it is naught , saith the buyer , and comming to sell it , hee as much commends it , and in both equally deceiptfull . 5. how greedily doe our eares sucke in false reports of our brethren , and how are our mouthes with childe till againe they be deliuered of them to the detraction of their repu●es ; the diuels name comes from such practice diabolus is divulgator , a spreader abroad of euill reports , so that they that report them , haue the diuell in their tongues , and they that receiue and beleeue them , the diuell in their eares , both in their hearts . nay , are there not found among vs i sons of belial , such as iesabell procured to sweare against naboth , who for a small salary will sweare downe innocence it selfe , and condemne it ? the temple-walkes in the tearme-time are seldome vnfurnisht of such necessary mischiefes . 6. and whence come all these ? what is the ground of all these iniquities , but our owne concupiscence , the sinne against the last commandement , which as st. iohn m diuides it , is either carnis or occulorum , with n achan wee see a babilonish garment , and a wedge of gold , and so wee desire to be fine , or rich , or to enjoy such a beautie , or to be reuenged in such a kinde , for such an iniury , and loe all these actuall iniquities follow . these are in grosse our grosse transgressions and iniquities , against which being to declaime , i could wish i had stentors voyce , and more sand to runne out , but there are other things which call for my labour and your attention : but yet ere i leaue this verse , with the practice of which sinnes we so much please our selues , giue me leaue to doe as the finers of gold and siluer , who non solùm aurimassas , verum & bracteolas parvus tollunt , not onely make vse of the wedge it selfe , but euen of the smallest rayes or foyles which their mettall casteth , so heere giue mee leaue to note out the first word of the verse , the censure which the wisdome of god giues vpon men , when they are in their greatest ruffe , in the toppe of their pride , as nebuchadnezzar in his galleries , and say with o pharaoh , who is the lord that i should obey him , or with p rabsaketh to hesekiah , he shall not be able to deliuer thee out of my hands , i say though they like the dromedary weary themselues in the race of their abominations and yet triumph , thinking that wisedome shall onely liue and die with them : yet see what a blacke coale they are marked with by the finger of the spirit , the honourablest stile they can haue , is but fooles , that 's the best and most charitable construction can be giuen of all their actions , and the fayrest tytle they can deserue . one builds and thinkes to get him a name that way , another lades himselfe with thicke clay to vse the phrase q of the prophet , and hopes that way to get him a name , another ventures his life to get him a name after his death , and there are catilanary dispositions , who by mischiefe thinke to procure a name , as those inventors of the powder-treason , but see here what name they get , this is the denomination which they haue in their liues , and shall without repentance be written on their tombes , foole and vnwise to heart , and without vnderstanding shall each of them be called , and so recorded to posterity . as r abigal spake of her husband , nabal is his name , and folly is with him , so it is with vs all by nature , we are all bound vp in a bundle of folly together , were wee as wise as achitophell s whose counsell was thought as the oracles of god , or as * solomon who could dispute of euery thing , from the cedar to the shrubbe , or as z adam , who had the wisedome to impose names according to the seuerall natures of euery creature , yet is all t the wisdome in the world folly with god , who u sits in heauen and sees the actions of men , and laughs them to scorne , and will at last openly discouer their nakednesse to themselues , that they themselues shall bee enforced to acknowledge their folly , and bee ashamed of it . though the sword of gods vengeance long rests in the scabberd of ●his patience , as it did to these men here in my text , yet at last it will bee drawne forth , the heathen shall know themselues to bee but men , and these men to bee but fooles , the day of their pleasure is now past , and the night of their tribulation comes , they were well and in health and merry , but see now they are afflicted , nay , tarditatem supplitij gravitate compensat , for see the manner of it ; their soule abhorreth all meate , and they drawe neere to the gates of death , and so the second part comes in , the disease . the cause of our disasters you haue heard , our transgressions and our iniquities , hinc nostri fundi calamitas , hence is the source of all our sorrowes , the originall of all our afflictions . had our first parents continued in that innocency wherein they were created the name of affliction had beene a stranger vnto them , they had neuer suffered , had neuer dyed , but they starting aside like a brok●n bow , and falling from that integrity , haue not onely brought a death , and that a double one vpon themselues and their issue mori●nd● moriemini , but also encumbred that short life which was alotted them with a world of sorrow and vexation . hence come that infinite number of diseases which begirt and enuiron this body of ours , so that not one part from the sole of the foot to the top of the head may challenge any freedome and immunity , some whereof ambitiously aspire to the seate of maiesty the head , and there despightfully triumph ouer vs , while others more humble , no lesse cruell , content themselues with the iniury they offer vs in our more inferiour members ; others there are who as if they had receiued that commission of his * to his souldiers , fight neither against small nor great , saue the king onely , so these bend all their forces against the onely fountaine of our life , our heart , where yet more kindely cruell , they strike vs with present death , while others to shew the virulency of their disposition , are many yeeres in killing vs , during all which time , our whole life is but labour and sorrow , and the graue is more desired then all the treasures of the world ; one hee complaines of his head as a the shu●a●it●s son , another of his belly , b as the prophet , another is ●icke in his legges , c as asa , another of a soare , as d hezekiah , all of vs haue some way or other to bring vs to these gates of death here spoken of . i am not able to call all the seuerall arrowes of this quiuer by their proper names , but surely the least , and most gentle of them is sufficient to rob vs of the best of natures iewels our life . we haue all experience in this kinde of as much as i can relate , wee see that all the cities and townes of the earth , so farre as the line of them is stretched , are but humanarum cladium mis●randa consepta , and though there is but 〈…〉 , yet there are i●numeri exitus , but one way of comming into the world , yet there are a world of wayes of going out , and if any question the cause of these our maladies , let him at his leisure but reade ouer the 28. of d●ut . and there hee shall see that the sinne of his soule is the onely cause of the suffering of the body . it was the word of the sonne of syrach , let him that sinneth against his maker , fall into the hands of the phisition . and experience tells vs daily , that there are some diseases which grow vpon men meerely by their sinne and wickednesse ; our e sauiour bids vs take heed that our stomacks be not ouer-charged with surfeiting and drunkennesse . plures gulâ quàm gladi● , a true , though as olde prouerbe , the graue hath beene as much beholding to intemperance , as any other thing whatsoeuer . whence come our agues and feuers , and that other , which was once out-landish , but may now be called our natiue disease , not fit to bee named , which breedes corruption in the bones , and consumes the marrow in the loynes , but by excesse and voluptuousnesse ? for this cause f saith st. paul , speaking before of the neglect and abuse of the sacrament , many are weake and sicke among you , and many are fallen asleepe . g for vaine swearing the whole land mournes , and the heathen did obserue that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the israelites were discomfited for the offence of achan . but for this disease which thus long hath troubled vs , and which , if any , is particularly meant in this place , you shall obserue tha● that neuer came , but for some great and grieuous precedent sinne , in the 11. of numbers and 16. there the people were so plagued , the cause is set downe , their murmuring and impatience , one time against god , a second time against moses and aaron , so when dauid lost 70000. of the same disease , the text saith , for his sinne in numbring the people . this is called x the arrow of the lord that flyes by day , and when this once comes , the text hath it , that wrath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is gone out from the lord , as moses said to aaron , as if all other diseases were but whipping with roddes ; light , and slight afflictions this whipping with scorpions , the worst , the terriblest , the most seuere of all other . it is not the infection of the ayre , nor distemperature of the body , nor the heape of inhabitants , nor the influence of the stars which phisitions could or would euer apply this disease vnto , but as the h aegyptians said of the plague of lice , digitus deiest hic , and that for some great some grieuous offence . wherefore let vs all strike our selues with amazement vpon the thigh , and say , what haue wee done , let vs resolue a christian alteration and reformation , otherwise though this bee remoued , yet a worse thing will befall vs , which surely must be in the other life , for heere naught worse can come , for see how it is described . their soule abhorreth all meate , and they draw neere to the gates of death . all pleasure , all delights proue hatefull to them , nay , their necessary foode which should preserue their being , keepe life and soule together is loathsome , and then no meruaile though they bee neere death , for can a fire continue without ●ewell , and nature bee sustained without its appointed food ? but they whom god hath deliuered out of it , can better expresse the nature of this disease then my selfe , onely thus much , it is in the most mortall , in all fearefull and vncomfortable , when a friend is barred from a friends visite , when hee shall haue none to close vp his dying eyes , nor to say to him leaue thy fatherlesse children to mee , when hee not onely suffers himselfe , but it any be so aduentrously kinde to come to see him , he may bee a pe●●iduct and an occasion of the like misery to him . but wee haue not changed the colour of our haire , not added one inch to our statures since our wet eyes and heauy hearts were witnesses of more then what my tongue is able to relate ; when naught was heard but crying and complaining in our streetes , no fights but some carrying others to their graues , and not many dayes after , others doing the like necessary office for them . gods arme is not yet shortned , nor his strength so much weakened , but that if wee still sinne , hee will surely smite againe . the onely way to make a perfect cure , is to humble our selues vnder the hand of heauen , who hath wounded vs , and who can heale vs , the soare is but skinned , not perfectly healed without that plaister be applyed , this did these in my text. then they cryed vnto the lord in their troubles . l a whippe for the horse , and a bridle for the asse , and the rod is for the backe of a foole. they haue sinned and smarted , and now they feele it and cry for helpe . the wilde asse vsed to the wildernesse snuffeth vp winde at her pleasure , who can turne her backe ? they that seeke after her will not weary themselues , but they will finde her in her moneth , ier. 2. god sees and obserues at all times the vntamednesse of the wicked , wearying themselues like an asse in the by-paths of vngodlinesse , but hee takes them in their moneth , and happy are they that are so taken . as st. austin of necessity , so say i of miserie , foelix qua in meliora cogit , happy misery that driues vs to eternall happinesse . aduersity makes them seeke to that god whom their prosperitie made them forget . in the time of their trouble they will say , arise and saue vs saith god , ier. 2. 27. binde manasses with chaines , and load him with irons , bow downe his nceke , and his backe with bonds , and hee will soone know himselfe ; pull the king of babilon also from his throne , lay his honour and insolency in the dust , banish him the company of men , turne him to eate grasse with the oxe in the field , and he will at last learne to praise the king of heauen : let moab settle her selfe vpon her lees , and not be emptyed from vessell to vessell , and her sent will remaine in her , ier. 48. doth the wilde asse bray when hee hath grasse , or the oxe low when hee hath fodder ? iob 6. giue but any of the sonnes of men , peace , plenty , and prosperity , all things at his hearts desire , let but the sunne of happinesse still shine vpon him , how like waxe will he melt into all pleasure , and cast off the yoake of all obedience , but let stormes and frownes seaze on him , then hee will say , m come and let vs returne vnto the lord , for he hath spoyled vs and he will heale vs , he hath wounded vs , and he will binde vs vp . i doubt not but there are many who heretofore haue beene wilde like the vntamed heifer , that the lord hath by this rod of chasti●ement reduced home , and made them his , who had they not thus suffered perierant nis● perijssent , had they not lost their liues or their healths , had lost their soules . and thrice woe to that soule that shall not make this vse of this his preseruation , and of gods correction . it is a fearefull complaint that god hath in the second of ier. i haue smitten their children and they haue receiued no correction , that heart must needs bee seared as with an hot iron , that is not sensible of these stripes , and wee cannot but iudge him , deliuered vp to a reprobate sense , that is not mollified at these afflictions . what can preuaile when neither mercy nor iudgement are auailable ? n they were wont to enq●ire of abel , saith that mother in israel to ioab , when hee besieged that citie , before they destroy it , so doth god , the grand captaine of heauen and earth , as tamberlaine was wont to doe , first hang out his white flagge to any citie hee enuironed , his proffer of peace and mercy if they will yeeld , then the red flagge of threatnings , yet so as if yet they would submit , there was hope , but lastly the blacke flagge was displayed , and then no way but death and destruction if he preuailed ; so doth god first offer mercy , which if abused , then he threatens , and long it is before hee strikes , hee was 120. yeares before he smote the old world , if those preuaile not , then he strikes , but so gently as it shall but bee a taste as it were of what hee can doe , which if that also be in vaine , immedicabile vulnus ense recidendum , that man is incurable , and must needs be cut off . wee haue had so long , so large , so flourishing a time of peace , as our g●shen hath beene as it were the enuy of all the nations of the world besides , this little fleece of ours hath beene dry , when all the earth round about vs hath beene ouerwhelmed with the deluge and inundation of warre ; germany groaning vnder persecution , france encumbred with her fatall infelicity , ciuil wars , italy burdened with the tyrannie of antichrist , spaine ambitiously desiring to ●athom all , like to keepe nothing ▪ the hollanders continually at warre , onely we , by the blessing of our god , and the happy meanes of our late soueraigne of euer blessed memory haue sit vnder our vines and fig-trees ; but yet this peace hauing bred corruption , we haue had light and small punishments many times inflicted , by water , by fire , and by the pestilence , and all but to reclaime vs , which if we doe not seriously lay to heart , the sable flagge will be displayed : our candle will bee extinguishe , a night will come , an eternall night of destruction both of body and soule . but such was our happinesse , as in the time of our generall sufferings , wee had a generall sorrow commanded , a fast was proclaimed by the king and his nobles o as it was at niniueh , and wee all wept and mourned , and prayed , and cryed vnto the lord , and , i hope and dare say by the happy effect , it was serious and in earnest , with these in my text we cryed , and wee are deliuered . p annah in a part of her song tells vs , that it is the wont of the wicked in the time of affliction , to lay their hands vpon their mouthes , and hearts too , they fret with indignation , and repine to themselues , letting neither voyce nor groane come forth , nor any token of submission to him that hath cast them downe . but saith st. gregory , tolerare & odisse non tam virtus mansuetudinis , quàm velamentum furoris , which because they dare not vtter , murmura tunc secum & ●abiosa silentia rodunt , they bite the lippe with an impatient silence , which comes from no other but from the diuell himselfe , as tertullian witnesseth , impatientiae natales inipso diabol● deprehendo , but here as there was outward smart and inward sorrow , so there was a vocall expression of it , no way giuing any discontent , as q that king said , this euill commeth of the lord , why should i waite any more vpon him ? but onely a vociseration and hearty inuocation for mercy . in the great famine of samaria , a woman came and cryed vnto the king , helpe r my lord ô king , the king wisely and soundly replyed , how should i helpe with the barne , or with the wine-presse , seeing the lord denies vs , in vaine shall we goe to gilead for balme , to the apothecaries for oyntment , to physitions for receipts , to any for helpe , vnlesse withall wee cry vnto the lord , it is not the plaister of figges , nor bathing in iordane , nor washing in the poole of bethesda , that will here cure , but onely seeking to the lord , and yet the other are not to be neglected : s asa was not condemned for seeking to phisitions , but because he neglected the lord. t phisitions are honourable , and the act of the apothecary is to bee made vse of . wherefore hath god infused vertue into plants and mettals , but to be vsed ? u did not he command hesekiah's plaister ? * and was not naman willed to wash ? they are onely here condemned , that altogether neglect the lord , and onely rely vpon these who can doe nothing without him , nec deus oratur nisi dignus vindice nodus , inciderit , x paul may plant , and apollos may in their kinde water , phisitions may prescribe , and apothecaries may apply , but our health onely comes from aboue . virtus est in herbis plus gemmis , maxima verbis , there may , and there is power and efficacie in herbes , and mettals , but prayer is the chiefe , and principall efficient . pray vnto the lord in thy sicknesse saith the son of syrach , and he will make thee whole , and it is a st. iames his counsell , if any bee sicke , let him send for the elders of the church , and let them pray ouer him , and so the prayer of the faithfull shall saue the sicke , and the lord shall raise him vp . a reall experience whereof these men had , for no sooner did they cry vnto the lord but he deliuereth them out of their distresse . hee sent his word , &c. i remember a certaine speech by bias vsed in iest in that earnest , when certaine marriners were in distresse , and were euery one like those in ionas crying vpon his god , sile●e ne audiant dij vos hac preterire , b the kings of israel , say the seruants of benhadad are mercifull kings . i am sure the god of israel is a mercifull god , who will heare the vnfeigned cry of the most wicked in their afflictions . as the cold of snow in the time of haruest , so is a faithfull messenger to him that sends him , for hee refresheth the soule of his master , saith salomon , prou. 25. 13. here is a faithfull mercury , a winged messenger , that in so short a space hath climbed vp into the highest heauen , and gotten audience . what manicles to the hands of gods iustice are the cryes of poore afflicted penitent men , that will not suffer him to proceed in his intended vengeance ! nay , rather then they shall faile , god himselfe shall seeme to bee mutable , who though he threatneth niniueh without any hope of escape , yet vpon those prayers is intreated to spare them . or rather how gratious is our god , and willing to be thus intreated , who vpon the first call answers and performes , hee in the c gospell when his friend did but knock at an vnseasonable time , answered , the doores were lockt , the children were in bed , & so did not satisfie his desire , but for a loafe of bread ; but no such thing here , no time in all our life is vnseasonable ; the first , the second , the third 〈◊〉 hee heares and opens . bis qui citò , the bene●●● is double , that is speedily performed . d the priests of baal prayed from morning till noone , and could get no answer , but the first word of elias fetcht fire . and indeed how should such suppliants praying to such deities be heard , for what taste is there in the white of an egge , or how can baal , or any other liuing or dead creature heare or helpe , when they cannot helpe themselues ? it is onely the infinite maker and creator of the eare that can heare all men , at all places , at all times altogether . no saint , no angell , no forged or feigned god-head can doe that , but onely the god of all power and might , the mightie god of heauen and earth . vna eademque manus vulnus opemque tulit , he that bruised can againe binde vp , hee that made the wound can , and onely did cure it , now the means which he vsed was his word . hee sent his word and healed them , &c. this is that delphian sword , or vniuersall instrument which hee vsed in framing the world with all that therein is ; hee said , let there bee light , and there was light ; let there be firmament , let the waters be gathered into one place , and let the drie land appeare , and all was fulfilled ; and hee still vpholdeth all things by the word of his power , heb. 1. what is his word now but the reall and effectuall performance of what hee intends , he but speakes , and all things in heauen and earth , and the great deepes presently are obedient . i see now as man e liues not by bread alone , but by euery word which proceedes out of the mouth of god , so hee is not cured by phisicke alone , but by the onely blessing of the omnipotent word of god. no meanes can preuaile without that , and that with , without , besides , yea , against all meanes can easily bee preualent . no god can deliuer as f the god of the three children can , as the king confessed , whose dicere is his facere . his onely word is able to bring mighty things to passe . whatsoeuer seeme impossibilities to man , are easily brought to passe by him that can doe all things . the sea will bee calme , diseases vanish , all the creatures are morigerous , yea diuels themselues are obedient to this word , onely man dares to rebell against it , but hee that will not bend at the word of his command , shall bee broken at the word of his power . they that allegorise this part of scripture , as hugo cardinalis , and lorinus , make this disease a farther proceeding in the wayes of impiety , a sitting downe in the chayre of vngodlinesse , a deliuering vp from one sinne to another , and are at last growne to that height , that they care no more for their soule , then if they had none , the word and sacraments , the onely food of their soules they neglect and despise , it is as wormewood to their taste , or smoake to their eyes , they so wholly deuote themselues to sensuality , as it might seeme to grieue them , non quadrupedes esse natos , that they might freely take their pleasure and delight , yet at last god hath a hooke to drawe these in , a meanes to enlighten and preserue them . though they bee dead in sinnes and trespasses , and with lazarus buried in the graue , yet if the lord doe but say , exi foras come forth of that mare mortuum , wherein like ionas in the belly of the whale , or rather of hell , as himselfe called it , they are entombed , their fetters fall presently from them , as they did from peter in the prison , they come to acknowledge themselues fooles , wicked and rebellious , to say with g pharaoh , i haue sinned against the lord. this is wrought by the power of his word , that cibus inconsumptibilis as ciprian called it , that immortall word which h st , iohn saith , was in the beginning , the onely begotten sonne of god our blessed sauiour . hee like the i brasen serpent cures all foule-diseased , that looke vp to him . i vrge not this interpretation to any , i know one sinne is oftentimes the punishment of another ; as when israel had k prouoked god , hee stirred vp dauid to number the people , and it is the fearefullest judgement that can bee , to heape more coales vpon the head of the delinquent by giuing them ouer to their owne hearts lust i know also , that there is a death of the soule as of the body , etiam viuens mortua est , saith l st. paul of a woman liuing in pleasure , there is a death spirituall as temporall , out of which god is able to deliuer . nay , his word , that is the second person in trinitie came for that end into the world , was made flesh and tooke our nature vpon him , not for the righteous but m to call sinners to repentance , yea , though they were twice dead , as hee was called twice a murtherer , semel consilio iterum spectaculo . once in the act , and a second time in the glorying in it . yet there is a blessing in this dead elme , though he be consumed as a sheepe in the mouth of a lyon to a legge or an eare , or as a blocke in the fire to a stumpe , yet the least breath of his mouth is able to reuiue him . but the context me thinkes giues no great warrant for this exposition , hauing both before and after spoken of temporall dangers and deliuerances from them . i see no reason why it should be thought , that herein onely he speakes of spirituall danger and a spirituall deliuerance . i haue hitherto shewed you this disease , with the cause and the effect of it , the phisition also i haue brought you acquainted with , together with his phisicke , that if euer there bee the like need againe , wee may with boldnesse approach the same throne of grace , and obtaine the like mercy , probatum est may be subscribed to this recipe ▪ so many sighes mingled with teares , and a quantity of faith enfused , taken in poculo charitatis , and the blessing of our doctor is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for all diseases , a ●ure antidote against all infection , all amulets and preseruatiues compared to this , are meere toyes of mountebankes . this neuer failes . many heere in this place haue experimentally tasted of the efficacy of this medicine , all of vs haue beene testes occulati , eye-witnesses of it , some haue smarted , and all i hope haue beene admonished . the like cause breeds againe the like disease , relapses are most dangerous , wee haue sinned , with dauid , wee with dauid haue smarted , with him wee haue sorrowed , and with him wee haue beene deliuered . n abyssus abyssum inuocat saith he , the depth of our misery i hope , caused the depth of our sorrow , and i hope it was according to the occasion , hearty and vnfeigned ; if like o ahabs , it were but feigned and temporary , and like the carelesse boy wee forget the rodde with the smart , and so returne to the vomite ; woe , woe to that man , the latter end of that man will bee worse then the beginning . none are now deliuered , but either to their greater happinesse , or greater miserie . they who are now spared , are either spared to redeeme the time that formerly they haue carelesly lost , or till their sinnes are more ripe for a seuerer iudgement . the israelites were kept out of the land of canaan so long , till the sins of those inhabitants were fulfilled . p our sauiour told the iewes , that they were not greater sinners vpon whom the tower of siloa fell then those that escaped , but vnlesse they repented , they should all likewise perish . de mortuis nil nisi bonum , saith the canon ; our predecessors sinnes haue not beene more great against god , but gods mercy hath been more towards vs ; many greene and fruitfull trees haue beene cut vp , when leauy and barren trees are let alone ; wee haue seene death like an vnskilfull archer shooting at rouers , hath hit our superiours aboue vs , our inferiours beneath vs , our friends on our right hand , our foes on our left . the cedars haue beene pluckt vp , and the shrubbes haue continued . nay , to make the remembrance this fatall yeare for euer weare a sable liuery , hee of whom wee may say as the israelites did of dauid , z hee is worth 10000. of vs , our blessed peace-maker vnder whose branches we haue 22. yeares sate shadowed from the scorching heate of warre , which hath parcht and withered most of our neighbour● nations . yet now , though not of this , yet of another as violent a disease hath beene taken away , and but that reliquisset nobis semen , he hath left vs of his seed , the flourishing estate of our kingdome might haue dyed with him . wee haue also beene bereft within the space of two yeares of many of the principall peeres , and pillers of the state , two dukes , one marquesse , fiue or sixe earles , some barons , and most of them priuie counsellours , all which were , as if our armes had been cut from our bodyes , or our eyes pluckt out of our heads . and then so many thousands of inferior subiects , as the memorie of man cannot equalise it . and loe , all we that are aliue this day , are escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowler . but let mee tell you , we may be deliuered in sixe troubles , and the seauenth may dispatch vs , we may escape the pit , and be taken in the snare , as ier. 48. 44. wee may flee from a lyon , and a beare shall ouertake vs , or leane our hand vpon a wall , and a serpent shall bite vs , amos 5. 19. him that escapeth the sword of hasael shall iehu slay , and him that escapes the sword of iehu , shall elisha slay , 1. reg. 19. though our master hath thus long deferred his comming to vs , yet at last the time of our audit will come , we must all reddere rationem , we must stand at the barre , and answer to what shall be obiected . q to whom much is giuen , of him much shall bee required . the longer life afforded , we must either performe more dutie , or expect more paine ; our lord will take an accompt of our talents bee they more or lesse , and in what kinde soeuer . wherefore seeing our sinnes are the cause of gods anger and our sufferings , and hauing had but the lappes of our garments in comparison r cut off , as dauid did to saul , to shew what he might haue done . as wee haue sorrowed outwardly , so let vs shew the fruits of it . it is not the wearing o● customary blackes , the absteining from one meale in the weeke , or the bowing of the head like a bulrush , that god respects , it is the absteyning from our transgressions and iniquities that he regards , oportet aliquid esse intus as he said of a dead body to make it stand ; so there must be a true sorrow attended with visible workes , which argue sound repentance . it is true , we did fast and pray , and mourne , and cry , while the rod was vpon vs , and did not god regard vs ? he beyond expectation spake to the destroying angell to desist . now therefore as the effect of iudgement was compunction , and sorrow , and wee did expresse that heartily and really in the liberall and freely relieuing the necessity of our brethren , for which double honour shall euer attend this honourable city , which may be a patterne and example to all the kingdome of liberall and charitable contribution : so now after mercy receiued , let us expresse the thankfulnesse of our hearts , in vocall thanks-giuing , and actuall obedience to his behests . and so i come to the last part of all the fee which the preseruer of men as iob called him , our god respects from vs. oh that men , &c. wherein wee haue qui , quem , quid , quarè , the partyes , who , men , the dutie what , praise , the obiect whom , the lord ; the reason why , for his goodnesse and wonderfull workes , endeared vnto vs by the mention of the partyes to whom this goodnesse , these wonderfull workes were extended , the children of men. i shall racke your patience but a very little while to runne ouer these , and i shall conclude . 1. the first who , men. they who erewhile when they thought themselues wise were called fooles , are now , being humbled at the sight of their sinne , and sense of their sorrow called men. they haue lost nothing by losing all they had , they haue gained now their true denomination . the nature of man in his fi●st creation , before that lumpe was soured with the leuin of sinne , was full of glory and grace , and as god said to dauid , i made thee king ouer israel , and if that had beene too a little for thee , i would haue done more ; so man was made king , and put in lord-like dominion ouer all the earth , not of some cantons or corners , but ouer it all ; nay , the ayre and the sea also were put vnder his dominion , with all the creatures in them all , all things were created for vs b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as aristo : wee are in a manner the end of all things . and if this be too little , god hath yet done more for vs , for our sakes were the heauens created , and for our sakes were the heauens bowed , and propter hominem deus homo factus est , god was made man to pleasure man. the wise men in the world , who could neuer looke so farre into the nature of man , as wee can , yet euermore commended that creature aboue all others ; one called him a little world , the world a great man , another a mortall god , god an immortall man , another all things , because he partakes the nature of plants , of beasts , and of spirituall creatures . phauorinus merueiled at nothing in the world besides man , in man at nothing but his minde . abdala the sarazen being asked what he most admired in the stage of the world , answered man ; and augustin saith , that a man is a greater miracle then all the miracles that euer haue beene wrought amongst men . when vedius pollio a romane at a supper prouided for the emperour augustus , would haue throwne a seruant of his into a fish-pond wherein hee kept his lampries , because he had broken a cup of christall , the emperour with-held him , & controld him with these words , homo cuiuscunque conditionis , &c. aman of whatsoeuer conditions , yet if for no other reason , yet because a man is more worth then all the cuppes and fish-ponds in the world . great reason then there is for the performance of this dutie , that man should praise and magnifie his maker , if for no other reason , yet because hee hath made him man ; he hath giuen him a soule to gouerne his body , and reason to rule his soule , and a religion to direct that reason , and he himselfe who is all good , all wise , all religious is the lord of that religion , and expects that homage and onely man can performe it , faile not then . other creatures haue bodyes but no soules , mouthes and tongues , but not the gift of speech , onely that is proper to man , and that is the instrument wherewith we are to praise him , and so the second ; the duty , praise . the word in the originall which signifies laudare is also confiteri , for that is a part of the praise which god requires , we must humble our selues at his presence , acknowledge our owne vnworthinesse , and that all his punishments are farre lesse then our deseruings . c ioshua wished achan to confesse his fault , and so to giue glory to god. we commend the proceeding of the almighty when wee condemne our selues , our falling low before him , exalts him the more ; and when we lay open our weaknes , is his power made more illustrious . d we must in all things giue thankes , saith st. paul , if in our aduersity , then much more in our prosperity , if like the beast we looke onely downward for what we receiue . os homini sublime dedit coelumque tueri iussit , when our faces are erect , & we should onely minde heauen , if we onely look to secondary causes & meanes for our blessings , and so neglect the god that gaue them , the earth it selfe will spue vs vs out as an vnworthy burden : but now it is not onely the e fruit of our lips as the author to the hebrews calls them , which is here expected ; f obedience saith samuel to saul is better then sacrifice . it is in thanks-giuing , the onely christian sacrifice , as in the old sacrifices , nunquàm in odoribus sacrificiorum delectatus est , dominus , nisi in fide & desiderio offerentis , saith st. augustine , the outward act neuer was acceptable without inward piety and deuotion , cain and abel both sacrificed and externally both alike ; but the soule of a sacrifice a faithfull heart was wanting in g caines which god saw who looks as with cresset-light into the closet of a mans heart , & so refused it , & accepted the other . they are men that may be deceiued with words , but god is a god of spirits , as of bodyes , and so will be magnified in both . mens cuiusque est quisque , & so the meaning and inward intention of an action is the reality of it . to blesse god with our lips , and blaspheme him in our ●hearts , is to honour him ex vsu magis quàm sensu , rather of custome then deuotion . god is weary of this lip-labour , it is as if you offered a dog in sacrifice . honorant me labijs h saith god in the prophet , cor autem eorum longi àme , god hath the tongue and mammon , or milchrom , or belial hath the heart , what is this but to mocke god ? but be not deceiued god will not bee mocked ; he searcheth the inward parts of man , and there findes the dissimulation of the heart which cries to the tongue , make a shew of piety , do something to get me credit among men . but alasse adam was not more naked when god called him after his fall , then the hipocrisie of these men shall be discouered . praise him with our tongues , and blesse him with our hearts , and serue him with our hands , this is the true praising of him ; for as hee made all these parts , so hee will be serued in them all , and he hath power of all , for he is lord of all , which is the third ; praise the lord. a lord that hath power ouer vs , as the potter ouer his vessell , if it distastes him ; hee challengeth duty and obseruance of vs , first by creation , then by preseruation ; he stil defends & prouides for vs , then by protection he keeps vs in all our wayes , so that no euill shall be●ide vs , but chiefly in our assured hope of glorification . him that honours me , i saith himselfe : i will honour . scipio repented that he had not a souldier in all his army , who if he commanded would not cast himselfe headlong from a steep tower to the sea ; a powerfull lord ▪ & an obedient army , no doubt we owe as much seruice ▪ to our lord as scipio's souldiers did him , and hee will as amply recompence it . when gedeon had deliuered the israelites out of the hands of mad●an , they came to him and said , thoushalt be lord ouer vs for thou hast deliuered vs. iudg. 18. 28. whether god hath mightily deliuered vs , let our selues be iudges , and whether euen by those deliuerances hee may not challenge superiority ouer vs ; nay , these deliuerances are but earnests and pledges of what he yet will doe , that glory that shall be reuealed to those that truly glorifie him , is farre beyond the shallow heart of man to conceiue , glory and immortality , and life , and ioy , and pleasure at his right hand for euermore . if these certaine hopes will not allure ; yet let feare stirre vs vp , the consideration of what is due to the neglect of it . what a reprehension did our sauiour giue those vnthankfull leapers , k were there not ten healed , where are the other nine ? a fearfull thing when the creator shall aske where the creature is , as god asked adam in the garden after his fall , where art thou ? l our sauiour saw nathaniell vnder the fig-tree ; so no doubt he knew where those nine ingratefull men were , but by their ingratitude they were lost in themselues , and so were quite out of his protection . he will be a lord no longer to defend and protect vs , then we are seruants to obey him ; not a seruant here below that will endure his masters disgrace , * ais aio , negas nego , saith hee in the comedy ! their masters word goes still for a lawe , and hee will be more iealous of his masters honour then his owne peace , shall earthly seruants be so obseruant of their earthly masters from whom time may release them , or distance of place secure them , and shall we dare to neglect our obeisance against him , against whom there is no priuiledge ? no place , nor any time can exempt vs from his dominion . m the vnprofitable seruant that gaue his master his owne talent , yet was condemned because hee did not increase it , where shall they then appeare that doe not giue him what of right belongs to him ? n when the pharisees tempted christ by asking him whether they should giue tribute to caesar or no , he called for a penny , and seeing cesars image and superscription vpon it , iudged it his , giue saith he to cesar the things which are cesars , and to god the things which are gods ; honour , and glory and praise , is that which of due belongs to him , and that which all the host of heauen , angells and saints , daily sing vnto him ; holy , holy , holy lord god of sabaoth , heauen and earth are full of thy glory , the glorious company of prophets praise thee , the noble army of martyrs praise thee , the holy church throughout all the world doth acknowledge thee . o in the angels song there went gloria in excelsis , before pax in terris , no peace on earth , if no glory to heauen , and yeeld but that peace shall be within our walls , & plenteousnes within our dwellings . would yee yet know a farther reason wherfore yee should praise him , my text tels you ; for his goodnesse ▪ &c. meruailous are thy workes saith dauid , in wisdome hast tho● made them all , the earth is full of thy goodnesse , so is the broad sea also , not the least creature in the ayre , or the earth , or the water , but if we rightly consider , it is fearefully and wonderfully made , & the least part or member of them is more then the weake and shallow reach of man is able either duly to commend or to comprehend rightly . it is a true position in morality , nimia familiaritas parit contemptum , it is also true in diuinity , perseuerantia consuetudi●is amisit admirationem ; quàm multa vsitata caleantur , qua considerata stupent ? saith augustine , how many things doth custome make vile , which consideration would make admirable ? did wee but with dauid truly consider the creation of our selues , that wee are wonderfully made , and that our bones were not hidden from him , though they were formed in a secret place , it would enforce vs to giue acclamation to the workmanship of our maker , as that sweet singer of israell there did , meruailous are thy workes o lord , and that my soule knowes right-well . then haue the wondrous workes of god their true end , when we take them for wonders , when we tremble at the sight of them , and feare that mighty lord that hath wrought them , god doth not miracula propter miracula , but for our sakes , not caring so much himselfe to doe them , as that wee consider and beare them away . the gratious god saith dauid , hath made his wonderfull workes to bee had in remembrance . o lord how gratious art thou , thy workes are very deepe , an vnwise man knoweth it not , and a foole doth not vnderstand it ; so that all his goodnesse is extended to vs , and his meruailous workes are done for vs , which are the children of men . the last part of all . o that men , &c. tantus ille , tantilli nos , this addes to our engagement ; that he should so consider vs , and thinke vpon vs , that neuer thinke vpon him ; that he should regard vs that neuer minde him ; for vs that haue deserued so little at his hands , nay , rather so much , so much misery , & so many plagues , being non prius nati quàm damnati : that are not onely strangers but enemies , and that the most despightfully conditioned that can bee , vessells of wrath , and sonnes of perdition , that he should doe all these things for vs ; how are we honoured , that he will vouchsafe to be honoured by vs so vile , so vnworthy as we are ? all that we can doe is a thousand times lesse then a drop of raine to the ocea● , he is infinite of himselfe , and nothing can bee added to him , it is onely our happinesse , our welfare and aduantage . the wonder which dauid here instanceth in , is the recouery of vs out of sicknesse . wee little consider how daily and hourely wee stand beholding to god for our liues and healths , when wee haue such enemies within , the elements wherof we are composed , heate and cold , moisture and drought , which being brethren of one house , as one called them , but withall the fathers and founders of vs , as it were of our natures , if they but fall at variance within vs , how will they rend and teare vs like wilde boares , how many haue beene buryed aliue in the graue of their earthly and melancholike imaginations ? how many burnt in the flames of pestilent and hot diseases ? their bowels set on fire like an ouen , their blood dried vp , their inwards withered and wasted with the violence thereof ? the vapours and fumes of their owne vitious stomacks , like a contagious ayre how many haue they poysoned and choaked vp ? and finally how many haue been glutted and ouercharged with water betweene their owne skinne and bones ? and therefore we must conclude and cry with the prophet ; it is the wonderfull mercie of god , that we are not consumed . when a grape-gatherer comes , will he not leaue some grapes ! if ought in the opening of this scripture hath escaped me , as my ignorance & weaknes dare hope for no other , it wil be your charity to impute it to multitude of other priuate businesse , and breuitie of time , in which as agabus with the girdle of paul i am confined , these few sands are too little to expatiate my selfe in these many and various points which offer themselues to our consideration , though not all of some , yet somewhat , i hope i haue spoken of all ; i would gladly conclude with some short application . how many are there now in this city aliue , that haue beene summoned as hezekiah was , to set their house in order , for they thought no other but they must die ? that haue seene before them , the greedy and inexorable graue with open mouth ready to receiue them ; that friends and phisitions haue all forsaken , giuing them for dead , yet haue escaped , and are recouered , and many there are also , to whom god hath giuen continuance of health in this generall deluge of infection , when so many thousands haue fal●e round about vs ; to what shall we attribute this ? were we not in the same ayre ? did wee not conuerse with the same men ? are not our bodies equally subiect to the like diseases ? was it not onely as our sauiour saith , that the workes of the lord might be manifest ? who spake to this infection , as sometime to the sea , hitherto shalt thou goe and no farther , diuide in one house betweene brother and brother , in one bed betweene husband and wife , in one family betweene seruant and seruant ; these shalt thou absolutely take , these thou shalt but touch their bodyes and spare their liues , as he said to the di●ell concerning iob ; thus long shalt thou raigne and no longer ; if euer we liue to forget this goodnesse , this wondrous worke of god , ( i will sooner wish we should forget to take our daily food ) how iustly should god forget vs , when wee stand in the like need of mercy againe . as the emperour had his boy that cryed euery morning to him , remember thou art but a man ; so let vs still haue something or other to put vs in minde of this great deliuerance ; let euery man write it vpon the doores of his house , as the p israelites in aegipt sprinkled their posts with blood , that if euer god should againe strike , he againe may spare vs. i q know , saith god of abraham , that he will tell his children what great things i haue done . let it be our talke to our children , that they that are yet vnborne may know , though not by sight , yet by hearesay , what great things the lord hath done for vs. scipio africanus the elder hauing made the city of rome exanguem , & morituram , as himselfe called it , ready to giue vp the ghost , lady of affrik at length being banished into a base country-towne , his will was , that his tombe should haue this inscription , i●grata patria ne ossa quidem mea habes , let not the god of heauen complaine so of vs , that we should haue no thought , no memory , of our great preseruations , let him not bee exiled our thoughts , and buried in obliuion , but let some remnant and foot-print bee left , to witnesse to the world , that we haue beene deliuered . let him not haue cause to complaine as he sometime did , isa. 1. heare o heauens and hearken o earth , i haue brought vp and preserued children , and they haue despised me : can a mother forget her child saith god ; no childe so deare to the mother as wee haue beene to him , he hath tendred vs as the apple of his eye , and preserued vs , as the signet vpon his right hand . oh then let vs obserue and respect him . it is a good thing saith dauid , to praise the lord , and to sing vnto the name of the most high , to declare his louing kindenesse in the morning , and his truth in the night season . it is good touching the act it selfe , for it is better to blesse then to curse , and to giue thankes , then to giue out a voyce of grudging . it is good , because of the retribution , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giue and thou shalt receiue , and all that wee can giue to him , is our thankes ( for can our goodnesse extend to him ? saith dauid ) and cessat de cursus gratiarum vbi non fuerit recursus , the course and descent of the graces of god ceaseth , and the spring is dryed vp , where there is not a recourse and tide of our thankfulnesse , wherefore let vs alwayes be thankfull to the lord , for it becommeth well the iust to bee thankfull . had i the power , i would doe as dauid did , begin aboue , and call the heauens , the sunne , and moone , and starres to praise the lord for this our deliuerance , then would i descend to the ayre , and call all those winged messengers of god , all birds and feathered fowles to beare a part with vs , then would i come to the earth , and haue mountaines and all hills , fruitfull trees and all cedars , beasts and cattell to ioyne with vs , then would i goe downe to the deepe , and there summon all those sea-citizens of those brinie regions to come with vs , and magnifie his great and glorious name . in a word , i would conclude as dauid doth , let euery thing that hath breath praise the lord. the lord whose goodnesse is without quality , whose greatnesse is without quantity , infinite in both ; but all of vs that are the sonnes of men , especially i would haue to learne , the song of the blessed before hand , that hereafter wee may bee able to sing it with more perfection , r praise , honour , and glory bee vnto him that sits vpon the throne , and to the lambe ▪ that immaculate lambe of god which once offered himselfe for vs , and at last will assume vs to himselfe in that place where he ●its and raignes for euer . to the which place hee bring vs , that onely bought vs , and can saue vs , iesvs christ the righteous . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01346-e110 heb. 13. 8. iudg. 1. 6. notes for div a01346-e950 * lue. 5. last . a gen. 18. b prou. 27. 12 a 1 cor. 13. 11. b psal. 8. 2. c 2 kings 7. vers●● . d reuel . 1. 9. e virg ▪ ecclog . ● ▪ f zach. 4. 10. g act ▪ 12 ▪ h ler. 37 ▪ verse 17. i ● reg. 20. k pro. 25. ●1 . l ciprian . m horace . n act. 2. 37. * psal. 118. 23 a 〈◊〉 b psa. 101. * psal. 1 18. 1● . q sue● . in vita nero●is . r ez●k . 18. 32. f deu● . 3● . 15 t 2 sam. 11. 29. u luc. 15. 18. * 1 cor. 10. 11. x eccles. 1. 9. y num. 5. 2. z isa. 13. 21. * ibid. ver . 1● a 2 sam. 24. b ez●k . 16. 3. c isa. 5. 18. d isa. 1. 5. e ps●l . 14. 1. f 1 king 8. 46 g pro● . 24. 16. h luc. 6. 45. i prou. 18. 21. k num. 6. 13. l exod. 32. l ● king. 11. m iosh. 9. n col. 3. 5. o phil. 3. 19. p ier. 11. 18. q luc. 16. 19. r iob 1. s ● sa● . 24. 17. t mark. 8. 24. u m●●k . 16. 43. * luc. 15. x rom. 5. 22. y num. 11. z 1 sam. 25. a luc. 16. 19. * 1 tim. 2. 10 a iob 31. 24. b mat. 4. 9. c 1 sam. 2. d 1 tim. 5. 6. c iohn 20. 27. f exod. 4. 16. g isa. 1. h 1 cor. 6. 19. i ier. 5. ● . k prou. 9. 17. * prou. 20. 14. i 1 king. 21. m 1 ioh. 2. 24. n iosh. 7. 21. o exod. 5. 2. p ● king. 19. q hab. 2. 6. r 1 sam. 25. s 2 sam. 16. 23. * 1 kings 4. 33. z gen. 2. 10. t 1 cor. 1. 20. u psal. 2. * 1 king. 22. 31. a 2 king 4. 19 b ier. 4. 19. c 1 kings 15. ●23 . d 2 kings 20. 7. ecelesiast . 38. 15. e luc. 21. 34. f 2 cor. 〈◊〉 . 30 g ier. 23. 10. 2 sam 24. x psal. 91. 5. h exod. 8. 19. l prou. 26. 3. 2 chron. 33. 12. dan. 4. m hos. 6. 1. 2. n 2 sam. ●0 . 16. o ion. 3. p 1 sam. 2. 9. q 2 kings 6. 13. r ibid 〈◊〉 . 27. s 1 king. 15. t eccle. 38. 1. u 2 king. 20. * 2 king. 5. x 1 cor. 3. 6. chap. 38. 9. a iam. 5. 15. b 1 king. 20. 31. c luc. 11. 17. d 1 kings 18. 28. e mat. 4. f dan. 3. 19. g exod. 10. 16 h ioh 1. i num. 21. 9. k 2 sam. 24. l 1 tim. 5. 6. m mat. 9. 14. n psal. 4● . ● . o 1 kings 21. p luc. 13. 3. z 2 sam. 18. q luc. 12. 18. r 1 kings 2● . a 2 sam. 12. b 2 phisi● . c iosh. 7. 19. d 〈…〉 . e heb. 13. 15. f 1 sam. 15. 22. g gen. 4. h isa. 29. 13. i 1 sam. 2. 30. k luc. 17. 17. l ioh. 1. 18. * 〈◊〉 . m mat. 25. n mat. 22. 21. o luc. 2. 14. p exod. 12. q gen. 18. 19. psal. 92. psal. last . r reu. 5. 13. nevves from graues-end sent to nobody. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1604 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02053 stc 12199 estc s105779 99841505 99841505 6091 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02053) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6091) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1139:17) nevves from graues-end sent to nobody. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [48] p. printed by t[homas] c[reede] for thomas archer, and are to be solde at the long shop vnder s. mildreds church in the poultry, london : 1604. by thomas dekker. in verse. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-f⁴. the first leaf is blank. running title reads: newes from graues-ende. reproduction of a photostat of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database 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illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -poetry -early works to 1800. plague -england -early works to 1800. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-01 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-02 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-02 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from graues-end : sent to nobody . nec quidquam nec cuiquam . london printed by t.c. for thomas archer , and are to be solde at the long shop vnder s. mildreds church in the poultry . 1604 tee epistle dedicatory . to him , that ( in the despite and neuer-dying-dishonour of all empty sisted mecaen-asses ) is the gratious , munificent , and golden . rewarder of rimes : singular pay-maister of songes and sonnets : vnsquint-eyde surueyor of heroicall poems : chiefe rent-gatherer of poets and musitians : and the most valiant confounder of their desperate debts . and to the comfort of all honest christians ) the now-onely-onely-supper-maker to enghles & plaiers-boyes , syr nicolas nemo , alias nobody . shall i creepe ( like a drownde ratte ) into thy warme bosome , ( my benefique patron ! ) with a piece of some olde mustie sentence in my mouth , stolne out of lycosthenes apothegmes , and so accost thee ? out vpon t ! the fashion of such dedications is more stale than kissing . no , no , suffer me ( good nobody ) to diue ( like a white-friars puncke ) into thy familiar & solid acquaintance at the first dash : and in stead of worshipfull syr , come vpon thee with honest iew , how doest ? wonder not that out of the whole barrell of pickeld pat●ons , i haue onely made choice of thee , for i loue none really , but thee and my selfe , for vs two do i only care , and therefore i coniure thee , let the payment of thine affection be reciprocall . they are rimes that i have boyld in my leaden inckpot , for thine owne eating : and now ( rarest nobody ) taste the reason why they are serued vp to thee ( in the taile of the plague ) like caveare , or a dish of anchoues after supper . know then ( monnsier verse-gilder ) that i haue failed ( during this storme of the pestilence ) round about the vast iland of the whole world , which when i found to be made like a foote-ball , the best thing in it , being but a bladder of mans life , ( lost with a litle pricke ) i tooke vp my foote and spurnd at it , bicause i haue heard that none but fooles make account of the world . but mistake me not , ( thou spur-royall of the muses ! ) for it was neither in sir francis drakes nor in candishes voyage , that i swom through so much salt-water : but onely with two honest card-makers peter plamius and gerard mercator ) who in their vniuersall maps , ( as in a barbers looking-glasse , where a nomber of most villanous vngodly faces are seene , in a yeare , and especially now at christmas ) did ( like country-fellowes , that is to say very plainly ) and in a shorter time , than a sculler can rowe from queene-hyue to wapping , make a braue discouery vnto me , as well of all the old raine-beaten , as of the spicke and span new-found worlds , with euery particular kingdome , dukedome , and popedome in their liuely cullors , so that i knew constantinople as perfectly , as iobbin , the mault-mans horse of enfield knowes the way to london : and could haue gone to the great turkes serraglio ( where he keepes all his wenches ) as tollerably and farre more welcome , than if i had beene one of his eunuches . prester iohn , and the sophy , were neuer out of mine eye , ( yet my sight was not a pin the worse ) . the soldan of egipt i had with a wet finger : from whence , i trauailed as boldly to the courts of all the kings in christendome , as if i had bin an embassadour ) his pomp only excepted . ) strange fashions did i pick ( like wormes ) out of the fingers of euery nation , a number of phantastick popin-iayes and apes ( with faces like men ) itching till they had got them . and ( besides fashions ) many wonder● wo●●hy to be hung vp ( like shields with senseles , bald , impraesaes ) in the white paper-gallery of a large chronicle . but this made me fret out worse than gumd taffaty , that neither in any one of those kingdomes , ( no nor yet within the walls and water-works of mine own country ) could i either find or heare , ( for i gaue a crier a king-harry-groate to make an oyes ) no nor read of any man , woman or child , left so wel by their friends , or that caryed such an honest mind to the common-wealth of the castalians , as to keepe open-house for the seauen poore liberall sciences : nor once ( which euen the rich cubs and fox-furd curmudgens do ) make thē good cheere so much as at christmas , whē euery cobler has licence ( vnder the broad seale of hospitality ) to sit cheeke by iowle at the table of a very aldermans deputy . what woodcocks then are these seauen wise maisters to answere to that worme-eaten name of liberall , seeing it has vndone them ? it 's a name of the old fashion : it came vp with the old religion , and went down with the new . liberality has bin a gentleman of a good house , and an ancient house , but now that old house ( like the players old hall at dowgate ) is falne to decay , and to repaire it , requires too much cost . my seauen lattin-sellers , haue bin liberall so long to others , that now they haue not a rag ( or almost nothing but rags ) left for themselues : yea and into such pitifull predicaments are they fallen , that most of our gentry ( besides the punyes of innes of court and chancery ) takes them for the seauen deadly sinnes , and hate him worse than they hate whores . how much happier had it bin for them , to haue changed their copies , & trō sciences bin bound to good occupations , cōsidering that one london-occupier ( dealing vprightly with all men ) puts vp more in a weeke , than seuen bachilers of art ( that euery day goe barely a wooing to them ) do in a yeare . hath not the plague ( incomparable nobody : and therefore incomparable , bicause with an aeneas-like glory , thou hast redeemed the golden-tree of poesie , euen out of the hellish scorne , that this worlde ( out of her luciferan pride ) hopes to dam it with ) hath it not i say done all men knights seruice in working the downfal of our greatest & greediest beggers ? dieite io paean , you yong sophisticall fry of the vniuersities ! breake priscians pate ( if hee crosse you ) for ioy : for had not the plague stuck to you in this case , fixe of your seuen academicall sweet-hearts ( if i saide all seuen i should not lye vpon them ) had long ere this ( but that some doctors withstood it ) bene begd , ( not for wards , yet some of them haue lodged i can tell you in the knights warde ) but for meere stones , and chesters , fooles , fooles , and iesters , because whereas some of their chymicall & alchymicall raw disciples haue learnt ( at their hands ) to distill gold and siluer out of very tauerne-bushes , old greazy knaues of diamonds , the dust of bowling allyes , yea & like aesops gallus gallinaceus , to scrape precious stones euen out of dung-hils , yet they themselues ( poore harletries ) had neuer the grace , nor the face , to cary one peny in their own purses . but to speak truth ( my noble curer of the poeticall madnesse for nothing ) where should they haue it ? let them be sent into the courts of princes , there they are so lordly , that ( vnles they were bigger & taller of their hands , than so many of the guard ) euery one lookes ouer thē , of it they giue him any thing , it 's nothing but good lookes . as for the citie , that 's so full of crafts-men , there is no dealing with their misteries : the nine muses stand in a brown study , whē they come within their liberties , like so many mad wenches takē in a watch & broght before a bench of brown bils . o ciues , ciues ! quaerenda pecunia primum ! virtus post nummos : first open your purses , and then be vertuous , part not with a peny : the rich mizers holde their owne by this canon lawe . and for those ( whom in english we call poore snakes ) alas ! they are barde ( by the statute against beggers ) from giuing a dandiprat or a bawbee . in the campe there is nothing to be had but blowes and prouant : for souldiers had neuer worse doings : my sweet captain , bestowes his pipe of rich trynidado ( taking the muses for irish chimny-sweepers ) and that 's his talent . being in this melancholy contemplation , and hauing wept a whole ynck-horne full of verses in bewailing the miseries of the time , on the suddaine i started vp : with my teeth bit my writings , because i would eate my words : condemnd my pen-knife to the cutting of powder-beefe and brewes : my paper to the drying and inflaming of tobacco : and my retirements to a more gentleman-like recreation , viz. duke humphres walke in powles : swearing fiue or sixe poeticall furious oathes , that the goose-quill should neuer more gull me , to make me shoote paper-bullets into any stationers shop , or to serue vnder the weather-beaten colours of apollo , seeing his pay was no better . yet remembring what a notable good fellow thou wert : the onely atlas that supports the olympian honour of learning : and ( out of thy horne of abundance ) a continuall benefactor to all schollers ( thou matchlesse nobody ! ) i set vp my rest , and vowde to consecrate all my blotting-papers onely to thee : and not content to dignifie thee with that loue and honor of my selfe : i sommond all the rymesters , play-patchers , iig-makers , ballad-mongers , & pamphlet-stitchers ( being the yeomanry of the company ) together with all those whom theocrytus calls the muses byrds ( being the maisters and head-wardens ) and before them all made an ●ncomiasticall oration in praise of nobody , ( scilicet your proper selfe ) pronouncing them asses , and threatning to haue them prest to serue at sea in the ship of fooles , if euer hereafter , they taught their lynes ( like water-spaniels ) to fetch any thing that were throwne out for thē , or to diue into the vnworthy commendations of lucius apuleius , or any golden-asle of them all , being for their paines clapt only on the shoulder , and sent away dropping , when as thy leatherne bagges stand more open than seacoale sackes more bounteously to reward them . i had no sooner cut out thy vertues in these large cantles , but all the synagogue of scribes gaue a pla●dite , crying out viua voce , with one loud throat , that all their verses should henceforth haue more feete , and take longer strides than if they went vpon stilttes , onely to carry thy glorious praises ouer the earth : and that none ( but nobody ) should licke the fat of their inuentions : that dukes , earles , lordes and ladies , should haue their il-liberal names torn out of those bookes whose authors they sent away with a flea in their eare , and the stile of nobody in capitall romane letters , brauely printed in their places . herevpon crowding their heads together , and amongst thēselues canuasing more & more thy inexplicable worth , all of them ( as inspirde ) burst suddenly forth , and sung extemporall odes in thine honor , & palynodes in recanta iō of all former good opinions held of niggardly patrons : one of them magnifying thee , for that in this pestiferous shipwrack of londoners , when the pilot , boteswaines , maister and maisters-mates , with all the chiefe mariners that had charge in this goodly argozy of gouernment , leapt from the sterne , strooke all the sailes from the maine yard to the mizzen ; neuer lookt to the compasse , neuer fownded in places of danger , nor so much as put out their close-fights , when they saw a most cruel man of warre pursue them , but suffred all to sinke or swim , crying out onely , put your trust in god my bullies , & not in vs , whilst they either hid them selues vnder hatches , or else scrambled to shoare in cock-boats : yet thou ( vndanted nobody ) then , euen then , didst stand stoutly to thy tackling , step coragiously to the helme , and manfully runne vp & downe , encouraging those ( with comfortable words ) whose hearts laie coldly in their bellies . another lifted thee vp aboue the third heauen , for playing the constable part so rarely : and ( not as your commō constables , charging poore sick wretches , that had neither meate nor mony , in the kings name to keepe their houses , that 's to say , to famish & die : but discharging whole baskets full of victualls ( like vollies of shot ) in at their windowes : thou , onely thou ( most charitable nobody , madest them as fat as butter , & preseruedst their liues . a third extold thy martiall discipline , in appointing ambushes of surgeons and apothecaries , to lye close in euery ward , of purpose to cut of any cōuoy that broght the plague succor . a fourth swore at the next impressiō of the chronicles , to haue thy name , with the yeare of our lord & certain hexameter verses under-neath ) all in great goldē letters , wherin thy fame should be consecrated to eternall memory , for carefully purchasing conuenient plots of ground , onlie for burialls ( and those out of the citie too , as they did in ierusalem ) to the intent , that threescore ( contrary to an act of common councell against in-mates might not be pestred together , in one litle hole , where they lie and rot : but that a poore man might for his mony haue elbow-roome , & not haue his guts thrust out to be eaten vp with paltry worms : least when in hot and drie sommers ( that are yet not dreamed on ) those mustie bodies putrifying , the inavoydable stench of their strong breath be smelt out by the sun , and then there 's new worke for clarkes and sextons . thus had euery one a flirt at thy praises : if thou hadst bene begde to haue plaid an anatomy in barber-surgions hall , thy good parts could not haue bene more curiosly ript vp : they diu'de into the very bowels of thy hartie commendations . so that i , that ( like a match ) scarce gaue fire before , to the dankish powder of their apprehensions , was now burnt vp my self , in the flames of a more ardent affection towards thee , kindled by them . for presently the court brake vp , and ( without a quarter-dinner ) all parted : their heads being great with childe , and aking very pittifully , till they were deliuered of hymnes , hexasticons , paeans , and such other panegyricall stuffe , which euery one thought 7. yeare till he had brought forth , to testifie the loue that he bore to nobody : in aduancement of whose honour ( and this was sworne vpon a pen & ynck-horne in stead of a sword , yet they al write tam marti quàm mercurio , but how lawfully let the heralds haue an eye too t ) they vowd & swore very terribly , to sacrifice the very liues of their inuention ; and whē they wanted ynck ( as many of them do wanting mony ) or had no more ( like a chancery-man ) but one pen in all the world , parcell of their oath was , to write with their blood and a broome-stick before they would sit idle . accept therefore ( for hansell-sake ) these curtall rymes of ours ( thou capon-feaster of schollers : ) i call thē news frō graues-end : be it knowne vnto thy non-residence , that i come not neare that graues-end ( which takes his beginning in kent ) by twenty miles at least ; but the end of those graues do i shoote at , which were cast vp here in london , to stand as land-marks for euery parish , to teach them how far they were to goe : laying down ( so wel as i can ) the maner how death & his army of pestilent archers , entred the field , and how euery arrow that they drew , did almost cleaue a heart in sunder . reade ouer but one leafe ( deare nobody ) & thou purst vpō me an armor of proofe against the rankling teeth of those mad dogs ( cald booke-biters ) that run barking vp and downe powles church-yard , and bite the muses by the shinnes commend thou my labours , and i will labour onely to commend thee : for thy humor being pleasd , all the mewing critists in the world shall not fright me . i know the stationers will wish me and my papers burnt ( like hereticks ) at the crosse , if thou doest ( now ) but enter into their shops by my meanes : it would fret their hearts to see thee at their stalls reading my newes . yet therein they deale doubly , and like notable dissemblers , for all the time of this plaguy allarum , they marcht only vnder thy cullors : desirde none but thy company ▪ none but thy selle wert welcome to them : none but nobody ( as they all cride out the thine immortall commendatious ) bought bookes of them : nobody was their best , and most bounteous customer . fye on this hollow-hearted world ! do they shake thee off now ? be wise , and come not neere them by twelue-score at least , so shalt thou not neede to care what disgraces they shoote at thee . but leauing them to their old tune , of what new bookes do you lack ? prick vp thine eares like a march-hare ( at the sudden cry of a kennell of hounds ) and listen what newes the post that 's come from winchester terme windes out of his horne . o that thou hadst taken a lease there ( happy nobody ) but for one moneth , the place had ( for thy sake ) bin well spoken of for euer . many did heartily pray ( especially watermen , and players , besides the drawers , tapsters , butchers , and inholders , with all the rest of the hungry cominaltie of westminster ) for thy going thither . ten thousand in london swore to feast their neighbors with nothing but plum-porredge , and mince-pyes all christmas , ( that now for anger will not bestow a crust on a begger ) vpon condition that all the iudges , sergeants , barristers , and atturnies , had not set a foot out of dores , but that thou only ( in pomp ) ( sauing them that labour ) hadst rode the iourney , so greedily did they thirst after thy preferment . for hadst thou bin there , those black-buckrom tragedies had neuer bin seene , that there haue bin acted . alas ! its a beastly thing to report . but ( truth must out ) poore dumb horses were made meere iades , being vsed to villanouslie , that they durst neither weihy nor wag taile . and though the riders of them had growne neuer so chollerick , and chaft till they foamd againe , an hostler to walke them was not to be had for loue or money . neither could the geldings ( euen of gentlemen ) get leaue ( for all they swet til they dropt again ) to stand as they had wont at rack & manger . ( no , no , t was enough for their maisters to haue that honor ) but now ( a-against all equitie ) were they cald ( when they little thought of any such matter ) to a deere reckoning for all their old wilde-oates . a cōspiracy there was amōgst all the inkeepers , that iack straw ( an ancient rebell ) should choak al the horses : and the better to bring this to passe , a bottle of hay was sold deerer then a bottle of wine at london . a trusse cost more , then maister maiors trusse of forduch , with the sleeues & belly-piece all of bare sattin to boote : which knauery being smelt out , the horsemen grew pollitick , & neuer sate downe to dinner , but their nags were still at their elbowes : so that it grew to be as ordinary a question , to aske , what shall i pay for a chamber for my selfe and my gelding all night , ( because they would not be iaded any more ) as in other countrey townes , for my wife and my selfe , for a beast and a man were entertained both alike , and that in such wonderful sort , that thei le speake of it , in aeternam rei memoriam . for most of their roomes were fairely built ( out of the ground , but not out of the durt ) like irish houels , hung round about with cobweb-lawne very richly , and furnished , no aldermans parlor in london like them : for here 's your bed , there a stable , and that a hogsty , yet so artificially contriu'd , that they stand all vnder one roofe , to the amazement of all that behold them . but what a childishnes is it , to get vp thus vpon their hobby-horses , let them bite a the bridle , whilst we haue about with the men . as for the women , they may laugh and lye downe , it s a merry world with them , but some-body payes for it . o winchester ! much mutton hast thou to answer for , which thou hast made away ( being sluttishly fryed out in steakes , or in burnt carbonadoes ) thy maid-seruants best know how , if they were cald to an account . it was happy for some , that 4. of the returnes were cut off , for if they had held together , many a one had neuer returned from thence his owne man. oh beware ! your winchester-goose is tenne times more dangerous to surfet vpon , than your s. nicholas shambles-capon . you talke of a plague in london , & red crosses set vpon dores , but ten plagues cannot melt so many crosses of siluer out of lawyers purses , as the winchesterians ( with a hey-pas , re-pas ) iugled out of theirs to put into their owne . patient they were i must needes confesse , for they would pocket vp any thing , came it neuer so wrongfully , insomuch that very good substantiall householders haue oftentimes gone away with crackt crownes , & neuer cōplaind of thē that gaue thē . if euer mony were currant ( à currēdo , of rūning away ) now was the time , it ran frō the poore clients to the atturneys & clarks of bands in small troopes ( here 10 & there 20 ) but when the leaguers of winchester cried charge , charge , the lawyers paid for t , they went to the pot full deerely , & the townesmen still caryed away all the noble and royall victories . so that being puft vp with an opinion , that the siluer age was crept into the world againe , they denyed ( in a manner ) the kings coyne , for a penny was no money with them . whensoeuer there shall come forth a prest for souldiers , thither let it be sent , for by all the opinion of the best captaines ( that had a charge there , and haue tryed them ) the men of winchester are the onely seruiceable men this day in england : the reason is , they care no more to venture among small shots , than to be at the discharging of so many cannes of beere : tush , us their desire , to see those that enter vpon them , to come off soundly , that when they are gone , all the world may beare witnes they came to their cost . and being thus ( night and day ) imploid , and continually entring into action , it makes them haue mightie stomacks , so that they are able to soake and deuoure all that come in their way : a rapier and a cloake haue bin eaten vp at a supper as cleane ( and caryed away well too ) as if they had bin but two rabbet-suckers . a nag serued but one seruing-man to a breakefast , whilst the saddle and bridle were brewd into a quart of strong beere . this intollerable destroying of victuals being lookt into , the inhabitants laid their heads together , and agreed among themselues ( for the general good of the whole towne ) to make it a towne of garrison . and seeing the desperate termers , that stroue in lawe together , in such a pittifull pickle , and euery day so durty , that when they met their councell , they lookt like the black guard , fighting with the innes of court , that therefore all the householders should turne turke , and be victuallers to the camp. by this meanes hauing the lawe in their owne hands , they rulde the roast how they listed : insomuch , that a common iugge of double beere skornd to kisse the lips of a knight vnder a groate . sixe howres sleepe could not be bought vnder fiue shillings . yea in some places a nights lodging was dearer than the hire of a curtizan in venice twice so long . and ( hauing learnd the tricks of london-sextons ) there they laid foure or fiue in a bed , as here , those other knaues of spades thrust nine and tenne into one graue . beds keeping such a iustling of one another in euery roome , that in the day time the lodgings lookt like so many vpholsters shops , and in the night time like the sauoy , or s. thomas hospitall . at which , if any guest did but once bite his lip , or grumble , he was cashierd the company for a mutinous fellow , the place was not for him , let him trudge . a number stood with petitions readie to giue mony for the reuersion of it : for winchester now durst , ( or at least hopt to ) stand vpon prowd termes with london . and this ( thou beloued of all men ) is the very pith and marrow of the best and latest newes ( except the vnmasking of certaine treasons ) that came with the post from winchester , where if thou hadst hirde a chamber ( as would to heauen thou hadst ) thou wouldst neuer haue gone to any barbers in london whilst thou hadst liude , but haue bin trimd only there , for they are the true shauers , they haue the right neapolitan polling . to whose commendations , let me glew this piece more , that it is the most excellent place for dispatching of old suites in the world , for a number of riding suites ( that had lyen long in lauander ) were worne out there , only with seruing amongst the hot shots , that marcht there vp and downe : let westminster therefore , temple-bar , and fleetestreete , drinke off this draught of rosa solis , to fetch life into them againe , after their so often swounding , that those few iurors that went thither ( if any did goe thither ) haue tane an oath neuer to sit at winchester-ordinary againe , if they can choose , but rather to breake their fasts in the old abbey behinde westminster , with pudding-pyes , and furmenty . deliuer copies of these newes ( good nobody ) to none of thy acquaintance ( as thou tenderst me ) and thou shalt commaund any seruice at my hands : for i haue an intent to hire three or foure ballad-makers , who i know will be glad for sixe pence and a dinner , to turne all this limping prose into more perfectly-halting verse , that it shall doe any true-borne citizens heart good , to heare such doings sung to some filthie tune , and so farewell . turne ouer a new leafe , and try if i handle the plague in his right kind . deuoted to none but thy selfe , some-body . newes from graues-ende . to sicknes , and to queazie tymes , we drinke a health in wholesome rymes , phisicke we inuoke thy aide , thou ( that borne in heauen ) art made a lackey to the meanest creature , mother of health ; thou nurse of nature , equall friend to rich and poore , at whose hands , kings can get no more , than emptie beggers ; o thou wise in nothing but in misteries ! thou that ha'st of earth the rule , where ( like an academe , or schoole ) thou readst deep lectures to thy sonnes , ( mens demi-gods ) phisitions ; who thereby learne the abstruse powers of hearbs , of roots , of plants , of flowers , and suck from poysonous stinking weede preseruatiues , mans life to feede . thou nearest to a god , ( for none can worke it , but a god alone , ) o graue enchauntresse , deigne to breath thy spells into vs , and bequeath thy sacred fires , that they may shine in quick and vertuall medicine , arme vs to conuince this foe , this king of dead men , conquering so ; this hungry plague , cater to death , who eates vp all , yet famisheth : teach vs how we may repaire these ruines of the rotten aire , or , if the aires pollution can so mortall strike through beast and man , or , if in blood corrupt , death lye , or if one dead , cause others die , how ere , thy soueraigne cures disperse , and with that glory crowne our verse : that we may yet saue many a soule ( perchance now merry at his bowle ) that ere our tragick song be don , must drinke this thick contagion : but ( ô griefe ) why do we atcite the charmes of phisick ? whose numbd sprite now quakes , and nothing dare , or can , checkt by a more dread magitian ? sick is phisicks selfe to see her aphorismes prou'de a mockery : for whilst shee 's turning o're her bookes , and on her drugs and simples lookes , shee 's run through owne armed heart , ( th' infection flying aboue art : ) come therefore thou the best of nine , ( because the saddest ) euery line that drops from sorrowes pen is due only to thee , to thee we sue : thou tragick maid , whose fury's spent in dismall , and most black o●tent . in vprores , and in fall of kings , thou of empires change that sings , of dearths , of warres , of plagues , and laughes at funeralls , and epitaphes : carowse thou to our thirstie soule a full draught from the thespian bowle , that we may powre it out agen , and drinke , in nombers iuice to men , striking such horrors through their eares their haire may vpright stand with feares , till rich heires meeting our strong verse may not shrinck back , before it pierce their marble eye-balls , and there shead one drop ( at least ) for him that 's dead : to worke which wonder , we will write with penns puld from that bird of night ( the shriking owle ) our inck wee le mix with teares of widowes , ( black as stix ) the paper where our lynes shall meete , shall be a folded winding sheete , and that the scene may shew more full , the standish is a dead mans scull . inspire vs therefore how to tell the horror of a plague , the hell. the cause of the plague . nor drops this venome , from that faire and christall bosome of the aire , whose ceaseles motion clarifies all vaporous stench , that vpward flies and with her vniuersall wings , thick poisonous fumes abroad she flings , till ( like to thunder ) rudely tost , their malice is ( by spreading ) lost . yet must we graunt that from the veines of rottennes and filth , that reignes , o're heapes of bodies , slaine in warre , from carrion ( that indangers farre ) from standing pooles , or from the wombes of vaults , of muckhills , graues , & tombes , from boggs ; from ranck and dampish fenns , from moorish breaths , and nasty denns , the sun drawes vp contagious fumes , which falling downe burst into rhewmes , and thousand malladies beside , by which our blood growes putrified . or , being by windes not swept from thence , they houer there in cloudes condense , which suckt in by our spirits , there flies swift poyson through our arteries , and ( not resisted ) strait it choakes the heart , with those pestiferous smoakes . thus phisicke and philosophy do preach , and ( with this ) salues apply : which search , and vse with speede : but now this monster breeds not thus : for how ( if this be prou'de ) can any doubt but that the ayre does ( round about ) in flakes of poyson drop on all , the sore being spread so generall ? nor dare we so conclude : for then fruites , fishes , fowle , nor beasts , nor men should scape vnteinted , grazing flocks would feede vpon their graues : the oxe drop at the plough : the trauelling horse would for a rider beare a coar●e : th' ambitious larke , ( the bird of state ) whose wings do sweep heauens pearled gate , as she descended ( then ) would bring , pestilent newes vnder each wing : then riu●rs would drink poyson'd aire : trees shed their green and curled haire : fish swim to shore full of disease , ( for pestilence would fin the seas : ) and we should thinke their scaly barkes , hauing small speckles , had the markes . no soule could moue : but sure there lyes some vengeance more then in the skies : nor ( as a taper , at whose beames ten thousands lights fetch golden streames , and yet it selfe is burnt to death , ) can we belieue that one mans breath infected , and being blowne from him , his poyson should to others swim : for then who breath'd vpon the first ? where did th'imbulked venome burst ? or how scapte those that did diuide the selfe-same bits with those that dide ? drunke of the selfe-same cups , and laie in vlcerous beds , as close as they ? or , those , who euery houre , ( like crowes ) prey on dead carkasies : their nose still smelling to a graue : their feete still wrapt within a dead mans sheete ! yet ( the sad execution don ) careles among their canns they run , and there ( in scorne of death or fate ) of the deceast they widely prate , yet snore vntoucht , and next day rise to act in more new tragedies : or ( like so many bullets flying ) a thousand here and there being dying , death's text-bill clapt on euery dore , crosses on sides , behinde , before , yet the ( i' th midst ) stands fast : from whence comes this ? you le say from prouidence . t is so , and that 's the common spell , that leades our ignorance , ( blinde as hell ) and serues but as excuse , to keepe the soule from search of things more deepe ; no , no , this black and burning starre ( whose sulphurd drops , do scald so farre , ) does neither houer o're our heads , nor lyes it in our bloods , nor beds : nor is it stitcht to our attires , nor like wilde balls of running fires or thunderbolts , which where they light do either bruise , or kill out-right ; yet by the violence of that bound leape off , and giues a second wound : but this fierce dragon ( huge and fowle ) sucks virid poyson from our soule , which being spit forth again , there raigns showers of blisters , and of blaines , for euery man within him feedes a worme which this contagion breedes ; our heauenly parts are plaguy sick , and there such leaprous spotts do stick , that god in anger fills his hand with vengeance , throwing it on the land ; sure t is some capitall offence , some high , high treason doth incense th' eternall king , that thus we are arraign'd at death most dreadfull barre ; th'inditement writ on englands brest , when other countries ( better blest ) feele not the iudges heauy doome whose breath ( like lightning doth consume and ( with a whip of planets ) scourges the veines of mortalls , in whom surges of sinfull blood , billowes of lust stir vp the powres to acts vniust . whether they be princes errors , or faults of peeres , pull downe these terrors , or ( because we may not erre , ) lets sift it in particuler , the courtiers pride , lust , and excesse , the church mans painted holinesse ; the lawyers grinding of the poore , the souldiers staruing at the doore , ragd , leane , and pale through want of blood , sold cheape by him for countries good . the schollers enuy ; farmers curse , when heau'ns rich threasurer doth disburse in bounteous heapes ( to thankles men ) his vniuersall blessings : then this deluing moale , for madness eates euen his owne lungs , and strange oathes sweates , because he cannot sell for pence , deare yeares , in spite of prouidence . adde vnto these , the city sin ( brought by seuen deadly monsters in ) which doth all bowndes , and blushing scorne , because t is in the freedome borne , what traines of vice , ( which euen hell hates ) but haue bold passage through her gates ? pride in diet , pride in cloathing , pride in building , pure in nothing , and that she may not want disease she sailes for it beyond the seas , with antwerp will she drinke vp rhene : with paris act the bloodiest scene : or in pyed fashions passe her folly , mocking at heauen yet looke most holy : of vsury shee 'll rob the iewes , of luxury , venetian stewes , with spaniards , shee 's an indianist , with barbarous turks a sodomist . so low her antique walls do stand , these sinnes leape o're euen with one hand : and hee , that all in modest black , whose eye-ball strings shall sooner crack , then seeme to note a tempting face , measuring streets with a doue-like pace , vnder that oyly vizard weares , the poore mans sweat , and orphans teares : now whether these particular fates , or generall moles ( disfiguring states ) whether one sin alone , or whether this maine battalion ioynd together , do dare these plagues ; we cannot tell , but downe they beate all humane spell : or , it may be , iehouah lookes but now vpon those audit-bookes of 45. yeares husht account , for houres mispent , ( whose summes surmount the price of ransomd kings ) and there finding our grieuous debts , doth cleere and crosse them vnder his owne hand , being paid with liues , through all the land . for since his maiden . seruant 's gone , and his new vizeroy fills the throne , heauen meanes to giue him ( as his bride ) a nation new , and purified . take breath a while our panting muse , and to the world tell gladder newes , than these of burialls , striue a while , to make thy sullen nombers smile : forget the names of graues , and ghosts , the sound of bells : the vnknowne coasts of deaths vast kingdome : and saile o're with fresher winde to happier shore . for now the maiden ile hath got , a roiall husband , ( heauenly lott ) faire scotland does faire england wed , and giues her for her maiden-head , a crowne of gold , wrought in a ring , with which shee 's maried to a king : thou beldame ( whisperer of false rumors ) fame ; cast aside those antique humors , lift vp thy golden tromp , and sound euen from tweedes vtmost christ all bownd , and from the bankes of siluer thames to the greene ocean , that king iames had made an iland , ( that did stand halfe sinking ) now the firmest land : carry thou this to neptunes eare , that his shrill tritons it may beare , so farre , vntill the danish sound with repercussiue voice rebound , that eccho's ( doubling more and more ) may reach the parched indian shore , for t is heau'ns care so great a wonder , should fly vpon the wings of thunder . the horror of the plague . o thou my countrie , here mine eyes are almost sunck in waues , that rise from the rough winde of sighs , to see a spring that lately courted thee in pompous brauery , all thy bowers gilt by the sunne , perfumde with flowers , now like a loathsome leaperlying , her arbors withring , greene trees dying , her reuells , and may-meriments , turned all to tragick dreeryments : and thou ( the mother of my breath ) whose soft brest thousandes nourisheth , alrar of ioue , thou throne of kings : thou fownt , where milke and hony springs , europs iewell ; englands iem : sister to great ierusalem : neptunes minion , ( bout whose wast the thames is like a girdle cast , ) thou that ( but health canst nothing want , empresse of cities , troynouant . when i thy lofty towers behold , ( whose pinnacles were tipt with gold both when the sun did set and rise so louely wert thou in his eies ) now like old monuments forsaken , or ( like tall pynes ) by winter thaken ; or , seeing thee gorgeous as a bride euen in the heigth of all thy pride disrobd'e , disgracte ; and when all nations made loue to thee in amorous passions , now scornd of all the world alone , none seeke thee , nor must thou seeke none , but like a prisoner must be kept in thine owne walles , till thou hast wept thine eyes out , to behold thy sweete dead children heapt about thy feete : o derrest ! say how can we chuse but haue a sad and drooping muse , when coarses do so choake thy way that now thou lookst like golgatha ; but thus , the altring of a state alteis our bodies , and our fate , for princes death 's do euen bespeake millions of liues ; when kingdomes breake , people dissolue , and ( as with thunder ) cities proud glories rent asunder . witnes thy walls , whose stony armes but yesterday receiu'de whole swarmes of frighted english : lord and lowne , lawyer , and client , courtier , clowne , all sorts did to thy buildings fly , as to the safest sanctuary . and he that through thy gates might passe , his feares were lockt in towers of brasse , happie that man : now happier they that from thy reach get first away : as from a shipwrack , to some shore : as from a lost field , drownd in gore : as from high turrets , whose ioints faile : or rather from , some loathsome iaile : but note heau'ns iustice , they by flying that would cozen death , and saue a dying , how like to chaffe abroad th' are blowne , and ( but for scorne ) might walke vnknowne ; like to plumde estridges they ride , or like sea-pageants , all in pride of tacklings , flags , and swelling sailes , borne on the loftiest waues , that veiles his purple bonnet , and in dread bowes downe his snowie curled head , so from th' infected citie fly these swallowes in their gallantry , looking that wheresoe're they light , gay sommer , ( like a parasite ) should waite on them , and build'em bowers and crowne their nests with wreathed flowers , and swaynes to welcome them should sing and daunce , as for their whisson king : feather of pride , how art thou tost ? how soone are all thy beauties lost ? how casely golden hopes vn-winde ? the russet boore , and leatherne hinde , that two daies since did sinck his knee , and ( all vncouered ) worshipt thee , or being but poore , and meanely cloathed , was either laught to scorne or loathed , now thee he loathes , and laughes to scorne , and tho vpon thy back be worne , more sattin than a kingdomes worth , he barrs his doore , and thrusts thee forth : and they whose pallat land nor seas , whome fashions of no shape could please , whome princes haue ( in ages past ) for rich attires , and sumptuous wast , neuer come neere : now sit they rownd and feede ( like beggers ) on the grownd , a field their bed , whose dankish sheetes is the greene grasse : and he that meetes the flatrings● ? fortune , does but lie in some rude barne , or loathsome stie : forsooke of all , floured , forlorne : owne brother does owne brother scorne , the trembling father is vndone , being once but breath'd on by his sonne ; or , if in this sad pilgrimage the hand of vengeance fall in rage , so heauy vpon any'es head striking the sinfull body dead . o shame to ages yet to come ! dishonor to all christendome ! in hallowed ground no heaped gold can buy a graue ; nor linnen sold to make ( so farre is pittie fled ) the last apparell for the dead : but as the fashion is for those whose desperare handes the knot vnlose of their owne liues , in some hye-way or barren field , their bones they lay , euen such his buriall is ; and there without the balme of any teare , or pomp of souldiers , but ( ô griefe ! ) dragd like a traitor or some thiefe at horses tailes , hee 's rudely throwne , the coarse being stuck with flowers by none , no bells ( the dead mans confort ) playing , nor any holy churchman saying a funerall dirge : but swift th' are gon , as from some noysome cation o desolate citie ! now thy wings ( whose shadowe hath bene lou'd by kings ) should feele sick feathers on each side , seeing thus thy sonnes ( got in ther pride ) and heate of plenty , in peace borne , to their owne nation left a scorne : each cowheards feares a ghost him haunts , seeing one of thine inhabitants , and does a iew , or turke prefer , before that name of londoner ; would this were all : but this black curse doing ill abroad , at home does worse , for in thy ( now dispeopled ) streetes , the dead with dead , so thickly meetes , as if some prophets voice should say none shall be citizens , but they . whole housholds ; and whole streets are stricken , the sick do die , the sound do sicken , and lord haue mercy vpon vs , crying ere mercy can come forth , th' are dying . no musick now is heard but bells , and all their tunes are sick mens knells ; and euery stroake the bell does toll , vp to heauen it windes a soule : oh , if for euery coarse that 's laide in his cold bed of earth , were made a chyme of belles , if peales should ring for euery one whom death doth sting , men should be deaffe , as those that dwell by nylus fall ; but now one knell , giues with his iron voyce this doome , that twentie shall but haue one roome ; there friend , and foe , the yong and old , the freezing coward , and the bold : seruant , and maister : fowle and faire : one liuery weare , and fellowes are sailing along in this black fleete , and at the new graues-end do meete , where church-yards banquet with cold cheere , holding a feast once in ten yeere , to which comes many a pilgrym worme , hungry and faint , beat with the storme of galping famine , which before onely pickt bones , and had no more , but now their messes come so fast , they know not where , or which to tast ; for before ( dust to dust ) be spoken , and throwne on one , more graues be broken . thou iealous man i pittie thee , thou that liu'st in hell to see a wantons eye cheapening the sleeke soft iewels , of thy faire wiues cheeke , my verse must run through thy cold heart , thy wife has playd the womans part and lyen with death : but ( spite on spite ) thou must endure this very night close by her side the poorest groome , in selfe-same bed , and selfe-same roome : but ease thy vext soule , thus behold there 's one , who in the morne with gold could haue built castells : now hee 's made a pillow to a wretch , that prayde for halfe-penny almes , ( with broken lim ) the begger now is aboue him ; so he that yesterday was clad in purple robes , and hourely had euen at his fingers becke , the fees of bared heads , and bending knees , rich mens fawnings , poore mens praiers ( tho they were but hollow aires ) troopes of seruants at his calling , children ( like to subiects ) falling at his proude feete : loe , ( now hee 's taken by death , ) he lies of all forsaken . these are the tragedies , whose sight with teares blot all the lynes we write , the stage whereon the scenes are plaide is a whole kingdome : who was made by some ( most prouident and wise ) to hide from sad spectators eyes acts full of ruth , a priuate roome to drowne the horror of deaths doome , that building now no higher reare the pest-house standeth euery where , for those that on their beeres are borne , are nombred more , than those that mourne . but you graue patriots , whom fate makes rulers of this walled state , we must not loose you in our verse , whose acts we one day may rehearse in marble nombers , that shall stand aboue tymes all-destroying hand : only ( methinkes ) you do erre in flying from your charge so farre . so coward captaines shrinke away , so shepheards do their flocks betray : so souldiers , and so lambes do perish , so you kill those , y' are bound to cherish : be therefore valiant , as y' are wife , come back again : the man that dies within your walls , is euen as neere to heau'n , as dying any where ; but if ( ô pardon our bold thought ) you feare your breath is sooner caught here then aloofe ; and therefore keepe out of deaths reach , whilst thousands weepe and wring their hands for thousands dying , no comfort neare the sick man lying : t is to be fear'd ( you petty-kings , ) when back you spread your golden wings , a deadlyer siege ( which heauen auert ) will your replenisht walls ingirt . t is now the beggers plague , for none are in this battaile ouerthrowne but babes and poore : the lesser fly now in this spiders web doth lie . but if that great , and goodly swarme ( that has broke through , and felt no harme , ) in his inuenom'd snares should fall , o pittie ! t were most tragicall : for then the vsurer must behold his pestilent flesh , whislt all his gold turns into tokens , and the chest ( they lie in , ) his infections brest : how well hee le play the misers part when all his coyne sticks at his heart ? hee s worth so many farthings then , that was a golden god mongst men . and t is the aptest death ( so please him that breath heauen , earth , and seas ) for euery couetous rooting mowle that heaues his drosse aboue his soule , and doth in coyne all hopes repose to die with corps , stampt full of those . then the rich glutton , whose swolne eyne looke fiery red ( being boild in wine ) and in his meales , adores the cup , ( for when he falls downe that stands vp therefore a goblet is his saint , to whome he kneeles with small constrain : , when his owne goblet scull flowes o're he worships bacchus on all foure , for none's his god but bacchus then , who rules and guides all drunken men , ) when he shall wake from wine , and view more then tauern-tokens , new stampt vpon his brest and armes , in horrid throngs , and purple swarmes , then will he loath his former shapes , when he shall see blew markes mock grapes , and hang on clusters on each veine , like to wine-bubbles , or the graine of staggering sinne , which now appeares in the december of his yeares , his last of howers ; when hee le scarce haue time to goe sober to his graue . and then to die ! ( dreadfull to thinke ! ) when all his blood is turnd to drinke : and who knowes not this sentence giuen , mongst all sinnes , none can reele to heauen ? but woe to him that sinkes in wine , and dyes so ( without heau'd vp eyne ) and buried so ! o loathsome trench ! his graue is like a tauerne bench . t is fearefull , and most hard to say , how he shall stand at latter day . the adulterous and luxurious spirit pawnd to hell , and sinnes hot merrit , that bathes in lust his leaprous soule , acting a deed without controll or thought of deitie : through whose bloud , runnes part of the infernall floud : how will he freeze with horror ? lying in dreadfull trance before his dying : the heate of all his dambd desires coold with the thought of gnashing fires : his ryots rauisht , all his pleasures his marrow wasted with his treasures , his painted harlots ( whose imbraces cost him many siluer faces , whose only care and thought was then to keepe them sure from other men ) now they dance in russians handes , lazy leiftenents ( without bandes , ) with muffled halfe-fac'de pandars , laughing , whilst he lies gasping , they sit qua●fing , smile at this plague , and black mischance , knowing their deaths come o're from france : t is not their season now to die , two gnawing poisons cannot lie , in one corrupted flesh together , nor can this poison then fly thether : there 's not a strompet mongst them all that liues and rises by the fall , dreads this contagion , or her threats , being guarded with french amulets . yet all this while thy selfe liest panting , thy luxurious howers recanting , whilst before thy face appeares , th' adulterous fruit of all thy yeares in their true forme and horrid shapes , so many incests , violent rapes , chambered adulteries , vncleane passions , wanton habits , riotous fashions , and all these anticks drest in hell , to dance about the passing bell ; and clip thee round about the bed , whilst thousand horrors graspe thy head . the cure of the plagne . and therefore this infectious season that now arrests the flesh for treason against heauens euerlasting king , annointed with th' eternall spring ( of life and power ) this stroke of force , that turnes the world into a coarse , feeding the dust with what it craues , emptying whole houses to fill graues , these speckled plagues ( which our sinnes leuy ) are as needfull as th' are heauy ; whose cures to cite , our muse for beares , tho he the daphnean wreath that weares ( being both poesis soueraigne king , and god of medicine ) bids vs sing as boldly of those pollicies , those onfets , and those batteries , by phisick cunningly applied , to beate downe plagues ( so fortified ) and of those armes defensitiue , to keep th' assaulted heart aliue , and of those wardes , and of those sleights , vsde in these mortall single fights , as of the causes that commence this ciuill warre of pestilence , for poets soules should be confinde within no bownds , their towring mindes must ( like the sun ) a progresse make through arts immensiue zodiake : and suck ( like bees ) the vertuous power , that flows in learnings seuen-sold flower , distilling forth the same agen in sweet and wholesome iuice to men : but for we see the army great of those whose charge it is to beat this proud inuader , and haue skill in all those weapons , that do kill such pestilent foes , we yeeld to them the glory of that stratagem : to whose oraculous voice repaire , for they those delphick prophets are , that teach dead bodies to respire by sacred aesculapian fire : we meane not those pied lunatickes , those bold fantastick empirickes , quack-saluers , mishrump mountebancks , that in one night grow vp in rancks and liue by pecking phisickes crummes , o hate these venemous broodes , there comes worse sores from them , and more strange births then from ten plagues , or twentie deaths : only this antidote apply , cease vexing heauen , and cease to die . seeke therefore ( after you haue found salue naturall for the naturall wound of this contagion , ) cure from thence where first the euill did commence , and that 's the soule : each one purge one , and englands free , the plague is gone . the necessitie of a plague . yet to mixe comfortable words tho this be horrid , it affords sober gladnes , and wise ioyes , since desperate mixtures it destroies ; for if our thoughts sit truly trying , the iust necessitie of dying how needfull ( tho how dreadfull ) are purple plagues , or crimson warre , we would conclude ( still vrging pittie ) a plague's the purge to clense a cittie : who amongst millions can deny ( in rought prose , or smooth poesie ) of euils , t is the lighter broode , a dearth of people , then of foode ! and who knowes not , our land ran o're with people ; and was onely poore in hauing too too many , liuing , and wanting liuing ! rather giuing themselues to wast , deface and spoyle , than to increase ( by vertuous toyle ) the banckrout bosome of our realme which naked birthes did ouerwhelme : this begers famine , and bleake dearth : when fruites of wombes passe fruites of earth , then famines onely phisick : and the medcine for a ryotous land is such a plague : so it may please mercies distributer to appease , his speckled anger , and now hide th' old rod of plagues : no more to chide and lash our shoulders and sick vaines with carbuncles , and shooting blaines : make vs the happiest amongst men , immortall by our prophecing pen , that this last lyne may truly raigne , the plague's ceast , heauen is friends againe . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02053-e1540 a pos 〈…〉 ad ciui 〈…〉 tem . pest-ho 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 a short dialogue concerning the plagues infection published to preserue bloud, through the blessing of god. balmford, james, b. 1556. 1603 approx. 113 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a03264 stc 1338 estc s100768 99836597 99836597 881 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03264) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 881) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 871:19) a short dialogue concerning the plagues infection published to preserue bloud, through the blessing of god. balmford, james, b. 1556. [12], 83, [1] p. printed [by r. rield] for richard boyle, and are to be sold athis shop in blacke-friers, london : 1603. dedication signed: iames bamford. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 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reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short dialogve concerning the plagves infection . published to preserue bloud , through the blessing of god. psal . 91. 11. he shall giue his angels charge ouer thee , to keepe thee in all thy wayes . matth. 4. 7. thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god. anchora . spei . london , printed for richard boyle , and are to be sold at his shop in blacke-friers . 1603. to his vvelbeloved in christ , the parishioners of saint olaves in southwarke , iames bamford wisheth increase of grace and knowledge of our lord and sauiour iesus christ . it is written in the 33. of ezechiel : that , if the people of the land take a man of their coasts , and make him their watchman , if when he seeth the sword come vpon the land , he blow the trumpet , and warne the people : then he that heareth the sound of the trumpet and will not be warned , if the sword come and take him away , his bloud shall be vpon his owne head . but if the watchman see the sword come ; and blow not the trumpet , and the people be not warned , if the sword come , and take any person from among them , he is taken away for his iniquity , but his bloud will i require ( saith the lord ) at the watchmans hand . so you ( my beloued ) haue chosen me to be your watchman . therefore it concerneth me to giue , and you to take warning of mortall danger , as we wil be free from bloud-guiltinesse . but i haue publickly giuen you warning of that bloudy errour , which denieth the pestilence to be contagious : maintained , not onely by the rude multitude , but by too many of the better sort ; you are therefore to take warning . that ye may the rather take heed to the siluer trumpet , which hath soūded in your eares , i haue thought it necessary to set downe in writing all that i haue publickly taught , together with whatsoeuer else , i perceiue , by priuate conference to be appertaining to that question , that yee may take time , better to consider that which is either misunderstood , or not well remembred , because it was but once deliuered , and the common sort are not acquainted with , and therefore hardly capeable of scholasticall disputations . and yet i endeuoured to speake as plaine as i could . but now i haue contriued al in the forme of a dialogue , which is a more familiar maner of teaching ; hoping that now yee will more readily both perceiue , and receiue the truth herein contained . i humbly and earnestly desire you ( at your leisure ) diligently to examine the quotations : but first to reade ouer the dialogue it selfe . if any desire a more learned discourse , i referre them to that worthy treatise written by that reuerend father ( the light of our age ) maister beza , and translated by that faithfull and profitable seruant of christ , maister stockwood . furthermore , as i desire you to reade this dialogue with good respect : so i pray you do not thinke , that i haue any purpose to traduce you as maintainers of errour , and gainsayers of your teacher . for howsoeuer ( indeed ) i was occasioned by that i saw and heard amongst our selues , to preach this doctrine , and haue committed it to writing for your speciall good , yet knowing that bloudy errour ( which i impugne ) to be commonly maintained in london , i thought it conuenient to publish this dialogue in print , for a more generall good . as for your selues , i am so far from traducing you , that i do ( with ioyfull thankes to god the father , in the name of iesus christ ) giue you this testimony ; that notwithstanding the iudgement of some be not well informed in this point , yet i haue much comfort in my ministery amongst you : for in sundry things ye shew the obediēce of faith . amongst the rest , ye attend the sacrament of baptisme , from which in most places people runne away most contemptuously ; ye frequent friday lecture as diligently ( euer since the plague was kindled ) as in winter nights : wheras many in & about londō are winter hearers , attending the word when they haue nothing else to do : and ye fill gods house vpō the daies of humiliation , & holy rest , notwithstanding there haue died in our parish from the 7. of may to this day 2640. wheras before the plague our church was partly filled by strāgers , both on sondayes & fridayes . these things i take knowledge of , as to signifie , that in this dialogue i do not taxe you , or any of you , more than other , so , to incourage you to go forward ( & not backward ) in your holy profession , seruing god , and sanctifying his sabboths as religiously hereafter , as ye do now while god is present with you in this his grieuous visitation . for it is a good thing ( saith one apostle ) to loue earnestly alwayes in a good thing : and it is better ( saith another apostle ) for you not to haue taken the way of righteousnes , than after ye haue taken it to forsake it . therfore ( good brethren ) take heed that ye coole not in your deuotion , because the number of the buried in our parish is fallen ( blessed be god ) frō 305. to 51. in one weeke , and from 57. to 4. buried in one day . shall our loue coole , whē gods loue is kindled ? god forbid . o remember that when moses lifted vp his hands , israel preuailed : but when his hands were heauy amalech preuailed . and when it shall please god to remoue this heauy iudgement , let vs neuer forget this visitation , according to the doctrine we haue learned out of the title of the 38. psal . let vs not turne backe like a deceitfull bow , and let vs sin no more , lest a worse euill come vntovs , according to the saying of christ himselfe to a man deliuered from a grieuous disease . conceiuing good hope that yee will hide the words of exhortation in honest and good harts to bring forth fruite with patience , i commend me to your fauour , my dialogue to your reading , and your selues to god , and to the word of his grace , which is able to build further . from my study this 13. of october . 1603. yours in the lord assured and readie to do all the seruice he may , iames bamford . the contents of this dialogue . 1 the occasion of this dialogue , and chiefe points to be discussed . page 2. 2 people must heare well , before they presume to iudge their teachers . pag. 2 , 3 , 4. 3 magistrates may and ought to seuer the sound from the infected , and the infected from the sound . pag. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. 4 how the poore infected may go abroad for necessarie reliefe , which otherwise they should want . pag. 9. 5 the infected who want no necessarie releefe should keepe in , and they , withall supposed to come about them , are to forbeare the church for a while . pag. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. 6 the plague may be in a garment . pag. 13 , 14 , 15. 7 the plague may be taken by feare , whereof we are therefore to take heede . pag. 15 , 16 , 17. 8 how ministers are to visite the sicke . 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. 9 how the sicke are to be visited by other . pag. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. 10 the sicke of the plague are not to desire the vnnecessary presence of their friends . pag. 28 , 29 , 30. 11 thronging at the burying of the infected , is to be taken heed of . pag. 31 , 32 , 33. 12 the law of lepers proueth separation betweene the sound and the infected . pag. 3 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. 13 great care is to be had of that bloudy errour , which denieth the plague to be contagious . pag. 38 , 39 , 40. 14 the true cause and effects of inordinate feare . pag 41 , 42 , 43. 15 magistrates are to be resident . pag. 43 , 44. 16 the escaping of some conuersant with the infected , is not a good argument against the infection . pag. 44. to 59. 17 causes why some escape , though conuersant with the infected . pag. 49. to 54. 18 an absolute faith touching deliuerance from the plague , is not required . pag. 54. to 57. 19 why godly men die of the plague . pa. 57 , 58 , 59. 20 the plague is contagious , notwithstanding there die none but by the speciall appointmeot of god. pag. 59 , to 69. 21 who may flie into the country from the plague , and with what cautions . p. 70. to 74. 22 gods people are to come to church , notwithstanding the plagues contagion . pag. 75 , 76 , 77. 23 the plague is contagious , though the scripture doth not expresly affirme so much . pag. 78. 24 the contagion of the plague may be concluded out of the word . pag. 79. 80. 25 the vse which is to be made of this dialogue . pag. 81 , 82. a short dialogue concerning the plagues infection . professor . sir , i make bold to trouble you , and to desire your resolution in a point wherewith i finde the minds of manie honest men ( better acquainted with the scriptures than i am ) much cumbred and perplexed : i cannot be quiet till i be resolued ; therefore pardon my boldnesse i pray you . preacher . neighbour , you are very welcome : for i take you to be of that discretion , that you will not ( as manie do ) trouble your selfe and others with friuolous , or curious questions . and therefore if i were as able as willing , you should not go away vnresolued : but you shall haue mine opinion with all faithfulnesse , and then iudge therof in the sobrietie of wisedome . tell me then : what is the matter ? prof. may it please you : we heare your selfe , and other faithfull preachers in this citie , reproue such as ( for the cōfort of their soules ) come to church , either with plague sores , or out of infected houses . as also those , that of charitie visite such as haue the plague , and accompanie the diseased of that disease , vnto the graue . in all which duties we thinke ( with your fauor ) that preachers should rather incourage then discourage vs. now because i am vnder your ministerie , and you haue publikely willed vs to resort to you for satisfaction , if we either vnderstand not , or approue not any thing by you deliuered : i am bold to come and craue your satisfaction accordingly . preach . you do well , & i thank you : for there be too many that runne counter in a contrarie course . for whereas they should be swift to heare and slow to speake , they haue heauie eares , and readie tongues to speake euil of things they know not , and so scandalize ( that is , stumble ) themselues and other , in hearing the word , which is to be heard not as the words of men , but as indéed the word of god. but i pray you tell me , in what sense , and for what reasons haue you obserued me and other preachers to reproue the offendors you speake of ? prof. truely sir , sith you put me to it , i must acknowledge mine infirmitie : for assoone as i heare you or other begin to checke pietie and charitie , ( so seeming to me ) i am presently so troubled , that i cannot vnderstand , much lesse rightly remember , what hath bene deliuered . preach . if it be so with you , who professe the obedience of faith , how is it with the rude multitude , whose imaginations are in no good sort brought into captiuitie to the obedience of christ ? but we sée the words of christ fulfilled : that we do not vnderstand his talke , because we cannot heare his word . me thinkes , professors should attribute so much to their teachers , yea such as they acknowledge to be faithfull , as to heare with the athenians , and to examine with the bereans . for doth the law of god iudge a man , before it heare him ? but truely ye presume too farre in censuring your teachers , as those that checke pietie and charitie . what ? is this pietie , with an high hand to breake godly orders of a gracious prince set downe for preseruation of life ? is this charitie , presumptuously to hazard the liues , god knoweth of how many ? is this either pietie or charitie , wilfully to runne our selues into mortall daunger ? prof. i am enforced of conscience to confesse it to be a fault , that we haue presumed to censure our teachers , and that so seuerely , before we well vnderstood and humbly examined their doctrine : for by our deed we speake that in gods eares , which irreligious people , by word vttered to ieremiah his face , viz. the word that thou hast spoken vnto vs in the name of the lord , we wil not heare it of thee ; but we will do whatsoeuer goeth out of our owne mouth . but pardon me , and let me now with your patience intreate you to proue , not by mans pollicie , but by gods word ( according to your profession ) that princes may inhibit , or forbid the works of pietie and charitie . preach . neighbour , you still begge the question , which is the common fallacie of the common sort , who dote vpon whatsoeuer commeth out of their owne mouth , as you said . for it is in question , whether the workes you cōmend , be the workes of pietie & charitie or no. but i will shew you by the word of god , that princes both may and ought keepe from assemblies , such as be no lesse daungerous to them , thā one scabbed shéepe is to an whole flock , and restraine the whole and sound frō vnnecessarie running into eminent daunger . this i will do vpon condition , that you will then shew me , what reasons you haue to doubt of so cléere a truth , or obiect against any thing i haue said , or shall say , that i may either satisfie you , or reforme mine own iudgement . prof. if i do not so , my second error will be worse than the former : for then i should be like them that pretended with protestation to be informed by ieremiah , but yet obeyed not his voyce , when it was against their mind : for the truth is , the longer we talke , the more i remember what is muttered by the common , and what obiected by the better sort . preach . vpon this condition i procéed , yet so , as not intending any large discourse : for i néede not , speaking to a professour ; and i would you should haue time enough to propound al your doubts . in one word therefore consider well this argument : kings and quéenes ought to be nurcing fathers and nurcing mothers to the church , so as that gods people may leade a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honestie . but this is an honest thing before god and men , that kings should ( out of a fatherly care ) preserue their subiects from destruction , by infection , as wel as by the sword . as dauid was no lesse carefull for his people , when the pestilence raged , than valiant in defending them against their enemies . againe , what other thing do sundrie lawes and customes of israel teach vs ? priests were forbidden to drinke wine or strong drinke , that they might put difference betwéene the cleane and vncleane : that euery leaper and euery one that had an issue , and whosoeuer is defiled by the dead , shold be put out of the host : that garments and houses defiled by leprosie , should be destroyed : that euery one to do the worke of nature , should go out of the hoast : and that the dead were buried out of the citie . what ( i say ) do these lawes and customes ( well considered ) teach vs in their equity , but that gods people should be carefully preserued from filthinesse and contagion ? let vs a litle better consider the lawes of lepers , as most nearely concerning vs , and we shall find that they were not onely to haue markes to be known by , but also to giue warning to companie approching , by saying : i am vncleane , i am vncleane . whereby it is euident , that lepers should shunne other , and other should shun them . and it is as euident , that they were not to come into the house of god. for a king being a leper , was kept out thereof all the dayes of his life . much more may moses ( a magistrate ) shut miriam ( though his sister ) out of the hoast for 7. dayes . but the plague is more daungerously contagious being mortall , then the leprosie which is not mortall : therefore princes and magistrates ( which are called sheapheards ) may and ought to be very carefull , to kéepe the sound frō the infected , and the infected from the sound , especially in assemblies . as the sheapheard is carefull to keepe scabbed shéepe from his flocke , and his flocke from scabbed shéepe . let this suffice for this time : let me now heare your doubts . prof. as king agrippa said vnto paul : almost thou perswadest me to become a christian , so i may say , you haue almost chaunged my mind . but yet for my promise sake , and for further resolution , i will propound certaine doubts : and will first begin with that which i know doth most trouble most men , especially of the poorer sort . to wit , they thinke it most extreame crueltie , to be barred from going abroad to seeke reliefe or maintenance for them and theirs , except they either had sufficient of their owne , or their wants were supplied . preach . i am of the same mind : for lepers might go abroad to séeke reliefe : but yet in such sort , as hath bene shewed . and so i could wish that our infected poore , sith they must néeds go abroad , wold remēber the 10. lepers , how they stood afar off , & lift vp their voyce , when they craued helpe of our sauior : so they would go abroad in such sort as authoritie directeth : to wit , out of the most frequented way , and with a rod in their hand . i say with griefe ( must needes ) for if authoritie had regarded these things betimes , when there were but few infected houses , they might haue bene well shut vp and prouided for , till they were cleansed , either of their owne , or the common charges . but what say you to those , who are not so poore , but that they may kéepe their houses at their owne charges , till they be cleansed ? profess . they thinke it an hell to be so long shut vp from companie and their businesse : the neglecting whereof is the decay of their state . preach . indéed this impatiencie is the cause why so many smother the plague in themselues and their families , so long as they can to the hazarding of life : but i aduise them to consider the resolution of paul , which was , neuer to cate flesh rather then he would offend his brother : much more ought they patiently to endure a litle restraint and losse , rather then to indanger the life of many . o bloud is a grieuous and crying sinne ! and therefore dauid would not drinke the water of the well of beth-lehem though he longed for it , because it was gotten with the ieopardy of liues , but called it blood . let them beléeue that god is able to giue them more then they loose by following his direction . let them know what this is : i will haue mercie , and not sacrifice . let them shew their faith by patience . for he that beléeueth , maketh no hast , being assured of gods promise : that in quietnes and confidence shall be their strength . let them imitate moses and aaron , who were as hastie in behalf of their sister miriam , but yet were perswaded by god to shut her out of the host seuen dayes . thus much for these goers abroad . but what say you now for those that come to church , in whose behalfe you séemed much affected at the first . profess . i was indeed affected as i seemed : but that which you haue said to goers abroade , belonging for the most part to commers to church , hath stopped my mouth : and the rather because i remember the king , who was kept from the temple , whiles he liued , for the leprosie . why then ( thinke i ) should not the infected with the plague be content to forbeare for a while , sith in the plague they vsually mend or end in short time ? preach . god be praised , for now you vnderstand and remember well , i haue therefore the lesse to say : only this , touching the comfort of soule , which they desire by comming to church . i pray them examine what true comfort they can haue , when they consider that they are more dangerous than they who go abroad . for in the church they sit by it , and that in a throng and heat : whereas if they humble themselues vnder gods hand , and tarie at home , though taking it as a part of their crosse that they kéep so long from the church ; i doubt not but that they shall find god ( who turneth his childrens bed in time of sicknesse ) as a sanctuary to them . and this i further say , that he rather is in the assembly of saints , who is there in spirit , though absent in body ; then he that is present in body , but absent in spirit . profess . all this ( as i vnderstand ) concernes such as being infected themselues , do yet come to church . but what say you to those who haue spacious houses , so as they come not neere the sicke of their family , and be sound themselues : may not they come to church as well as those , betweene whom and the infected there is but a wall ? preach . they may , as i am perswaded . but all things are not expedient which are lawfull . for many too foolishly fearefull ( another extremitie of this time , as generall and daungerous , as presumption ) knowing their houses to be infected , wil verily suppose that they haue béene about the sicke , and that the plague is in their garments ; and therefore if it fal out so that they sit together , their fearefull conceipt may bréede the plague . profess . o sir , are you of that mind , that the plague may be in a garment , and the partie not sicke ; and that one may take the plague onely with feare , and do you beare with such a conceipt ? preach . no , i do not . but i déeme them guiltie of their owne bane , who take it with such a conceipt . and yet i thinke euery charitable christian will grieue at the heart , that he should be the occasion of such a fright , and could wish that he had rather béen from the church a moneth , especially being in some sort gods prisoner , and the affrighted hauing likelyhoods that either he or his garment might be infected . that a garment may be infected , and the plague taken onely by feare , experience and reason do make manifest . concerning the former , it hath béene proued that clothes of infected persons layed vp and not well ayred , being opened though a yéere or more after , haue instantly renewed the plague . againe , we perceiue by the smell that garments wil retaine the sent of wormewood or muske for a long time : the cause is not in the sent by it selfe considered , but in the ayre which is the subiect of the sent . the plague in a garment is a poysoned aire ( being according to the nature thereof called by the learned the death of the ayre ) procéeding from the partie infected , and infecting the garment , though not perceiued by smell : as the open , cléere and wholesome ayre of the heauens is healthfull for the body , though not perceiued by smell . lastly , leprosie infecteth garments : and he that sléepeth or eateth in an house , shut vp for leprosie , must wash his clothes : which argueth that infection may be by the ayre , sith a man may eate in the house , and not touch the walles infected . if leprosie be so contagious , much more the plague , which is a stronger poyson , because it infecteth and killeth . profess . this is more then euer i heard and considered , and i think it reasonable : but i cannot conceiue how the garment can be infected , and yet the person that weareth it escape the plague . preach . i will shew you that in a word . do you not consider that either the infection may be but weake , or the party of a strong and healthfull constitution . cinders will not set fuell on fire so soone as burning coles : neither will gréene wood be so soone kindled as chips and drie deale-boord . profess . i now see and in some sort assent to your opinion : proceed therefore i pray you to giue reasons why by onely feare a man may be infected with the plague . preach . the spirit of a man will sustaine his infirmities : but a wounded spirit , who can beare it ? saith salomon . by spirit here is meant a comfortable heart , which animateth a man in all troubles : but if that fayle , hée is soone ouerthrowne . from the heart procéed ( as phisitions say ) vitall spirits , whereby man is made actiue and couragious . if they by feare be inforced to retire inward , the outward parts be left infirme : as may appeare by the palenesse and trembling of one in great feare , so that as enemies easily scale the walles of a towne abandoned by souldiers : so the plague ( especially in a season disposed to infection ) doth find readie passage into the outward parts of a man , destitute by feare of the vitall spirits which should correct the same . againe , as faith maketh vs partakers of gods helping hand , so vnbeléefe depriueth vs thereof : & feare ( aduersarie to faith ) pulleth to the wicked the euill which he feareth . profess . by this conference i haue learned to feare more then i haue done , and yet to take heed of feare : to feare because the plague may be caried about in garments , and therefore may infect me , keeping company with one that is cōuersant with the infected , i being peraduenture not of so strong a constitutiō as the party . to take heede of feare , lest i be guiltie of mine owne bane . preach . your collection is good , especially if you remember the distinction of feare in that sence which i haue often taught it : to wit , feare is contrary either to security , and so it may be called héedfulnesse , or to faith , and so it is cousin germain to despaire . but hoping that now you see our doctrine against vnruly and vncharitable going abroad of the infécted , either in person or garments , not to be a checke to pietie and charitie , i pray you tell me , what you can say for vnnecessarie and desperate running to the sicke and buried of the plague ? profess . what ? i tell you ( be it without offence ) that many maruell ( i will not say , cry out ) that preachers , who should be examples of loue and faith in visiting the sick according to their office , do yet so flatly speake against the expresse words of christ . for doth not he say : that we shall be iudged at the last day , according to our workes of charity , and amongst the rest , our visiting , or not visiting the sicke ? preach . o neighbour you now lay on loade ! i must therefore ease ( a litle ) the shoulders of preachers whom you charge heauily , for not visiting the sick of the plague ; before i can nimbly encounter your maine obiection . surely ye professours , who so vrge this pretended dutie , are farre from the louing care and kindnesse of the israelites , who would not suffer dauid to hazard himselfe in battell , lest if he , being woorth tenne thousand of them , were slaine , and the light of israel should be put out . againe , ye forget that christ said to him that desired to burie his father : follow thou me , let the dead burie their dead . if ye did consider this well , you could not but thinke , that as paule said , christ sent me not to baptize but to preach : so preachers may say : christ hath sent vs not to visite the sicke , but to preach , and thereupon cōclude ; that the lesse dutie ( if a dutie ) especially being daungerous , must giue place to the greater , and the visiting of a few sicke and lesse capable of instruction , must giue place to the teaching of the whole congregation , and more capable of doctrine and comfort . now if they visite euery one that is sicke , how can they attend vnto reading , and follow christ in the most proper and necessarie worke of the ministerie ? lastly , i sée not ( but herein i humbly submit mine opinion to the church ) that visiting the sicke is a proper dutie of a minister , as he is a minister . for as none can ordaine officers in the church but christ , so none ( as i am perswaded ) can prescribe duties to those officers , but christ . but i cannot find where christ prescribeth visiting of the sicke , as a ministers dutie . if not christ , why should any surcharge ministers , and the rather because they are not ( no not the best ) sufficient for duties prescribed ? did not the apostles pronounce it an vnmeet thing to be hindred from giuing themselues continually to prayer , and to the ministration of the word , by ministring to the poore , and therefore put ouer that duty to speciall men ? if the apostles extraordinarily assisted , by the spirit , both with gifts and blessing , cast off an impertinent burthen ( yea such an one as is no lesse necessarie then visiting . ) alas , why should ministers , who néede all helpes ( as much reading , diligent conference , and frequent meditation , ) be further charged than they are by christ ? indéed i confesse that a minister ought ( as you said ) to be an example of all good workes , especially of that as being the fittest man to satisfie the doubtfull conscience , to humble the stubburne heart , and to comfort the wounded spirit . profess . i neuer heard this matter doubted of before . but ( i pray you sir ) doth not iames say : is any sicke among you , let him call for the elders of the church ? doth he not vnderstand ministers by elders ? if so , doth not this place proue plainely , that it is a ministers dutie to visite the sicke ? preach . i say not but that it is a ministers dutie to visite the sicke , for example sake : and as he is more able to do good than other , but not as he is minister . i graunt also , that long since the same doctrine from this place hath bene gathered , which you now apprehend . so as vpon the same , papistes haue grounded their bastard sacrament of extreame vnction . which taken away , the cursed people ( which know not the law ) neither care to know it ( being euer addicted to superstitious vanities ) must néedes ( forsooth ) in stead thereof , haue a minister to visite their sicke , though they be more then halfe dead . as in stead of dirgies and trentals , they must haue funerall sermons for fashion sake . thus the holy ministery , and most glorious name of god must be abused and taken in vaine , by following the vaine humour of arrogant folly , which neuer cared for ministers , or sermons ( as al ought to haue done ) in time of health . i graunt that some professors ( for all this plague , whereby humours ( i trow ) should be mortified ) haue a mind , that funerall sermons attend their credit . so strōg a temptation is the pride of life incouraged by custome . but to come to the point : this place of iames doth not proue , that it is the proper dutie of a minister to visite the sicke . for the elders were sent for to heale the sicke by prayer and oyle , according to that miraculous grace which was then bestowed vpon them , for confirmation of the word : so that i am of your mind , that teaching elders be here vnderstood . which gift discontinuing , this canon is annulled : so that in time of pestilence , it is absurdly concluded : that because iames inioyned ministers to go to heale the sicke , therefore ministers must vpon euery call aduenture their liues , by visiting the sick of the plague . againe , if it be the proper dutie of ministers to visite the sicke , as it was the proper gift of elders , for confirmation of the word , to heale with oyle , then none must visite the sicke but ministers , as none must minister the sacraments ( which properly belong to their function ) but they . lastly , this word , elders in the plurall number , putteth me in mind , that ministers were in the primitiue church , assisted with other elders , ( for there were two sorts of elders ) who looked to the manners of people , and with deacons who looked to the poore , that they themselues might attend their studie , prayer , preaching , and the sacraments . why then should we thinke , that visiting the sicke , was laid vpon them as a dutie properly pertaining to their ministerie ? but rather that elders by spirituall comfort , and deacons by outward reliefe visited the sicke as there was néed : so that the minister was not troubled but in extraordinarie necessitie . as when none but he could satisfie the despairefull conscience , or mind doubtfull in a fundamentall errour , of one likely ( otherwise ) to die out of the faith . in which case , i thinke a minister ought to hazard his life . my reason is : it is the reueiled will of god that he must saue a lost shéepe : but it is gods secret , whether he shall be infected . and the rather because of the promise made to him that walketh in his way . the premises considered touching ordinarie visitation , thus i conclude , that as ministers are exemplarily ( but not as ministers ) to releeue the poore , according to their abilitie , and where they haue some speciall calling : so they are exemplarily ( but not as ministers ) to visite the sicke , according to their leysure , and where they haue some speciall calling . profess . i know not whether i should be glad or sad , for drawing from you so probable , and ( it may be ) a profitable discourse : but i will suspend my iudgement , sith you submit your opinion to the censure of the church , and proceede ( with your fauour ) to require the iustifying of that vncharitable doctrine ( so seeming ) against visiting the sicke of the plague , and so contrarie to christ his iudgement , as hath bene shewed . preach . but haue you shewed that the plague is expressed ? and haue you neuer heard , that there be few rules so generall , but they admit some exception ? by the same iudgement prisoners are to be visited , and yet none were bound in conscience to go into the dungeon there personally to visit ieremy , though he were the lords prophet . againe , you vtterly mistake the point : for the question is not whether the sick of the plague are to be visited ; which god forbid that any preacher should gainesay : but whether they are to be so visited and with such resort , as other sicke of diseases not contagious . lastly , in the place so much vrged , christ doth not necessarily require personall visitation ( though that also be comfortable in cases conuenient , and so required accordingly ) but real , that is , by reléefe , either brought , sent or procured : for in the 44. verse of that chapter you may find , ministring to christ vsed , for all other workes of charitie before specified . whereby it is manifest , that christ requireth not so much personall visiting , as charitable ministring to the necessitie of the sick . of all other , princes and magistrates ( who are foster-fathers and shepheards ) are to visite the sicke . but who will say they are to do it in person , and not rather by a faithfull care , that the sicke of the plague be wel prouided for . profess . but how can the sicke be wel prouided for , if none do personally attend them ? and if none be bound in conscience personally to visite , how shall they be attended ? preach . all this is true . but husbands and wiues , parents and childrē , masters and seruants , neare neighbors and deare friends , are mutually to attend each other : if otherwise conuenient attendance cannot be procured . profess . why do you adde this condition ? preach . because life is precious : so that we must not destroy the dam with the yong : and therfore séeing the plague swéepeth where it findeth many together , life ought to be preserued with as much care as may be , by separating the sound from the infected , except there be necessary cause of the sound , or some of their attendance or repaire . moreouer , it may be that the sound , or some of thē , be profitable members in the church , or common wealth : now the more hope there is of good by them , the more care there ought to be of their preseruation ; according to the peoples care for the safetie of dauid , before spoken of . profess . in my conscience this seemes to be very true : but i pray you tel me what you think of them who send their seruants vnto the pest-house . preach . right wel : especially if they want conuenient roome & other means at home : for i vnderstand of the cities right honorable and christian prouisiō for that house : i know diuers there wel vsed , and thence well returned : and it is extant in print , that when there were buried in and about london 3385. in one wéek , yet of all pestred in that house there were buried but six . and therfore i condemne those that raised a slander vpon that house , holding them as despisers of gouernment , and wicked ill speakers of them that are in authoritie . prof. if you conuersed amongst people as i do , and must do , i know your spirit would be griued to see how ready they be to lay hold on euery light occasion and false report , to speake their wicked pleasure of gouernors . o that they would consider the example you lately in a sermon vrged of a plague kindled amongst the israelites , for charging moses and aaron with killing corah and his rebellious complices . well , god amend vs all , and giue vs grace to humble our selues vnder this his heauie hand , that we may be raised again and comforted , according to the dayes he hath afflicted vs. now i speake of cōfort ( that we may go on with the main matter ) i wold know ( if it might be without offence ) whether you would haue those pittifull creatures that are tormēted with the plague , to want the comfort , which they may take by the very presence of their good neighbors & friends , much more by their comfortable words ? preach . o neighbour ! i wish them all true comfort of body and mind , the lord knoweth , and i graunt that the very presence of those we loue , is very comfortable in time of sicknesse : but yet i aduise all visited with that deadly and contagious disease , to manifest their mortification from vnnecessarie desires , & their charitable loue to their friends , by not desiring them to come into far greater daunger than their presence can do good , without necessarie cause . and let them remember how dauid refused that water which was gotten with ieopardie of life , and called it bloud , though he had longed for it , & the daunger was past . as for comfortable words , i likewise acknowledge their speciall vse : but before i answer that point , let vs consider how needfull it is ( especially in time of mortality ) to hide in their hearts the word of life , lest wée be iustly punished with want of comfortable words , when we most need them : according to that of amos , where a famin of the word is threatned to despisers of the sabboth , and that at such a time , when to find the word , they would run from the east to the west . now to the point . sith all sicknesse ( especially the plague , vntill the worst be past , when cōfortable words are not vsually in great request ) maketh vs vnfit for long & learned discourses , & therfore short sentēces may ( through gods blessing ) do much good : whereby attendants & friēds , repairing for necessary causes , may sufficiently comfort the afflicted , according to that which is required by the apostle , in thess . 4. 18. except there be extraordinary néede of resolution or consolation , whereof i haue spoken before . again , the spirit of god is called a comforter , because he bringeth the words of christ vnto remembrance : and that especially in time of néed , as when we iustifie wisedome before authoritie , so when we are sick . for when the outward man perisheth , the inward man is renewed : so that we often heare , not onely men but euen children also , speake diuinely and admirably in their sicknesse . we may the rather make account of this holy assistance , if we follow christ his counsel in laying vp his words in our hearts , and praying for the holy ghost . all the premises constdered , i hope that you are now of my mind , touching the restraint , as of the infected from the sound , so of the sound from the infected . profess . indeede i confesse that your probable discourses haue won ( i know not how ) a certaine inclination to your opinion , but yet i must suspend my resolution , till you haue answered certain obiections against the maine grounds of your opinion : but before i come to them , let me haue but one word with you about buriall . i say but one word : for if those that are infected in person or garment , are to keep from church for a time conuenient : and if friends are to forbeare resorting to friends sicke of the plague , except they haue necessary cause , then i may ( of my felfe ) conclude , that we are not to throng after infected corpses ( which haue no good thereby ) without some reasonable cause . that one word ( i spake of ) is this , i would gladly know ( if i may obtaine that fauour ) your iudgement , concerning the direction of authoritie , that but sixe persons , besides the minister , clerke and bearers , should accompany infected corpses . preach . i dare not presume to iudge of the determinations of authoritie without sufficiēt reason , which i want in this case : but rather i am perswaded ( according to that i am commaunded by these words , honor thy father and mother ) to indge the best , and take it as an argument , that authoritie careth more for the liuing then for the dead , their pompe so dangerous in these times and not necessary , as wise men thinke . but mine own opinion is this i could wish the friends of the diseased would respect the preseruation of life more than complements of buriall . but i vtterly mislike that infected persons should thrust into the throng , and it grieueth me to heare how the poorer sort , yea women with yong children , will flocke to burials , and ( which is worse ) stand ( of purpose ) ouer open graues , where sundry are buried together , that ( forsooth ) all the world may see that they feare not the plague . this peruerse course of too too many , in doing that which authority forbiddeth , and despising that which authoritie commandeth , to wit , fasting and praier , occasioneth me to obserue a notable proportion betwéene the plague & the wickednes of this time : by which proportion , god séemeth to teach men to say in their hearts , we would not be ruled , neither by reason nor authority , therefore are so many , as it were distracted in their sicknesse , and by no meanes to be ruled : so that some leape out of the windowes , and some runne into the thames . as the rough spéeches of ioseph caused his brethren to say : as we would not heare ioseph , so this man will not heare vs. i rather obserue this proportion betwéene the vnrulinesse of our sinne , and the vnrulinesse of this sicknesse , because i find in the scriptures , that the plague was especially threatened against , and inflicted vpon wilfull offendors . at your leysure consider these places . leuit. 26. 23 , 24 , 25. num. 14. 37. and 16. 41 , 45 , 46. 2. sam. 24. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 15. and you will perceiue as much . but now let me heare one of your obiections against the grounds of mine opinion . prof. the ground whereon you build your opinion , of separating the sound from the infected , is the law of lepers . which ( vnder your correction ) seemeth to be no rocke , but a sand , because that law was meerely ceremoniall . prea . nay sir , my ground is the mortall contagion of the pestilence , which we call the plague . indeed i receiue confirmation from the law of lepers . for thus i reason : if such care is to be had of infection which is not mortall , much more of the plagues infection which is mortall . and this argument holdeth good , your obiection notwithstanding . for the lawes of separating women in time of their flowers , and not eating strangled beasts , were ceremoniall : but yet husbands are now to forbeare the act of matrimonie in that time , and all are to take héede how they eate of strangled flesh , and both are to be héeded in naturall consideration of bodily hurt , which is still to be feared , in such copulation and eating . so leprosie is still infectiue , as experience sheweth : if now , why not then , notwithstanding the lawe of lepers was ceremoniall ? and the rather because in sacraments and ceremonies , there must be a resemblauce betwéene the signe and the thing signified : so that , as we obiect against transsubstantiation , and say : if the substance of bread and wine be taken away by consecration , how can there be bodily nourishment ? if no nourishment , how can our spirituall féeding be resembled ? so i say to you , if in the leprosie there were no infection , how could the contagion of sinne be signified ? prof. i graunt that in leprosie there was somewhat to signifie a sinne to be shunned . but that was pollution , not infection . for vpon occasion of this question , i haue read both the chapters cōcerning leprosie , and find them still mention vncleanenesse , and neuer infection . againe , if the leprosie were infectiue , how chaunced it that the priestes , who so often viewed the lepers , were neuer infected ? preach . do not you consider , that though all vncleanenesse be not infectiue , yet all infection is vncleane , and therefore you might haue vnderstood infection as well as any other pollution , by the word vncleanenesse . and though you find not the very word infection , yet you may find enough to make it euident , that the leprosie is infectiue . for it was not to be pronounced leprosie , except it were found spreading and fretting as a canker , or gangrene in a mans bodie . and why was the leper to couer his lips , and to to cry , i am vncleane , i am vncleane , but to giue warning , that none shold come within the infection of his breath ? as for the priestes escape , that is to be attributed to the prouidence of god , who set him on worke . as he promised to preserue ieremy and paule for that cause . prof. if my memorie faile me not , i haue heard you say , that the ceassing of man , presently after the children of israel had eaten of the corne of the land of promise , teacheth vs not to depend vpon extraordinarie meanes ( viz. miracles and such like ) when we may enioy ordinarie . so i thinke it may be said , we are not to suppose the extraordinarie prouidence of god , in preseruing priests viewing the lepers , where we may find an ordinarie , to wit , their not touching of lepers , whereby they might be defiled . preach . how find you that to be the cause ? sith you find not in both your chapters touching spoken of . whereas in the next chapter you find pollution communicated by touching and not otherwise in the vncleannesse of a man by fluxe of séed , and of a woman by issue of flowers . nay in this case of of leprosie , a man is become vncleane , by going into an house shut vp for leprosie in the wals , which he néed not to touch , as hath bene said . so that if you consider your two chapters well , it may rather appeare to you , that as the infection of the plague , so of the leprosie was communicated by the ayre , and not onely by touching . but suppose that pollution not infection , were the cause that cleane men should shunne vncleane lepers , lest they should be defiled , not infected ; yet this makes for my purpose . for if . pollution be to be shunned , much more infection , and that deadly . profess . i see i must either depart not fully satisfied , or come to a point which i haue hitherto auoyded , because i wold not offend you , whom i haue heard so carnest against it , so as you haue pronounced it to be a bloudie errour , to wit , it is stiffely maintained by no small number of people , that the plague is not contagious . preach . i graunt that mo than a good many do more stiffely than wisely maintaine that bloudie error , so i will call it againe and againe . for most of that many do wilfully maintaine that opinion , because they cannot abide to be gods prisoners . it is a death to be out of companie , and they had rather indanger a thousand liues , than want any part of their pleasure or profite . as may appeare by the discoured course of many , who hold the plague to be infectiue , while they and theirs be wel : but when they or theirs be infected ; thē ( forsooth ) the plague is not infectiue . so their reason followeth and is framed to their will , and not their will followeth reason to be ruled thereby . but me thinkes euery reasonable man should say to his owne soule : o let me be sure mine opinion touching the ininfection of the plague ( whether negatiue or affirmatiue ) be vndoubtedly true , lest by maintaining an error , in a case and time of so great mortalitie and vnspeakeable miseries , i do infinite hurt . for if it be true that the plague is contagious , then of necessitie , he that maintaineth the contrarie , is guiltie of the bloud of so many , as are incouraged by his opinion to runne into daunger . on the other side , if the plague be not contagious , then he that maintaineth the contrarie , is guiltie of all the wants and miseries of so many as want conuenient reliefe , not ministred for feare of contagion , apprehended by the maintenance of his opinion . but neighbour , i wonder that any should deny the plague to be contagious against so generall and wofull experience . do not the botches , blains and spots ( called gods tokens ) accompanied with rauing and death , argue a straunger infection , then that of the leprosie , to be iudged by botches and spots ? doth not the ordinarie experience of laying liue pigeons to plague sores , and taking them presently dead away , and that one after another , demonstrate mortall infection ? in that the plague rageth and raigneth especially amongst the younger sort , and such as do not greatly regard cleane and swéete kéeping , and where many are pestred together in alleyes or houses : is not this an argument of infection ? thousandes can directly tell , where , when , and of whom they tooke the plague . doth not all this make it more then manifest , that the plague is contagious ? all magistrates , all diuines , all phisitians , all learned men , and all wise men , in all ages , haue held the plague to be contagious . dare any but blind bayard , be so impudent to deny it , without such reasons , as may sway against so great experience , and so great authoritie ? if you haue any such , i pray you let me heare them . profess . that i haue any such i cannot say , in regard of the weaknes of myiudgment , as also of the probabilitie ( at least ) of that i haue heard already spoken to the contrary : but such as they be ( if it please you ) i will bring them out , humbly desiring your answers . the first , is thus vrged with open mouth : this opinion of infection doeth vtterly ouerthrow charitie towards the visited by the plague , being the cause , why they by whose meanes the sick and sound are especially to be prouided for , do runne away , viz. magistrates , ministers , ( such i meane as indeed were neuer faithfull , for ( blessed be god ) many faithful remaine ) phisitians and rich men : and why so many be thrust out of doores , perish in town and field for want of help , and are so cruelly vsed by country people : so that it is a very countermaund to christ his iudgement concerning visitation of the sicke . but by that which hath bin said , and by gathering from the last point we talked of , that the precise commaundement touching lepers to be separated from church and companie , was no hinderance to their visitation , but that they were to be ministred vnto , according to their need : i am for my part induced to lay the blame of all this vncharitable dealing vpon the excessiue feare of people , occasioned perhaps , but not well grounded vpon the opinion of the plagues infection : for though the plague be to be feared , because of the infection , yet ( as i take it ) not so excessiuely and inordinatly . for of such feare , the cause is want of faith , rather then the opinion of infection ; as i may partly gather from that which you deliuered before : i will therefore propound an argument ( so deemed ) which we haue not yet handled . preach . stay here a while , for i can not but thanke god that you iudge so rightly betwéene mine opinion , and others feare of infection . if professors would wisely obserue what is taught , there would not be so many spiders to suck ranke poison out of sound doctrine . then might we hold the plague in the nature thereof to be contagious , and men would not take occasion before it be giuen , of excessiue and inordinate feare : then might we inuey against excessiue and inordinate feare , and men would not take occasion before it be giuen , of inordinate and dangerous presumption : but foolish men ( as wise men obserue ) are euer running into extremities . if paul teach , that we are iustified by faith , without the works of the law ; the carnal gospeller taketh occasion before it be giuen , to neglect good workes . and if iames teach , that faith without workes is dead , the arrogant papist taketh occasion before it be giuen , to aduance good workes to merite and supererogation . mine heart bléedeth to heare of the crueltie and inhumanitie you mentioned : so that if i were in the cuntrey , i would ( by gods grace ) set my selfe against those damnable effects of inordinate feare , and make it euident that the plague is not so contagious as excessiue feare makes it to be . but now i follow this course ( which god blesse ) because i liue where the contrarie sinne of presumption is more generall , and more dangerous ; both because of that bloudy errour , as also of the absence of magistrates , who should sée good orders put in execution : through which default it is come to passe , that men , women and children with running sores , go commonly abroade , and thrust themselues into company , so that some haue perceiued when they tooke the infection of such . how many may be supposed to haue taken the infection from such , though they perceiued it not ? i would be loth to make magistrates neglecting their charge , guiltie of all this bloud : but ( if i were in place ) i would humbly and earnestly intreate them , seriously to consider the nine first verses of the 21. of deuteronomy , where they may learne , how fearefull they ( of all other ) should be of bloud-guiltines . but leauing them to gods direction , i pray you propound your argument so déemed . profess . that i will , and ( as neare as i can ) in such sort as it is inforced . if the plague be contagious , why is not one infected as well as another ? i haue lyen in bed with many that haue had the plague-sores running on them , i haue bene still about them , when they swet , their sores brake , and breath went out of their bodies , and yet i ( and a great number besides me , who haue done as much ) had neuer the plague yet , and trust neuershal , so long as i haue a strong faith in god : for is it not written , thou shalt not be afraid of the pestilence , for thousands shal fal besides thee , yet it shall not come neare thee ; for thou hast said , the lord is my hope . preacher . this aduenturous argument standeth vpō two points , viz. first the escaping of some , and secondly their strong faith . concerning the former , i answer , ( in the name of the opponent ) is thine eye euill because god is good ? wilt thou by thy bloody errour poison other , because god hath glorified his speciall prouidence ouer thée ? is this thy thankfulnesse for so great deliuerance , to obscure gods prouidence by attributing thine escape to this , that the plague is not infectiue ? consider better the very text alleaged for thy strong faith , and you may ( if you will ) sée clearely , that god doth hereby set forth his prouidence , in that he preserueth those that trust in him , and walke in his wayes , by angels , and then , when by the pestilence , thousands fall about them : for the greater the daunger is , the greater is gods prouidence in deliuering his people : as may further appeare by their walking vpon lions , aspes and dragons , mentioned in the same psalme . therefore take héede how you obscure the prouidence of god , and draw many into daunger by denying the plague to be contagious ; lest as he that feared not the day of the lord , met with a beare when he had escaped a lion : so you méete with a iudgement heauier to you , though you still escape the plague . but neighbour , i will turne my spéech to you , praying you to consider this psalme wel , and you shall sée me proue from the same the plague to be contagious . for if an extraordinary prouidence of god be manifested in preseruing those that beléeue from pestilence , then is the pestilence very dangerous : as be the lion , aspe and dragon , but the former is true , therefore the latter . if then the pestilence be dangerous to one that is in the middest of thousands dying thereof , it must néedes be so by contagion : as may further appeare , in that it is called noisome ; and in that it is said , it shall not come neare thee . but let vs trie the strength of the former part of that huge argument , layed downe in this forme . many haue bene with the sicke of the plague , when they swet , &c. & yet are not infected , therefore it is not contagious . certaine priests said to a philosopher , all these monuments which you sée in this temple , be in remembrance of so many deliuered from shipwracke , by prayer to the god of this temple . but ( quoth the philosopher ) can you shew me how many prayed , and yet perished ? as the philosophers answer was stronger against their god. then the priests obseruation was for their god : so it maketh much more to proue the plague to be contagious , to say : an hundred ( if not a thousand ) infected by being where the plague is , may be brought for one that escaped . againe , if that argument be good , then these be as good : many haue had the plague sores and were sick , and yet died not ; therefore the plague is not in it owne nature mortall . many run vpon the mouth of a canon , and escape , therfore canon shot is not murthering . profess . we see the canon shot to kil , but we see not the plague to infect . preach . by common experience it is obserued , that souring of drinke , and other effects follow thunder , wherunto they are attributed : and children take the small pockes comming where they be : though it be not séene how thunder and being where small pocks are , cause such effects . why then should we not feare aswell the pestilence that walketh in darknes , as the plague that destroyeth at noone day : sith by common experience it is obserued , that thousands fall sicke of the plague presently vpon their being where it is , though it be not séene how the infectiō is conueyed . truly the commō people herein do litle differ from brute beasts : in that ( for the most part ) they are moued by sense , and not by reason . prof. i feare it is so in too many : for going amongst thē , i hardly perceiue one of ten once looke for help , though they haue a rising of the plague in some part of their body vntil they be heart sick , & then often they seeke for help too late . whereas if in reasō they wold cōsider , that as the plague may be some good time in the garmēt , before it infect the outward parts , so it may be in the flesh a good while , before it strike the very heart , no doubt they wold betime preuent the worst . through which default i am perswaded hundreds do perish daily : but commending such to gods gracious prouidence . i pray you tell me what causes are giuen by the learned , why so many escape , though they be continually in so great daunger of the plague , as hath bene said . preach . there be causes both naturall and diuine . for naturall causes i referre you to learned phisitians . onely i will shew you somewhat , which euery reasonable man ( as i thinke ) may conceiue . before any qualitie , good or bad , can qualifie any subiect , the subiect must be first disposed thereunto , or capable thereof . the salamander liueth in the fire , though the flie , playing with the flame of a candle is consumed therewith . gun powder takes fire presently , but so doth not chalke . so persons of a tender constitution , or corrupt humours sooner take the plague , then those that be of a strong constitution , & sound bodies , as hath bene said : & some infected are much fuller of poisonfull corruption then other . the infirmities of many women in trauell , and other diseases turne vnto the plague . we sée few auncient people die in comparison of children , and the younger sort . lastly of those that kéepe a good diet , haue cleane and swéet kéeping , liue in a good aire , vse reasonable and seasonable preseruatiues , and be not pestred many in one house , or haue conuenient house-roome for their houshold , we see few infected in comparison of those , that faile in all these good meanes of preseruation , and yet will thrust themselues into danger . this well considered , may not an argument be drawn from hence , to proue ( euen by reason ) that the plague is not so infectiue as faithlesse people conceiue , and therefore they need not feare the plague so extreamely as they do ? but i will procéed to the diuine causes or reasons . the chiefe whereof is this : god worketh al things after the counsell of his owne will , and therefore he hath mercie on whome he will haue mercie , and none shall die but they who are appointed . for though the pharisies sought to lay hands on christ , yet they could not , before the appointed time came : and therefore be the plague neuer so contagious in it owne nature , none can be smitten with it , but those , whom god hath specially appointed . profess . here i remember an opinion of some people ( with whom i conuerse ) whereby they seeme to thēselues , to reconcile the difference , touching the plagues infection ; and that is this . let one ( say they ) go neuer so daungerously where the plague is , he cannot die before his time , and yet indeed he may take the sicknesse . what thinke you of this opinion ? preach . what thinke i of it ? as i do of other opinions which brain-sicke men ( despising the word of god , and ministerie thereof ) do forge in their owne phantasticall braine-pans . how wittie soeuer it séeme to them , i tel you it sauoureth strongly of epicurisme . for doth god dispose of capitall and principall , and not of lesse matters , as epicures dreame ? shall we say : the issues of death belong to the lord , and shall we doubt with the philistims , whether sicknesse be by chaunce ? if they knew the scriptures they might learne , that god forgetteth not sparrowes , but so regardeth them , that without him , not one of them falleth to the ground . doubtlesse gods prouidence is the same , though not alike manifest , in litle and great matters . profess . the more i conferre with you , the more i perceiue ( i thank god for it ) the presumptuous wit of foolish men , and herein i see euidently , that they measure the infinite prouidence of god , by the shallownesse of their owne capacitie . the lord graunt vs grace to vnderstand according to sobrietie . i haue another argument against the opinion of infection from the prouidence of god , but i would first heare some mo causes or reasons , why so many escape so great danger of infection . preach . neighbour you still harpe vpon , so many , so many . i tell you they be few or nonein comparison of them , who daily are infected by being within daunger of the plague . as for your desire to heare mo causes , i am content to satisfie the same . but i must first tel you , that he is happy who can know the causes of things , to the end you may content your selfe with those few i can presently gather out of the word . god preserueth some to manifest his power and prouidence . as may appeare by the 91. psalme before discussed : and by esa . 1. 9 ( 2 ) god will take none hence before they haue done him all that seruice , which in his counsell was appointed , as appeareth by these places , luk. 13. 31 , 32 , 33 , and act. 13. 36. ( 3 ) god reserueth some for an heauier iudgement , as may appeare by these places : 1. king. 19. 17. 2. king. 8. 10 , 15. amos 5. 16 , 17. and 4 , towards some he perfourmeth his promise in preseruing them , in their wayes : that is , wayes whereinto god calleth thē : according to the 91. psalme , vers . 11. for which cause priests , though taking often view of leprosie , were preserued , as i shewed before , and kéepers , buriers , and such as haue necessarie cause of comming to the infected of the plague , are ( for the most part ) now preserued so that peter may boldly go on the water when christ biddeth him come . as you may reade , mat. 14. 28 , 29. profess . i thank you heartily for yeelding me this satisfaction . for amongst all your good notes i take hold of the second with some comfort , and thereon ground this conclusion : if i shall not die , before i haue done god all the seruice i am appointed : why shold i be vnwilling to die , when my time is come , and not rather be prepared to say , yea sing with good old simeon : lord now lettest thou thy seruant depart in peace . but i misse one principall cause of preseruation from the plague : to wit , a strong faith according to the 91. psalme . preach . i thought verily you wold not let go your hold on that part of the mightie argument . but i assure you there is no such force in it , as it séemeth to haue . nay rather it ouerthroweth the former part of that argument . for in that psalme , the promise of preseruation is not made only , to our taking hold of gods promise , but also to our walking in our wayes . wherefore as that faith which standeth vpon the precept ( which is implyed ) to walke in our wayes , and forgetteth ( as it were ) the promise of helpe , sauoureth of distrust in god. so that faith which taketh hold of the promise , neglecting the precept , sauoureth of presumption , and therefore hauing no promise ( with cōfortable assurance ) cannot hope for preseruation . againe , though faith do equally respect both the promise & the precept , yet sith all temporall blessings are promised , not absolutely but conditionally , so farre as the performance of them shall be to the glorie of god , and good of the beléeuer , as i wil proue if néed require , it cannot be otherwise assured of preseruation , then with respect to those conditions . if without such respect it be absolutely assured , thē it is not faith , but presumption . except you will haue it to be a miraculous faith , which taketh hold of the will of god instantly and by inspiration reueiled . but that faith liueth and dieth with miracles , because ( i say againe ) it hath no promise . for howsoeuer saluation be absolutely promised to beléeuers , because it is reuealed that the performance of that promise is for gods most glory and the beléeuers best good , and is therefore absolutely to be beléeued : yet because it is not reuealed at any time , that then the performance of a temporall promise , is for gods most glory and the beléeuers best good : therefore a temporall promise , is in the nature thereof , conditional , and accordingly to be beléued . lastly , do you not perceiue that the stronger faith is required , the greater danger is supposed . but if the plague be not contagious , what daunger is there ? if no daunger , what néed of faith ? profess . there is no need you should proue your conditions : for they stand with all reason , sith god hath made all things for his owne sake , and promiseth deliuerance for his glory sake , and his promises pretend the good of his people . but yet it will not out of my mind , but that godly men who die in this plague , do therefore die because they faile in faith : i meane not touching their saluation , but touching the particular promise of preseruation from the plague . therefore i pray you for my better instruction , shew me how by the death of godly men dying of the plague , and beleeuing the promises both of eternall saluation and temporall preseruation , god may haue glory and the deceased benefit . preach . i graunt that a right godly man may faile , as in obedience to the precept of kéeping his wayes , by presumption : so in faith to the promise of preseruation , by feare , especially when he heareth nothing but crying of wiues and children , mourning of husbands and parents , sorrowing of friends and kinsfolke , and withall séeth the plague wéekely to increase from tens to hundreds , from hundreds to thousands , and to draw nearer and nearer to himselfe , and that god in visiting him may iustly take hold of this feare : for peter walked on the water for a while , but when he saw a mightie wind , he was afraid and began to sinke . but this position , a godly man dying of the plague failed in faith , touching promised preseruation , i hold to be as vnsound as this : all godly men dying before their dayes be long , failed in honouring their father and mother . but i will shew you in a word how the death of godly men dying of the plague , and in the absolute faith of eternall saluation , and conditionall faith of temporall preseruation , may be to gods glorie and the beléeuers good : for by the death of the faithfull , god glorifieth his iustice and wisedome . his iustice amongst the wicked , in giuing them cause to say , if god spare not the gréene trée , what will become fo the drie ? his wisedom amongst the godly , least they should say , for our righteousnesse we are deliuered . as for the good of the beléeuer , i maruell that you should forget that which is so often taught in funerall sermons , that as the wicked are reserued for a further mischiefe , so the righteous is taken away from the euill to come : besides , that he resteth in glorie from mo and greater labors , then the wicked are commonly subiect vnto . profess . god helpe vs , for our owne conceiued errours will hardly out of our minds , but we easily forget that which may reforme our iudgement . well , acknowledging that you haue fully answered my first argument , i proceed to another , grounded on the prouidence of god , in this sort . if god shoote his arrowes at a certaine marke , and not at randon , if none die before his hower : and if those that are appointed to die , shal dy , and those that are appointed to perish by sword or famine , shall so perish , and none other , as you proued euē now ; otherwise i had those proofes ready for this purpose : then if i go where the plague is a thousand times , i shall not die of the plague , if god haue not appointed me to dy thereof : and if he haue , i shall die thereof though i come not neare it by a thousand miles . preach . how now neighbour , stay you there , shall we haue no conclusion ? all this is granted : but what infer you hereupon touching our question ? profess . trust me sir you pose me now . i haue shot the bolt which many deeme to be a kill cow . but indeed i know not to what purpose . preach . then may you sée what kind of reasoners heady people be : euen such as are blamed by god for darkning the counsell of god with words without knowledge . but to vse the words of paul , if god will , i will know , not the words of them that are puffed vp , but the power . to bring this about , vnderstand that vpon that ground of gods prouidence , you must of necessity frame one of these two arguments , if you will reason to the purpose : none can die of the plague but such as are specially appointed thereunto , therefore the plague is not contagious : or this : none can die , &c. but such &c. therfore we may as boldly resort to them that are sicke of the plague , as to those that are sicke of any other disease . which of these cōclusions do you like better ? or do you like both ? or will you make some other that may serue your turne better ? profess . if neither of these will serue the turne , i cannot imagine any other : for my dull wit could not so distinctly haue gathered these . i see that learning is a good help to iudgemēt : for the very framing of these in this seuerall sort ( which i neuer heard before ) maketh me stagger . for the former conclusion seemeth now to be absurd : for ( as i now conceiue ) by the same reason , the bloudy sword in a furious battell , and extreme famin amongst a multitude of miserable poore people , may be concluded to be in their owne nature without daunger of death : for in the same chapter of ieremy ( now so much vrged ) it is as well said , such as are for the sword to the sword , and such as are for the famine to the famine , as such as are appointed to death vnto death . as for the second conclusion , if the plague be contagious , i see not how it holdeth good . but yet i pray you to say somewhat to it , that i may the better satisfie my selfe and other , as occasion shall serue . preach . certaine anabaptistes of amsterdam , crossing the seas vsually without any weapons , were demanded why they did so , considering the dunkirkers were then abroade ? they answered , if god haue determined that we shall fall into their hands , we shall not escape though we had all the guns and weapons in the world : if god haue determined otherwise , we shall escape though we haue no weapons , nor any shew of defensiue prouision . another being sicke of the plague , and aduised to take some phisick , denieth so to do , vsing the same argument . what thinke you of these conclusions ? profess . if the onely setting downe of your former conclusions , did make me stagger , the laying of these by them ( and that in so goodly proportion ) must needs make me stumble : for now i see not , but that we may as wel hold it vnnecessary to eate and drinke , though it be for a yeare together , if god haue determined that we shall liue so long . preach . there is great difference in the cases propounded by me , and that propounded by you . for it is impossible to liue a yeare without meate and drinke , except god worke a miracle : but the anabaptists might happely escape the dunkirkers by not méeting with them : & there may be in a man , though in outward appearance dangerously sicke of the plague , yet some secret power of nature to preuaile against the disease . profess . all this may be ; and yet because the anabaptist , and sicke man do not know that god hath determined such a misse , and graunted such a power , they both presume ( in mine opinion ) as well as he , that refuseth meat and drinke : because they neglect lawfull meanes , the one of defence , the other of recouery . preach . now haue you hit vpon the very point . for god , who is onely wise , hath in his counsell determined the meanes as well as the euent . which appeareth , as in the case of eternall saluation , wherein we sée , that god calleth all them to faith , whom he * predestinated to life : and cōtrariwise , he leaueth them in their reprobate minds , whom he hath ordained to condemnation : so in cases of temporall deliuerances . for though god graunted hezekiah recouery , yet he prescribed a plaister for his sore . and though paule was assured by an angell , that not one in ship with him should be lost : yet , if they had vsed any other meanes of preseruation , then god had determined , they could not be safe . and howsoeuer christ could not die before his houre ( as hath bene sayd ) yet his life was preserued till that houre by shunning danger . on the other side : as god had determined to giue sihon & his land vnto the israelites , so he made his heart obstinate to refuse peace , the onely meane of his preseruation . profess . i perceiue your meaning ; namely , from all these instances to conclude , that as god hath determined to infect any with the plague vnto death , or otherwise , so hath he determined , by what meanes they should be infected : i graunt all this . but do you thinke that taking infection one from another is the onely meane ? preach . no : for there must of necessity be ( a first ) that is infected , & we sée the godly aswell as the wicked , and not onely yong and poore folke , but ancient and wealthy persons : yea , such as dwell in a good aire , and auoid infection with all care , to haue the plague as well as other : for otherwise how were it a calamity , or a iudgement ? and yet many of them ( i doubt not ) are infected by being in company of some other infected , in person , or garment , though they do not perceiue it many dayes after , for causes giuen before . but to answer your question more fully : i will tell you , what i thinke further : to wit. as god himselfe bringeth some to their destruction , by working vpon , and by the spirituall corruption he findeth in their soules , as pharaoh and sihon , but many moe by outward meanes , as our first parents and rehoboam : so he himselfe infecteth some , by turning the naturall or accidentall corruption he findeth in their bodies into the plague , but ( according to his prouidence ) he visiteth many moe , by the meane of taking infection one from another . but howsoeuer god striketh whom he will unmodiatly , yet the plague being contagious in it owne nature , it cannot be denied , but that one man may be infected by another , except gods prouidence be to the contrary ? now because that cannot be knowne , but by the euent , therefore as the anabaptist , sicke and hungry men presume ( in your opinion ) when they neglect the meanes of their defence , recouery and feeding : so he that doth not keepe himselfe from the daunger of infection , except he haue a necessary calling , doth by such neglecting his owne safety , presume on gods prouidence . for ( to confirme you in your opinion ) it is written : that secret things belong to god , and reueiled things belong to vs. so that i may conclude , that sith the prouidence of god touching life or death is secret before the euent , and it is reuealed , that the plague is contagious : therefore it followeth , that howsoeuer it be true that none can die of the plague , but such as are specially appointed thereunto , yet there ought not to be that bold and free resort to them , that are sicke of the plague , as to those that are sicke of any other disease . to confirme this point further , thus i argue : a wanton or vnnecessary putting of god to the manifestation of his power or speciall prouidence , is a tempting of the almighty : as may appeare by these places , psal . 78. 18. 19. esa . 7. 12. math. 4. 6. 7. but to runne into danger of the plague without necessary cause , as they do , who resort as boldly and fréely to them that are sicke of the plague , as to those that are sicke of any other disease , is wantonly and vnnecessarily to put god to manifest his power and speciall prouidence in preseruing them from the plague : therefore to runne into danger of the plague without necessary cause , as they do , who resort as boldly , &c. is a tempting of the almighty . the assumption or second propositiō i proue by the fourth of mathew , verse , 6. 7. where satan would haue perswaded christ to cast himselfe downe from a pinacle of the temple , vpon this presumption , that the angels had charge to preserue him , being the sonne of god. where it is to be noted , that christ doth not take knowledge of satan his abusing the psalme 91. by him alleaged , in putting in these words , at anie time , for these , in all thy wayes : but alledgeth another scripture forbidding vs to tempt the lord our god. whereby it is euident , that to presume vpon gods protection , when we are not in our wayes , or to neglect meanes ( as the staires of the pinacle were ) is to tempt the almighty , and that without necessary cause : to runne into danger , as satan would haue had christ to haue done , is to be out of our wayes , therefore to runne into danger of the plague , without a necessary cause , is to tempt the almighty . thus you sée , that from the prouidence of god , you cannot conclude , that either the plague is not contagious , or we néed not shunne it more than other diseases . indéed vpon that ground , he that hath a necessary cause of resort where the plague is , may thus argue : it is the reuealed will of god , that i am in my way , and therefore haue a promise of preseruation , if it shall be to gods glory , and my good , and it is not reuealed , that i shall be infected , therefore i may procéed with hope and comfort . i say more from the prouidence of god manifested , the beléeuer ought in euery affliction , to conclude thus : howsoeuer i vsed meanes as dauid did to preuent this affliction , yet perceiuing by the euent that god hath decréed it , i will ( by his grace ) take it patiently as dauid also did . thus for your satisfaction i haue sayd that which i thinke sufficient to the second conclusion . but yet if you haue any thing to reply , or any other argument to obiect against the infection of the plague , i would not haue you ( in any case ) to hold it in . prof. if i staggered and stumbled before , how is it likely that i should be able to reencounter now in this skirmish ? i am therefore to seeke supply from another obiection , which if you ouerthrow i must yeeld : for i remember no moe . but before i assault you with that , perceiuing by your discourse , that shunning the plague is the cause of preseruation , as being within the danger thereof is the cause of infection , i pray your iudgement touching flying into the country for feare of infectiō : which some iustifie , by these words of salomon : the prudent man seeth the plague , and hideth himselfe . other say this place is misconstrued , yea some preach against flying into the countrey because of the plague . preach . if you had sayd , a cause , in stead of , the cause , you had more rightly reported my mind : for i haue deliuered sundry causes or meanes of infection and preseruation . amongst the rest , i thinke , going , and abiding in the countrey , to be an excellent meane ( in it selfe ) of preseruation . but that this meane may be sanctified to them that vse it , let it be considered , who may take the benefit thereof , and how it is to be vsed . i thinke that they whose residence is not necessary , may take the benefit of going into the countrey , as well as a man , who hath a large house , may remoue from one side infected , to another not infected . but let vs further examine this point by considering those 4. sorts of people whō you taxed for running away , viz. magistrates , ministers , phisitians , and rich men . as for magistrates and ministers , i thinke they should be resident : the one for reasons i gaue before : the other for reasons no lesse euident . for when will they offer to god the supplications of his people for helpe and health , if not now , when their miserie is so great ? when will they comfort the afflicted , if not now , when there be so many wofull husbands and wiues , parents and children , friends and kinsfolkes ? when will they preuaile against sinne with the word of exhortation , if not now , when men are humbled with the punishment of sinne ? and when will they do good by preparing men to patience , and teaching them to make good vse of affliction , if not now , when ( euery houre ) they looke to come to the triall of their faith and wisedome in christ iesus ? i will say no more , sith christ hath sayd inough , when he setteth it downe , as a property of an hireling to leaue the shéepe when he séeth the wolfe comming . as for phisitions , i onely propound this question : whether they be bound in conscience to be resident , in regard of their profession , and ability to do good , or they may vse their liberty to shift for themselues , & ( as they thinke ) for their liues , in regard they are no publicke persons , and liue ( not by a common stipend , but ) by what they can get . but howsoeuer this question be answered , i dare say thus much , that a phisition , who may do much more good than a keeper , hath as great interest in gods promise and prouidence . there remaineth rich men to be considered , vnder which name i vnderstand also such as are able to prouide for themselues abroad . i thinke they may go and abide in the countrey , sith the good they can do ( as they be rich men ) is to reléeue the sicke and néedy : which they may do well inough , without their residence , if they were so well minded . to which purpose i spake somewhat before . but though they may be non resident , yet they must not vse their liberty , as a cloake of their naughtines , and therefore let them consider : how , or with what cautions , they are to vse that benefite . the cautions be two : one concerning feare . the other concerning loue. their feare must be neither excessiue , one argument whereof is , their carelesnesse to prouide for their soules , so they shift for their bodies , nor too litle , which appeareth when they forget miserable ierusalem , and giue themselues to pleasure . out of their loue , they are to mourne with , and pray for their distressed brethren , as if they themselues were in their case : they are to be no lesse liberall in reléeuing their afflicted neighbours , then they should be , by order from authority or otherwise , if they were resident , and they are to haue a speciall care , that their seruants whom they leaue behind , may be well gouerned while they be in health , and well prouided for , if they fall sicke . if they flie , not respecting these , or like cautions , or good considerations , preachers ( as you say ) reproue them iustly . otherwise i dare say they do not . prof. indeed your cautions make me remember , that they speake much what to that purpose . but sir , i cannot let you passe without saying somewhat to that place , concerning hiding our selues from the plague : and the rather because some excuse their not comming to church thereby . therefore i eftsoones craue your iudgemēt touching the same . preach . will you let nothing passe ? well . that i may incourage you to séeke resolution , and not ( as many do ) build opinions vpon so vaine imaginations , i am , and will be willing to satisfy you as i may . the truth is , many abuse that place to iustifie their inordinate feare , taking hold of the words plague and hide . amongst other , they who will not come to church because of the plague : of whom i would demaund these questions : whether they thinke that because of the plague , the lords day should , by warrant of gods word , cease to be sanctified by an holy assembly ? if not , but that rather speciall dayes of publike humiliation and prayer , are to be ordained and kept , during the visitation : then what dispensation haue they to be away from holy assemblies , more then other ? againe , if the promise of protection belong to such , as frequent holy assemblies in time of this visitation , as to those that trust in god and walke in their wayes : and if god can strike them with the plague , as well tarying at home , as comming to church , what griefe will it be to their conscience ( if god do strike them ) to consider that they haue failed in faith , forsaken their wayes , and are found in their sinne ? touching the place , whereunto you would haue me say somewhat , thus i vnderstand it . the word plague doth signifie a stripe , or stroke , and therefore not onely the pestilence , but euery punishment for sinne is meant thereby . hiding is put for preseruing , as ioash was , by hiding preserued from murther . but it is to be considered , from what a prudent man hideth or preserueth himselfe . in a plague two things are to be auoided . the wrath of god , and the punishment it selfe . that men may take héed of inordinate feare , let them know that a prudent man hideth not himselfe , or obtaineth preseruation from the former , otherwise then by prayer and fasting , faith and repentance . for we cannot hide our selues from god , who is infinite , but by god himselfe . that is : as the woman appealed from king philip sléeping , to king philip awakened , so a prudent man hideth himselfe from gods wrath , vnder gods mercy , which is as great as himselfe . as we may learne by these sayings of dauid : in the time of trouble the lord shall hide me in his tabernacle . and : how excellent is thy mercy , ô god , therefore the children of men trust vnder the shadow of thy wings . as the prudent man hideth himselfe from the punishment it selfe , he vseth , and may vse lawfull meanes , temporall , as well as spirituall . and therfore a prudent man may vse lawfull meanes of preseruation as well from the pestilence , as from other lesse plagues , or strokes of gods anger : & by consequence , if shunning infection be a mean to preserue , as being within danger is a meane to infect , then a prudent man may flie out of the city infected , into the country not infected : prouided his residence be not necessary , and he obserue cautions conuenient , as i sayd before . this is mine opinion touching flying into the countrey for feare of infection , and that place concerning hiding our selues from the plague . now let me heare your last obiection , if you remember no moe . profess . i haue troubled you so long , that i trow it is high time to come out with my last obiection , and yet ( i tell you ) it is deemed none of the least : for it seemeth to be against all reason , that the plague should be infectiue , seeing it is spoken of in the scriptures so often , and yet in no place is said to be infectiue . preach . howsoeuer that séemeth , i am sure this is against all reason , to make the bible a booke of phisicke : or to conclude thus , the scriptures do not in any place say that the plague is infectiue , therfore it is not infectiue . it may be as well concluded thus : the scriptures do not in any place say that the french disease commeth by whoredom , therefore it commeth not by whoredome , and by consequence whoredom is not to be feared for that cause . i obserue with griefe the humour of most to be this , if they haue a mind to any sinfull pleasure , vnlawful profit , or erronious opinion , thē they stoutly demaund : what expresse scripture haue you against it ? contrariwise , if they haue no mind to any holy duty , then they must know where scripture doth expresly commaund it . but neighbor , tel me , do you not thinke that baptizing of infants is lawfull , sith it may be iustified by sound conclusions from the word , though in all the new testament , there is neither precept for , nor example of baptizing infants ? prof. no doubt of it . but can you proue the plague to be infectiue by conclusions ? if you can , for gods sake let me heare some , & then i wil beleeue , through gods grace , and informe others as wel as i can . preach . what néed you be so earnest for proof out of the scripture , sith i gaue you before an argument out of the 91. psalm , which may be sufficient to proue a point , wherein the scriptures séeme to be so silent . but that i may giue you contentment ( if i can ) at our parting , i will shew you some other scriptures which speake to this purpose . in the 14. of ezechiel , verse 21. god nameth foure principall iudgements appointed to destroy , viz. the sword , famine , noisome beasts , and pestilence : where note , that ( without question ) thrée of them be fit means in their nature to destroy many : why not the pestilence ? consider further , that god doth not threaten to destroy by dogs , buls or such like creatures ; but by noisom beasts , such as should destroy not to satisfie hunger , but to make hauocke : as may appeare by the destruction of thrée and forty children , only by two beares : so in that god doth not kill by the burning ague , consumption , or any other disease , when he meaneth to destroy many , but by the pestilence ( which also is called neisome in the 91. psalme , verse . 3. ) it is to be gathered , that the pestilence is a destroyer by infection : and the rather , because god saith in the 26. of leuiticus , verse 25. when ye are gathered in your cities to escape the sword , i wil send the pestilence amongest you . why should the pestilence be more noisome when people are thrust together , then when they be seuered , but that it is cōtagious ? lastly , in the 24. of the acts , ver . 5. paul is called a pestilent fellow , or ( according to the originall ) pestilence it selfe . and why ? because as the pestilence is contagious , so was he accused to be by sedition and heresie . doth it not now appeare vnto you by the scriptures , that the plague is contagious ? profess . it doth , i confesse it freely , and thanke god that i had the grace to come to you for resolution , beseeching his heauenly maiestie for christ his sake , not to charge me with that bloud wherof i may be guiltie , by incouraging my selfe and other , vnnecessarily to runne into danger , in maintaining that bloudy errour , as you rightly call the denying of the plagues infection : which error i wil neuer defend againe whiles i liue , but will hereafter ( by gods grace ) take heed ▪ as well of headie presumption , as inordinate feare . preach . i also thanke god with you , in the name of christ , for this blessing of our conference : but neighbor , i must put you in mind , and charge you with your promise , to informe others . for it may be that people , howsoeuer ( for the most part ) they learne corrupt opinions one from another , sooner then sound doctrine from the godly and learned ministers , yet they may conceiue this truth better by your familiar talking with them , then by my maner of teaching . as children learne sooner to speake by pratling one with another , then by hearing the discourses of their parents . therefore as christ said to peter , when thou art conuerted , strengthen thy brethren : so i eftsoones require you , that being reformed in iudgement your self , you wil wisely and zealously indeuor to reform the iudgement of other in an error of so great danger . and withal i desire you , that if you méet with any argument against the plagues infection , or for vnrestrained repaire to the infected , that is worth the answering , let me know it , and i promise you either humbly to yéeld to the truth , or clearely to answer it when god shal be pleased that we méet againe . in the meane while let vs pray that god would sanctifie this grieuous visitation both to prince and people , that thereby the king ( whom god preserue from all contagion both bodily and ghostly ) séeing so many thousands of his people dying wéekely , and that in his royall citie , and beginning of his raigne , may be occasioned to take héede that he leaue not his first loue , decline not from his professed sinceritie , and be not drawne away from his owne stedfastnes , but rather to vow reformation of whatsoeuer maybe found by diligent inquirie , to be offensiue in the church and common-wealth , and that thereby the people may be stirred vp out of a true faith to séeke the lord , with contrition of hart , confession of mouth , and amendment of life , that so he may be found in due time to heale the sores of his people , and to restore health and wealth to israel . all which god grant for christ his sonnes sake , in whom he hath professed himselfe to be well pleased , as being the mediatour of the new couenant ; whereby he bindeth himselfe not to take his mercies from vs , though he chasten vs with the rods of men . to whom ( for this time and euer ) i commend you and all our neighbours . farewell . faults escaped . pag. 2. lin . 12. reade deceased for diseased . pag. 16. lin . 15 reade resist for correct . pag. 29. lin . 12. reade our for their . pag. 30. against line 5. set in the margent pag. 23. pag. 39. lin . 24. reade stronger for straunger . pag. 45. lin . 10. reade vaine for name . pag. 64. against lines 11 , 12 , 13. set in the margent pag. 51. math. 2. 13. luke 4. 29. 30. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a03264-e130 gal. 4. 18. 2. pet. 2. 21 exod. 17. 11. 12. psal . 78. 34. 35. 36. 37. 57. notes for div a03264-e570 iam. 1. 19. e●a . 6. 10. 2. pet. 2. 12 ro. 14. 13. 1. thes . 2. 13. ioh. 8. 43. act. 17. 19. 20. 32. 11. ioh. 7. 51. ier. 44 16. 17. ier. 42 56. & 43. 2. 3. esa . 4● . 23. 1. tim. 2. 2 2. sam. 24. 17. & 19. 9. leuit. 10. 9 10. num. 5. 2. 45. 57. leu. 13 45. 57 & 14. deut. 23. 12. 13. luk. 7. 12. ioh. 19 17. 41. heb. 13. 12. leuit. 13. 45. 2. chro. 26. 20. 21. numb . 12. 10. 14. ezec. 34. 2. 8. act 26. 28. luk. 17. 12. 13. 1 cor. 8. 13 gen. 4. 10. psal . 51. 14. 2. sam. 23. 15 , 16 , 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5.9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rom. 8. 25. esa . 28. 16. & 30. 15. numb . 12 : 12 , &c. 2. chro. 26. 20 , 21. psal . 41 3. ezec. 11. 16. 1. cor. 5. 4. esa . 29. 13. 1. cor. 10. 23. 24. lev. 13. 51. & 14. 46. 47 pro. 18. 14. & 4. 23. mat. 9. 22. & 13. 58. pro. 10. 24. phil. 2. 12. 13. mar. 4. 40. 1. tim. 4. 12. mat. 25. 36 , 43. 2. sam 18. 3. & . 21. 17. mat. 8. 21. 22. 1. cor. 1. 17 1. tim. 4. 13. 15. 16. luk. 10. 42 eph. 4. 8. 11 mat. 28. 18. 19. 1. cor. 12. 5. 8. 2. cor. 2. 16 act. 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. esa 50. 4. iam. 5. 14. ioh. 7. 49. ier. 44. 16. 17. mar. 6. 13. heb. 5. 4. 2. chor. 26. 16. 17. 18. 19. 1. tim. 5. 17. act. 6. 2. 3. rom. 12. 7. 8. ezec. 34. 2. 4. psal . 91. 10. 11. pag. 17. ier. 38. 6. mat. 25. 44. 2. kin. 1. 14. deuter. 22. 6 , 7 , 8. iud. 8. numb . 16. 41. 46. psal . 90. 15. 2. sam. 23. 15 , 16 , 17. amos. 8. 5. 11 , 12. ioh. 14. 26. luk. 12. 12. 2. cor. 4. 16 luk. 21. 14. & 11. 13. ex. 20. 12. gen. 42. 7. 21. leuit. 15. 24. & 17. 18 15. leuit. 14. & 15. leuit. 13. 8 51. 2. tim. 2. 16. 17. leu. 13. 45. ier. 1. 18 , 19 act. 18 9 , 10. ios . 5. 11. 12 leu. 15. 5 : 7 , 19 , 21. vers . 14. 37 46. pag. 14. pag. 24 , 25 , 26. 27. pag. 7 , 8 , & 34. pag. 16. rom. 3. 28. iam 2. 26. pal. 91. 5 , 6 , 7 , 9. mat. 20. 15. psa 91. 13. 14 amos 5. 18. 19. psal . 91. 3 , 7 pag. 44. pag. 15. eph. 1. 11. rom. 9. 13 15. icr. 15. 2. ioh. 7. 30. psal . 68. 20. 1. sam. 6. 9. luc. 12. 6. mat. 10. 29 rom. 12 , 3. pag. 45 46 pag. 36. luk. 2 , 29. luke 22. 31 , 32. pro. 16 4. pal. 50. 15 , & 34. 10. mat. 14. 29. 30. luk. 23. 31. deut. 9. 4. esa . 57. 1. rcu . 14. 13. luk. 16. 25. pag. 51. iob. 37. 2. 1. cor. 4. 19. ier. 15. 2. * rom 8. 29. 30. act. 13. 48. ioh. 6. 37. 44. math. 13. 11. 15. iude 4. 2. kin. 20. 5. 7. act. 27. 22. 23. 24. 31. deut. 2. 26. 30. pag. 49. exo. 4. 21. deu. 1. 30. gen. 3. 1. &c. 2. chro. 10. 14. 15. deu. 29. 29 2 sam. 12. 22 , 23. pro. 22 3. pag. 41. pag. 43. 44. ioh. 10. 12. pag. 25. 1. pet. 2. 16. psal . 84. 2. 10. & 137. 5. 6. amos. 6. 6. ro. 12. 15. psal . 137. 1. 2. 3. heb. 13. 3. 2. cor. 8. 7. 8. 1. tim. 5. 8. 2. chro. 22. 11. psal . 139. 7. &c. eccl. 2. 21. psal . 27. 5. & 36. 7. pag. 73. pag. 46 ▪ 2. kin. 2. 24. luk. 22. 32. mat. 17. 5. heb. 12. 24 2. sam. 7. 14 , 15. a modest defence of the caueat giuen to the wearers of impoisoned amulets, as preseruatiues from the plague wherein that point is somewhat more lergely reasoned and debated with an ancient physician, who hath mainteined them by publicke writing: as likewise that vnlearned and dangerous opinion, that the plague is not infectious, lately broched in london, is briefly glansed at, and refuted by way of preface, by fr. hering d. in physicke. reade without preiudice; iudge without partialitie. herring, francis, d. 1628. 1604 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a03119 stc 13248 estc s116668 99851884 99851884 17177 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03119) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17177) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 990:05) a modest defence of the caueat giuen to the wearers of impoisoned amulets, as preseruatiues from the plague wherein that point is somewhat more lergely reasoned and debated with an ancient physician, who hath mainteined them by publicke writing: as likewise that vnlearned and dangerous opinion, that the plague is not infectious, lately broched in london, is briefly glansed at, and refuted by way of preface, by fr. hering d. in physicke. reade without preiudice; iudge without partialitie. herring, francis, d. 1628. [14], 37, [1] p. printed by arnold hatfield for william iones [3] dwelling in red-crosse street at the signe of the ship, london : 1604. "william jones [3]" from stc. refers to the caveat in stc 13239.5: herring, francis. certaine rules, directions, or advertisments for this time of pestilentiall contagion: with a caveat to those that weare impoisoned amulets. running title reads: against impoisoned amulets. imperfect; lacking errata; another copy, also in the harvard university library, contains errata. reproduction of the original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english 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characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -prevention -early works to 1800. medicine, magic, mystic, and spagiric -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-11 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-12 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-12 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a modest defence of the caveat given to the wearers of impoisoned amulets , as preseruatiues from the plague : wherein that point is somewhat more largely reasoned and debated with an ancient physician , who hath mainteined them by publicke writing : as likewise that vnlearned and dangerous opinion , that the plague is not infectious , lately broched in london , is briefly glansed at , and refuted by way of preface , by fr. hering d. in physicke . reade without preiudice : iudge without partialitie . quemadmodum ex attritu lapidum ignis elicitur : sic ex collatione , & conflictu opinionum emergit veritas . london printed by arnold hatfield for william iones dwelling in red-crosse street at the signe of the ship. 1604. to all that loue health , and honour physicke , health of mind and body . there is an olde saying ( friendly reader ) that phylosophers and learned men agree together like the clocks of a great citie , which doe seldome concur , but for the most part differ , and vary one from another . this is not without some colour of trueth . neuerthelesse we must take heed , that we doe not therefore condemne good arts and sciences , either of vncertainty or of falshood , folly and vanity , as some haue done . for this were solem in crimen vocare , cum lippientes potiùs oculos tonsori licinio committeremus . as if a bleere-eyed man assaying to reade at mid-day , and finding inability , should lay the fault vpon the sunne , and not rather seeke remedy for his ill-affected eyes . hominum haec sunt vitia , non artium . these are the faults of men , and not of good arts , whose principles and theorems are true , certaine , constant , catholicke , and full of most cleare , resplendent and diuine light ; as the poets haue most pithily shadowed in the fable of prometheus , whom they set forth stealing fire from jupiter out of heauen . ingenia nostra habent suos morbos , quemadmodum corpora . our wits indeed haue their diseases as well as our bodies : as phylauty or selfe-loue , pride , ambition , malice , hatred , couetousnesse , vaineglory : and these as so many clouds , doe come betwixt vs and lady alethia , 〈◊〉 and darkening prometheus sparks , the little candle or light of our mindes , in such sort , as oft times we can not , and sometimes we will not see the trueth . books and opinions are mentis pignora & quasi liberi , as it were the begotten , and children of our mindes . and what father is there ( though otherwise neuer so prudent ) who may not be resembled to the crow which thinketh her blacke bird the fairest of all other ; or to the ape who so ouer-loueth her yoong ones , that by colling she killeth them ? it must be a foule and blacke fault which a father or rather a mother will see in her sonne : and it must be a grosse and palpable errour which a man will acknowledge , if it be of his owne breeding , brooding , or broching . ingenio qui vult cedere rarus erit . suum cuique pulchrum . euery one is in loue with his owne shadow . it is therefore nothing strange vnto me , that the ancient physician ( with whom i conferre in my 〈◊〉 discourse ) and other learned men , hauing receiued these 〈◊〉 by tradition , without any great examination , do labour to maintaine them in their writings , by shew and colour of reason . but i must needs confesse , i cannot but greatly wonder at the strange , vncoth , and vnreasonable paradox , broched of late in this city , that the plague is not contagious . this fantasticke conceit bringeth to mind that of the oratour : nescio quomodo fiat , vt nihil tam sit absurdum quod non dicatur & defendatur ab aliquo philosophorum . i know not how it commeth to passe , that nothing can be spoken so absurdly , which is not defended by some of the philosophers . if any one of our coat , should maintaine this monstrous and pernitious heresie , the tribe of physicians would be so farre from disputing the matter with him , as they would straight send him that anticeras to purge his braine with hellebore . contra principia negantem non est disp●●tandum . no argument is to be held with him who denieth principles , and razeth the grounds and foundations of arts. the plague is thus defined by physicions pestis est morbus acutus contagiosus plurimos inter fiens &c. the pest is a sharpe contagious disease . so that you see the plague is placed by physicians in that ranke of sharpe diseases , which are contagious . to this iudgement of aescalapius schoole , the philosophers , orators , poets , and wise men of all ages haue subscribed . how often doth tully call cataline , and other such like factious firebrands , pestes patriae , the plagues of their country : because as the plague spreadeth his poison vpon the bodies of men : so they infected the mindes of such citizens as conuersed with them , with poisonfull and seditious thoughts and inclinations . shall the ich , scab , measels , small poxe &c. be acknowledged catching and infectious , by the experience of euery silly woman ; and shall the plague be esteemed animal mansuetum , an harmelesse and innocent creature . but they easily reiect the authorities and reasons of physicians as naturians , for so they call them , and reason thus from the scriptures . the plague is called the sword , the hand , the arrow of god , therefore it commeth not by contagion , since neither an hand , a sword , or arrow doth wound by contagion . the french disease is called by a great learned man , flagellum diuinum scortatorum , gods whippes sent from heauen , to scourge whoore-masters . but if any man would heereupon conclude that it were not contagious , common experience would put out his eies . therefore these two will well concurre together , that the lues gallica , is a punishment inflicted by god vpon the filthy and beastly sinne of whooredome ( which in this age is counted but a sport ) and may be truely called the hand , the sword , the arrow of god smiting whoore-masters , and that withall it is catching and infectious , as appeareth euidently in that it commeth not onely by vncleane company , but likewise by the breath or contrectation of the tainted parties , and is sucked in , from the brest of impure women , by poore infants , and the nurses themselues giuing sucke to a childe whose parents were polluted , are oft-times infected . the like may be said of the leprosie , which may be also called the hand and arrow of god , & neuerthelesse is so infectious , that in all well ordered common-wealths , the parties tainted therewith , communi consortio excludantur , are commanded to dwell apart , non est malum in ciuitate , quod non faciat dominus . there is no euill in the city , which the lord doth not . it is therefore a fond conceit , to thinke that to euery particular man a seuerall plague or arrow is sent , and not rather a generall disease whereby one infecteth another . but they argue further . that which god inflicteth vpon men by the ministerie of angels , is not to be reckoned among naturall effects : but the plague &c. psal. 88. 1. paral. 21. ezech. 4. therefore it is not to be reckoned among naturall effects , and by consequent the plague is no naturall disease . if they will reason firmly , they must adde this word ( immediately ) vnto the proposition . and then we will chalenge the assumption as faulty and insufficient . it must be confessed that the angels themselues are not to be reckoned among naturall causes . but what shall let that , by the appointment of god , naturall causes should be mooued , and actuated by the angels . doe not angels both good and badde mooue and stirre vp the will of man , though the maner of their workings be secret , and to vs vnknowen , if not incomprehensible ? this is euident by the history of achab , and iudas . but who will deny that the will of man is in the number of naturall causes , and principles . and if the will of man may be inclined and disposed by angels , why should we thinke that they haue nothing to doe with other naturall causes . moses by lifting vp his rod , brought armies of flies and lice vpon egypt , raised a terrible haile , smot the egyptians with malignant vlcers . this was an extraordinary ministery of moses , aswell as of the angels . but shall we therefore thinke , that the lice and flies came not of putrefaction , the haile of vapors concret sodenly in the aire , the vlcers by the rotting of humors . satan hauing a commission signed from god , by a mightie tempest of winde blew vp the roofe where iobs children were . doth it therefore follow that he vsed no naturall causes , or is not rather euident that those princes of the aire , do in a moment stirre vp those naturall impressions ? the diuell casteth the saints into prison , 2. apocal. 10. but by tyrants and enemies of the church . in the 6. chap. the pale horse , on whom death sitteth as the horseman , receiueth power to kill , by sword , famine , wilde beasts . why shall we suppose that he vsed not naturall matter in bringing the plague and famine , as well as in sending wilde beasts or the sword , which are naturall instruments . afterward in the 4. chap. the angels haue charge to restraine the foure windes that they hurt not the earth or sea . whereupon it followeth that vpon the lords command they are likewise turned loose , and bring with them diuers affections and mutations of the aire , and especially contagious seminaries . it is apparant that the diuell ( who being a spirit , and of long continuance and experience , must needs be a great naturian ) reacheth to certaine witches called veneficae , diuers strong and vnknowne poysons : whereby those wretched creatures worke much mischiefe . againe , if no naturall causes did concurre in the pest , then could no naturall remedies ease it , much lesse cure it . but experience leadeth vs that both these are vntrue . we deny not but that the angels are vsed as instruments & ministers to inflict this iudgement and plague of the plague for the sinnes of men , neither that this disease hath in it diuinum quid , a secret and hidden nature , so that we may iustly with the inchanters of egypt acknowledge it the finger of god , yet we thinke it as absurd to affirme that there commeth no plague , but by the stroke and ministery of angels , as if a man should contend , that there was neuer any haile , tempest , thunder , proceeding from naturall causes , because we read , that great hailes , stormes and windes haue beene raised by the ministery of angels . historians report , that an old arke or monument being opened in babylon , there exhaled out of it , so pernitious and infectious a spirit or breath , that propagated the plague euen to the remote parthians . and in the time of marcus the emperour , the souldiers of auidius cassius , digging into an ancient sepulchre in hope of golde , which had not beene touched for many hundred yeeres , there followed instantly a huge and fearefull mortalitie . iulius obsequeus reporteth , that aetna casting smoke and fire in abundance , did exanimate and kill the fishes of the sea adioyning , which the liparenses certaine ilanders feeding vpon greedily , brought a greeuous pestilence among them . orosius , eutropius , augustine de ciuit . dei , and liuie lib. 9. make mention of prodigious swarmes of locusts in africa , which lying dead vpon the shores , and corrupting the aire , bred such a pest , as consumed in the sole kingdome of masinissa , 80000. and many more in the adiacent countries , and in vtica , of 3000. men , 10. onely suruiued . this may be sufficient to shew that the plague is not alwaies the immediat stroke of angels . galen reporteth , that vpon a dearth in his time , wherein the poorer sort of people were constrained to feed vpon roots , acornes , with other more vnholesome and corrupted aliments , there insued a great mortalitie . the vlcers & botches which are thrust out by nature , the preternaturall heat , the drought , the restlesnesse , with many other symptomes and accidents of feuers , doe proclaime this affliction a naturall maladie . it hath beene obserued in this last mortality among vs ( the wounds whereof are yet fresh and bleeding ) that women haue passed thorow the pikes more easily & happily than men . so that this hath bene called the womens yere ; because it is thought that for one woman , 6. or 10. men haue died . we must not therefore thinke , that either the angell is partial in sparing them , or their sins lesse hainous or notorious than the sinnes of men . the reason hereof ( as physicians haue conceiued ) is because they haue beene more tractable and easily perswaded to keepe themselues warme , to keepe house and bed : and by these meanes ( their bodies being likewise more soft , tender , and perspirable ) haue spent by sweating and insensible transpiration the venimous matter of the plague ; giuing thereby more speedy passage to that enemy of life , from the heart and other noble parts : whereas men for the most part being ill house-doues , accustomed to stirring and motion , haue beene very vnruly and inobsequent to the counsell of their physicians , and by exposing themselues to the aire , haue loked in that dangerous guest , to whom they should rather haue made a golden bridge . it hath beene likewise obserued , that this epidemicall disease hath had as his beginning , so his increment , state , and declination , and that it is now ( for it walketh still amongst vs in corners ) nothing so acute , violent and peremptory for the most part , neither so contagious and pernitious , as it was in the state and strength . some haue had the plague twise or thrise this yeere : but if it came only by the angell , he might vndoubtedly say with him , let me strike once , and i will not strike the second time . secession and departing the city hath beene questionlesse a meane to preserue many ; as appeareth euidently in that a small handfull among those great numbers who haue stepped aside , haue fallen by this sicknesse in the countrey , and those carrying with them from hence the seminaries thereof , in comparison of those huge multitudes which haue died in the city : and could not the angell haue found them out , as well in the countreys as in london ? againe , diuers families vpon their returne , being safe in the countrey , haue beene presently visited , & emptied . shall we imagine that the punishing angell stayed their retiring , and had no commission to deale with them out of the city ? and not rather thinke , that the aire of the city being tainted , & their bodies disposed to receiue infection , this euill hath seized vpon them ? if we looke into the city , we shall finde that in cheap-side and other open and large streets , and in faire , roomy , and spacious houses the pest hath not set in such sure footing , nor made such hauocke , as in narrow lanes , allies , and other pestered and noisome corners , where families of poore people are thronged together , as men vse to packe wooll-sacks one vpon another , so that one of them can scarse breathe beside his fellowes face . shall we imagine , that faire and ample streets , that sweet and goodly houses are priuiledged from the stroke of the angell , or from the arrowes of the almighty , more than poore and smoakie cottages ? are not such places as full fraught and replenished with sinnes of all sorts crying to heauen for vengeance , as those low and base cabbins of simple and miserable creatures ? i am not ignorant how ignorant and vnlearned men argue ( as they suppose ) strongly against all these things . if the plague proceed from naturall causes , or corruption of the aire , then all persons without exception , who liue and and breathe in the corrupted aire , must needs be poisoned and infected : which all men know to be vntrue . but reason it selfe will easily teach vs the inconsequence of this argument : for who knoweth not , that one and the same cause doth not alwayes worke alike , and that effects are varied according to the variety and diuersity of the suffering matters and obiects . the same sunne hardeneth the clay , and mollifieth the waxe : one and the same northern winde doth not pinch and pierce all bodies with the like coldnesse . if we should grant that all mens bodies were alike disposed to receiue the infected aire ( which is most false ) yet there may be many causes why the like effect should not follow in them all . as ( to make it plaine ) because one man hath carefully vsed some soueraigne and apposit preseruatiue , another hath neglected or contemned all such courses ; and as bolde and blinde bayard rushed vpon all dangers : another being a little touched or tainted , hath straightway sent for , or consulted with a learned physician , and taken a conuenient and rationall medicine : another either scorneth and refuseth physicians and physicke , or els sendeth to the physician , when the bell is ready to toll for him , and when the steed is stollen begins to shut the stable doore . but beside and aboue all this , we must know that god almighty hath an ouerruling hand , whereby he doth guide and direct naturall causes and effects , and heereupon it commeth to passe , that contagion though neuer so strong , cannot seaze on all though neuer so much disposed and exposed thereunto . all men are not poysoned that drinke poyson ; nor all killed with the sword or shot , that goe to warre . and yet poyson is lethall , and the sword deuoureth as well one as another . therefore to argue that diuers physicians , nurs-keepers and surgeons , conuersant about sicke persons , are not tainted at all , therefore there is no contagion in the pest , is all one as if a man should reason thus , that the poyson of the viper were not deadly , because the apostle paul , being bitten by a viper , had no harme , or that the sword is no deuourer , because iehosaphat being strongly belaid , and crying to the lord , was deliuered and passed with his life . i haue cursorily runne ouer these things , because the argument hath beene more largely handled of late by a iudicious diuine , and the opinion hath beene since that time somewhat minsed , and qualified ; how substantially and clarke-like i will not now stand to discusse . onely i thought meet ( because this conceit is not onely erroneous , but dangerous and pernitious to the weale-publicke , and being too grossely broched at the first , hath left a deepe impression in the mindes of the vulgar sort , who are as the oratour saith , pluma ipsa leuiores , as light as feathers , tossed to and fro with euery blast of vaine , ann idle heads , briefly to touch it by the way , tanquam aliud agens . it remaineth , that acknowledging the pests , contagion , we notwithstanding ( who are christians ) carefully auoid that faithlesse and paganish fearefulnesse , whereby we are made to breake all the bonds of religion , consanguinitie , alliance , friendship and pollicie : the husband forsaking and abandoning his deare wife , the parents leauing their children to sinke or swimme , the pastor exposing his flocke to euery deuouring woolfe , and the magistrate his people vnder his charge to all confusion and disorder . we are apt to rush into extremities . this were incidere in scyllam , whilest we would charibdim vitare , to auoid one euill , and commit as great , or greater mischiefe . as he is to be esteemed a good subiect and citizen , who though he will not intrude into euery fray made by desperate ruffians , with whom he hath nothing to doe , least he catch a broken pate , or woorse turne , yet will boldly enter the battell against the enimie of his countrey when he is thereto called by his prince , though with euident hazard of his life : so he is to be reputed a grounded & discrete christian , who as he will not rush rashly into euery infected and visited house without iust cause , warrant or calling , so when he is called , or tied by any bond of piety , nature , or policy , he will not forsake his station , or detract and forslow any duty or office , though the performance thereof be with euident danger of health , goods or life it selfe . for in these cases we may confidently expect a protection from heauen , and say with hester , if i die , i die . if we fall , we shall fall in , and not out of our way , wherein the lord of heauen guide vs by his good spirit of wisedome , till we come to the end thereof , which is the saluation of our souls . now to returne to our amulets , from whom by occasion we haue made ouerlong a digression : as i gaue at the first a briefe aduertisement concerning them , without any euill intention to wound any particular man in his credit , ( no not if i had beene able , as i am not ) so i haue reioyned not in any contentious humour , but in a desire to be satisfied if i erre , and reformed in my iudgement . i must needs acknowledge , that considering the obiect of my profession , which is that short epitome of the grand world , that wonder and miracle of nature , that temple of the holy ghost , that lord of the inferiour creatures , man , i haue bene very scrupulous ( if not superstitious in ) vsing any doubtfull , suspitious , or dangerous medicine whereof i haue not beene well and thoroughly perswaded . if any suppose this to be contentio de lana caprina aut asini vmbra , too base and meane a toy or trifle to be stood vpon , let him remēber that it is made no base dredge , but a noble , catholike , & diuine medicine , by the authors and commenders thereof . he may likewise call to minde , that the most precious balmes , and soueraigne antidots , & ( which is more , physicke herselfe , that noble science , is esteemed no better by many than a meere trifle . besides this , if the greatest , learnedest , and complet prince of europe , haue vouchsafed of late to stoope so low as to take vp ( though to throw away againe ) that base , strange , ill-sauouring weede , or rather intoxicating poison tobacco , discoursing thereof so learnedly , iudicially , and admirably , as he may seeme to haue beene brought vp all his life , at the feet of hippocrates , and not exercised from his birth , in the gouernment of great states and kingdomes , it can be no disparagement for me , who am infimus è plebe , to spend some few spare houres in the examination of these amulets . wherin , if i haue failed , and slipped now and then , ( as i feare i haue too often ) impute it i pray thee ( friendly reader ) to my manifold auocations and distractions in this heauy , dolefull , and lamentable time of visitation : da mihi maeoniden & tot circumspice casus ingenium tantis excidet omne malis . the lord of his infinit goodnesse continue and perfect his gracious worke of mercy toward vs , in remoouing wholy this grieuous , contagious , and fearefull plague , putting vp his sword altogether into the sheath ; and restoring vnto vs the daies of health and comfort , that we being schooled by these afflictions , may euery one of vs breake off our sinnes by compassion to the poore , and putting away the wickednesse that is in our hands , serue him in holinesse and righteousnesse all the daies of our life . a modest defence of the caveat given to the wearers of impoisoued amulets , as preseruatiues from the plague . amicus plato , amicus socrates , sed magis amica veritas . plato is a friend , & socrates a friend , but trueth ought to be the chiefest friend to all true philosophers , much more christians . i set foorth of late a short caueat , concerning empoisoned amulets , or plague-cakes ( as they are called ) moued thereunto , as by many other reasons , so especially , because i greatly feared , that through an vnsound and idle persuasion of their force , other more rationall and effectuall remedies were neglected . an ancient and graue physician , whom i reuerence for diuers good respects , hath stood vp , and pleaded their cause . i amno pythagorean ; nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri . i would not willingly pinne my iudgement vpon any mans sleeue , be he neuer so graue and learned , vnlesse i be drawen by good and sound reason . humanum est errare . therfore remaining yet vnsatisfied , i haue thought good , not in any contentious humor , but in desire the trueth may be sifted out , and my selfe resolued and better instructed ( if i erre ) to consider of them somewhat more largely ; that if they be found so noble and catholike a medicine as some esteeme them , they may be still retained , and imbraced in our bosoms ; and if vpon examination they prooue suspicious , dangerous and hurtfull , they may be cashered and abandoned . first therefore , because opinion and name preuaile much to forestall the market , and wholly possesse mens mindes with preiudice , leauing no one roome for reason , i will be silent a while , and you shall heare one of the most learned , wise , and famous physicians of europe ( i meane horatius augenius ) very learnedly , ingenuously , iudicially , grauely and honestly ( after his maner ) vttering his mind of this point in question . whom i produce the rather , because it is intimated , that italian physicians ( which countrey without question breedeth many excellent men in that faculty ) haue these amulets in high and rare estimation . heare therefore what augenius without exception one of the greatest masters in physicke that italie nourisheth at this day ( if he be yet aliue ) speaketh to this purpose lib. 3. de peste cap. 27. de sublimato , arsenico cristallino , & puluere bufonis . i haue read in the writings of some empericks , that the powder of a toad , arsenicke , or sublimat , if they be worne vpon the region of the heart , so as they touch the skin , do maruellously preserue men from the plague . and they esteeme this as a great secret ; and as i vnderstand haue drawen some rich persons to be of their opinion . i who do not easily beleeue euery thing which i reade or heare , doe greatly doubt of the force and nature of those poisons , and do assuredly persuade my selfe , that they can neuer produce any such effect . and that i may lay open my opinion , we must know that experience ( especially in such kinds ) is perillous : for since the action of the physician is performed vpon so noble a subiect as the body of man , the nature and force of euery vnknowen medicine is with great iudgement to be examined & searched out : and the rule of examination is to cōsider whether reason approue and persuade it , or disclaime and reiect it . if reason allow and persuade it , thou maiest boldly vse it without scruple ; but if reason gainsay it , no medicine is to be vsed , vnlesse thou be assured of the operation thereof , by the long experience of men of singular iudgement . i say long experience ; for we must not trust one , two , or three experiments : but very many are to be diligently considered and wisely gathered , that the right habit of experience may be attained , which may deserue the commendation of all men , because it is one of the instruments ( as we haue sayd elsewhere ) by whose meanes and helpe , remedies are inuented . we must likewise marke well , that our experience take her originall from a man worthy to be credited , of great iudgement , wise , knowing well how to distinguish from what cause the successe proceedeth , whether from the medicine , the temperament of the body , the time of the yeere , chance , or other infinite respects . it falleth out dayly , that we see many effects , which haue a farre different cause from that the common people dreame of . now to applie those things that haue beene spoken , to our purpose , i affirme confidently , that such a medicine of poisons applied outwardly to the body , hath no manifest , probable or demonstratiue reason , whereby we may be persuaded that they haue so miraculous efficacie against the plague . they will say , that by similitude of substance there is attraction of the venim from the heart , to the outward part , by the attractiue vertue of the poison . but this can not so much profit , as euidently hurt . let vs grant , that the venimous facultie of the poison penetrateth to the heart , i pray you what effect will it produce there ? it can not draw the venom to it : for there is none , because he whom we will preserue is yet sound . if therefore , the heart be disposed to receiue the venimous infection of the aire , what shall hinder the force of the outward poison , that it may not infect the heart and other principall parts , and if it be once entred into the heart , what shall let the distribution of it by the arteries into all the bodie ? o great miracle , and neuer yet heard of , that a venimous facultie should flow into the heart , wander thorow the arteries , & not finding his looked for friend , should go out againe without any offence offered to the parts whereby he passed . besides , if the attractiue facultie be inuenimed , what reason can be giuen , the heart should not be continually offended by the poison thereof . it is euident , thar the heart is the principall obiect of poisons : how then shall it be touched by a venimous qualitie , and not endure wrong ? touching their experience , i cannot yet giue credit to it . i desire to see these things often tried , with good successe , to haue many testimonies of physicians of great iudgement , before i can beleeue them . but let vs come to those that are infected , and haue the poison actually seized on their heart . it may be they may doe them good . none at all . for attraction proceedeth from the stronger power , which draweth to it that which is weaker . let then some man tell me how he can be sure , that the poison of the plague shall not draw to it the venim of the outward medecine ; and why the poison thereof may not be stronger and greater than the other . besides , the matter of the plague is not properly poison but by similitude , and therefore cannot be drawen by another poison . but me thinke i heare one answer to all my arguments , that the effect is performed , though the cause be vnknowen because it is secret . this is the miserable refuge of al empericks , wherby they may easily wind out of any doubt , and absolue the most intricate question of our art without much adoe . but i abhorre this from my heart ; not because i allow no secret causes , which i grant , but because i thinke it a notorious fault , redounding greatly to the reproch of our art , if we run still to hidden causes , when manifest reason may easily end the controuersie . how will they demonstrate that poisons haue this effect ? by experience . but what experience can they shew worthy to receiue this credit ? and where are the physicians of note and learning , which approue them ? you haue heard my opinion , reseruing to others their better iudgement . now that i haue stayed your stomacks with this honest , graue , and iudiciall speech of father augenius that great and learned italian physician , who ( if i be thought too light ) may well weigh in the ballance with any one man whosoeuer he be , giue me leaue briefly to examine the reasons that are produced to proue , that these amulets do no hurt : secondly , that they do good . the first argument , if it be not altogether impertinent , must thus be reduced to forme : there is vse of poisons in physicke : therefore impoisoned amulets of arsenicke or such like , may be safely vsed by men in health , to preserue them from the plague without hurt . the proposition is somewhat largely stood vpon , which was neuer to my knowledge called into question by any man of iudgement , and the consequence which should haue beene proued , left altogether vntouched . physicke consisteth of diuers parts . that may be of vse in the hygieine the preseruing part , which hath no place in the therapeuticall . and there be many things of speciall vertue in the therapeutice , which if a man should practise vpon sound bodies to preserue their health , he might well be sent to anticyrae to purge with hellebore his vnsound braine . a sturdie horse requires a rough rider . duro nodo durus cuncus . in magnis & 〈◊〉 morbis , vbi ager necessariòex morbo periclitatur anceps potius remedium tentandum quàm nullum . in such cases physicians are inforced to vse euphorbium , opium , and paracelsus his deceitfull laudanum , and that sometimes in large quantitie : which yet no wise man will prescribe to his patients to preserue them in health . there is therefore vtterly no consequence in this , that because there may be sometimes in some diseases vse of deleteries in the therapentice , therefore they may be safely vsed as preseruatiues to maintaine health . for in such cases they are opposed against the disease to fight with it as an enemy , and so by their colluctation nature sometime saueth herselfe , as when by the fighting of two dogges , a man sometime escapeth without hurt or wound . in the curatime part of physicke , there is a necessarie vse of the saw , and of both potentiall and actuall fire . secamus , vrimus . and yet by your leaue a man in health will hardly be persuaded to such preseruatiues . before i leaue this argument , i will by your patience point at some defects in the proofe of the proposition . arsenicke , orpiment , toads and adders , are acknowledged ranke and deadly poisons in the highest degree . this is true concerning the minerals which consist of similar parts . but touching toads and adders , it cannot be verified , that they be absolutely and generally poisons . for these haue their venome , incertis , & determinatis partibus : in certaine and determinate parts , not vniuersally diffused thorow the whole bodie . touching adders or vipers it is euident that their poison lodgeth onely in the head , ( specially the teeth and taile . their flesh ( which onely is receiued ) into that noble medicine ( which thereof hath his name , and is called triacle ) is so farre from being a poison , that it is a present antidote against the poison of the other parts . and this will not seeme strange if we dare credit iacobus ferrarius , a learned physician of mantua , who in his booke de theriaca lately set foorth , reporteth that he hath seene mens hands besprinkled with the blood of vipers , without any farther offence than a little itching for a short time . and i haue beene informed by men yet liuing in our owne country , that they haue seene of our adders after their teeth haue beene pulled out , handled in mens hands , and caried in their bare bosoms familiarly without hurt . the like is to be verified of the scorpion , who carieth his venom in his taile . and therefore when they would dispatch themselues , they turne vp their taile toward their backe , and there shooting their stings kill themselues . and this they doe when they are so pursued as they see no way to escape , making by that meanes a speedy riddance of themselues . neither could they die so speedily of so small wound , if the instrument inflicting the same were not venemous , since they will endure farre greater wounds , without danger of life . therefore it is euident , that there is in the taile of the scorpion a poison contrary to the life and temperament of the scorpion . the poison of the spanish flies called cantharides , is esteemed to reside in the head , wings , and legs , and the body very medicinable . so the poison of a madde dogge lodgeth onely in his fome . the poison of asps in their egges : of the leopard in the gall or choler onely : of the venemous mouse in the vrine : the tortoise in the outward skinne . but to returne to adders or vipers , incomparable , galen in his 11. booke of the faculty of simple medicines , and in his booke de opt . secta cap. 12. telleth of certaine persons who being desperately diseased , by the vse of wine , whereinto whole adders had by chance fallen , not onely receaued no maner of hurt , but happily thereby recouered their health . there is therefore so great vertue in the flesh of vipers to resist malignity , that the venome of the externall parts seemeth by the force thereof altogether drowned and subdued . it followeth not therefore , because there is poison in the viper , therfore his whole subiect is a strong poison . for so a man might conclude , that the whole body of some men is poison , because there is in their spettle and teeth a venemous quality , as i my selfe with others haue seene euidently by a man in london , who being bitten by another lightly in the hand , was so impoisoned , that the whole hand rotted , and the party thereof shortly died . i maruell therefore that a man of note for experience & iudgement , would open such a gappe to the vulgar sort , to loath and contemne physicke and physicians , ( whereunto they are prone inough of themselues ) as to affirme that one of their most noble and famous medicines hath a strong poison , his basis and principall ingredient . galen in his booke de ther. ad pis. saith , that the fat of the crocodill laid vpon the wound , helpeth those that are bitten by the crocodill . the biting of the venemous mouse , is healed by the mouse brused , and laid vpon the place . after the same maner , they that are smitten by the viper , are helped if you bruise the viper and apply her to the wound . the body of the scorpion laide vpon the part , healeth hir poison . dioscor . lib. 6. cap. 44. e alia quam plurima animalia sua curant maleficia . yet the fatte of the crocodill , the body of the scorpion , or venemous mouse , are not receaued into the composition of the treacle , but doe onely helpe their owne poisons . we must therefore obserue , that nature hath not onely giuen venemous parts to these creatures , but others which are alexeterys to their owne poison . secus ( ait quidam ) omnia illa , ad vnum maleficium edidisset , ac de venenis sollicita , remediorum fuisset oblita otherwise she should haue framed them wholy to euill and hurt , and being carefull of poisons , should haue beene forgetfull of remedies . natura autem vt in superfluis non abundat , sic non deficit in necessarijs . nature as she abounds not in superfluities , so she is not defectiue in necessaries . now these alexetery parts ( as i may call them ) are of two sorts : some haue an ingenit propertie of curing their owne poisons , without admistion of other things , as the fatte of the crocodill and the scorpion whereof our marchants that trauell to constantinople haue good experience . other haue an ingenit and mixed faculty , as the body of the viper , which without other alexeterys being laid on the wound , cureth hir owne poison : and with commistion of other antidots , extinguisheth in a maner all poisons : galen explicateth this twofold faculty , lib. de ther. ad pis. cap. 4. where hauing said that the head and taile of the vipers are to be cut off , he addeth : and maruell not that these parts being taken away , the rest of the members doe make the antidot more effectuall , by the ingenit and admixed faculty of helping , which is in their flesh . after he calleth their faculty ingenit , and admixed : for as by their ingenit faculty they cure their owne poison , so by their admixed property , potentissimum efficiunt alexipharmacum . he that would be farther satisfied , let him peruse the booke of galen , and he shall not thinke his labour lost . your sweet kernels in bitter shels , precious diamonds in course stones , and pearles in base oysters , might serue well to illustrate this which hath beene already prooued , that there are certaine liuing creatures which haue some parts very hurtfull , or of no or little vse , and others very commodious and beneficiall to the life and health of mankind : but maketh nothing at all for your arsenicke , who is a minerall and consisteth of similar parts . the sweet kernell is of a different temperament to the bitter shell , the precious diamond of a more excellent substance then the course stone , or oyster wherein he is found . the flesh or sides of vipers is of a differing temperament from the teeth and head , wherein onely resideth the poison . but in your arsenicke you can shew me no part , be it neuer so small , which is not arsenicke , and that is a strong and ranke poison , you may seeke a good while heere , before you finde either kernell , diamond or pearle . this is no newes to them who haue any the least insight in philosophy : who know right well that in the body of man , there be organical parts much differing in temperament and nature : and that euery least parcell or portion of a similar part is of the same nature and substance . your cures wrought by the fume of orpmint and outward applying of arsenicke , make nothing to our purpose : for it hath beene shewed , that there is vse of many things in the healing part of physicke , which haue no place in the preseruing part . and yet doctors will perhaps make doubt of them , and be twise well aduised before they draw them into practise in hope to worke such miracles as is reported by them . it is well knowen that your dried toad hath failed in that maruellous effect attributed to him . but of all other the words following sound very strangely and harsh in my eares . i know not how they can be perpetually opposite to mans nature , nay if that be a true and sufficient definition of poison . at no time to agree with nature , i see not how these things may simply be called poisons , that at sometimes and in some cases agree with nature aswell as a man would wish . here is strange doctrine and new learning indeed , for our philosophers and physicians . you see not how arsenicke and such like poisons can be perpetually opposite to nature . then giue me leaue since i learned logicke since your time , to shew how i haue conceiued of these matters . the very name of poison or venom implieth ( in my conceit ) an absolute contrariety and hostility vnto nature . and warre is not more aduerse & contrary to peace , vertue to vice , blacke to white , then poison is absolutely , perpetually & irreconcilably opposed vnto nature . this wil more cleerly appeere if we peruse the definitions of poisons set downe by the best & most acute and sound philosophers & physicians . mercurialis in his first booke of poisons , cap. 5. following gallen and other philosophers , defineth poison according to the common notion and apprehensions of men , to be such a thing as killeth men and beasts irrecouerably , the cause being vnknowen . auicen ( not so properly ) calleth it a medecine contrary to mans nature . galen lib. 3. de temp. calleth that an aliment which is subdued by nature , and that poison which subdueth and vanquisheth nature . himselfe defineth it thus : poison is a mixed substance , enemy to the heart , and corrupter of humane nature . fernelius the french galen lib. de abt. rer. caus. defineth poison to be , not that which alwayes killeth or opposeth the heart the fountaine of life , but whatsoeuer by his whole substance and secret force doth either extinguish or notably offend the substance of the faculties or their functions . physicians consider and contemplat a threefold difference of subiects in their reference and relation to humane nature : the first sort are called aliments , the second medicaments , the third and last deleteries or poisons . aliments all are such things as haue a substance like and familiar vnto ours , containing a certaine benigne and wholsome heat and spirit , whereby the heat and spirits of our bodies are cherished and supported , and a matter passing by alteration into the matter of our bodies nourishing and increasing the substance of them . deleteries are such as in their whole substance , directly and as it were ex diametro , are opposed to aliments . for as they are in a neere familiaritie and affinitie leagued and linked to our nature ; so these are altogether enemies and pernitious vnto her , which being vsed do not onely affect vs with their first and second qualities , but in their whole kinde do corrupt whatsoeuer they touch in our bodies , and putrifying the substance thereof , turne it into their owne kinde and similitude . therefore aliments and deleteries are in their whole kinde and substance extremely contrary one to the other . in the middle ranke betwixt these two extremes purging medicines haue their place ; which neither as nutriments may be conuerted into our substance , neither as deleteries altogether corrupt and consume the same . these doe partly agree and partly disagree with nature , so as they neither ouercome her nor can be ouercome by her . therefore nature thrusteth them out of doores as seditious and turbulent guests , suffering them onely to carry with them bagge and baggage , i meane that humor which she may well spare , and hath most agreement and affinitie with them . now if poison be contrary to nature , if it subdue and ouercome nature , if it be an enemy to the heart , and a corrupter of nature , if it be in his whole kind and substance opposed to aliments , natures food , as auicen , galen mercurial , and fernelius , the lights and fathers of physicke and philosophy haue determined , i hope we shall salue galens credit wel enough : and galens description of poison will stand as true and sufficient , that poison is that which at no time agreeth with nature . how then shall we answer this argument ? if it it be a true definition of poison at no time to agree with nature , then you must put out arsenicke , orpmint with others mo out of the cense and order of poisons , which sometimes and in some cases agree with nature as well as a man would wish . how is this proued ? thus. all those things which do cure any disease , agree with nature as well as a man would wish . arsenicke , orpmint doe cure some diseases , as vlcers and such like ; therefore they agree with nature as well as may be . the lame legge of the proposition hath beene in some sort already pointed at , and the extreme limping and halting thereof will easily appeare to him that hath but halfe an eye in philosophy or physicke , at the first glimpse . for many philosophers hold it as a principle ( though not so soundly ) that all medicaments or curers do vim aliquam inferre naturae . they that are more sound and iudiciall make three orders & ranks of medecines , which ( though some apply to purgers ) may be verified of all in generall . the first order is of those which they call benigne and blessed medicines , because they are very familiar and friendly to nature , performing their operation without any the least offence of her . others are called indifferent or moderate , because they worke though somewhat more strongly , yet without offering any singular or notable wrong vnto nature . the third and last , are termed violent , churlish or rough-hewen , because they in their operation doe forcibly vellicat , offend and violat her . now if you will haue arsenicke a medicament , you must needs set him in one of these three ranks . in the first or second i am well assured you will not place him . it remaineth then that he must be ranged in the last band of sturdy and boisterous companions , who are ywis no great friends vnto nature . in this order are scammony , hellebore , euphorbium , who though they haue their vse , and the woorst of them be more tollerable then arsenicke , yet was it neuer ( as i suppose ) pronounced of them by any man of iudgement , that they agree with nature as well as a man would wish . the saw , the burning iron or actuall causticke do cure some diseases , yet how abhorrent these things are to nature , all men doe know . we must not thinke that all those things who by vanquishing and subduing their enemie the disease , doe giue reliefe and ease to nature , are therefore in themselues and their proper essence agreeable and friendly vnto nature . ellebor , scammony &c. ( of whom before ) who in their owne essence being hot and fiery , are apt to inflame the body , and to kindle a fire or feuer where none was before , yet in a body stuffed with choler , melancholy , and such ill humors , doe by carying away with them the fuell which gaue nourishment to the fire , do by accident relieue nature , put out the fire , and cure the disease . two or three flemish draughts of cold water haue somtimes cured a burning feauer , by quenching the flame : and yet arius the grammarian was killed by thessalus by one onely draught : and cold water agreeth so well with most mens natures , that they had rather powre it into their shooes then their stomacks . in the next place we are instructed how to preuent or cure the blisterings and vlcerations procured by these plague cakes . this is all one as if a man should first breake his fellowes head , and then giue him a plaister . onely one means is mentioned to preuent this inconuenience , which is , the taking away of the cakes , or rather ( as i would counsell ) the vtter reiecting thereof , which i cannot mislike . otherwise your lapping of him in thicker stuffe , your putting linnen betwixt him & the brest , your annointing the place with oile , as they giue more than suspition of his churlish and malignant property , aduerse and pernitious vnto nature , who seemeth to be in best case when he is farthest from her , and to delight nothing in his neighbourhood , so they will be found poore helpes , and weake meanes to encounter his strong poison , and malitiousnesse . as for the question which is moued ; whether to haue such things appeare , be not rather a benefit than an harme . i take it to be out of all question , that to raise blisters and vlcerations , in so noble a place , so neere to the heart the fountaine of life , by so venemous a subiect as arsenicke , cannot be any way beneficiall , but euery way offensiue and noisome . for first what learned physician hath euer counselled vesicatorys to be applied in that region so neere vnto the most principall part. next , what reason is there of any such euacuation , when we labour to preserue them that are sound . and if they be tainted with any venemous matter , how shall we be perswaded that arsenicke will by blisters expell the same , and not rather ioine hand in hand with it to ouerthrow nature , hauing by them entrance and accesse : especially if we consider the old maxime , simile simili additum fit magis simile . besides the best learned who haue receiued these amulets , hold that arsenick by a similitude of substāce doth draw the poison of the plague vnto it selfe , and not expell it , which must be done by an antipathy and contrariety : for that arsenicke should strengthen nature and helpe her to expell it , since it is an vndoubted and deadly enemy to nature , is improbable if not insensible . as no man doth affirme that all blisteres are poisons because of that effect , and therefore you might haue spared labour in proouing that which is not denied , so it is euident that diuers poisons doe produce that effect , and therefore are the more dangerously applied neere any principall part , because heereby they doe open as it were a doore or window to conuey into the body their infecting noisome spirits . the cause why garlicke & mustarddo blister the outward skinne , and yet taken inwardly , haue no such operation , is ( as i suppose ) because their heat is an agent being applied to the outmost skinne , which is a cold and membranous part , and so hauing no resistance doth rarifie and dissolue his continuity . but taken inwardly , they are patients , the inward heat subduing them , and scattering their spirits , so as they can not vnite to performe that action . but arsenicke is of a farre other nature , whose pestilent heat will not be commanded by nature , whether he be outwardly or inwardly vsed , but doth subdue and extinguish naturall heat . and this i take ( vnder correction ) to be the solution of this your proplem . whereas in the words following you affirme that it is manifest both by experience and reason , that things outwardly applied , haue action , and work into the body by cōmunicating their spirituall qualities , to the spirits of our bodies , by meanes of the warmth that openeth our pores , and ratifying the subtill parts of the medicine , is the cause of a reciprocall action and passion ; and hereupon inferre that it may seeme strange that arsenicke and such like strong poisons , hauing so strong poisoning spirits , should not poison our spirits wheresoeuer they meet , you acknowledge that these are strange works and woonders in nature : first , that such poisonfull spirits should mingle with our spirits , and not offend them : secondly , that they should strengthen them & helpe them to expell infection . these indeed are strange effects , & therefore if we be readier to wonder at them than to beleeue thē hastily , i hope you will pardon vs. but let vs heare how you satisfie vs , & vnlose this gordian knot . first therefore , you set downe this maxime or principle : arsenicke and orpmint are no wayes poisonfull or hurtfull to nature , but by their corrosiuenes , or fretting qualities : otherwise , they are as good both preseruatiues and curers , as any other most in vse : and therefore so long as they are kept from corroding or fretting , they can do no harme , but may do much good in that kinde which they do respect : that is to say , in all arsenicall diseases , as the plague , the plurisie , noli me tangere , cankers , and fistulas . if arsenicke be a strong poison ( as you acknowledge ) and poisons be ( as hath beene shewed ) toto genere & substantia naturae contraria . the deadly foes , and irreconcilable enemies to nature , then your principle and ground must needs shake , and will prooue no good foundation to build vpon , which maketh it onely hurtfull to nature by his corrosiuenesse or fretting qualitie . if to be offensiue to nature by excesse in some qualitie or other be sufficient to proue and make a poison , then are scammony , turbith , colocynthis , &c. poisons , and not medicaments ; for these all offend nature in qualitie . you must therefore either make these poisons with many moe , to consort with arsenicke : and then we shall haue good store of poisons . for all such things as are in the 4 degree of cold or heat , must be put into this ranke ; or els bring backe arsnicke from the cense of poisons into the classe of medicaments : for which i suppose you will haue small warrant . these indeed by reason of their excesse in qualitie , are sayd propè accedere ad venena , and are called maligna , or venenata ; but venena poisons they can not properly be called or accounted ●ction & passion , according to arist. 1. de gen. 50. 51. fit inter contraria qua sub vno , eodemque genere comprehenduntur . therefore an agent according to qualities , shall affect the qualities of the body , but an agent in the whole substance altereth the substance of our body . now it is manifest , that arsenicke doth not onely worke vpon the qualities , but that he corrupteth the very temperament and substance of the body . if you meane by arsenicall diseases , such maladies whose curer and specificall antidot is arsenicke , then are we beholding greatly to you , who haue found out an appropriat alexetery for the plague , whereunto the greatest and most profound philosophers and physicians could neuer attaine . for it is generally confessed by all , that the specificall antidot of the pest is yet vnknowen . thucidides sayth , that that malady did superare humanas vires , or rather humanam imbecilitatem . and the learned masters of our profession with one voice proclaime that forasmuch as the speciall weapon to kill that monster is not yet found out , we must pugnare contra illam beluam communibus praesidijs & remedijs aliorum venenorum . but i rather suppose you call those diseases arsenicall , because they haue in them a malignant , poisonfull , and pernitious venim , resembling the poison of arsenicke . how then shall arsenicke be their curer , when all diseases are cured by their contraries ? vnlesse you will maintaine that dotage of paracelsus ( for so i must needs call it ) against galen , that diseases are cured per similia , by their like . and then , if the body be emptie , exhaust and extenuat , we must exhaust and emptie it more , and not restore and repaire it . if it be too ful and plethoricke , we must fill it more , and not euacuat , if it be stopped and obstructed , then we must ramme and stuffe it vp more , and not de obstruct and open : if it be too hoat , we must lay on more wood , and not put out the fire either by taking away the fuell or quenching the flame . if there be solutio continui , we must not vnite , but disioyne the parts , & sic in cateris . if i thought that this vncouth and vnscholarlike paradox would be mainteined , it were easie for me to make the point as plaine as the kings high-way . but i muse much how the plurisie commeth into the tribe of these arsenicall diseases , vnlesse you put an addition to him , and call him a pestilentiall plurisie . the way whereby these poisons are metamorphosed into as good if not better preseruatiues and curers as any most in vse , is to keepe them ( as you say ) from fretting and corroding . and that this may be done , you prooue by example of the quacksaluers in germany , who first drinking sallet oyle , and after taking great quantities of these poisons , are preserued from harme and danger . that sallet oile , butter , or any other vnctuous things are good against poisons , it will be readily granted . but that they should be of such force and efficacy as to secure a man that should take after them great quantities of arsenicke , you shall giue me leaue to doubt . and i thinke i shal haue mo fellowes , then there be mountebanks in germany , or curtesans in venice . for why should we not thinke that there is as much vertue in treacle , mithridate , and those other antidots which they take after those poisons , at the least , as in sallet oile . and yet i hold not them sufficient to match and master these poisons . neither is it like that mathiolus had any such inward familiarity with mountebanks , as that they would acquant him with the secrets and mysteries of their art , which they conceale , tanquam sacra eleusinia . but suppose he was tolde this by some odde quacksaluer or other , and that he was so credulous to beleeue it , shall we build the conclusions of our art vpon the credit of a iugling mountebanke , or will any man be so madde that is compos mentis , vpon the mountebanks word to try the experiment , & arming himselfe with a good draught or two of sallet oile , afterward deuour great quantities of arsenicke . that the corroding qualitie of arsenicke , may be cleane taken away , you shall pardon me if i beleeue not your chynists , if they doe ( as you say ) affirme it neuer so confidently . we haue an homely and true saying , the diuell will be the diuell whether you bake roste , seeth , or broile him , or howsoeuer you handle him . naturam expellas &c : so arsenicke so long as he remaineth arsenicke , ( vnlesse you destroy his nature , and then the case is altered , he is no more he ) will vndoubtedly shew of what house he commeth by corrodings and corrupting . neither doe your instances of aron roots , or the gall of an oxe prooue the contrary . for we must remember that there be two kindes of qualities , the one common or as some call them accidentall ; the other specificall and formall . the qualities which are common or accidentall , may be remooued from their subiects . but those that are specificall , cannot be separated , sine interitu subiecti . as in a man to be hoat , cold , moist , dry , may be absent or present with him : but to be risibilis or irascibilis , can in no wise be separated from him so long as he is a man. the burning qualitie of aron roots is accidentall and common , and therefore remooueable . but the corroding or poisoning quality of arsenicke ( for these you make al one ) is by all learned physicions held specifical and essentiall . for else how should it be toto genere , & substantia deleterium . concerning your oxe gall , whose bitternesse you say you haue remooued , i say onely this : if it be gall , then it is bitter , if it be not bitter , then it is not gall. if a man put three gallons of water to three spoonefull of wine , and drawing out a glasse full , make his friend drinke thereof , affirming it to be wine , he will be ready to say , that were it not for the name of wine , he had as leaue drinke water . such mixture must haue their name of the praedominant . and i suppose that hee that should taste your sweetned gall , would call it galled sugar , and not sugred gall , as one did a cuppe of drinke mixed by his friend , yet not to the liking of his stomacke , wined water , and not watred wine . whereas you thinke it absurd , that there should not be as sure away to correct the poisoning quality of arsenicke by minerall meanes , as there is means to correct the offending qualities , of scammony , agaricke , hellebor , &c. by vegetables , me thinkes your speech is very harsh and vncouth , both for the phrase & sense . for mine own part i neuer heard or read of the correcting of poisons , but onely of medicines offending in quality , of which sort are those which you haue reckoned , whose offensiue quality being retunded , they are vsed without danger , and to the benefit and comfort of mankind . but as for arsenicke or such like poisons , being as hath beene often prooued toto genere deleteria , the infest and mortall enemies of nature , you may as soone make an aethiopian white with washing , as make them friendly and comfortable to our bodies by correcting , vnlesse by correcting you meane destroying of their nature and substance altogether , by reducing them to a caput mortuum , as you cal them , and that is a strange kinde of correcting : or else they produce such effect by accident , intending no such matter any more , then iasons enemy did , who by his sword cured his aposteme , which the physicions could not heale . all this while you haue endeuored to prooue that these amulets may be worne without harme , which how you haue performed , aliorum sit iudicium . now you will shew how they doe good . your opinion concerning the maner how they doe good , you set downe in these words . i assure my selfe that there is in these minerals which the alchymists call their spirits , good store of gold , or to speake a little plainer , of the spirits of gold , and from thence in my opinion it hath that incredible and admirable operation in preseruing our spiritis from infection . this ( as i suppose ) will be an incredible and admirable opinion vnto our philosophers & physicians , who may turne ouer a good number of books , before they find any mention of such a far-fetched and dearely bought conceit . there are three seuerall opinions concerning this matter . the first is , that by wearing these amulets , the heart is inured and accustomed vnto poison , and so by this familiarity learneth to contemne it . concerning this conceit i will say nothing my selfe , but you shall heare what crato that most learned germaine , and emperiall physicion speaketh to it , epist. ad monanium . touching the bagges of arsenicke , i finde no other reason for them woorth mentioning , saue that thereby the heart is accustomed vnto poison . but how weake and dangerous a reason this is , and that a man carefull of a good conscience ought not to trust to it , you easily discerne . therefore though you should produce sixe hundred authors which allow them , you shall not perswade me to vse or approoue them . i can tell you , since you vrge me , vpon my owne knowledge that creckouius was so weakened and exulcerated in the brest by them , that he threw away the bagge with great indignation in the castle of grauestem . i could say the like of others . that which followeth in crato is worth the reading , but i must make haste . the second opinion is that of antonius firmanus , who saith that arsenicke by similitude of substance draweth to it the venemous and contagious seminaries of the plague , and by that meanes preserueth him that weareth it . this opinion the discourser at large would seeme to follow in his english treatise of the pestilence , lately set foorth , wherin he alloweth & commendeth the vse of these amulets because by a similitude one venome draweth another as arsenicke doth , who voideth the poison of the plague insensibly . quod venenum & corpore attrahat , & tota forma & ratione caliditatis . this antipathy in arsenicke experience doth allow , &c. marke how clarke-like he reasoneth . first he saith that arsenicke draweth the venome by similitude of forme , & ratione caliditatis . then in the very next words , either forgetting what he had saide before , or notvnderstanding , what he was about to say , he attributeth this effect to an antipathy or contrariety . but i will stand no longer about him , but leaue him to his wandring muses : ne quem non inuenio vsquam esse putem nusquam . yet one thing by the way would not be ouerpassed , that whereas he would be reputed a great linguist , he hath in the epistle to the reader inserted onely two greek words , and the last seemeth not to be vnderstood , and for the first a meane scholler in mulcasters schoole , will easily tell him that it is neither good greeke nor yet true latine , but caco ethen scribendi indeed . concerning the opinion it is not true , that eueryvenome is like to arsenicke , neither that euery poison is like in substance and nature with another poison : neither can all contagious seminaries be like to arsenicke , since they are not of the same violence , analogie , or similitude one with another , as might be easily shewed some infecting onely cattle , others fishes , others men . what then if the poison of the plague be not like in nature with arsenicke : what if it be like in nature but stronger and hoater then arsenicke . surely then it must draw the poison of arsenicke , vnto it into the body , and double the euill . the third and last opinion is , that arsenicke doth by a certaine secret antipathy or contrariety oppugne , vanquish and expell the poison of the plague . this hath of all other the most probability and ground of reason , but it hath place onely then when the seminaries of the pestilence are contrarie to the poison of arsenicke ; for then the two poisons may warre and skirmish one with the other in such sort as they both spending their forces and rigor , ech against the other , and so dying in that colluctation and combat , the party by accident may escape with his life . and in this case peraduenture there might be some trueth in that obseruation which philippus ingrasias , fallopius and massa , learned men , and woorthy of good credit , haue made . and in this case some suppose that might be true which ausonius gallus reporteth of a leud huswife in these verses . toxica zelotypo dedit vxor saeua marito nec satis ad mortem credidit esse datum . miscuit argenti lethalia pondera viui cogeret vt celerem vis geminata necem diuidat haec si quis faciunt discreta venenum antidotum sumit qui sociata bibet ergo inter sese dum noxia pocula certant cessit lethalis noxa salutiferae . protinus & vacuos alui petiere recessus lubrica deiectis quâ via nota cibis quam pia cura deûm ? prodest crudelior vxor , & cum fata volunt , bina venena iuuant . and yet the discreet and prudent physician wil not heereupon counsell the wearing of arsenicke to cure the plague . for in poisons opposing nature in their whole substance , there is no artificiall or rationall method as galen teacheth meth. 13. cap. 6. and the physician cannot discerne but by euent vnto what poison , or analogie of poison arsenicke is opposit . the sympathys or antipathys of poisons together with the forces and secret insults of contagious seminaries , are vnknowen to the physician . the idiosygcrasye , or particular natures ( as galen calleth them , are vnknowen , & ( for ought we can see ) incomprehensible vnto humane imbecillitie , gal. 3. meth. cap. 7. and if the degree , nature , and facultie of that poison be not to be easily discerned , which proceedeth of corruption of humors in our bodies , much lesse is that hidden maliciousnesse of these minerals which is farre more subtile , secret , and vnsearchable . first therefore there must be a poison in the body : next that poison must be contrary to arsenicke : thirdly it must be of equall force , else if he suruiue and be of force after he hath subdued his enemie , he may doe a shrewd turne when al is done . we conclude therefore that it is rash and temerarious counsell , to vse a medicine , which if it finde not an enemy to struggle with , will easily speed and kill the party . better it is to follow galens aduise , who in his booke de simp. writing against zenocrates , would haue a physician neuer to vse any medicine which may be preiudiciall or hurtfull to the health or life of mankinde . as for the fourth opinion , your golden conceit that this maruellous operation should be wrought by the spirits of gold in arsenicke , i suppose there is farre lesse likelihood or probability therein , than in the golden dreame of the philosophers stone , whereinto many haue fallen being rich , and awaked out of the same starke beggars . first , how should we imagine , that the gold or golden spirits which are fancied to be in arsenicke should more preuaile in preseruing nature , than the arsenicall spirits ( whose quantity must needs be farre greater ) in violating and corrupting her . secondly , if this woonderfull worke of preseruation proceed from gold and his spirits , being in so small quantitie ( as they must needs be if they be at all ) in a little lumpe of arsenicke ; why doe you not rather counsell men to weare about their necks , vpon the region of the heart a double ducate or a plate of golde , seeing therein must needs be greater quantity of spirits , more neerely and firmely vnited then in arsenicke ? beside this might be done without all danger and great securitie , the arsenicall spirits ( which are so ill neighbors ) being remoued . i know right well that gold is of great vertue . auri sacra fames quid non mortalia cogis pectora ? one saith truely , that there was no fort inexpugnable , ad quod asmus auro 〈◊〉 possit ascendere . it is a cunning locke which a golden key will not open . but yet among all the vertues and effects of gold ( which are manifold ) i neuer heard that reckoned , that it should preserue the wearerers thereof from plague and poison . whereas you send vs to the refiners of mettals to be satisfied in this point , i can assure you that one of the skilfullest workemen and best practised in that kinde about london being demanded , what golde he thought to be in arsenicke , made this answere : that there was as much golde in arsenicke as in a rat. and this he affirmed to be not only his iudgement , but the conclusion of the cunningest workemasters in minerals about the city . as for paracelsus to whom in the next place you referre vs , i would be loath bonas hor as tam malè collocare , though i haue mispent some time in my dayes , and it may be about him : of whose writings i may say the cleane contrary , that socrates did of heraclitus booke . those things ( sayd he , being demanded what he thought of it ) which i vnderstand are very excellent , and therefore i suppose the rest which i vnderstand not to be answerable to them : for i can say , that such things in paracelsus which i vnderstand , are exceeding friuolous , absurd and ridiculous , and therefore i suppose the greater part ( if not all the rest included in his barbarous riddles ) to be sutable and agreeable with them . but because you stile him absolutely the most learned chynicall writer and worker that euer wrote , and i may perhaps be deemed partiall , you shall heare the iudgement of that graue , learned and most iudiciall physician crato concerning him , with whom i concurre in that point , epist. ad theod. zuingerum . ep. med. a scoltzim ep . 137. where hauing purged himselfe of a false calumniation , that he should be an enemy to chymicall preparations , he annexeth these words : insaniam verò paracelsicam qui summos in arte med. magistros , imò artem ipsam med. propter arcana sua ( vt appellant ) contemnit , & nouam nobise fumis medicinam fabricat , atque discentes a bonis authoribus ad fornaces ablegat , omnem denique seculi nostri excellentiam deijcere studet , vt sua medicamenta extollat , nunquam probani . artem enim ipsam hippocratis & doctrina methodicae galeni , acceptam ferre , vt eruditum medicum oportet ; ita paracelsica somnia , tot verborum falsitatis iuolueris tecta & tam monstrosis nominibus variata , fugere virum bonum decet . let paracelsus be esteemed by you and his followers a skilfull chymicall writer and worker , vndoubtedly he was neuer learned , neither will be euer so reputed among the learned . giue him what place you please among mechanicks or empericks , if you will needs haue it so ; for that is the highest forme wherunto you can aduance him : but if you offer to set him on the bench among the sages and senatours of learning , you shall doe him wrong and your selfe to . neither doe i yet denie but that he hath some things of good vse . and so had thessalus that olde bragadochian of galens time , and fioronamus that notorious empericke & impostor of our time , who was banished venice , but those , mixed with so much vanitie , pride and insolencie as marreth all . you shall finde it ordinary in illiberall and illettered natures ( if you marke it well ) that hauing attained any little smattering knowledge , small portion of riches , or meane degree of honour , they are farre more eleuated , and transported with high and ouerweening thoughts , than ingenuous and generous mindes of farre greater sufficiencie . i haue often maruelled how any man of wisedome and modestie , seeing the incredible insolencie and impudencie , the intollerable vanitie and follie , the ridiculous and childish crakings and vantings of paracelsus , should once commend him without nothing his contrary vices , and giuing him a dash with a blacke coale . touching pistorius whom you onely produce as a patron of your amulets , though i haue little or no acquaintance with him , yet if ex vngue leonem i must needs say , that his speeches sauour of too too much vanitie ( if not follie and falsehood ) and come very neere the mountbanks phrase , who vse to set out their basest trash with el-long and bombasted termes , and craking and lying vaunts . first he affirmeth , that many italian physicians are of opinion , that there was neuer a more excellent thing granted to mortall men by god , to preserue them from the plague . secondly , that they call it a diuine medicine inuented by god. thirdly , that they take it vpon their oathes , that neuer any fell sicke that ware them . haec dum recensentur satis superque , confutantur . you heard in the beginning , what father augenius that learned and graue italian physician conceiued of them . and it is certaine , that massaria a learned reader of padua hath learnedly and largely disputed against them . and sure i am that gerardus columba the great physician of messana disclaimeth them vtterly . but it is woorth noting , first that these physicians who so highly commend these amulets , are namelesse . secondly , that they offer oath vpon the matter , fearing belike that their words would not be taken : whereas ( if their credit were good ) their bare words would passe as currantly as their oaths . lastly , their hyperbolicall cōmendations of a poore poisoned cake , seemeth to me the language of vaunting quack-saluers , rather than of learned physicians . as for his experiment in zuricke ann. 64. and in basill , that he knew none die who wore them ; who will beleeue him , since we haue more than sufficient experience , both heretofore and of late in london , and you your selfe acknowledge the same , but holde it pitie to derogate from the credit of so noble and generall a medicine , for a few particular instances . how noble a medicine it is , i hope hath appeared by this time . sure i am that it is no rationall medicine , and that the most learned physicians , who haue handled the argument of the plague , do either directly oppugne it , as augenius , columba , massaria , &c. or els passe it ouer in silence , as not woorthy to be named or mentioned with rationall and noble antidots and alexeteries ( as palmarius or rather fernelius that worthy light of physicke ( for that learned booke of the plague being the most scholarlike , iudiciall and absolute in that kind , that i euer met with ) is thought to be written by him , and set out by palmarius his scholar ) or els if they mention it in the tale after a great ranke of other rationall medicines , they set this or the like brand in the forhead of it . quidam emperici , or quidam ( without naming them ) consulunt tabellam ex arsenico . certaine empericks , or certaine ( not woorthy to be named ) counsell a table of arsenicke , as platerus heurnius , &c. to conclude since physicke is the art of helping , healing , curing , i see not what we haue to doe with poisons , vnlesse it be to giue councell of precaution , and preuention , or to relieue them , who by errour or malice haue medled with them . me thinks it is wholesome and fatherly counsell that hippocrates giueth to all his scholars , that they should alwayes propound vnto themselues these two ends : first , ne noceant . secondly , vt prodesse possint . first , that they be sure to do no hurt to their patients . secondly , that they endeuour to doe some good . as for those who leauing so great varietie of safe , wholesome and salutiferous medecins , as god of his infinite bountie hath stored vs withall , will needs be still tampering with poisons , and deleteries , they seeme to me like the foolish flies , who forsake the sweet herbs and flowers to buzze about the candle , so long till their wings be singed , and themselues oft times burned with the flame . i might giue instances heereof , but that i hasten to an end . it is not good medling with edge-tooles . qui amat periculum peribit in eo . thus i haue presumed to inquire somewhat more at large , concerning these amulets non contentionis amore , sed veritatis indagandae studio : and that it may appeare that i am not of a seruile disposition to relie vpon the opinion of any , be he neuer so learned , vnlesse it be vnderpropped with learning and reason : the rather because i vnderstand that this taske was expected at my hands . as for that learned & ancient physitian ( who hath taken vpon him their defence and patronage ) i confesse that as i aimed not directly and particularly at him in my first writing against them ( they being ordinarily dispensed by many chirurgians and apothecaries in london , some of them being my kinde friends , so i doe now beare him no more grudge , malice , or enuie , then my selfe : though i haue beene of late discourteously and hardly intreated , reiected and shut out from conference . which kinde of dealing , how it agreeth with the rules of christianity or liberall profession , let indifferent men iudge . who knoweth not that our greatest diuines and best lawyers do dissent one from another , in some one point or other of their arts. do they therfore breake off all societie , and proclaime open hostilitie one against another ? god forbid . i haue read that aristides and pericles though they were at oddes , and iarred often in the senate of athens by reason of secret emulation , yet when they were to vndertake any publicke affaire or embassage , they did simulates in finibus patria deponere , easque redeuntes resumere . so i could wish that physitians should leaue their priuate grudges and discontentments at home in their owne houses , and not carie them abroad in their bosomes among their patients , to the disgrace of their fellowes and publicke opprobrie● , and slander of their profession . as for me , i am neither too skilfull to learne , nor too old to erre : but desire to follow that councell of the oratour . in sententia permaneto . enimuero nisi alia vicerit melior . ⸫ sit nomen domini benedictum . amica sit ( quaeso ) haec inter nos dissentio , opinionum non voluntatum , studiorum , non animorum . non opus habes amuletis & periaptis quibus simul concurrit , & cooperatur diabolus . thou hast no need of amulets , with whom the diuell doth concurre and cooperate . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a03119-e130 fracast . lib. 2. cap. 3. de morb . contag . gal. 1. de diff . feb . cap. 2. vid. hist. achab , iudae . the like may be said of children who haue died in great numbers : nature in thē being weak and not able to resist the furie of the disease . remember the hideous and lamentable crie in oliues parish in southwarke . psal. 91. marc. 18. act. 20. 5. notes for div a03119-e910 vrimus secamus . mathiolus telleth of another fraud or iugling tricke farre more probable . lib. 6. coment . in diosc. prefat . these are italian physicians of great name . of the contrary . medela pestilentiae wherein is contained several theological queries concerning the plague, with approved antidotes, signes and symptoms : also an exact method for curing that epidemicial distemper, humbly presented to the right honourable and right worshipful the lord mayor and sheriffs of the city of london. kephale, richard. 1665 approx. 154 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47273 wing k330 estc r26148 09369880 ocm 09369880 42873 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47273) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42873) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1311:7) medela pestilentiae wherein is contained several theological queries concerning the plague, with approved antidotes, signes and symptoms : also an exact method for curing that epidemicial distemper, humbly presented to the right honourable and right worshipful the lord mayor and sheriffs of the city of london. kephale, richard. [4], 87, [1] p. printed by j.c. for samuel speed, london : 1665. "epistle dedicatory" signed: richad kephale. caption title: medela pestilentiae, or, rules for the prevention and cure of the plague. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-01 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion medela pestilentiae : wherein is contained several theological queries concerning the plague , with approved antidotes , signes , and symptoms : also , an exact method for curing that epidemical distemper . humbly presented to the right honourable , and right worshipful , the lord mayor and sheriffs of the city of london . london : printed by j. c. for samuel speed , and are to be sold at his shop , at the rain-bow , near the temple , in fleet-street , mdclxv . to ●he right honourable sir john lawrence , knight , lord mayor of this honourable city of london ; and the right worshipful sir george waterman , and sir charles doe , knights , and sheriffs thereof . right honourable , and right worshipful : fame proclaiming every-where your deserved worth , it reach'd my ear ; and hearing how careful your honour and worships have been in the preservation of every individual person , but such more especially committed to your tutelage ( wherein you have shewn your selves indulgent fathers , as well as prudent governors ) i could do no less then step in amongst the crowd of your honours and worships admirers , to make my grateful acknowledgement . i have but this mite to offer ; but as much water as the palm of my hand will hold , to east into this new-kindled fire ; and yet it may quench it ere it rise to a flame , if the heavenly physician see it good . the peaceful dove hath now got some few fick feathers ; let her not therefore be deserted . some of late have forsaken her , because fallen sick a little ; which argues both their ingratitude and folly , in flying that mother which gave some breath , others benefit and profit , thinking thereby they can shun the hand of gods just judgement . in this honourable city i first drew my breath , and received the major part of my education : as your honours and worships therefore , are our fathers in general , so i hope you will not deny me your particular patronage . let your noble favours then strengthen this weak hand , which a sons duty reacheth forth to a mothers support : grateful pity commands me thus to do ▪ and my knowledge in reading ( with the experience of others ) justifieth the act . accept therefore of these my well-wishing indeavours ; and whilst some are using the means , let others joyn with them in prayers to almighty god to be merciful to this city , and if it be his blessed will to sheath his sword , and unbend his bow , that the dreadful judgement of the plague may be averted from us . pardon , i beseech you , this grand presumption , and i shall glory in subscribing my self right honourable , and right worshipful , your most devoted and obedient servant , richard kephale . postscript . two most soveraign antidotes against the plague , found out first , and experimented by the author of the ensuing treatise , to be the most infallible preservatives against pestilential contagion . the one is in form of a conserve , to be taken first in the morning , the quantity of an hazel-nut on the point of a knife , fasting one hour after , and then you may both eat and drink what you please . take the same quantity also two hours before dinner , and about three or four in the afternoon , and at night when you go to bed . the other is a most admirable and pleasant spirit , which you are to take as the fore-mentioned , four or five times a day . these two are to be sold , sealed , by mr. samuel speed , at the rain-bow in fleet-street , near the temple ; where also you may have the spirit of salt , which is excellent good to prevent infection , causing a good appetite , and curing most diseases ; most truly prepared , according to the method of rhodocanasi . take thereof ( when you desire to drink ) two drops , in a middle-siz'd cup of ale or beer , provided it be not stale . medela pestilentiae . or , rules for the prevention , and cure of the plague . how the plagues began , 1603 , 1609 , 1625 , 1630 , 1636. for what sins , the divines of those times judged , they were inflicted , and with what godly meanes they were allayed . 1 out of gods tender goodness towards this nation , after many warnings before hand , by his ministers , who observing what sins were impudently , and impenitently committed , foresaw , and fore-told , what god would bring upon this people , and particularly a plague throughout that year , before it came . he began this sore judgement by degrees in those times ; jan. 24. onely one died , feb. 3. three died , feb. 10. five , feb. 17. three , feb. 24. one , march 17. two , march 24. eight , march 31. six , april 7. eight , april 14. eighteen , april 21. eighteen ; and after that the bill increased every week more and more , till august 18. when there died in one week , 4463. of the plague , which began the first time , by a surfeit in white chappel , the second time , by sea-men , about the same place , the third by reason of rotten mutton at stepney , the fourth with a pack of carpets from turkey ; the fifth with a dogge that came over from amsterdam . 2 bishop sandersons words , in a sermon at an assizes at lincolne , aug. 4. 1625. upon psalm . 106.30 . are these : as god brought upon that people for their sins , a fearful destruction ; so hee hath in his just wrath sent his destroying angel against us , for ours ; the sins that brought the plague upon them were , whoredome and idolatry : i cannot say the same sins have caused ours ; for although the execution of good laws , against both incontinent and idolatrous persons hath been of late years , and yet is ( wee all know ) to say no more , slack enough , yet ( gods holy name be blessed for it ) neither idolatry nor whoredome are at that heighth of shameless impudence , and impunity among us , that they dare out-brave our moseses , and out-face whole congregations , as it was in israel ; but still , this is sure , no plague but for sin : nor national plagues , but for national sins ; so that albeit , none of us may dare to take upon us , to bee so farre of gods counsel , as to say for what very sins most this plague is sent among us : yet none of us can bee ignorant , but that besides those secret , personal corruptions which are in every one of us , and whereunto every ones heart is privy , there are many publick and national sins , whereof the people of this land are generally guilty , and is abundantly sufficient to justifie god in his dealings towards us , when he judgeth us . 1. our wretched unthankfulness unto god , for the long continuance of his gospel , and our peace , our carnal confidence , and security in the strength of our wooden and watry walls : our riot and excesse , ( the noted and proper sins of this nation ) and much intemperate abuse of the good creatures of god , in our meats , drinks , and disports , and other provisions and comforts of this life . our incompassion towards our brethren miserably wasted with war and famine in other parts of the world , our heavy oppression of our brethren at home , in racking the rents , cracking the backs , and grinding the face of the poor : our cheap and irreverent regard to gods holy ordinances , of his word , sacraments , sabbaths and ministers , our wantonnesse and toyishness of understanding , in corrupting the simplicity of our christian faith , and troubling the peace of the church , with a thousand niceties , novelties and unnecessary wranglings in matters of religion : and to reckon no more , that universal corruption in courts of justice by sale of offices , enhauncing fees , devising new subtilties , for delay and evasion , trucking for expedition ; making traps of petty paenal statutes , and but cobwebs of the most weighty and material laws . i doubt not , but through the mercy of god , many of his servants in this land , are free from some , and some from all these common crimes in some good measure : but i fear me , not the best of us all , not a man of us all , but are guilty of all or some of them , at least thus far , that we have not mourned for the corruptions of the times so feelingly , nor endeavoured the reformation of them so faithfully , as we might , or ought to have done . doctor gouge's words , in his plaister for the plague are these : that it may appear what just cause the lord hath to poure out the vials of his wrath among us , it will be a seasonable taske to take a view of our own times , and to observe , whether the fore-named sins may be found among us , for too truly it may now be said of this land , of this city there is wrath gone out from the lord , the plague is begun ; in prosecuting this taske , i will follow the order before propounded ; and bring those sins which have been proved formerly , to have provoked gods wrath , to our times ; 1. for idolatry , though the bright light of the gospel hath for many years dispelled the thick cloud of popery , a detestable idolatry , yet in many places that cloud gathereth and thickeneth again ; i pray god it encrease not as that cloud which eliah's servant espyed , which though at first it were but a little one , like a mans hand , yet it grew to cover the whole sky , and to cause much rain ; too many seducers are among us ; too great countenance is given to them , wee ministers have need to inculcate this apostolical prohibition , flee from idolatry . 2 for prophanation of holy things and times , he is blinde that discerneth it not ; he himself is too prophane , that is not in his righteous soul vexed thereat . prayer , preaching , sacraments , are altogether neglected , or very carelessely observed , as for the lords day , it is in many places by many persons made the devils day ; it is not onely in act prophaned , but the prophanation therof too much countenanced , and justified . 3 for pollution of profession , what advantage is thereby given to our adversaries ; thence they take occasion of upbraiding us with our reformation ; yea , the prophane among us , are hereby justified , for many professors are every way as lewd and licentious as they , as vain in their attyre , as corrupt in their speeches , as wanton in their gestures , as deceitful in their dealings , as uncharitable in their censures , as unmerciful to the poor . 4 for ungrateful vilifying gods mercies , i think our people exceed therein the israelites , that dwelt in the wilderness ; heavenly mannah , the word of life , that plentifully falleth among us , is by superstitious , schismatical , and prophane persons loathed ; superstitious persons wish for queen maries daies again , schismaticks wish there had been no reformation unless it had been better , the prophane , cry out of too much preaching . 5 for ministers perverting their function , many among us exceed the false prophets among the jews , none greater discouragers of the upright , none greater animaters of the prophane , the greatest zeal which they use to shew , is in their bitter invectives against such as make most conscience of sinne , they are too great companions with the baser and lewder sort . 6 for trampling upon such as are fallen , so inhumane are many , as they do not onely stretch themselves upon their beds , and drink wine in bowls , while their brethren lye groaning under sore afflictions , ( or like the priest and levite ) passe by without succouring such as are not able to help themselves , but as job's friends , charge them with hypocrisie , or like the jews account them the greatest sinners ; or as shimei , rail on them , and so give them instead of a cup of consolation , vinegar and gall to drink . 7 for conspiracy and consent in sin , when was there more then among us ; great ones , mean ones , old , young , male , female , magistrates , subjects , ministers , people , rich , poor , masters , servants , all of one minde , to disgrace integrity , and to countenance impiety , and iniquity ; insomuch , as the prophets complaint is too truly verified among us , he that refraineth from evil , maketh himself a prey . 8 for obstinacy in sin , who can open his mouth wide enough against mens stubbornness , they are impudent , and stiffe-necked , they have a whores forehead and will not be ashamed ; they bid a kinde of defiance to god himself , as they abuse his mercies , so they despise his judgements . what swearer , what blasphemer , what drunkard , what adulterer , what fornicator , what oppressor , what extortioner , what usurer , what deceiver is reformed by this plague : so obstinate are people , as god had need to make the faces of the ministers strong against their fore-heads . 9 for infidelity , wee ministers have too great cause to cry out , who hath believed our report ? were not this sin so fast fixed in mens hearts as it is , much more comfort would be received from the ministry of the gospel , and much better obedience yeilded thereto . 10 for impenitency , it cannot bee denyed , but that many , yea , most are so setled on their sins , as they hate to be reformed , where are the true fruits of repentance to be found ? where shame , where sorrow for sin ? where turning from sin ? men rather grow worse and worse , gods judgements harden their hearts , as they did the heart of pharaoh , but he paid thorowly for the abuse of so much patience , if by any occasion their consciences be any whit rubbed , and they brought thorow fear and anguish , to promise amendment , they quickly shew that no true repentance was wrought in them , but it is hapned unto him according to the true proverb , the dog is turned to his own vomit again , and the sow that was washed to her wallowing again . 11 apostacy , if first , wee consider inward apostacy , ( which is a decaying inward in former love of truth ) too just cause of complaint is given , many have left their first love , and become luke-warm , as the laodiceans . thus , a ready way is made to outward apostacy , which is an open renouncing of very profession of true religion , as this whole land did in queen maries reign ; it is much to bee feared , that if the like occasion should bee given , a like apostasie would follow . if these , and other like provocations of gods wrath among us , bee duely weighed , we shall see cause enough to confess , that gods wrath is justly gone out against us , and that wee have deservedly pulled this plague on our own pates . it remains therefore that wee thorowly humble our selves , that wee lay open our sores before our merciful god , that wee faithfully promise amendment , that wee give evidence of the intire purpose of our heart , in promising by answerable performance ; but above all , for the present , that wee crave mercy of god , thorow jesus christ , that hee may offer up his sweet incense to pacifie his father , and cause his destroying angel to stay his hand . quest . what good orders god hath been pleased to blesse , either for the preventing , or , allaying of the plague , in the fatal years , 1603 , 1609 , 1625 , 1636. and are fit to bee observed by all good people at this time . 1 four doctors at least , two apothecaries , and three chirurgions , were pentioned for their own lives , and their wives , to attend on persons troubled with this disease . 2 neither men nor goods came from other places , without a certificate of health , otherwise , they were either sent suddenly away , or put in the pest-house , or some such place for forty daies , till the certainty of their soundness might bee discovered . 3 all the statutes and good orders , against beggars , players , bowling-alleys , inmates , tippling-houses , leastals ( whereby the infection might spread and disperse , by reason of the sin , as well as the commerce and throng of idle sort of persons ) and against the uttering of stinking flesh or fish , and musty corn or beer . 4 the scavengers in general , and every house-holder in particular , tooke care for the due , and orderly cleansing of the streets and private houses , every morning and night . 5 doggs , cats , conies , tame-pidgeons , and swine , were destroyed about the town , or kept so carefully , that no offence might come thereby . 6 the funnels in church vaults , slaughter-houses , and the depth of graves were considered of . 7 the sweeping and filth of houses were daily carried away by the rakers , and the raker gave notice of his comming , by the blowing of a horne ; and the laystalls were removed as farre as might bee out of the city , and common passages ; and no night-man or other , suffered to empty a vault , into any garden near about the city . 8 two or more of the best in the parish were sworn examiners in their turnes for two months at least , to enquire and learn from time , to time , what houses in every parish were visited , what persons sick , ( and of what diseases ) as near as they could inform themselves , and upon suspition , to command restraint of accesse , until it appeared what the disease proved : and if any person were found sick of the infection , to give order to the constable , that the house should bee shut up , and if the constable were remisse , or negligent , to give present notice thereof , to the alderman , or to the next justice of peace respectively . 9 to every infected house , there were two watchmen , one for the day till 10. of the clock at night , and another for the night till six in the morning , having a special care , that no person went in and out of such infected houses , whereof they have the charge , upon pain of severe punishment . 10 six chirurgions were joyned to the searchers , ( who were women of the best reputation and skill that could bee procured ) and allowed twelve pence a body , for all they searched , out of the sick mans estate , being enjoyned to attend the examiners orders . 11 the infected person was sequestred , and though hee dyed not , the house where hee sickned was shut up for a month after , the use of due preservatives taken by the rest ; yea , the house of any person that visited any that were infected , was shut up for certain daies . 12 all goods in infected houses , were either to be burned , or if too good to burn , aired , and perfumed , and not either removed or sold , for six months after the infection ceased in the house : all brokers and cryers of apparrel being restrained in that behalf upon pain of having their houses shut up for forty daies . 13 none were to go out of an infected house ( except into the pest-house , or a tent , or to a house which the man occupieth either himself , or by servants ) without security given , that they shall not wander about till they bee sound , and that the attendance and charge about the sick person should bee observed in all the particularities thereof , and if one man kept two houses , his sick people shall not go into the house where the sound are , nor the sound , into the house where the sick are ; the persons removed were to go by night , and keep in at least a week from all company , for fear of some infection , at the first not appearing . 14 the dead of the plague were buryed at convenient houres , alwaies either before sun-rising , or after sun-setting , with the privity of the church-wardens , or constables , and not otherwise ; and no neighbours or friends were suffered to accompany the coarse to church , or to enter the visited house , upon pain of having their houses shut up , and being close imprisoned , only the minister might attend at a competent distance . 15 the chirurgions , searchers ; keepers and buryers , were not to passe the streets , without holding a red rod , or wand , of three foot in length in their hands , open and evident to bee seen , being not to go into any house but their own , or into that whereunto they were sent , or directed , forbearing all company , especially , when they have been lately used in any such business or attendance . quest . what course every man and woman should take particularly , to prevent being infected , and what good orders god hath been pleased to blesse for the preservation of every particular man and woman from the plague , when it raged in the places they lived in ? in the years , 1603 , 1609 , 1625 , 1630 , 1636. when there were great plagues in the city of london , these directions given by the colledge of physitians , did a great deal of good . 1 for correction of the ayre . for the correcting of the infectious aire , it were good , that often bone-fires were made in the streets , and that sometime , the tower ordnance might bee shot off , as also that there bee good fires kept in and about the visited houses , and their neighbours . take rosemary dryed , or juniper , bay-leaves , or frankincense , cast the same upon a chafing-dish , and receive the fume or smoak thereof . and to make fires rather in pans , to remove about the chamber , than in chimneys , shall better correct the ayre of the houses , adding a piece of old iron to the fire . take a quantity of vinegar , very strong , and put to it some small quantity of rose-water , ten branches of rosemary , put them all into a bason , and take five or six flint stones , heated in the fire , till they bee burning hot , cast them into the same vinegar , and so let the fumes be received from place , to place , of your house . that the house be often perfumed with rue , angelica ; gentian , zedoary , set-wel , juniper wood or berries burnt upon embers , either simply , or they may bee steeped in wine vinegar , and so burnt . perfume the house and all therein with this : slake lime in vinegar and aire the house therewith , burn much tar , rosen , frankincense , turpentine , both in the private houses , and in the churches before prayers . by perfuming of apparrel . such apparrel as you commonly wear , let it bee very clean , and perfume it often , either with some virginia caedar burned , or with juniper , and if any shall happen to bee with them that are visited , let such persons , as soon as they shall come home , shift themselves , and ayre their cloaths , in the open ayre for a time . by carrying about of perfumes . such as are to go abroad , shall do well , to carry rue , angelica , or zedoary in their hands to smell to , and of those , they may chew a little in their mouths , as they go in the street , especially , if they bee afraid of any place ; it is not good to be over fearful , but it cannot be but bad , to bee over presumptuous and bold . take rue one handful , stamp it in a morter , put thereto wine vinegar enough to moisten it , mixe them well , then strain out the juyce with a peece of spunge , put a toast of brown bread therein , tye it in a thin cloath , bear it about to smell to . take the root of angellica , beaten grosly , the weight of six pence , of rue and worm wood , of each the weight of four pence , setwel the weight of three pence , bruise these , then steep them in a little wine vinegar , tye them in a linnen cloath , which they may carry in their hands , or put it into a juniper box full of holes to smell to . or they may use this pomander . take angellica , rue , zedoary , of each half a dram , myrrhe two drams , camphire six grains , wax , and labdanum , of each two drams , more or less as shall be thought fit to mix with the other things , make hereof a ball to carry about you , you may easily make a hole in it , and so wear it about your neck with a string . the richer sort may make use of this pomander . take citron-pills , angelica seeds , zedoary , red-rose leaves , of each half a dram , yellow sanders , lignum aloes , of each one scruple , galliae moschatae four scruples , storax , calamint , beusoni , of each one dram , camphire , six grains , labdanum , three drams , gum tragaranth dissolved in rose-water , enough to make it up into a pomander , put thereto six drops of spirit of roses , inclose it in an ivory box , or weare it about your neck . by inward medicines . let none go fasting forth , every one according to their fortunes , let them eat some such things as may resist putrefaction , some may eat garlick with butter , a clove , two , or three , according to the ability of their bodies , some may eat fasting , some of the electuary with figs and rue , hereafter expressed : some may use london treacle , the weight of eight pence in the morning , taking more or lesse , according to the age of the party , after one hour , let them eat some other break-fast , as bread and butter , with some leaves of rue or sage , and in the heat of summer , of sorrel , or wood-sorrel . of the physitians . to steep rue , wormwood , or sage , all night in their drink , and to drink a good draught in the morning fasting , is very wholsome , or to drink a draught of such drink after the taking of any of the preservatives , will bee very good . in all summer-plagues it shall bee good to use sorrel sauce to bee eaten in the morning with bread , and in the fall of the leaf to use the juyce of barberries with bread also . mithridate's medicine of figs. take of good figs and walnut-kernels , of each twenty four , rue picked two good handfuls , of salt , half an ounce , or somewhat better ; first stamp your figs and wall-nuts well together in a stone morter , then add your rue , and last of all your salt , mixe them exceeding well : take of this mixture every morning fasting , the weight of sixteen pence , to children and weak bodies , lesse . or , take twenty wal-nuts pilled , fifteen figs , a handful of rue , three drams of tormentil roots , two drams of juniper-berries , a dram and a half of bole-armoniack ; first stamp your roots , then your figs , and seeds , then add your wal-nuts , then put to your rue and bole-armoniack , and with them put thereto six drams of london treacle , and two or three spoonfuls of wine vinegar , mixing them well in a stone morter , and take of this every morning , the quantity of a good nutmeg fasting , they that have cause to go much abroad , may take as much more , in the evening two hours before supper . it is very good to take tobacco , to eat raisens of the sun fasting , or to drink a pinte of maligo in a morning against the infection . for women with childe , and children , and such as cannot take the bitter things before prescribed . take conserve of roses , conserve of wood-sorrel , of each two ounces , conserve of borrage , of sage flowers , of each six drams , bole-armoniack , shavings of harts-horn , sorrel-seeds , of each two drams , yellow , or white sanders half a dram , safferon one scruple , sirrop of wood-sorrel enough to make it a moyst electuary , mixe them well , take as much as a ches-nut at a time , once or twice a day , as you shall finde cause . for the richer sort . take the shavings of harts-horn , of pearl , of coral , tormentil-roots , zedoarie , true terra-sigillata , of each a dram , citorn-pills , yellow , white and red sanders , of each half a dram , white amber , hyacinth stone prepared , of each two scruples , bezoar-stone , of the east unicorns horn , of each twenty four grains , citron and orange pills candied , of each three drams , lignum aloes one scruple , white sugar-candie , twice the weight of all the rest , mixe them well ; being made into a dredg-powder ; take the weight of twelve pence at a time , every morning fasting , and also in the evening , about five of the clock , or an hour before supper . with these powders and sugar there may bee made lozenges , and with convenient conserves they may bee made into electuaries . bezoar-water or treacle-water , is good both alone and in composition with these antidotes . london-treacle is good to preserve from the sickness , as also to cure the sick , being taken upon the first apprehension , in a greater quantity , as , to a man two drams , and lesse to a weak body , or a childe , in cardus or dragon-water . or , take the finest clear aloes you can buy , in colour like a liver , and therefore called hepatica , of both cinamon and myrrhe , the weight of three french crowns , or of two and twenty pence of our mony ; of cloves , mace , lignum-aloes , of mastick , of bole-oriental , of each of these half an ounce , mingle them together , and beat them into a very fine powder : of the which , take every morning fa●●ng the weight of a groat in white-wine and water . or , take a dry fig , and open it , and put the kernel of a wal-nut into the same , being cut very small , three or four leaves of rue , commonly called herb-grace , a corn of salt , then roast the fig , and eat it warme , fast three or four hours after it , and use this twice a week . or , take the powder of tormentil , the weight of six pence , with sorrel , or scabious water in summer , and in the winter with the water of valerian , or common drink , wherein hath been infused the fore-named herbs . or , one day you may take a little worm-wood , and valerian , with a grain of salt : another you may take seven or eight berries of juniper , dryed and powdered , with common drink , or with drink wherein worm-wood and rue , hath been steeped all night . or , take the treacle called diatessarum , of light price , easie to be had . or , the root of ennula campana taken in powder , with drink . or , a piece of arras root , kept in the mouth , as men passe the streets . or , take six leaves of sorrel , wash them with water , and vinegar , letting them lye in the said water and vinegar a while , then eat them fasting , and keep in your mouth , and chew now and then , either set-wall , or the root of angelica , or a little cinnamon , or four grains of myrrhe , or so much of rattle-snake root . of medicines purgative . it is good for prevention , to keep the body open , especially , with such things as are easie of operation , and good to resist putrefaction , as pestilential pills , &c. take alloes two ounces , myrrhe and saffron of each an ounce , ammoniacum half a ounce , make them up into a mash with the juyce of lemmons , or white-wine vinegar , to keep the body open , a small pill or two will be enough , taken before supper , or before dinner . but to purge the body , take the weight of a dram made into five , or six , or more pills in the morning fasting , and that day keep your chamber . if you bee costive and bound in body , you may take a glister made with a little boyled hony , and a little fine powder of salt , and so taken in at the fundament , and kept till it move a stoole . or , if you are poor , take aloes the weight of six pence , put in the pap of an apple , and if able to buy them , pills of ruffus , to bee had in every shop . such as are tyed to necessary attendance on the infected , as also such as live in visited houses shall do well to cause issues to bee made in their left arms , or right legs , or both . blood letting . if the patient bee full of blood and strong , let him bee let blood upon the liver vein , in the right arme , or in the median veine of the said arm , but bleeding and purging must bee used , the first day the patient is sick , both to be forborn , in case any sores or spots appear . vomits . to provoke a vomit , take two ounces of zant oyle , or wal-nut-oyle , a spoonful of the juyce of celandine , and half a spoonful of the juyce of radish-roots , or two spoonfuls of oxymel of squills , with posset drink , and oyle . expulsive medicines . the plague is best expelled by sweating , caused by posset-ale , made with fennel , and marigolds , in winter , and with sorrel , bugloss , and borrage , in summer , with which at both times , london treacle to the weight of two drams must bee mixed ; and so lay themselves with all quietness to sweat one half hour , or an hour , if they be strong . for the cure of the infected , upon the first apprehension ; bur-seeds , cucheneely , powder of harts-horn , citron-seeds , one or more of them , with a few grains of camphire , are good to bee given in cardus , or dragon water , or with some treacle water . or , take bur-seeds and cucheneely , of each half a dram , or to a weak body , of each one scruple , camphire five grains , mixe these with two ounces of cardus or dragon water , half an ounce of treacle water , sirrop of wood-sorrel a spoonful , mixe these ; give it to the patient warme , cover him to sweat ; you may give him a second draught after twelve houres , let him drink no cold drink ; this posset drink or the like will bee good to give the visited liberally . or , take wood-sorrel half a handful , marigold flowers half so much , shavings of harts-horn three drams , a fig or two sliced , boil them well in clear posset drink , let them drink thereof freely , you may put thereto a little sugar . or , take citron-seeds six or eight , shavings of harts-hornes halfe a dram , london treacle a dram , mixe them with two ounces of cardus water , or with three ounces of the prescribed posset-drinke , drinke it warme , and so lie to sweat . or , take sorrel-water five or sixe spoonfuls , treacle water a spoonful , london treacle a dram and a half , mixe them well , give it warme , and so lay the patient to sweat . or , take tormentil and celandine-roots , of each four ounces , scabious and rue , of each a handful and a half , london treacle a dram and a half , bole-armoniack half a scruple , put thereto a little sugar , mix them well , let the party drink it warm , and cover him to sweat . in summer . take the juyce of wood-sorrel two ounces , the juyce of lemmons an ounce , diascordium a dram , cinnamon six grains , vinegar half an ounce , give it warme , and lay the patient to sweat ; in case of fluxes of the belly or want of rest . or , take an egge , and make an hole in the top of it , take out the white and yolk , fill the shell with the weight of two french crowns of saffron , roast the said egge , thus filled with saffron , under the embers , until the shell waxe yellow ; then take it from the fire , and beat the shell and saffron in a morter with half a spoonful of mustard-seed . take of this powder , a french crown weight , and as soon as you suspect your self infected , dissolve it into ten spoonfuls of posset ale , and drink it luke-warm : then go to bed , and provoke your self to sweating . or , take one dram of the electuarium de ovo . or , take five or six handful of sorrel that groweth in the field , or a greater quantity , according as you will distill , more or lesse of the water thereof , and let it lye steeped in good vinegar four and twenty hours , then take it off , and dry it with a linnen cloath , and put it into a limbeck , and distill the water thereof , and as soon as you finde your self touched with the sickness , drink four spoonfuls of the said water , with a little sugar , and if you bee able , walk upon it till you sweat , if not , keep your bed , and being well covered , provoke your self to sweating . or , take of the root butter-burre , otherwise , called pestilent-wort , one ounce , of the root of great valerian a quarter of an ounce , of sorrel an handful , boil all these in a quart of water , to a pinte , then strain it , and put thereto two spoonfuls of vinegar , two ounces of good sugar , boyl all these together till they be well mingled : let the infected drink of this so hot as hee may suffer it , a good draught , and if hee chance to cast it up again , let him take the same quantity streight way upon it and provoke himself to sweat . or , take sugar of roses four ounces , ginger two ounces , camphire an ounce , make these into fine powder kept in butts with wine , taking a dram at a time . or , take of the powder of good bayberries , the husk taken away from them before they be dryed , a spoonful ; let the patient drink this , well mingled in a draught of good stale ale , or beer , or with a draught of white wine , and go to bed , and cast himself into a sweat , forbearing sleep . or , take of the inward bark of the ash-tree one pound , of wal-nuts with the green outward shells to the number of fifty , cut these small , of scabious and vervain , each a handful , saffron two drams , pour on the strongest vinegar you can get , four pints , let them a little boyl together , upon a very soft fire and then stand in a close pot well stopt all night upon the embers , after distill them with a soft fire , and receive the water close kept , give to the patient laid in bed , and well covered with cloathes , two ounces of this water to drink , and let him bee provoked to sweat , and every eight hours , during the space of twenty four , give him the same quantity to drink . care must bee taken in the use of these sweating cordials , that the party infected sweat two or three hours , if hee have strength , and sleep not till the sweat bee over , and that hee hath been well wiped with warm linnen , and when hee hath been dried , let him wash his mouth with water and vinegar warme , and let his face and hands bee washed with the same : when these things are done , give him a good draught of broth , made with a chicken , or mutton , with rose-mary , thime , sorrel , succory , and marigolds . or else water-gruel , with rosemary and winter-savory , or thyme , pomado seasoned with verjuyce , or juyce of wood-sorrel ; for their drink , let it bee small beer warmed with a toast , or water boyled with carraway-seed , cardus-seed and a crust of bread , or such posset-drink as is mentioned before in the second medicine ; after some nutriment let them sleep , or rest , often washing their mouth with water and vinegar . these cordials must bee repeated once in eight , ten , or twelve hours at the furthest . if the party infected vomit up his medicine , then repeat it presently , or else give him two or three spoonfuls of vinegar of squills , or oxymel of squils , with posset-drink , and then after proceed . external medicines . veficatores applyed to the arms , the in-side of the thighs , or about the bottom of the calf of the legg will draw forth the venome . for the swelling under the ears , arm-pits , or in the groines , they must bee alwaies drawn forth , and ripened , and broke with all speed . pull off the feathers from the tails of living cocks , hens , pidgeons or chickens , and holding their bills , hold them hard to the botch or swelling , and so keep them at that part , until they dye , and by this means draw out the poyson ; it is good to apply a cupping-glass or embers in a dish , with a handful of sorrel upon the embers . to break the humours . take a great onion , hollow it , put into it a fig , rue cut small , and a dram of venice treacle , put it close stopped in a wet paper , and rost it in the embers . apply it hot unto the humour , lay three or four one after another , let one lye three hours . or , scabious and sorrel roste in the embers , mixed with a little strong leaven , and some barrows grease , and a little salt , will draw it and break it . or , take two or three rosted onions , a lilly root , or two rosted , a handful of scabious rosted , four or five figs , a piece of leaven , and a little rue , stamp all these together , if it bee too drie , put to it two ounces of oyle of lillies , or so much salt-butter , make a poultess , apply it hot , after it hath been three or four hours , take it off , and burne it , and apply a fresh poultesse of the same , if it prove hard to break , add a little burnt coperass to the poultess . or , take the flowers of elders two handfuls , rochet seed bruised one ounce , pidgeons dung three drams , stamp these together , put to them a little oyle of lillys , make thereof a poultess , apply it , and change it , as you did the former . to draw. when it is broken , to draw it , and heal it , take the yolk of an egge , one ounce of hony of roses , turpentine half an ounce , wheat flower a little , london treacle a dram and a half , mixe these well , spread it upon leather , change it twice a day , or take diachylon cum gummis . for the carbuncle . apply an actual or potential cautery , laying a defensative of bole-armoniack , or terra sigillata , mixed with vinegar and the white of an egge , round about the tumor , but not upon it . take three or four cloves of garlick , rue half a handful , four figs , strong leaven , and the soot of a chimney in which wood hath been burnt , of each half an ounce , mustard-seed two drams , salt a dram and a half , stamp these well together , and apply it hot to the sore , you may put thereto a little salt-butter , if it be to dry . or this , take leaven half an ounce , radish roots , the bigger the better , an ounce and an half , mustard-seed two drams , onions and garlick roasted , of each two drams and a half , venice treacle , mithridatum three drams , mixe these in a morter , apply it hot thrice a day to the sore . but these sores cannot bee well ordered and cured , without the personal care of a discreet chirurgion . take of scabious two handfuls , stamp it in a stone morter with a pestel of stone , if you can get any such , then put into it of old swines greace salted , two ounces , and the yolk of an egg , stamp them well together and lay part of this warm to the sore . take of the leaves of mallows , of cammomel-flowers , or either of them , a handfull , of lin-seed beaten into a powder two ounces , boyl the mallow-leaves first cut , and the flowers of cammomel in fair water , standing about a fingers breadth , boyl all them together , till the water bee almost spent : then put thereunto the lin-seed , of wheat flower half a handful , of swines-greace , the skins taken away , three ounces , of oyle of lillies two ounces . stir them still with a stick , and let them all boyl together on a soft fire without smoak , until the water bee utterly spent , beat them all together in a morter until they bee well incorporated , and in feeling smooth , and not rough , then take part thereof hot in a dish , set upon a chafingdish of coals , and lay it thick upon a linnen cloath , applying it to the sore . take a white onion cut in pieces , of fresh butter three ounces , of leaven the weight of twelve pence , of mallows one handful , of scabious , if it may bee had , one handful , of cloves of garlick the weight of twentipence , boil them on the fire in sufficient water , and make a poultesse of it , and lay it warme to the sore . another . take two handfuls of valerian , three roots of dane-wort , an handful of smallage or lovage , seeth them all in butter and water , and a few crums of bread , and make a poultess thereof , and lay it warm to the sore till it break . another . if you cannot have these hearbs , it is good to lay a loaf of bread to it , hot , as it cometh out of the oven , ( which afterward shall bee burnt , or buried in the earth , ) or the leaves of scabious or sorrel rosted , or two or three lilly roots rosted under embers , beaten and applyed . quest . is it lawful to depart from our own place , and habitation in time of plague ? ans . provided a man be not tyed by the relation of a husband to a wife , a father to his children , a master to his family , a governour and over-seer of good order in the place he lives in , and bee otherwise free , hee may fly . for , 1 the departure of some may bee a means in an infectious aire , to keep the infection from violence ; much fuel where fire is kindled increaseth the fervour and violence of the fire , multitudes of people to an infected place , are as fuel to the fire of pestilence . 2 such by escaping , provide for their own safety , without prejudice to others ; for what prejudice can it be , that such as are not by any particular bond tyed to them that tarry , to leave those that are infected ? 3 the departure of some , may make much to the benefit and advantage of such as tarry , for they have the better opportunity of sending succour to them , this was one reason why the people would not have david go into the field , that hee might succour them out of the city . 4 it is permitted to such , in time of persecution to fly ; yea , and in time of war , why not in time of plague ? the plague is an immediate stroke of god , whereby such as he hath appointed to death are stricken . answ . i grant it to bee an extraordinary disease , but not immediate ; the kinde of the disease , and the effects thereof on mans body , do shew , that it is no more immediate than many other diseases ; if because such as are appointed to death , are strucken with it , means of escaping it might not bee used , no means for avoiding any judgement might bee used ; for the infection of it , let experience determine that case . object . 2. is it a fruit of faithlesseness to shun the plague . answ . no more then to shun other dangers ; men may indeed upon distrust fly , but that shews the frailty of the person , not the unlawfulnesse of the action . object . 3. if some fly , all may fly , and so the sick left without succour . answ . 1. some are more bound to venture the hazard than others ; as magistrates , for keeping good orders , ministers for feeding the soul , near of kindred for looking to their bodies ; such as are under command , as children and servants . 2 others are not so subject to infection : as aged . 3 others are not of such use , but may better bee spared : as the poorer and meaner sort . a discourse of fleeing or stay in the time of pestilence , whether lawful for ministers or people ? by bishop hall. how many hath a seduced conscience led untimely to the grave ? i speak of this sad occasion of pestilence ? the angel of god follows you , and you doubt , whether you shall fly , if a lyon out of the forrest should pursue you , you would make no question , yet could hee do it unsent ; what is the difference ? both instruments of divine revenge ; both threaten death , one by spilling the blood , the other by infecting it ; who knows whether hee hath not appointed your zoan out of the lists of this destruction , you say it is gods visitation ; what evil is not ? if war have wasted the confines of your countrey , you save your throats by flight , why are you more favourable to gods immediate sword of pestilence ; every leprosie by gods law , requires a separation , yet no mortal sickness , when you see a noted leper proclaim his uncleanness in the street ; will you embrace him for his sake that hath stricken him , or avoid him for his sake , that hath forbidden you ? if you honour his rod , much more will you regard his precept ; if you mislike not the affliction , because hee sends it , then love the life , which you have of his sending ; fear the judgement which he will send , if you love it not , hee that bids us fly when wee are persecuted , hath neither excepted angel nor man ; whether soever i fear , our guiltinesse , if wilfully wee fly not ; but whither shall wee fly from god , say you ? where shall hee not both finde and lead us ? whither shall not our destiny follow us ? vain men , wee may run from our home , not from our graves ; death is subtil , our time is set ; wee cannot , god will not alter it ; alass , how wise wee are to wrong our selves ? because death will over take us , shall we run and meet him , because gods decree is sure , shall wee bee desperate , shall wee presume , because god changeth not ; why do not we try every knife and cord , since our time is neither capable of prevention , nor delay : our end is set , not without our means , in matter of danger , where the end is not known , the means must bee suspected , in matter of hope , where the end is not known , means must bee used : use then freely the means of your flight , suspect the danger of your stay ; and since there is no particular necessity of your presence , know , that god bids you depart and live : you urge the instance of your minister , how unequally , there is not more lawfulness in your flight , then sin in ours ; you are your own wee our peoples , you are charged with a body which you may not willingly lose , nor hazard by staying ; wee with all their souls , which to hazard by absence is to lose our own ; wee must love our lives ; but not when they are rivals with our souls , or with others . how much better is it to bee dead , then negligent , then faithlesse : if some bodies be contagiously sick , shall all souls bee wilfully neglected ? there can bee no time wherein good counsel can bee so seasonable , so needful , every threatning finds impression , where the minde is prepared by sensible judgements . when will the iron hearts of men bow , if not when they are heat in the flame of gods affliction , now then to run away from a necessary and publick good , to avoid a doubtful and private evil , is to run into a worse evil then wee would avoid , he that will thus run from ninive to tarshish , shall finde a tempest , and a whale in his way , not that i dare be an authour to any of the private visitation of infected beds . i dare not without better warrant , no , whoever said , wee were bound to close up the dying eyes , of every departing christian , and upon what-ever conditions to hear their last groans ; if we had a word , i would not dilate of the success , then that there were cowardliness , which now is wisdome ; is it no service that wee publickly teach and exhort , that we privately prepare men for death , and arm them against it ? that our comfortable letters , and messages stir up their fainting hearts , that our loud voices pierce their ears afar ; unlesse wee feel their pulses , and lean upon their pillows , and whisper in their ears : daniel is in the lyons den ; is it nothing that darius speaks comfort to him thorow the grates , unlesse hee go in to salute him , amongst those fierce companions ? a good minister is the common good , hee cannot make his life peculiar to one , without injury to many , in the common cause of the church , hee must bee no niggard of his life , in the private cause of a neighbours bodily sickness , hee may soon bee prodigal , a good father may not spend his substance on one childe , and leave the rest beggars . if any man bee resolute in the contrary , i had rather praise his courage , then imitate his practice . i confesse , i fear not so much death , as want of warrant for death . quest . how far publick persons are bound to visit particular men under the infection . ans . i find no ground in sacred scriptures to bind publick persons to hazard their life in particular mens cases , they are set over a society , not over one or two particular persons : indeed every particular member of a society , belongs to their charge , and they ought to do what they can to the good of every particular member under their charge , so far as may stand with the good of the whole body , and prove no prejudice thereto . but if by visiting particular persons , they should bee infected , and by that infection their life taken away , would not this prove a prejudice and dammage to the whole body ; is it the way , is it the calling , of a publick person to go into a particular mans house that is infected ? private persons may every where bee found out competently enabled to do such duties as are requisite to bee done to such as are visited with the sickness ; or at least fit persons , that have not publick employments may bee chosen out , and set apart to visit the sick , in contagious places , to comfort them , and to see all things meet for them , duely performed . quest . and whether they may substitute others in their places ? ans . questionless difference may be put betwixt persons , some magistrates are of such use in a common-wealth , as it is meet they bee , as as much as lyeth in man , preserved from danger , on this ground , when david the king would have gone out with his souldiers to battel , the people answered : thou shalt not go forth , thou art worth ten thousand of us . wherefore eminent , excellent persons may bee exempted from abiding in dangerous places , and others substituted in their name and stead , to preserve peace , keep good order , and provide necessaries ; provided , that they who are substituted bee able , and willing , to perform the duties whereunto they bee deputed : the like may bee said of ministers , yea , of husbands , parents , masters , and the like : to leave a wife , a childe , a servant , infected with an infectious disease , to the tendance of others that are fit and willing to do that duty , and faithful in what they undertake , is not to forsake wife , childe , or servant . quest . how bold christians ought to bee in dangers in the time of a plague , when they have a good calling . a good calling is that way wherein god by his divine providence setteth a man , and wherein hee hath appointed him to walk , in that way he hath given his angels charge over him to keep him ; where we have the angels to minister for us , and to encamp round about us ; what need wee to fear ? they will either keep us safe from danger in this world , or if it seem good to god , to take us out of this world , they will carry our souls into heaven , as they did the soul of lazarus . for application of this point , it is requisite that wee bee well instructed by gods word , in the kinde of our calling , whether it be lawful and warrantable , or no , as for extraordinary callings , they must bee warranted by an extraordinary spirit , which is rare , if at all in these daies , but ordinary callings , have their express warrant in gods word . as the callings of magistrates , ministers , souldiers , husbands and wives , parents and children , masters and servants , nurses , and helpers in all kinde of necessities ; these may , these must in their place and calling expose themselves to danger , for performing the work which by vertue of their place belongeth unto them ; captains and souldiers , must stand against enemies , though thereby they endanger their lives ; magistrates must abide in cities , and other places diseased or infected with contagious diseases , to see good order kept , to take order for supply of such necessaries as are fit for all sorts , though by abiding there , they be in danger . so ministers must abide in such places , to instruct , direct , comfort and encourage the people under their charge . so husbands and wives , being one flesh , must have such a tender respect each of other , as not to forsake one another for fear of infection , or other like danger ; servants also , nurses and others , that in such cases take upon them , or by publick authority , are appointed to bee helpers , to such as are infected with the plague , or any other contagious and infectious disease , are bound to attend such persons , and abide by them , yea , though it bee with danger of their own lives ; for it is necessary that such persons bee looked unto : to forsake and leave them , that are not able to help themselves , is more than barbarous inhumanity ; it is necessary that some abide by them , who are more bound than they that have an especial calling thereto ? they with greatest confidence may depend on gods special providence for protection from infection , if they be infected and dye , they with greatest comfort may yeild up their souls into gods hands , as dying in that place wherein god hath set them , in these cases , god hath called them to venture their lives for their brethren ▪ and thereby to give evidence of their true brotherly love . of old , christians were so charitable in relieving such as were visited with the plague , as willingly they hazarded their own lives ; for proof whereof , i will here set down , what dionysius bishop of alexandria reporteth , in an epistle to the brethren in aegypt . many of our brethren by reason of their great love , and brotherly charity , sparing not themselves , cleaved one to another , visited the sick of the plague , and attended upon them diligently , cured them in christ , which cost them their lives ; and being full of other mens maladies , took the infection of their neighbours , and translated of their own accord , the sorrows of their neighbours , upon themselves , fulfilling indeed the common saying : that friendship , is alwaies to be retained ; and departing this life , they seemed the off scouring of others . in this sort , the best of our brethren departed this life , whereof some were ministers , some deacons , in great reverence among the common people ; so that this kinde of death for their great piety and strength of faith , may seem to differ nothing from martyrdome , for they took the dead bodies of the saints , whose breasts , and faces , and hands , lay upwards , and closed their eyes , shut their mouths , and joyntly with one accord , being like affectioned , embraced them , washed them , and prepared their funerals , their own being a little while afterward ; in all likely-hood prepared by others , for the living continually traced the steps of the dead , the wicked on the contrary , scarce had the pestilence among them , but they diverted themselves , and fled from their most loving and dearest friends , throwing them half dead in the streets ; the dead they left unburied , to bee devoured of dogges , to the end , they might avoid death , which they could not escape . quest . how men are to fly into the country , or from one place unto another , in a time of infection . 1 no man should ( according to the physitians advice , 1603. ) depart his house , except it were an house not inhabited , and to an house of such distance , as that hee may conveniently travel thither without lying by the way , much lesse that hee send his children or servants ; and this with the approbation of the overseers , under their hands . 2 such as removed into the country , before their houses were visited , had certificates from the over-seers of the parish , under their hands and seals , testifying that they were not visited before their removal ; by vertue whereof , they travelled the more freely into the countrey , and were the more readily entertained . 3 whosoever refused to stay within , when shut up , were to bee proceeded against as felons , if the sores were upon them uncured ; and as vagabonds , if they were not upon them . 4 the master of each family whereinto an infectious person is privately received , and where-from hee privately steals , was severely punished . king james his proclamation and order , against all such as held , a man should not fly from the plague , because if it were decreed , a man should dye of the plague , he could not escape it , and if not , hee need not fear it . item , if there bee any person ecclesiastical , or lay , that shall hold or publish any opinions ( as in some places report is made ) that it is a vain thing to forbear resorting to the infected ; or that it is not charitable , to forbid the same ; pretending , that no persons shall dye , but at their time prefixed : such persons shall not onely be reprehended , but by order of the bishop , ( if they be ecclesiastical ) shall bee forbidden to preach , or being lay , shall bee also enjoyned to forbear to utter , such dangerous opinions , upon pain of imprisonment , which shall be executed , if they shall persevere in that errour : and yet , it shall appear manifestly by these orders , that according to christian charity , no persons of the meanest degrée , shall bée left without succour and relief . quest . in what cases are the godly involved in common calamities with the wicked ? answ . the godly are involved in the same judgements with the wicked , 1 when they make themselves accessary to the common provocations , that pull down common judgements , rev. 18.4 . nay , the sins of gods people , do ( especially in this case ) more provoke him unto outward judgements , than the sins of his professed enemies ; because they expose his name to the more contempt , 2 sam. 12.8 . and are committed against the greater love , amos 3.2 . and god hath future judgements for the wicked ; and therefore usually beginneth here at his own sanctuary , ezek. 9.6 . 1 pet. 4.17 . 2 when the wise god knoweth , that greater evils would befall them , if they should then escape ; see 2 king. 23.29 . 2 king. 22.20 . 3 when the just lord will shew the fierceness of his wrath , how far the wicked hath provoked him , to aggravate the judgement , he taketh away therewith , who are as chariots and horsemen , while they remain , thus was good jonathan taken away , who if hee had lived , might have been a means of preserving the house of saul from utter ruine ; though david had been king , the death of righteous jonathan much aggravated the sin of saul , and the judgement that followed thereupon . 4 when the lord to whom vengeance belongeth , will give the wicked an occasion to expect sure and sore vengeance , then hee maketh his saints a sign , and an example unto them ; thus hee caused a lyon to slay the man of god , that was seduced by a lying prophet , to transgress the word of god. in this case saith the apostle , judgement must begin at the house of god ; and if hee first begin at us , what shall bee the end of them that obey not the gospel of god ? 5 when good men who have preserved themselves from publick sins , do yet fall by publick judgments , yet there is a great difference in this seeming equality , the same affliction having like the pillar that went before israel , a light side towards gods people , and a dark side towards the aegyptians ; god usually recompencing the outward evils of his people , with more plentiful evidences of inward and spiritual joy , a good man may be in great darknesse as well as a wicked man , but in that case , hee hath the name of god to stay himself upon , which no wicked man in the world hath ; isa . 50.10 . the mettal and the dross go both into the fire together , but the dross is consumed , the mettal refined , so it is with godly and wicked men in their sufferings , zach. 3.3.9 . eccles . 8.12 , 13. quest . how the godly may avoid the judgements brought upon the wicked . they that would avoid the judgements that fall on the wicked , must avoid communion with them ; for this end , did god cause an ark to bee made for noah and his family to go into , from the old world , that so they might bee preserved from the general deluge , and sent his angels , to bring lot , and such as belonged to him , out of sodom ; to this purpose , the people of god were advised to remove out of the midst of babylon , and to deliver every man his soul , which advise is also given , in regard of spiritual babylon to come out of her , and that on this ground , that they receive not her plagues ; saints by separating themselves from the wicked in time of judgement , shew their care to use what means they can for preventing mischief , which is a point of wisdome , commended by the holy ghost , who giveth this note of a wise man , a prudent man foreseeth the evil , and hideth himself ; but the simple pass on , and are punished . this care of using means for safety , and in the use of means , to depend on god for his blessing , is well pleasing to god. god had promised that none in the ship with paul should be lost ; yet when some of the ship-men were about to leave the ship. paul said , except these men abide in the ship , ye cannot be saved . all lawful and warrantable means are the visible hand of god's invisible providence : to reject or neglect means , is to refuse to take god by the hand when he reacheth it out unto us , and to follow his visible direction . it is therefore foolish presumption , rather than a prudent resolution , either to accompany those that are as it were in the fire of god's judgement , or not to go from them when a fair and warrantable opportunity is offered . this is taxed as a point of folly in lot's sons in law. jehosaphat too much failed herein ; he heard the prophet say that ahab should fall at ramoth gilead , and yet he would accompany him thither ; it had almost cost him his life : yet hath god his wayes and means to deliver the righteous , in the forementioned cases , and all other cases whatsoever . as , 1. by visible preservations of them from external judgements : as ebed-melech was preserved . 2. by taking them from the evil to come . this was before exemplified in good josiah . 3. by ordering the judgement so , as it proves a means to them to honour god the more , and to do more good to such as are better prepared to accept the good which they do . thus was ezekiel carried away to babel in the first captivity , that he might prophesie in babylon to the jews there , who were counted good figgs in comparison of the jews that were at jerusalem , who were as evil figgs . 4. by making the judgement a means of their peace , honour , and eternal prosperity in this world . thus the captivity of daniel , and his three companions ; and of esther and mordecai , was a means of higher honour , and greater advancement , than they could in all probable conjectures have attained unto in their own land : they were also thereby special instruments of doing much good to the church ; and their names by that means are more honourable to this day in the church of god. 5. by taking them by an external judgement from earth to heaven , where they live being dead ; yea , by making the judgement a means to free them from eternal damnation , of such as by some extraordinary judgement dyed ( for 't is said of them , many sleep ) the apostle saith , when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world . blessed be that sword , though it be the sword of a mortal enemy , that openeth a passage in the body for the soul to enter into heaven . and blessed be that sickness , though it be the plague , that thrusteth the soul out of the bodies prison , to celestial glory and eternal life : and they may say , we had perished , if we had not perished . be not affrighted , o ye righteous ones , be not affrighted over-much at the judgements , though they be terrible judgements , which fall out in the world ; though by reason of the multitudes of wicked ones among whom ye live in this world , ye be every one forced to complain and cry , wo is me that i sojourn in mesech , that i dwell in the tents of kedar : and to wish and say , o that i had in the wilderness a lodging-place of wayfaring men , that i might leave my people : yet can the lord single you out , and when he comes to sweep with the beesome of destruction , set you aside , and as a few precious jewels in the midst of a great heap of rubbish , sift them out , and preserve them safe to himself , when the rubbish is cast away . it is said of christ , that he will thorowly purge his floor , and gather his wheat into his garner , but will burn up the chaff with unquenchable fire . men when they fan their corn cannot do it so thorowly clean , but that some chaffe or tares will remain with the wheat , and some wheat be cast out with the chaffe : witness the offal that remains after the best fanning that men can make : but god's fanning is a thorow fanning ; not a grain , not a saint shall be over-slipt . this is indeed most properly meant of the last fanning of the world at the day of judgement : yet in the mean time doth the lord take notice of every one of his , to provide for them , and in the most common and general judgements doth that which in his wisdome he seeth to be fit for them . when elijah thought he had been left alone in israel , god knew many more , yea he could tell the just number of them : thou mayest therefore , o faithful one , say of the lord , he is my refuge and fortress , my god , in him will i trust . surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler , and from the noysome pestilence , &c. in the midst of judgements pronounced against sinners that are obstinate , god doth reserve and proclaim mercy unto sinners that are penitent . when a consumption is decreed , yet a remnant is reserved to return , isa . 10.22 , 23. the lord will keep his vineyard , when he will burn up the thorns and the bryers together : isa . 27.3 , 4. when a day of fierce anger is determined , the meek of the earth are called upon to seek the lord , zeph. 2.3 . when the lord is coming out of his place to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity , he calls upon his people to hide themselves in their chambers , until the indignation be over-past ; isa . 26.20 , 21. the angel which was sent to destroy sodom , had withall a commission to deliver lot , gen. 19.15 . god made full provision for those who mourned for publick abominations , before he gave order to destroy the rest , ezek. 9.4 , 6. men in their wrath will many times rather strike a friend , than spare a foe ; but god's proceedings are without disorder ; he will rather spare his foes , than strike his servants ; as he shewed himself willing to have done in the case of sodom , gen. 18.26 . moses stood in the gap , and diverted judgements from israel , psal . 106.23 . yea god seeks for such , ezek. 22.30 . and complains when they cannot be found , ezek. 13.15 . and if he deliver others for them , certainly he will not destroy them for others . however it go with the world , and with wicked men , it shall go well with the righteous ; there shall be a sanctuary for them when others stumble , and they shall pass through the fire when others shall be consumed by it , psal . 3.10 , 11. isa . 8.14 , 15 , 16. zech. 13.8 , 9. reasons hereof are , god's justice ; he will not punish the righteous with the wicked ; he will have it appear that there is a difference between him that serveth god , and him that serveth him not , gen. 8.23 . mal. 3.18 . gods love unto his people , hee hath book of remembrance written before him , for them that fear him , and think upon his name ; and they shall bee mine , saith the lord of hosts ; in that day when i make up my jewells , and i will spare them as a man spareth his own son that serveth him , mal. 3.16 , 17. here is a climax and gradation of arguments , drawn from love in a great fire , and devouring trouble , ( such as is threatned , chap. 4.1 . ) property alone is a ground of care , a man would willingly save and secure that which is his own , and of any use unto him . but if you add to this , preciousness ; that increaseth the care ; a man will make a hard shift to deliver a rich cabinet of jewels , though all his ordinary goods and utensils should perish , but of all jewels , those that come out of the body are more precious than those that onely adorn it ; who would not rather snatch his childe , than either his kasket or his purse out of the flame ? relation workes not onely upon the affection , but upon the bowels ; jer. 31.20 . and lastly , the same excellency that the word jewel doth adde unto the word mine ; the same esteem doth service , adde unto the word , son ; a man hath much conflict in himself to take off his heart from an undutiful childe , but if any bee more a jewel than others , certainly , it is a dutiful childe , who hath not onely an interest in our love , by nature , but by obedience . all these grounds of care and protection for gods people in trouble are here expressed , property , they are mine , in preciousnesse , they are jewells , in relation , they are sons , usefulness , they are sons that serve . lastly , gods name and glory : he hath spared his people in the midst of their provocations for his names sake , deut. 33.26 , 27. jos . 7.9 . how much more , when they repent and seek his face ? hee will never let it bee said , that any seeks his face in vain . isa . 45.19 . the way to be safe in times of trouble , is to get the blood of the lamb upon our doors : all troubles have their commission and instruction from god , what to do , whither to go , whom to touch , whom to pass over . bee gold , though the fire come upon you , you shall keep your nature , and your purity still . it should be every mans chief businesse to clear up the evidences of his particular title and relation unto this great governour of the world : and this will bee the surest means to set us above the fear , or hurt of all outward changes . wee see with what artifice and compliance men will insinuate themselves , into the affection of those , ( who according to the several revolutions ) are advanced into places of power . of how much greater advantage would it bee , to get an interest in his favour , who doth , and shall alwaies , rule over the sons of men , having all times at his disposal , out of whose hands , no strength or policy , shall ever be able to wrest the sway and dominion of things ? it cannot but afford strong consolation , unto every true believer , to consider , that hee who hath the chief influence in all these great changes , and variety of events in the world , is both his god , and his father . how would it compose mens mindes and thoughts otherwise disquieted , and dejected , either by want of this evidence , or by the neglect of applying it to enjoy such an assurance of an interest in god , as to have him for their strength and refuge , though the earth bee removed , and the mountains bee carried into the midst of the sea , though the waters thereof roar , and be troubled , and the mountains shake with the swellings thereof , so that there can bee no distresse , against which there was not a refuge and an escape for them , when penitent , unto some promise or other . against captivity , when they be in the land of their enemies , i will not cast them away , nor abhor them ; levit. 26.44 . against famine and pestilence ; if i shut up heaven that there bee no rain , or if i command locusts to devour the land , or if i send pestilence among my people ; if my people which are called by my name , shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked waies ; then will i hear from heaven , and will forgive their sin , and will heal their land , 2 chron. 7.13 , 14. against sicknesse , the lord will strengthen them upon the bed of languishing , and make all his bed in his sickness ; psal . 41.3 . against poverty , when the poor and needy seek water and there is none ; i the lord will hear them , isa . 41.17 . psal . 68.10 . against want of friends , when my father and mother forsake mee , then the lord will take mee up , psal . 127.10 . psal . 72.12 . against oppression and imprisonment ; hee executeth judgement for the oppressed , he looseth the prisoners , psal . 146.7 . against whatsoever plague or trouble , 1 king. 8.37 , 38 , 39. hee is the god of all consolation , how disconsolate soever a mans condition is in any kinde , there cannot but within the compass of all consolation , be some one , or other remedy at hand , to comfort and relieve him . mixture of the godly with the wicked is a stay of judgement . when god was about to destroy sodom , he saith to lot , haste thee ; i can do nothing till thou be gone . good josiah was a stay of those judgements which god had threatned to bring upon jerusalem for the sins of manasseh . had there been but ten righteous men in sodom , surely it had not been then destroyed when it was : abraham intimates the reason hereof in this rhetorical communication with god , vvilt thou destroy the righteous with the wicked ? that be far from thee : shall not the judge of all the world do right ? the supreme lord of all hath such respect to his faithful ones , as he will rather spare many wicked ones for a few righteous ones , than destroy a few righteous ones with many wicked ones . behold here a means of god's patience and long-suffering in the world : which is that mixture of holy ones with the elect , and were such as are sanctified taken out of the world , soon would there be an end of all . many nations , cities , towns , and other societies are spared for some faithful saints therein . this surely is the reason of god's much forbearance towards this land , this city of london , and other places in this kingdome . there is a remnant of righteous persons , these hold up their hands to god ordinarily and extraordinarily : to their persons , to their prayers hath the lord such respect , as they do in a manner hold him , as moses held god when it was in his mind utterly to destroy all the children of israel that came out of aegypt . god gave to paul all them that sayled with him . it is said that a little before heidelberg in the upper palatinate was taken , their faithful ministers were all taken away . o the ungratefulness of the wicked in the world , thorow god's favour to the saints here and there dispersed in the world ; they that live and enjoy any comforts in the world , are beholding to those saints for their peace , plenty , safety , honours , wealth , liberties , livings , and life it self : yet in the world who more hated , scorned , reproached , evilly entreated , and persecuted in the world ? is not this more then monstrous ingratitude ? but how beholding to god are these saints , to whom the lord ( who is beholding to none ) beareth such respect , as not onely to spare them , but , for their sakes , those among whom they live ? the several names the greeks and latines gave the plague : describing also two sorts of this contagious sickness . that which we call in english the plague , is known in latin by pestis or pestilentia , in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pernities seu exitium , a deadly fretting . our english word signifieth , a sharp punishment of what kinde soever . in that sense , we read many were the plagues inflicted on the aegyptians : we are apt , when offended by any , to say , well , i will plague you for this . hippocrates calleth this distemper , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morbus epidemicus , an universal or popular disease . thus much for the name : in the next place take notice , there are two sorts of plagues ; the one simple , the other putrid . the simple plague is the very influence of the striking angel , executing the vengeance of god on the bodies of men . this kinde of plague ariseth from no distemper of blood , putrefaction of humours , or influence of stars , but falleth meerly from the stroke of god's punishing angel ( such were the plagues of old , as you may read in exodus 12. & numb . 11.16 , 25. also 2 samuel 24. 2 kings 19. ) whereof some die suddenly , without any precedent or foregoing complaint , or conceit of infection . others again , though they be sick before they die , yet their first taking hath been after an extraordinary manner . some whereof i have talkt with , who have ingenuously confest , they at their first infection felt themselves manifestly stricken , being sensible of a blow suddenly given them ; some on the head and neck ; others on the back and side , &c. sometimes so violently , that they have been as it were knockt down to the ground , remaining for a time sensless , whereof some have died instantly , others in a short time after ; and those that did recover , escaped without humane help or means . for this kinde of plague , as it is rare , so it is by all art of man incurable . therefore no method but repentance , no medicine but prayer can avert or heal this stroke . of all antidotes for the body , that triacle is the best esteemed which is made of the flesh of earthly serpents : but for the soul , that only which is made of the blood of the brazen serpent , which was lifted up on the cross for our sins . he that by a lively faith applieth the benefit of our blessed saviours sufferings to the plague-sore of his soul , shall undoubtedly recover , ( if not health here , yet ) heaven hereafter . the putrid plague is a popular feaver , venemous and infectious , striking chiefly ( when first seizing the body ) at the very heart , and for the most part is accompanied with some swelling , which is either called a blain , a botch or carbuncle ; or else with spots , called gods tokens . this comes of putrefaction of blood and humours in the body , which it pleaseth god sometimes to make the instrument of his punishing justice , mixing it with the simple plague before-mentioned . this putrefaction may be caused by the influence of the stars , who do undoubtedly work upon all sublunary bodies . for astrologers are of opinion , that if saturn and mars have dominion ( especially under aries , s●gittarius , and capricorn ) a plague or pestilence is shortly to be expected : or , if these two ( before-named ) most malevolent planets be in opposition to jupiter , according to the poet : coelitus imbuitur tabe difflatilis aura , mars quando objicitur falcitonensque jovi . when mars in opposition is to jove , the air will be infected from above . the winds likewise are led into their motions by the starry-course ; the planets ( especially the sun ) by extracting the earths exhalations ( which are the substance of the windes ) do set them so on work : and the windes , some are naturally wholesom , others unwholesom . the south-winde blowing from the meridian , is of nature hot and moist , and full of showers . now when by the influence of the stars this winde bloweth long , and bringeth continual rain , it causeth much moisture in all airy and earthly bodies ; and so much the more , by how much the milder it is . this moisture being in such abundance , cannot be digested nor attenuated by the suns beams or heat , and therefore setling together , it must needs putrifie ; and that so much the sooner , because the heat of the sun ( not being able to extract all ) doth inflame what remains ; by which inflammation the putrifaction becomes the greater . in this manner are the windes in cause : and moreover , they do sometimes transfer the contagion from one region to another ; as hippocrates affirmeth the plague to be brought over the sea from aethiopia into greece by the south-winde . now if the stars be pestilentially bent against us , neither arts nor arms , perfumes nor prayers , can prevail with them ; who have neither pity , sense , nor power to alter their motions appointed them by the omnipotent creator . but he that commandeth their course , and altereth them at his pleasure ; he that made the sun and moon stand still for joshua , and drew the sun ten degrees back for hezekiah , and caused the stars to fight in their courses against sisera ; he , and he alone is able to heal all infections that can arise from their influences . other causes there are also of this putrid plague ; namely , corrupt and unwholesom feeding , all sorts of unsavory stenches , proceeding either from carrion , ditches , rotten dunghils , vaults , sinks , nasty kennels and streets ( strewed with all manner of filth ) seldom cleansed . wherefore i cannot but justly applaud the prudence of the right honourable the present lord mayor , in taking so much care , and giving such strict order , that the kennels and streets be very frequently swept and kept sweet , every one throwing fair water before his own door thrice a day , to cool as well as cleanse : a good primary way for prevention of any ensuing general infection : he wisely advised that said , principiis obsta , hinder beginnings . these foetid smells ( as i said ) are the maintaining causes of the contagion after it is begun . corpora foeda jacent , vitiantur odoribus aurae . if stinking bodies lie , then hence i see , the air will with their stench corrupted be . so likewise the unseasonableness of the weather , quum tempestiva intempestivè redduntur , saith hippocrates ; when the weather is unseasonable for the season of the year , being hot when it should be cold , ( very hot one day , and in the like measure cold the next ) moist when it should be dry , and so on the contrary . now this kind of plague is by art curable , in as many as god pleaseth to bless the means to : for this therefore i intend to prescribe a course of physick , such as both my much reading , and also my practice and manifest experience in this sickness hath preferred to my best approbation ; wherein i will first open the way of preservation ; after that , shew the signes of being infected ; and lastly , the course of cure . who are most subject to infection . in the way of preservation , it is first necessary to be considered , whether the plague be infectious or not ; and then , who are most or least subject ( according to natural reason ) to receive this infection . this putrid plague is ( as i have said in the definition ) venemous and infectious , best known by experience . by venom or poyson , the reader is to understand something that hath in it a dangerous subtle quality , that is able to corrupt the substance of a living body , to the destruction or hazard of the life thereof . this working is apparent in this sickness , by his secret and insensible insinuation of himself into the vital spirits ; to which , as soon as he is gotten , he sheweth himself a mortal enemy , offering with sudden violence to extinguish them . his subtle entrance , slie cruelty , and swift destroying ; the unfaithfulness of his crisis , and the other prognostick signes , with the vehemency , grievousness and ill behaviour of his symptoms , do all declare by manifest proofs his venemous quality : for in this disease the urine and sweat have a loathsome and abominable savour , the breath stinks and is noisom ; ill colour'd spots , pustles , blisters , swellings , and ulcers full of filthy matter arise in the outward parts of the body ; such , as no superfluity or sharpness of humours , nor any putrefaction of matter ( without a venemous quality joyned with it ) can possibly produce . now though this disease may be acknowledged by the learned to be venemous , yet some ignorant persons may say it is not infectious . to satisfie such , i define infection or contagion to be that which infecteth another with his own quality by touching it ; whether the medium of the touch be corporeal , spiritual , or an airy breath . of this kinde there are divers diseases that are infectious , though not so deadly as the plague : as the itch and scabbiness , warts , measels , small-pox , and that which is venereal too , called morbus gallicus ; these by rubbing and corporeal touches do infect : also sore eyes do by their spirituous beams infect others eyes ; and the ptisick or putrified lungs , do by their corrupt breath infect others that are sound . but the plague infects by all these wayes ; and such sick bodies infect the outward air , and that air again infects other bodies : for there is a seminary tincture full of a venemous quality , that being very thin and spirituous , mixeth it self with the air ; and piercing the pores of the body , entreth with the same air , and mixeth it self with the humours & spirits of the same body also : for proof of this , experience giveth us to understand , that garments , coffers , nay walls of chambers will a long time retain any strong scent wherewith they have been fumed . now the scent is meerly a quality , and his substance is the air , which is also the vehiculum wherein it is seated and conveyed . so doth the pestilent infection take hold , though not sensibly ( for the strongest poysons have little taste or smell ) yet certainly , as experience testifieth ; for garments and houshold-stuff have been infected , and have infected others . as fracastinus tells of a furr'd gown , that was the death of twenty five men in verona ( when that city was visited ) who one after another wore it , thinking still they had aired it sufficiently . and if alexander benedictus may be believed , feather-beds will keep the contagion seven years . other experiences we have also of living poultry , which being applied to the sores , were taken away dead , though no ways crushed or hurt in the least . but say some , then why is not one infected as well as another ? i have eaten in the same dish , drank in the same cup , and have lain in the same beds with infected persons , and then too , whilst their sores were running ; yet never had the plague in my life . by way of answer , there may be two special causes for this : the first and principal cause , is the protection of the almighty , which preserves some as miraculously , as his justice strikes others dreadfully . thus through his mercy he often preserves those that with faithful and conscionable care do their duties like christians about the sick , being warrantably called thereunto , and not thrusting themselves either presumptuously or rashly into the business , without a just and reason-rendring cause : for god hath given his angels charge over us , to keep us in all our ways , such as may be esteemed lawful . in the next place , every pestilential contagion is not of the same nature , nor hath equal conformity with every constitution , age , or manner of live : for some contagion is apt only to infect the sanguine complexion , some the cholerick , some the phlegmatick only ; some children , some youths , some those of ripe age , some antient people ; and where the seminary tincture hath no analogie , there will be none or very little infection . and first , those are most apt to be infected that have thin bodies and large open pores , and whose hearts are so hot , that they need much attraction of air to cool them ; also they whose veins and vessels are full of gross humours , the venemous matter being thick , and therefore unapt to breath through the pores , their putrefaction is increased by the inward heat , and so driven to malignity , and thence on-ward to a pestilent quality . hence those bodies that are moist and full of phlegmatick humours , whose veins are straight ( and therefore apter to intercept then entertain those well-concocted juices that would make the purest blood ) and the thickness of whose skin denyeth the transpiration of excrements ; these are easily polluted and infected . and such are women , especially women with child ; for their bodies are full of excrementitious humours , and much heat withal , which is as oyl and flame put together . also virgins , that are ripe for marriage , are apt to receive infection ; and being stricken , seldom or never escape without great means : quia spirituosum semen in motu eum sit facile succenditur ; vel quia intus detentum facile corrumpitur , & in veneni perniciem abit . their blood being hot , and their seed retain'd for want of copulation , the one will soon be inflam'd , the other corrupted ; from thence infection . also young children , in regard of their soft , tender , and moist bodies ; and likewise , because as their meats are moister , so they feed with more appetite then judgement . likewise , the more pure and delicate complexions , whose blood is finer and thinner then others , is so much the more apt to receive mutation ; and the contagion insinuates it self with more facility into all the humours ; but first and most easily into blood , choler next , more slowly into phlegm , but very seldom into melancholy . those that are very costive , and have not a frequent propensity to make water ; for the noisom vapours that are by these excrements engendred , make the body apt to infection . those that fast too long ( their bodies being empty ) receive more air in then they let out ; and ( their spirits being weakened for want of due nourishment ) they have less strength to resist the contagion . on the other side , gluttons and drunkards ( let them argue what they will for the filling of the veins , as they use to say , to keep out the evil air ) can never be free from crudities and distempered blood , which easily takes infection , as hippocrates testifies ; corpora impura quo magis aluntur , eo magis laeduntur ; impure bodies , the more they are nourished , the more they are endangered . poor people , by reason of their great want , living sluttishly , and feeding nastily and unwholesomly on any food they can with least cost purchase , have corrupted bodies ; and of all others , are therefore most subject to this sickness . at this present , most of those houses which are infected , are the habitations of poverty , in some obscure close place in the suburbs ; as towards st. giles's , &c. one house i know more especially by curfitors-alley , where the man , his wife and childe liv'd in a room that look'd more like , for bigness , a great chest then any thing else : they had not space enough ( according to the vulgar saying ) to swing a cat in ; so hot by reason of the closeness , and so nastily kept besides , that it even took away a mans breath to put his head but within the doors . in this house , all this little family died lately , in two dayes . the childe dying suddenly , the neighbours were afraid to come near them . the man having languished a long time , for want of air , as well as money , and he not able to stir out , and none coming to his relief , dyed quickly after . the woman being as big with child as she could tumble , seeing her child dead on the one side , and her husband in his cloaths on the other , and forsaken by all , fell in labour and dyed too , instantly . a very true and sad accident , which doubtless was occasioned by their loathsom living , but perfected by the cruelty of those that lived near them . furthermore , nearness of blood and kindred , by sympathy of nature , is another aptness . but old folks , whose bodies are cold and dry ; confident spirits , whose very courage is an antidote , if they keep their bodies clean by a regular course of life ; and those that have the gout , in whom the nobler parts of the body do expel the noxious humours to the ignobler , have the same benefit of non-infection ; as milch-nurses have , because their children suck the evil juices from them with their milk . these are in the way likely to escape ; but if the nurse be infected , the childe cannot recover it . lastly , they who keep themselves private , or have issues , ulcers , haemorrhoids , or women that have their courses abundantly , are least subject to infection ; because the hurtful humours are by those means drained away . what things are to be observed by every man that is desirous to preserve himself from the infection of the plague . by discovering to you the six strings of apollo's viol , i shall shew wherein consisteth the whole harmony of health ; which are air , meat and drink , repletion and evacuation , exercise and rest , sleep and watching : and lastly , the passions of the minde . if these be in tune , the body is sound ; but any of these too high wrested , or too much slackned ( that is , immoderately used ) makes a discord in nature , and puts the whole body a jarring . aer , esca , quies , repletio , gaudia , somnus ; haec moderata juvant , immoderata nocent . air , meat and rest , repletion , joys and sleep ; as they are us'd , an healthful body keep . or thus : sleep , joys , repletion , resting , air and food ; immoderate are bad , if moderate good . air we shall first begin with , since it is that we draw in with our breath continually , and we cannot live without it one minute ; for it is the food of our spirits , and therefore we had need take heed that the air we draw be pure and wholesom . the whole stream of opinion runs upon a cold and dry air ; so commending the north and east windes as most wholesom , and condemning the hot and moist air engendred by the south and west windes , as the fittest matter for infection , because most apt to putrefaction . so galen affirmeth , saying , that the hot and moist constitution of the air doth most of all breed pestilential diseases . from his mouth many modern authors have learned to speak the same thing : yet we know , that the hot and dry weather also may cause a contagious air . titus livius mentioneth in his decades , that rome was so infected by an hot and dry distemper of the air. it is not out of my remembrance , that the summer 1624. preceding the great sickness , was an extream dry and parching summer : i pray god this summer prove not a mother to a like contagion . now to avoid the mischiefs of an unwholesome air , take hippocrates his counsel ( in his treatise of humane nature ) walk abroad as little as may be , and as much as may be shun passing by any place infected ; but by no means would i advise any to flie , though the sickness should spread all over the city : for , in the last great visitation , many with daedalus did put on wings , that with icarus dropt down by the way . only my counsel is this : should the sickness increase , let every one keep himself as private as he may ; shun throngs of people , and all wet , close , and stinking places ; walk not abroad before , not after sun ; keep moderation between heat and cold in all things : yet rather incline to heat a little , because of drying up superfluous moistures . let not your houses be pestered with many lodgers ; and it is best for those that are able , to have change of beds and chambers to lie in , that the air in them may be kept free and sweet . keep every room daily very clean , and let there be no sluts corners ; let not water stand so long in any vessel as to putrifie , which in hot weather it will soon do . make fires every day in every room , in quantity according to the largeness of the room , and the temperature of the weather : perfume them in cold and moist weather with frankincense , storax , benjamin , pitch , rozin , lignum-aloes , lignum rhodium , juniper-wood , or the berries ; in hot and dry weather , with rose-water on a hot fire-shovel , or some such like cool fume , in a perfuming-pot : strew the windows and ledges with rue , worm-wood , lavender , marjoram , peniroyal , costmary , and such like , in cold weather ; but in hot , with primroses , violets , rose-leafs , borage , bugloss , and such cooling scents . for garments , avoid as much as may be , all leather , woollen and furr ; also velvets , plush , and shag ; but chuse such as may be watered , as chamlets , grograms , &c. for their gumminess excludeth infectious air best : shift your shirt often , and cloaths also ; and before you put them on again , perfume them well : be sure you take care that you buy not old cloaths , bedding , or such like stuff ; for the garments of infectious persons deceased , are usually put to sale , which oftentimes prove very dangerous to the buyer . carry in your mouth a piece of the pill of citron or lemmon ; a clove is of excellent use to that purpose : forget not to carry in your hand a lemmon stuck with cloves , sweet marjoram , lavender , balm , rue , or worm-wood , and thereunto smell frequently : i should commend for your use camphire , because it is accounted an excellent cool fume for ill airs ; but i would have those that have cold and weak stomacks to beware thereof , since such are very much weakned by the use of it . though dioscorides and cardan commend galbanum , burning of leather , and smelling to horse-dung ; yet my advice is to eschew unsavoury smells and stinking odours ; judging what are sweet and pleasant more proper , because they dilate , restore , and comfort the spirits , whereas the contrary do contract , and by repugning them , weaken the faculties . what manner of diet is to be observed for self-preservation . the next thing which we shall handle for preservation , is the due observation of diet for meat and drink . let your meat be always good and sweet , temperate , betwixt hot and cold , and not too moist or flashy , easie of digestion , and such as makes the best blood : if your purse cannot purchase turkey , capon , pullet , partridge , pheasant , pidgeons , larks , black-birds , thrushes , finches , &c. ( all which afford as much wholesom nourishment to the body , as pleasure to the taste ) feed then on beef , mutton , lamb , kid , and rabbits , &c. of fish , which should be eaten but seldom , although of the best kinde , those i approve , are fresh salmon , trout , barbel , shrimps , plaice and flounders , ( when they are firm ) smelts , mackerel , gudgeon , mullet , soal , gurnard both gray and red , lobster and cray-fish : but eeles and lampreyes , and all such as delight in mud , are to be avoided . turkeys and hens-eggs are very good . oyl and butter are kindes of antidotes against venom . let those who have hot constitutions , drink sometimes butter-milk or whay ; but more especially if it be clarified with cool hearbs : eat not fruits at any time , sparingly ; and then too , those which are , as cherries , plumbs , and goosberries , before they be full ripe ; also peaches , quinces , pomegranads , oranges , lemmons , medlars , cervices , mulberries , rasps , strawberries and currans , which being not ripe , are astringent , but at full maturity do loosen the body . but of wall-nuts , filberts , and small-nuts , the elder are the better : dryed fruits are also good , and so are pease , beans and artichoaks , which may be used sometimes by lean and spare bodies . the best roots , are onyons , leeks and radishes , for in these is great power and vertue against venom , yet offensive to hot heads and weak eyes . of hearbs , mints , rosemary , sage , and thime , and rue , with those hearbs afore-mentioned . for sallets and sauces , burrage and bugloss , violets , fennel , and especially sorrel , olives also and capers . as a plant , let me not forget to mention the inexpressible vertues of tobacco , the fume whereof hath been approved the most soveraign antidote against pestilential contagion : the truth hereof is in a great measure of late confirm'd by the practise of the most eminent , now taken for this very reason , by the advice of the best of physicians now extant , though not long since slighted and prohibited : a pipe taken fasting in the morning is the best time . these following likewise have an excellent property in them for this purpose : vinegar , verjuice , juice of lemmons and oranges , which for their dryness resist putrefaction ; and for their coolness , feavers . beware of cabbages , coleworts , lettice , pompions , musk-mellons and cucumbers ; for they are very dangerous meats in contagious times : neither can i approve of any other roots then garlick for rustick bodies ; and for others , only onyons , leeks and radishes , as i said before . let your flesh be roasted , for that is the wholesomest way of dressing it . either fry or boyl your fish : as for drink , you must take but as little as may well be born , of the best and purest . wine is the best liquor for weak stomacks and aged people : but let not youth meddle therewith , lest it breed in them inflammations , after which follows putrefaction , which is a fit host to entertain such an ill guest as the pestilence . wheaten bread of a day old , and a little leaven'd , is absolutely the best for healthy people : light biskets also with anise-seeds are very good . i cannot prescribe the strict quantity of eating and drinking , since i know not how to stint every mans stomack ; wherefore i shall let season , place , and custom bear some sway in these things ; only beware of cramming satiety , since meat and drink immoderately taken , cause sickness ; for from thence arise crudities , which breed new diseases . therefore let avicen advise you in these words : rise alwayes from meat with some remaining appetite ; for within a little time , as soon as the meat first eaten beginneth to digest , hunger will then cease . and hence it is , that some greedily following the sence of their appetite only , over-charge their stomacks , even to vomiting , before they feel themselves satisfied ; because though the vessel be over-full , yet appetite is not appeas'd , till concoction hath begun her work upon that which is already received . others may be taxed for the like immoderate drinking , so excessive therein , that it may be said of them , as valerius aurelianus the emperor was wont to say of bonosus a spaniard ; such are born not to live , but to drink . the dutch may yield up their seas of drinking , and strike sail to the english , acknowledging themselves inferiour to us in every thing . men now adayes care not , though they lose their own good names , provided they may get new ones ; as dam-me blades & hectors , who rise to drink , then drink to fall : after this , sleep of necessity , and ere they are half sober , fall a drinking , and be drunk again . if any of that luxurious sect be at this time sober , let them but listen to the testimonies of learned experience , & they wil tel them into what bodily dangers they do plunge themselves , by this detestable disorder : for of all diseases , as paulus egineta affirmeth , the overcharging of the vessels is the worst . wine moderately taken , increaseth natural heat , as being its proper aliment ; and so the best meats taken in the same manner , afford the purest nourishment . but hear what avicen saith , laying down the dangers that follow over-repletion , in these words ; eating much nourisheth not , but fills the body with crudities and raw humours ; stops the pores , weakens the powers of nature , causeth putrefaction , mixed feavers , short breath , sciatica of joynt aches . of drinking thus he speaks : much drinking of wine in sanguine and cholerick complexions , over-heats the blood , and causeth choler to super-abound ; and by too much repletion of the veins and vessels , there may follow a hot apoplexy and sudden death . a tragical example whereof we lately had , of two , who having drunk a very large quantity of sack , would notwithstanding go to the ale-house ; where out of a bravado they drank , in beer , thirty cans apiece : coming home , they both instantly dyed . the suddenness of their death , made some suspect that they died of the plague ; and thereupon the house was shut up ; whereas it was no otherwise then a meer misprision of the true cause . what avicen hath said of wine , may be applyed to all other strong drinks . i hope these lines will keep such men the soberer in this dangerous time ; and in that sober tune , the time may touch their heart-strings so , that sobriety may let in religious meditations ( which continual drunkenness hath lock'd out of doors ) and then repentance may draw them to god , and him nearer to them , and at last become new creatures : which the father for his sons sake grant . in the mean time , let those which are well , eat the afore-prescribed flesh ; but the sick , the juices of them rather , because aliment must be made more easie and quick for their supply . let the flesh be boyled till all the vertue of the meat be boyled out , and then the broth to be strained hard , that the flesh may be left juiceless , so will all the strength of the meat be in the broth ; which you may spice with some of these powders following . take of red saunders , half an ounce ; cinnamon , three drams and half ; saffron , half a dram : make them into a fine powder . or else make a powder thus : take of cinnamon , half an ounce ; cloves and saffron , of each half a dram ; red coral , two scruples : and the weight of all in sugar . let all be more sparing in diet now , then at other times ; eat little , and drink less ; but never go out of doors fasting : but first , take an antidote , of which there are several ; some whereof , for their excellency , i shall here nominate . theriaca andromachi . venice-triacle . theriaca londinensis . london-triacle . mithridatium damocratis . mithridate . electuarium de ovo imperatoris . antidotus magna matthioli . confectio liberans . diascordium . of any of these take the quantity of a nutmeg ; and of confectio alkermes , and confectio de hiacyntho , the quantity of an hazel-nut : or , you may take a powder , called pulvis contra pestem montagnanae , half a dram at a time ; or , half an ounce of angelica-water , or aqua theriacalis , either with white-wine , and a few drops of the juice of a lemmon ; or , aqua bezoartica langii . aqua coelestis matthioli , for the richer sort , with a drop of oyl of vitriol , in half an ounce of either . but for such as love not the taste of physick , and had rather take their antidote in form of pills then otherwise , let a skilful apothecary make this mass of pills following . recip . zadoarie , ligni aloes , agrimonie , croci , aristolochie rotunde , dictamni , gentiane , cort . citri , semp . citri , ana scrup . 1. coriandri prepar . tormentille , santali rūb . corallii rub . spodii , myrobalan . emblic . ana drach . 2. terrae sigillat . drach . 2. boli-armeni , drach . 3. cum syrupo ex acetositate citri fiat massa . of which 10 , 15 , 20. or two shillings grains may be taken at once , in one , or two , or three pills , as the person can swallow them in bigness . those that are offended with the heat of triacle , or other of the hot antidotes above-mentioned , may use this opiate of palmarius ; which is excellent for hot complexions . recip . flor. bugloss . boraginis , cariophillorum , ros . rub . horum separatim conditorum , ana unc . 1. terre lemnie , boli-armeni , scobis cornu cervicis , ana drach . 2. margarit . prepar . drach . 1. ambari grisci , scrup . ss . surup . de succo bugloss . q. s . fiat opiata . s. a. the dose is the quantity of a nutmeg . an especial care must be had , that women with childe be not over-heated with common antidotes ; therefore theirs must be only of terra lemnia , bole-armoniack , harts-horn , conserves and syrrups of roses , violets and betony , or a little mithridate , with twice as much conserve of burrage or bugloss ; likewise the species de gemmis frig . or of diamargar . frig . in burrage , bugloss , and carduus-water : or else such may have this antidote made for them . recip . cornu cervi , cinamoni , nucis mosch . santalorum omnium , ana drach . 1. rad. angelice , tormentille , enulecamp . ana drach . ss . f. pul . subt . then take conserves of burrage and bugloss , each three drams , with the like quantity of syrrup of lemmons and dry'd roses , f. conditum s . a. there is nothing fitter or better for young children then bole-armoniack , or terra lemnia , with a little of the root of tormentil , or citron-pills , made into fine powder , and mixed with their meats , butter and broths for their break-fast . and because they are not much to be tampered with by internal medicines , anoint the region of their hearts with the oyl of hypericon every morning and evening , or with oyl of scorpions , or oyl of _____ or else let them commonly wear next their skin , over their heart , such a quilt as this : take of red roses two drams , red saunders , red coral , and spodium , of each one dram ; zedoary , lignum-aloes , cinamon , cloves , citron-pill , saffron , of each half a dram . sew it up in a piece of red sarcenet , or callico ; moisten it with a little rose-vinegar , so heat it , and apply it warm ; and when it begins to be dry , moisten it , and after the same manner heat it again . always observing this following direction . when you suspect a childe to have the worms in a contagious time , use not worm-seed , nor those common trifles , but order it as in danger of infection ; for that disease coming of so much putrefaction as it doth , is as apt to receive contagion , as tinder to take fire ; give it therefore 10 or 20 grains of this powder following . take of harts-horn one dram , citron-pill , roots of angelica , and tormentil , rheubarb , and coralline , of each half a dram . make all into a fine powder , and give the aforesaid quantity in a little carduus-water , sweetned with some sugar . but you must be sure to abstain from all meat and drink for two or three hours after the taking of any of these antidotes ; and then eat a piece of bread and butter , strewed with a piece of grated nutmeg , or bread and sallet-oyl spiced with the powder of tormentil-roots , or a piece of bread sopped in white-wine , allayed with a little vinegar . let your dinner be about high noon ; and then eat not of above two or three several dishes : let your supper be about five or six in the evening , and then let one dish suffice ; for it is a pretty saying , and worthy of observation : in the morning , a little is enough ; at noon , enough is but a little : but at night , a little may be too much . go not to bed till three or four hours after supper , lest sleeping upon a full stomack , you hinder digestion . and so i bid good night to the second point of diet. the third point , is repletion and evacuation . when you rise in the morning , rub your sides , arms , thighs and legs downwards gently ; your cloaths being on , comb your head and rub it , hake , spit , and blow your nose , to evacuate the excrements of your head and stomack ; then assay to make water , and to go to stool , and labour to bring your body to this daily custom ; for the body ought especially to be kept free from superfluities , saith galen , lib. 1. de differ . treb. cap. 4. therefore if you be costive , use some suppository or clister , and suffer not two whole dayes to pass without such evacuation . it is necessary for every one ( who hath so much understanding ) that he learn to know whether he be phlethorick or cachochimick : if phlethorick ( that is , full of blood , as those that live in high feeding ) it will appear by his high colour , full veins , pulse greater and more frequent then it used ordinarily to be , pursiness , heaviness and dulness of body , and such like signes : if you be costive , take a common clister first ; then be let blood according to the appointment of some skilful physician , and so ordered afterwards according to art. if cacochimick , that is , full of gross and corrupt humours ( which will appear by the paleness and ill colour of the face , defective strength , and the like ) he must be well purged ; which none but a physician can safely prescribe , and that upon examination of his body and urine . but as a general rule , all do appoint some purging medicines twice or thrice in a week , to keep the body free from the increase of superfluous humours ; to which purpose the pills of ruffus ( which may be had commonly in any apothecaries shop ) are very apt and good . but those that cannot take pills , may have this syrrup made for them ; which for its excellent vertue in this case , is called , the divine syrrup . recip . cort. citri , rad. cappar . berber . santal . rub. & citrin , spodii , ana drach . 1. carriophil . borrag . bugloss . mellissa , cichorei , ana unc . 1. acetosae , hepaticae , marrubii , ana unc . ss . thymi , epithymi , scariolae , rhabarb . fol. senae , rad. polypodii , ana drach . 1. succorum absynthii , fumariae , ebuli , plantaginis myrobalanorum , chebul & citrin , ana drach . 6. cum sacchari li. 2. ss . fiat syrupus s . a. & cum aceti succi cydoniorum q. s . reddatur dulcè acidus ▪ take two or three spoonfuls of this , more or less , as it works ; but keep very warm , for it causeth sweat as well as seidge . in an old manuscript , i finde this called st. ambrose his syrrup ; the same a little altered , is in rhenodaeus his dispensatory ; and he hath added two drams of diagridium . let men of judgement do as they please , i like it best as i have set it down . rhenodaeus gives it this title , ( not acknowledging any author ) syrupus qui , &c. it is a syrrup that cleanseth the body from superfluities , and by consequence doth strengthen and comfort the heart , brain , liver , and all other members . always observing , that you must forbear to take this syrrup that morning that you take your purging medicine . women with childe must be kept soluble , only with milde suppositories and gentle clisters , wherein a little new-drawn cassia is to be used ; or else a milde potion , made with some pectoral decoction , and a little cassia ; for stronger purgatives will endanger abortion : but these ought to be directed by a good physician . young children also with a violet-comfit ( for a suppository ) dipped in sweet sallet-oyl , or else a little cassia newly drawn , dissolved in a small draught of chicken-broth ; or a little manna in the like broth , or in posset-drink . beware of bathings , especially in open standing waters , within the region of the air infected . if urine or menstrua stop , repair speedily to the physician for counsel : flie venus as far as you may ; for in these times she hath but an ill name . sweat coming easily of it self , and within doors , ( the house being well aired ) is good , so it exceed not : but abroad it is dangerous . lastly , it is good to keep open all issues and running sores ; because nature will labour to expel any venom to such a common-sewer . the fourth point is exercise and rest . as it is not good for us to addict our selves to laziness , lest we thereby increase those superfluous humours which are never wanting in bodies to foment diseases ; so neither must we use ( as little as may be ) too great a violence in our labours or exercise , because it consumeth the best juices we have in our bodies , and spoileth our radical moisture : whereas moderate and convenient exercise ( ad ruborem tantum , non ad sudorem ) if used in times and places , and seasonable , doth stir up , nourish and preserve the greatest and best assistant to life , natural heats , helping concoction and evacuation . the best exercise is walking , with a little stirring of the arms ; the time , in the morning ; and the place , either in a pure air abroad , or in a purified air at home , in some large room , where is little or no company , by the heats of their bodies and breaths to distemper and corrupt the air . but at all times beware of taking cold ; for great colds and rheums do easily turn to putrid feavers , and they as easily prove pestilent . the fifth point , is sleep and watching . sleep , either immoderate or unseasonable , hindereth digestion , and causeth crudities , quells the vital , and dulls the animal spirits : watching also over-much , dryes up and inflames the good blood , and weakens all the powers of nature . let your sleep therefore be seasonable , and not superfluous ; not upon your dinner , unless custom commands it ; and then take it but napping , for half an hour or so , sitting in a chair upright . three hours at least after a light supper go to bed ; where let five or six hours suffice for sleep ; lie conveniently warm , the chamber-doors and windows being shut to exclude the night-air : but beware of sleeping or lying on the ground or grass ; for the nearer the earth , the more deadly is the air . and the immediate stroke of the cold vapours rising from the ground , is very dangerous at all times . the sixth point of diet , is passions of the minde . all kindes of passion , if they be vehement , do offer violence to the spirits ; yea , though they be of the better and more natural sort . as laughter ( if unbridled ) doth run even life out of breath , and greatly perplexeth the body ; insomuch as the breast and sides are pained , the breath is straitned , and sometimes the soul it self is ( as i may say ) laughed out of her skin . for so it is recorded of chrysippus , that only upon the sight of an ass eating figgs , he brake into such an unmeasurable laughter , that he fell down and died . and zeuxis that excellent painter ( who made a most curious beautiful picture of the spartan hellen ) upon the sight of a very ill-favoured old woman , burst out into such a profuse laughter , that he laughed himself to death . now this is a disease of the spleen , called risus sardonius , with which there be many of my acquaintance not long since grieved . but sometimes immoderate joy lives not to the age of laughter , when it bindes the vital spirits so close together , that it choaks the heart instantly ; for so sophocles the tragedian , receiving a wonderful applause of the people for the last tragedy he wrote , was so overjoyed at it , that he became a tragedy himself , and died upon it . the like is recorded of one rhodias diagoras , who when he saw his three sons all at one time crowned with victory at the olympian games , ran to meet them ; and while he embraced them in his arms , and they planted their garlands on his head , he was so overcome with joy , that he turned their ensignes of victory into the penons of his funeral . on the other side , sorrow afflicts the heart , disturbs the faculties , melts the brain , vitiates the humours , and so weakens all the principal parts ; yea , sometimes sinks the body into the grave . as adrastus king of the argyves , being told of the death of his son , was taken with so violent sorrow , that he fell down and died immediately . anger is also so furious a passion , that it violently disturbs the spirits and faculties , as appears by the shaking and tossing of the body to and fro , the fiery sparkling of the eyes , the colour coming and going , now red , now pale ; so that all the humours appear to be enflamed ( especially choler ) and the spirits hurried this way and that way ; sometimes thrust outward , and presently haled in again : by which violent motions , an unnatural heat in the spirits , and corruption in the humours are ingendered . hereupon many times follow burning feavers , palsies , violent bleedings , loss of speech ; and sometimes death it self . nerva the emperor being highly displeased with one regulus , fell into such fury against him , that he was stricken therewith into a feaver ; whereof he died within a few dayes after . wenceslaus king of bohemia , in a rage conceived against his cup-bearer , would needs kill him presently with his own hand ; but his indeavour was his own deaths-man , striking him with a palsey , that shook him shortly after into ashes . valentinianus the emperor , in a fierce fury , would needs destroy the whole country of sarmatia ; but his unruly rage brake a vein within , and his own life-blood ended his bloody design . fear likewise gathers the heat and spirits to the heart , and dissolves the brain , making the moisture thereof shed and slide down into the external parts , causing a chilness and shaking over all the body ; and falling upon the gullet , makes one to swallow when they should speak : it abuses the fancy and sences , brings a lethargy upon the organs of motion , and condemns the heart to deadly sufferings . as cassander the son of antipater , upon the sight of alexander the great 's statue , was stricken with such a terror , that he could hardly make his legs leave trembling , so much as to carry him out of the place . this fear hath in it a very strange operation , having bereav'd several of their senses , on others diseases ; as a feaver , &c. which feaver hath afterwards turn'd into the plague ; so that this fear , though it doth not arise from danger of infection , yet it will draw it on : how much more then doth the fear of the same cause work it ? instead of bringing examples for the proof hereof , i shall only give you a reason for it fear , of all passions , is the most pestilently pernicious ; for it enforceth the vital spirits to retire inward to the heart ; by which retiring , they leave the outward parts infirm : as appears by the paleness and trembling of one in great fear . so that the walls being forsaken ( which are continually besieged by the outward air ) in comes the enemy boldly ; the best spirits that should expel them , having cowardly sounded a retreat : in which withdrawing , they draw in with them such evil vapours as hang about the outward pores , even as the sun draws towards it the vapours of the earth . and hence it is , that fear brings infection sooner then any other occasion . this therefore , and all other passions , by a wise watching over our selves , be beaten off , whensoever they but offer to set upon us . but these are diseases of the soul , whose physicians are divines . they must purge out the love of this world , and the distrust of gods providence ; minister the cordials of faith , hope , patience and contentedness ; and ordain the strict diet of holy exercises . we that are physicians to the body , are but chyrurgions to the soul ; we can but talk of topical remedies . thus have i run through the first part of my method , which is the way of preservation ; now shall i discourse on the second part , which is as followeth . the manner , signs and symptoms , of such that are infected by the plague . it s usuall manner is , at the first infection , to strike at the heart , which is apparent by the sinking and languishing of the vital faculties ; the whole strength of the body is likewise suddenly turned into weakness , the vital spirits being greatly oppressed and discouraged : whereas the animal faculty commonly remains ( for a while ) in good plight , and perfect in the use of sense , understanding , judgement , memory , and motion . the natural faculty also is not so presently hurt , but there is concoction and all other functions performed by the liver , stomack , guts , reins , bladder , and other parts , as nature requires : though indeed in a little time ( the venom being very strong ) these and the brain are also overcome ; as appears by the symptoms that follow , as lethargies , frenzies , vomitings , fluxes , &c. take notice therefore , that as soon as the venemous matter strikes to the heart , the contagion hath now found out the prince of the vital parts , who , if he want armour of proof to resist ( either of natural strength , or forged out by arts cyclops , the physician ) is presently taken prisoner by his venemous enemy ; who soon after , takes possession of the arteries and veins . in this conflict , the pulse ( which useth to be the truest intelligences of the heart 's well or ill fare ) becomes now languishing , little , frequent , and unequal . languishing , by reason that native heat lessens , and a heat contrary to nature increaseth ; little , because oppressed ; frequent , from natures strife ; unequal , partly from the fever , and partly from the malignant vapour that besiegeth the heart . concerning the pulse , thus writes rodericus à castro , concerning the plague that was at hambrough : manus duns medico porrigunt pulsum , quodam modo retrahuntur cum tremore ; quod à veneno sit cor ipsum pungente , & signum mihi diutina experientia indubitatum est , ut eo solo saepissime pestilentem affectum cognoverim ; that he observed the sick stretching out their hands to the physician to feel their pulse , they would after a certain manner pull them back again with trembling , which might be from the venom pricking the very heart ; which was an undoubted signe ( he saith ) by daily experience , by which alone he oftentimes knew a person infected pestilentially . from this ground did i finde another that never failed me : if in reaching out the hand the former signe appeared not , then if i suspected it to be the plague , i would touch the pulse something hard ; and if it were the plague , the hand would not fail to tremble and twitch back . the reason is , the stopping of the course of the pulse , drives the venom something back to the heart , by which is caused a kind of sudden passion . the next signe , is the enemies ensigne hung out at the windows , the eyes i mean ; for then they will be various in turning , and sometimes fiery shining ; the looks sad , and the face changing colour : which shew that the radical humours begin to vaste , and the spirits to wax dry and enflamed . then followeth lightness or giddiness of the head ; drowth , and bitter taste in the mouth , which proceed from the superfluity of choler , aggravated by the mixture of the venemous vapours : vomiting likewise of vicious matter , being ( according to the redency of any of the humours ) of flegme , sometimes waterish ; of choler , sometimes yellow or greenish ; of melancholy , leaden or blackish . but this is from the virulency of the venom , vexing the veins and fibres in the coat of the stomack ; not from any strength of nature to expel the poyson , as it appeareth , in that no ease , but encrease of accidents succeedeth the exoneration : after which follows a painful convulsion or hicket , by the progress of the venom working convulsively on the fibres of the stomack ; shortness of breath also , and often sighing , shew the heart is inflamed , and would fain exchange the over-heated air within the body , for that which is cool without : then the spirits begin to faint and sink through the fierce gripe of the venemous vapour that now insults over the yielding heart . the external parts become cold and chill , while the internal are all over-hot with the inflammation of the bowels . by by this time the venom is gotten up into the watrish humouts of the brain , and infecting them , causeth head-ach , whiles the hot vapours ( getting between the two mother-membranes ) cause painful prickings there : whereupon followeth restlessness of the body , and lack of sleep ; and upon these frenzie , except the brain be full of moisture ; and the head is over-heavy and lethargick ; sometimes also the venom works it self from the substance of the brain into the sinews , causing cramps and convulsions . the urine is altogether untrue , therefore unworthy the fellowship of faithful signes ; and the most faithful , are the sores and spots ( if they be right ) called gods tokens . but before we proceed to describe them , give me leave to express my sorrow , for what i had daily observation of abroad amongst unskilful physicians , who frequently undertook the cure of the plague , who knew no more then to sweat the patient , and apply outward drawing medicines to the sores , without knowing these symptomes here specified , absolutely material to the cure ; without the knowledge of which , many a poor soul doth perish : all which i shall here reckon up , to see if i can deter impudent practitioners , who dare without learning to enrich themselves , by filling graves and fatning church-yards . there is commonly , 1. a trembling of the heart , fainting or swooning . 2. a feaver , though not easily discerned at first . 3. cardialga , commonly called heart-ach . 4. vomiting and loathing in the stomack . 5. extream thirst , and vile taste in the mouth . 6. head-ach , and pricking pains there . 7. swimming or vertigo . 8. loss of memory , and foolish behaviour . 9. want of sleep . 10. delirium or frenzie . 11. convulsions or cramps . 12. lethargy , or extream drowsiness . 13. sharp pains in the ears . 14. ophthalmia , or inflammation of the eyes . 15. bleeding at the nose . 16. the tongue and mouth inflam'd and furr'd . 17. spitting of blood . 18. squinansy . 19. pleurisie . 20. very short breath , and continual sighing . 21. dry cough . 22. jaundise . 23. swelling of the belly , with external pain . 24. cholick and iliack passions . 25. extream costiveness . 26. worms . 27. flux of the belly , either lienteria or diarrhaea . 28. bloody-flux . 29. swelling of the testicles very painfully . 30. suppression of urine . 31. extream heat , and pain in the back . 32. swelling of the feet and legs with intolerable pain . 33. and sometimes such immoderate sweat , horribly stinking , that it doth affrighten the physician from his course of sweating the patient ; and yet for all this sweat , the deadly danger increaseth . and not one of these symptoms can be cured by the common method of such cases , because of the venemous quality is mixed with them . but when i had well informed my self of these things , and saw how little they were regarded by others , i was much amazed to see , with what peaceable consciences some men went a killing : and i began to doubt , whether it were not better for a man to be at peace with ignorance , then to carry his trembling heart in his hand , as i did all that time : yet still it pleased god to bless my labours and counsels ; so that in what place soever i came into , which was infected , a very small number failed under my advice . but to go forward . i must enlarge my self a little in the discovery of the faithfullest and most apparent signes ( which are the botch , the blain , the carbuncle , and the spots , called gods tokens ) because the searchers do sometimes mistake . the botch is a hard tumour , rising in the glandulous parts , called the emunctories ; which are in three places on each side of the body , viz. under each ear ( or sometimes under the jaws or chin ) in the arm-pits , and in the groynes . this tumour lies sometimes very deep in the flesh , only to be found by feeling ; nay , sometimes also scarcely to be felt : but if you touch the place , there is pain . but for the most part , it swelleth out to the bigness of a nutmeg or wall-nut ; yea , even to the size of a mans fist : also sometimes it is round , sometimes oval , sometimes long and slender as ones finger . i have seen a lad of ten years old , that had one risen in his left arm-pit , which ran from thence backward to the shoulder-blade , making a semicircle thereon ; and so turning downward towards the back-bone , as if under the skin had been laid a good big cord , in the form almost of a circle ; the youth was not heart-sick but at the first taking : and it so pleased god to bless the means i applied , that this tumour sunk again , and vanished without any suppuration . but some again , are flat , broad , and spreading , even over half the breast , which i have seen ; they are of colour various , according the humour predominant at the first ; it is commonly moveable , but grows afterwards more moderate and fixed : it riseth for the most part with a pricking pain ; and as it grows greater , is more dully painful , and seems to the patient as a weight or burden . it cometh of a venemous matter , putrifying and poysoning the blood , which is thick , gross , and excrementitious of it self , and something flegmatick : nature therefore strives to drive forth this venom into the emunctories , which are the sinks and receptacles of excrementitious humours . when they rise under the jaws , they shew the strength of the brain ; the arm-pits , of the heart ; and in the groynes , of the liver . according to the quantity of the humour infected , so the botches are bigger or lesser , and more or fewer in number : and according to the malignancy of the humour , are their colours whiter , redder , more bluish or blackish ; whereof the later are still the worse . the blain is a kinde of blister , somewhat like one of the swine-pox , of a straw-colour for the most part , but sometimes of a bluish or leaden colour , but then it is apt to turn to a carbuncle ; and when it runneth , affords filthy matter of the like complexion . round about the blister there is a red fiery circle ( yet nothing so fiery as that of the carbuncle ) the whole taking up the bredth of a groat or six-pence : i have seen of the breadth of a large shilling , but very rarely . these will rise in any part of the body or limbes , sometimes one , two , or three , but never many : when the matter is run out , the skin falls , and dries up to a rusty scab , and so falls off . these shew , that nature is strong to expel the venom speedily , and that the humours infected are not superabundant ; for many that have these are not sick at all , and the most recover by good looking to . the carbuncle is a little venemous pustle , with a broad compass of a deep redness upon it , wonderful angry , and burning like a fire-coal ; thence comes his name , carbunculus . it riseth like a blister , producing an ash-colour'd , or else a blackish crust ; sometimes it rises in many pustles like burnt blisters on the outward skin , which being broken , and the matter run out , the like crusty escar grows over it till it falls off . it appears in any part of the body or limbes , many times on the breast , and sometimes in the face : with it alwayes go these evil companions , itching , inflammation and erosion ; for it is so full of burning poyson , that it consumes the flesh , and will in a short time , if it be not well lookt to , eat so deep and large a hole , as if the flesh were hollowed with an hot iron . it riseth from the same cause in the botch , but the blood is more hot , black , thick , and feculent , proceeding from burnt choler , or adust melancholy . the spots , otherwise called gods tokens , are commonly of the bigness of a flea-bitten spot , sometimes much bigger ; their colour is according to the predominancy of the humour in the body ; red or reddish , if choler ; pale blue , or dark blue , if flegm ; leaden or blackish ▪ if melancholy abound ; but , they have ever a circle about them : the red ones a purplish circle , and the others a reddish circle : they appear most commonly on the breast and back , and sometimes on the neck , arms and thighs ; on the breast and back , because the vital spirits strive to breath out the venom the nearest way . in some bodies there will be very many ; in some , but one or two , or very few , according to the quantity of the venom , and the strength to drive them out . they usually shew themselves on the third , fourth , fifth , or seventh day ; sometimes not till death , the venom yet tyrannizing over the dead carcase : sometimes they appear together with the sores , but for the most part without : the cause is , the venemous matter condensed and hardned in the act of penetrating the pores of the skin : if they be skilfully dissected in the dead body , you may finde some half way , deep in the flesh ; and some in the muscles of the breast have been followed with the incision-knife , even to the rib-bones . the reason why they are thus congealed is , the thickness of the venemous matter , and the coldness of it ; for it is the most flegmatick part of the blood , yet mixed also with the other humours according to the colours . they appear in dead bodies most , because nature fainting in her labour to thrust out the venom through the skin , life's hear going out , the privation thereof , and the nearness of the outward air do congeal them presently : and because many times at the last gaspe nature gives the stoutest struggle , it comes to pass they are not so far thrust forth as to appear till death . all these symptoms must be lookt to very diligently and skilfully . how to know whether the dead body died of the plague , though neither sore or token appear . henricius says , those that die of the plague , are known from others by these marks : the nose looks blue , sometimes blackish blue , as if it had been beaten bruised ; the like colour is in the ears and nails : and their bodies are ever worse coloured then other dead bodies be . but add to this one signe more , approved by experience , and standing with good reason , viz. that whereas other dead bodies must be laid out strait while they are warm , or else when they are cold they will be too stiff to be straitned ; in those of the plague ( or poysoned either ) the flesh is soft , and the joints limber and flexible , after the body is cold ; which shews the vileness of putrefaction in all the humours and moist parts of the body . how to know whether the person infected at the first , or soon after , be likely to be recovered or no. if one be taken with the first signes , of sinking of his spirits , causless sadness , shortness of breath , on the sudden , that he cannot forbear sighing , yet knows no cause why ; sick-heartedness , &c. if this happen at his meat , or presently after , let him if he can , vomit : if he offer and cannot , help him with a little warm water and oyl ; or , dip a feather in linseed-oyl , or oyl of scorpions , and thrust it into his throat . then , or if he be taken betwixt meals , or fasting , make this draught for him . take of bole-armoniack , one dram , powdred ; juice of oranges , half an ounce ; white-wine , an ounce ; rose-water , two ounces . if he vomit it up again , it is a signe the venom is abundant , and hath gotten great power over the vital parts : therefore wash his mouth with a little white-wine , and give him the same potion again . if he again cast it up , repeat the wine-lotion , and this potion again , three times . this is taken out of the second canon of avicen , by guanerius ; who testifies upon his own knowledge , that never any that at first kept it , without casting it up again , dyed of that sickness . let the infected take this following medicine , which hath been approved the best remedy against the plague : take three pints of muskadine , and boyl therein a handful of sage , and a handful of rhue , till a pint be wasted ; then strain it , and set it over the fire again ; then put thereto a penyworth of long-pepper , half an ounce of ginger , and a quarter of an ounce of nutmegs , all beaten together ; then let it boyl a little , and put thereto three peniworth of triacle , and a quarter of a pint of the best angelica-water you can get . take of it always warm , both morning and evening , if infected , two spoonfuls , and sweat thereupon ; if not , a spoonful a day is sufficient , half in the morning , the rest in the evening . keep this as your most estimable treasure ; for under god , in the plague-time , you may safely trust to this , since it never deceived any . an excellent preservative against the plague , pestilence , and all infectious diseases , noisome smells , and corrupt air , sea-fogs , kentish and essex-agues , scurvy and dropsies ; prepared by r. turner med. sold by sam. speed at the rainbow neer the inner temple-gate , at 2 s. 6 d. per ▪ paper , sealed . directions for the use thereof . take of it morning , and going to bed ; and at any time going abroad hold a piece in your mouth , letting it there dissolve . the quantity may be from the bigness of an hazel-nut , to a small nutmeg . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47273-e650 euseb . hist . eccle. l. 7. c. 11. foure godlie and fruitful sermons two preached at draiton in oxford-shire, at a fast, enioyned by authoritie, by occasion of the pestilence then dangerously dispearsed. likewise two other sermons on the twelfth psalme. vvhereunto is annexed a briefe tract of zeale. / by i. dod. r. cleauer. dod, john, 1549?-1645. 1611 approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 60 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20529 stc 6938 estc s114261 99899077 99899077 14637 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20529) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 14637) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1349:17 or 1955:15c) foure godlie and fruitful sermons two preached at draiton in oxford-shire, at a fast, enioyned by authoritie, by occasion of the pestilence then dangerously dispearsed. likewise two other sermons on the twelfth psalme. vvhereunto is annexed a briefe tract of zeale. / by i. dod. r. cleauer. dod, john, 1549?-1645. cleaver, robert, 1561 or 2-ca. 1625. winston, john, fl. 1614-1634. greenham, richard. the second edition inlarged. [8], 101, [1] p. printed by t.c. for william welbie, and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard, at the signe of the swan, london : 1611. editor's dedication signed: iohn winston. winston's dedication indicates he has collected the "tract of zeale" mainly from richard greenham's works. title page is a2. printed by thomas creede. cf. stc. signatures: a-o⁴. item at reel 1955:15c bound with stc 6945.6 and 6944. reproductions of originals at the bodleian library and king's college library, cambridge, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -17th century. plague -england -sermons -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion fovre godlie and frvitfvl sermons : two preached at draiton in oxford-shire , at a fast , enioyned by authoritie , by occasion of the pestilence then dangerously dispearsed . likewise two other sermons on the twelfth psalme . vvhereunto is annexed a briefe tract of zeale . by i. dod. r. cleauer . the second edition inlarged . london printed by tc . for william welbie , and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard , at the signe of the swan . 1611. to the right honovrable anne , lady waintvvorth , increase of all true honour and happinesse , &c. right honourable , may it please you to take in good worth my bold attempt , in presuming to recommend vnto your fauourable patronage these sermōs following . your honours vndeserued respect of me , made me desirous to testifie my vnfained thankfulnesse : which i could not imagine how with greater conueniencie to expresse and manifest , then by taking hold of this present occasion ; especially considering that your constant and more then ordinarie pains-taking to heare such holy instructions , is a sufficient argument to euince your loue and liking of the matter therein comprised : and your good regard of the authors ( well knowne vnto me ) gaue me occasion to thinke that their labours , in this sort offering themselues vnto your eye , would be no lesse welcome than formerly they haue beene , being in another manner presented vnto your eare . concerning the tract of zeale annexed to these sermons , it is a collection of diuers rules which i heard & read touching that subiect , principally of such as were scattered heere and there in maister r. greenhams workes : which being exceeding vsefull , i thought good to gather them into one ( with an addition of sundrie proofes of scripture ) for the ease and helpe of those that are well affected , especially of such whose abilitie will not reach to the price of that great volume of m. greenhams labours . and thus humbly beseeching your honour to pardon my boldnesse , and to beare with my manifold defects which shall be found in the penning of these sermons , i recommend you to the gratious protection of the almightie . your honours according to my poore abilitie readie to be commanded , iohn winston . the points of doctrine handled in the sermons following . sermon i. doct. i. the first steppe to true and sound repentance , is , to be wounded and disquieted in our hearts for sinne . 2 lawfull things must be done lawfully , and good things in a good manner . 3 with confession of sinne , must be ioyned earnest requests for pardon thereof . 4 the more sinfull any one is , the more foolish he is . 5 it is a wonderfull hard thing , to take downe the pride of mans heart . 6 the more speedily we iudge our selues , the more mercifully the lord will deale with vs. sermon ii. doct. i. sinne brings men into maruellous straits . 2. gods seruants neuer find so great fauour as with god himselfe . 3 god maketh his iudgements , sutable to our sinnes . 4 when god sets in with his iudgements they shall be farre dispersed in a short time . 5 as god appointeth iudgements to be inflicted on his people , so he himselfe will see execution done . 6 a good man will lay a greater burden on himselfe then on another . sermon iii. doct. i. although humane helps and earthly friends do faile gods-people , yet they are not helpelesse , nor hopelesse . 2 no outward thing comes neerer the hearts of gods children , then the decay of good men . 3 deceitfull friends , are worse then open foes . sermon iiii. doct. i. the more skilfully and artificially any contriues his ill purposes , the more fearefull destruction shall fall vpon him . 2 the more wicked men boast of their mischieuous intents , the neerer mischiefe is vnto them . 3 no man hath the royaltie of his owne tongue , nor the ordering of his owne speech . finis . the first sermon . 2. samvel . 24. 10. 11. 12. verse 10. then dauids heart smote him after that hee had numbred the people : and dauid saide vnto the lord , i haue sinned exceedingly in that i haue doue : therefore now lord i beseech thee , take away the trespàsse of thy seruant , for i haue done very foolishly . 11. and when dauid was vp in the morning , the word of the lord came vnto the prophet gad , &c. in these words is set foorth the repentance of dauid , for his sinne committed in numbring the people , wherin the holy prophet sheweth : i. what meanes hee vsed to be reconciled vnto god , namely ; 1. first , that he was touched with inward remorse and hearty griefe for his offence : [ then dauids heart smote him after that hee had numbred the people . ] 2 secondly , that he made a particular and very earnest confession of his fault : ] i haue sinned exceedingly , in that i haue done . 3 thirdly , that hauing bewayled and acknowledged his sinne , he instantly craued pardon for the same : [ therefore now lord i beseech thee , take away the trespasse of thy seruant , &c : as if he should haue said , i haue sinned very hainouslie , i cannot denie it : yet i am thy seruant , and one of thy familie , and therefore lord cast me not off for one fault , but take notice of my sorrow , and pardon my sinne : for i haue dealt verie foolishly . 2 secondly , he declareth that meanes the lord vsed to make him fit for reconciliation : viz : that hee sent vnto him the prophet gad , a worthy man of god , & dauids seer , who had bene ready from time to time to lay open the will of god vnto him , and in that regard was more reuerend in his eyes , and hee threatneth and denoūceth iudgement against him , that seeing his heart had beene lifted vp with pride , in regard of the multitude and strength of his people , god would meete with him in his owne sinne , and make his punishment to be suteable to his fact : and seeing he begun to be humbled for it alreadie , and yet needed still further humaliation , he telleth him , that [ the sword , or the famine , or the pestilence ] must pursue his subiects , and make wonderfull hauocke among them , and therfore biddeth him make his choice which of them hee would haue to come vpon the land : for one of them hee must needes vndergoe , to further him in the worke of humiliation , as also to bring the whole church vnto the like , who then had incensed the lords anger against them . then dauids heart smote him ] in that setting downe the repentance of dauid the holy ghost taketh notice of this in the first place , that [ his heart smote him ] the doctrine is , that . the first step to true and sound repentance is to bee wounded and disquieted in our hearts for sinne , vntill our soules bee pierced , and as it were strucke through with the feeling of our corruptions , and of gods displeasure , due vnto vs for the same , wee haue not made any entrance into the wayes of godlinesse , nor laid the verie foundation of the works of conuersion , therfore the prophet ioel exhorting the israelites to repentance , biddeth them , rent their hearts : that is , the first stone that must be laid in this building : their hearts must bee crushed and broken , for the wickednesse committed against the maiestie of god ; till then there is no turning vnto him : one may as well bid a prisoner that is in strong hold , and hath bolts and fetters vpon his heeles , walke abroade and take the fresh aire , and not remaine any longer in that darke & loathsome dungeon , as bid one that hath not his heart crushed & humbled to turne vnto the lord : alas he is held fast in the chaines of sathan , and cannot stirre one foote to god-ward ; therefore is it noted in those conuerts , act. 2. 37. that they were pricked in their hearts ] when they began the worke of repentance , the rebukes of god had wakened their drowsie consciences , so that they saw their sinnes and gods vengeance due vnto them , and the words of peter had gone through their hearts , euen as a two edged sword , and then they were fit to bee soundly healed and comforted , when they had beene pierced , and throughly wounded by the arrowes of god. 1 first , till the heart bee broken for sinne , there can be no plaine confession of sinne , and therfore no repentance . men naturally are like wilde asse-colts , nothing will worke vpon them , nor bring them vnto any good frame or order ; though they heare often of their faults , they will not acknowledge them , but be still vnruly and vntamed , as paul was before his conuersion ; so long as he was heart-whole in his owne conceit , though he had heard many excellent sermons ( no doubt , ) yet hee was like a beast still , neuer bewailing nor confessing his grieuous offences , till the lord had taken him downe , and throughly mastered him . 2 nay further , men are so farre from taking paines to come to a true acknowledgment of their iniquities , till such time as there is a breach made into their hearts by godly sorrow , they doe not so much as desire to be deliuered from them , nor make any reckoning of gods mercy for the pardoning of them : till such time as they become mourners for sinne , they cannot possibly hunger and thirst after righteousnes . and indeed what reason is there that they should esteeme of that medicine which will cure , when they doe not feele themselues to be sicke ? they thinke it a matter worth the looking after , to be freed from pouertie , from infamie , from the pestilence , &c. but as for the corruptions of their nature , and the sinfulnesse of their waies , they were neuer much troubled with them , and therefore they make little account to be deliuered from them . see this poynt more at large in m. dods sermon on isa. 1 doct. 1. seeing therefore that inward contrition for sinne is the first step to repentance , and that which killeth the roote of sinne , and setteth vs free from the power and dominion of it , and erecteth in our hearts a throne for christ iesus ; the vse of this point is , first for reproofe of those that perswade themselues , and beare others in hard that they haue truely repented , and doe continually confesse their faults , and aske pardon for them : but what griefe and paine haue they had in their hearts for their sinnes ? nay , they thanke god , they were neuer terrified nor troubled in their consciences . do you thanke god for this ? it is in effect to thanke him for that you want the first and principall note of true conuersion : if your harts haue neuer beene pricked and slung with the sense of your vilenesse and wretchednesse , it is because you are senselesse : for there is cause sufficient why you should be grieued ; and the lesse you haue had , the more you are likely to haue , if not heere , yet in the world to come , and at that day when you shall be most vnwilling of it . secondly , heere are those to be reprooued that run into farre greater excesse of sinning than euer dauid did , breaking forth into grosse and foule euils , that euerie body seeth and knoweth , and condemneth , and yet they passe them ouer slightly , and carelessly , as if they were matters of nothing . when dauid did but cut off the lap of sauls coat , his heart smote him , and was grieued within him , in that he was so neere vnto sinne : what then shall we thinke of these that doe not cut off the lappe of the coate of an enemie , but are iniurious to their friends , and cruell against their brethren , that breake couenant and promise , sinne against god , blaspheme his name , profane his sabbaths , and the like , and yet none of all these do soundly worke vpon them , nor much trouble them ? surely such men are not of dauids spirit , and therefore not being broken hearted heere , they shall be broken and crushed in peeces with the vnsupportable weight of gods vengeance heereafter . thirdly , sith this inward touch for sinne is a thing so necessarie , let vs hence learne to labour for it , and to keepe tendernes of heart when we haue obtained it : for that sorrow which breaketh the heart , doth withall breake the necke of sinne : and therefore when the lord doth checke & controle our consciences , let vs esteeme it as a great mercie , and not let such stroakes passe without their right vse , but let vs goe to god and to his children for helpe and direction , and them that little sparke of the fire of god in our soules , being fed & nourished , will grow in the end to a great flame . now that our harts may be kept alwaies tender & sensible of those checks which gods spirit giueth vs , let vs vse these meanes that follow . first , let vs lay vp in our hearts the weapon of god , euen the sword of the spirit , whereby our hearts may be wounded , as often as need requireth : for vnregenerate persons wanting that weapon , will rather defend , then smite themselues when they haue offended , and euery childe of god hath somewhat of old adam in him , in which regard he must be more carefull to vse the sword of the spirit , for the piercing of his heart when any sinne is committed by him : withall praying for the spirit of grace which will conuince the conscience when it is guiltie , so that it shall haue nothing to say in defense of it selfe , but very much for the condemnation of it selfe : as is euident ezec. 36. 27. whereby we may obserue , that when god hath giuen his spirit vnto his elect , and ( as it is in ieremy . 31. 33. ) withall written his lawes in their hearts , then they shall remember their owne wicked waies , and their deedes that were not good , and shall iudge themselues worthy to haue beene destroyed for their iniquities , & for their abhominations . what is the reason they should passe such a heauie sentence vpon themselues ? one would thinke they should rather reioyce now , & allow of themselues and of their workes ? so they doe reioyce at , and approue of themselues and their workes , so farre as they are spirituall : but they proclaime war against themselues and their workes so far as either they are or haue beene carnall and sinfull , and that because the word of god , and the spirit of god doe beare sway in their hearts : they are at vtter defiance with their pride and hypocrisie , and all wretched lusts that fight against their soules : being neuer so much tormented with those sinnes , as when they haue attained to a great measure of humilitie , and of sinceritie . he that is most lowly is euer most vexed with his pride , and he that is most vpright and true hearted , is most of all troubled with the guilefulnes and deceitfulnes of his owne heart , because the word and the spirit working together doe cause him both more clerely to see , and more throughly to hate those corruptions , than euer hee did before he had attained to that measure of grace . secondly , we must not content our selues when once we haue gotten the word and spirit of god within vs , but we must still striue to keepe our hearts humble and lowly : for otherwise we shall not feele the strokes of the word and spirit of god ; therefore it is said isay. 30. 20 21. ) that when the lord had dieted his people a while [ giuing them the bread of aduersitie , and the water of affliction ] and thereby taken downe the pride and stubbornenesse of their hearts , that then [ their eares should heare a word behind them , saying , this is the way walke in it , &c. that is when they were thus humbled , as soone as euer they had committed any offence , they should presently haue a blow vpon their hearts for it , and be full of feare and anguish : though no man in the world tell them of it , yet the word in their hearts will be like a good guide that is still following a little child , and telling him , this is not the right way , leaue it ; there is the right way , walke in it : but many haue hearts pestered with pride , and lust , and couetousnesse , and yet goe a whole moneth , nay , many monethes and yeares together , and neuer feele any rebuke in their consciences . how comes this to passe that others are full of griefe and full of teares for their sinnes , and they are neuer troubled for them ? is it beause there is greater vprightnes in them , then there is in others ? no surely it is because they haue a more blind minde , and a more proud and senselesse hart then others haue : for the more humble any one is , the more often shall he heare the voyce of the spirit , checking him when hee goeth out of the way , & moouing him to turne again into the right way . thirdly , we must especially beware of presūptuous sins : for if we liue therein our hearts will cease to smite vs , or at least we shall be senselesse of these strokes : as may be seene in the case of dauid : when he had cut off the lap of sauls garment and numbred the people ( which were but infirmities ) forthwith his conscience rebuked him , and he was humbled before the lord : but when he had committed adulterie , and murder , either the checkes of his conscience were none at all , or else they were so weake , that hee had no sense nor feeling thereof : so that nathan was driuen to fetch about ( as it were ) and to vse all the art that might be , to make him see his offences , and passe sentence against himselfe for the same . let vs therefore by his example learne to beware how we presumptuously sinne against our consciences , especially in palpable and grosse offences , least our mindes being by degrees blinded , and our affections , by little and little corrupted , we become in the end very blocks and stones , and haue our consciences so darkened , that they will not accuse vs , or our hearts so benummed , that they will not be mooued with the stroakes of god , and with the checks of his holy spirit . after that he had numbred the people . ] heere is his speciall sinne , that he numbred his subiects , which may seeme to be no such great matter , for which god should so plague the land : and if there had bene that measure of hypocrisie in dauid , as there is in many of vs , he would haue pleaded thus for himselfe : what need i to be so troubled for this ? and what reason is there why god should proceede so seuerely against me for the same ? did not moses and ioshua , holy men of god , number the people in their daies , and that warrantably ? and why then may not i doe the like , hauing more absolute authoritie ouer them then they had ? but his heart staied him from all such reasoning of the matter ; and told him , that though hee did the same action which they did , yet the manner of doing thereof was diuers ; he performed it not in obedience to god ( as they did ) but in pride and hautines of minde , in regard of the multitude and strength of his subiects : before he esteemed gods name a strong tower for his defence , but now what need he runne crying vnto god ? he had so many souldiers and valiant warriours in his dominion , that he could make his part good against any forren power whatsoeuer . thus was his heart lifted vp vnto vanitie , when it should haue bene lifted vp to god in thankfulnes : and therefore was he so humbled , because he had an ill affection , and a wrong end in a good action . whence ariseth this doctrine , that it is not enough for to forbeare things that are euill , and to make conscience of grosse sinnes , but men must doe lawfull things lawfully , and performe good workes in a good manner : otherwise the lord may and will punish them for doing lawfull things , aswell as for vnlawfull things . this may be seene in that great enditement which christ brings against the old world : they did eate , and drinke , marry , and giue in marriage . a naturall man would haue thought there could be no hurt in these : if they had bene charged with whoredome , murder , blasphemie , or the like , they had bene matters of some moment : but for those before named , what fault can be found with them ? indeed the things in themselues are very warrantable , but the manner of performing them , doth either make or marre them : to eate and drinke without feare , without prayer , and thanks-giuing , as if the creatures were our owne , and not the lords , to abuse the blessings of god to surfetting and drunkennesse , &c : these and the like corruptions , doe turne eating and drinking into sinne , which in themselues are not onely allowable , but also necessarie . the like may be said concerning marriage , it is a sanctified ordinance of god vnto those that vse it holily : but then it becomes very sinfull and hatefull vnto the lord , when the sonnes of god doe ioyne with the daughters of men , and professors are yoaked with infidels , for beautie , or commoditie , or any such carnall respect : yet that is a horrible sinne , too too common among such as professe christianitie , that they make no scruple of matching their children with those , whome they know by their workes to be as yet the children of the diuell ; and so in other matters , if they can proue them once to be in themselues lawfull , they make no conscience of the meanes they vse , nor of the end they propose in accomplishing of them . the like is alleaged by our sauiour against the sodomites , as against those of the old world , viz : that they bought and sold , and built in couetousnesse , pride and vanitie , as if they had bene euer to dwell vpon the earth , not caring what craft and fraud they vsed , nor what snares and grins they laid for men , if they might satisfie their couetous and ambitious desires . more might be said concerning this point , both for proofes and reasons , but that it hath bene handled at large elsewhere . this serueth . first for terror vnto those that satisfie themselues with this , that no bodie can charge them with grosse sinnes , and therefore they imagine their case to be good , and that they need not trouble themselues in regard of their offences . but was it not thus with dauid ? who could now accuse him of any notorious ill fact ? surely none in the world : and yet he hauing grace in his heart , accuseth and condemneth himselfe , for that he had done a good action in an ill maner , and with an ambitious and vaine glorious minde , and for the same is much abased and confounded in himselfe : and therefore those are in a miserable estate , that neuer disquiet their soules for their hidden corruptions , but thinke that all goeth well with them , when mens eyes can discerne nothing amisse in them : as they on the other side are in happie case , that doe often take themselues apart , and beseech the lord to be mercifull vnto them in regard of their failings , euen in the most spirituall duties that they performe : such iudge themselues , and therefore shall not be iudged of the lord. secondly , this is for instruction , that we carefully looke vnto the manner of all our actions , and in particular , of the exercise of fasting , which is now in hand : let vs consider wherefore we are come together , and what is required of euery one that is present this day , to wit , that we should put wickednesse out of our hearts , and out of our hands : and for that purpose , come with true humiliatiō on our part , that there may be a perfect reconciliation granted vs on gods part . this was practised by the niniuites , who hearing gods iudgements denounced against them for their sinnes , that within fortie daies niniue should be destroyed , except they repented , what did they ? all of them , both king and people , humbled themselues in fasting , bewailing their euill & sinfull waies and workes , and crying mightily vnto the lord for pardon , and resoluing to turne from the wickednesse that was in their hands , that so god might turne away from his fierce wrath . yet they had enioyed but little teaching : they had heard onely one sermon from ionah , who was a man vnknowne vnto them , and did not bring such testimonies of scripture to conuince their consciences as are now alleaged vnto vs , &c : and therefore we should be much ashamed to come short of them in this holy exercise , especially seeing we haue not one ionah , but many ; not a iudgement threatned , but executed , and the sword of the lord still drawne against vs , and deuouring by hundreds and thousands in many quarters of our land . let vs then search and examine our hearts , and grieue , and iudge our selues for all our former transgressions ; and couenant with the lord to auoid them hereafter , crauing strength from him for that purpose , that we may be enabled to subdue and keepe vnder all our corruptions : and then our hearts being broken with godly sorrow , they shall be healed with godly ioy ; and being truely cast downe before the lord , he will raise vs vp in due season , and make it knowne by good effect , that he is appeased towards vs. thirdly , here is matter of exceeding great terror vnto those that spend their dayes in the continuall practise of grosse and presumptuous sinnes : for if dauid were so grieued & punished for that corruption which no man liuing could touch him for , euen for dooing a good thing in an ill manner , how then shall they bee able to stand , that haue heaped iniquity vpon iniquitie , and for manie yeeres together added one foule euill vnto another ; and not onely done good things in an ill manner , but ill things in the worst manner , hauing manie crying sinnes still to call for vengeance against them ? if dauid were brought to such a strait , that he was euen at his wits ende , and in exceeding great anguish for doing one thing , which in mans reason might seeme very lawfull ; oh what horrible terrors shall seaze on their soules , who doe continuallie rush vpon a multitude of hainous offences , which all the world crieth out against ! especially when they shall be called to answere , not before gad , as dauid was , but before the maiestie of the great lord of heaven and earth ; not for one sinne , but for all their sinnes : not to endure three dayes punishment in mercie , but euerlasting woe and miserie , and that in iudgement and heauie displeasure ! dauid had great sorrow indeed for the offences which he committed ; yet no more then hee should haue : how then doe they thinke to escape , that are not wrought vpon at all with any remorse for their grieuous transgressions , but are euen as a lumpe of dead flesh , altogether insensible of any stroke of god , that is threatned , or inflicted vpon themselues , or others ? verse 10. i haue sinned exceedingly ] now followeth the second step vnto sound repentance , namely , a true , full , particular , and hearty confession of his sinne that so wounded his heart : which all that would obtaine remission of their sinnes , must be carefull to bring before the lord as dauid did . but this point hath bene more largely handled elsewhere [ in m. dods serm. prou. 28. doct. 2. i beseech thee take away the trespasse of thy seruant , &c. this is the third worke of repentance , viz : that he craueth pardon for his fault ; and that is the next point ; that , with confession of our sinnes , we must alwaies ioyne requests vnto god for the pardoning of the same : so doth dauid in this place , as also psal. 51. so doth the publican , lord be mercifull vnto me a sinner : and in a word , so doth daniel , nehemia , and the rest of gods seruants , as may be seene in their seuerall confessions . and for incouragement vnto the performance of this dutie , we haue , 1 first , the name of god , which is to pardon iniquitie , transgression , and sinne : euen all without exception , great or small , if we repent for them , they shall be pardoned : if we acknowledge our miserie , we shall assuredly finde gods mercy . 2 secondly , we haue the couenant of god , that he will wash vs from all our filthinesse , by powring the bloud of his sonne vpon our sinfull soules . 3 thirdly , we haue the name of christ to incite and moue vs to become suters for a pardon : for he is called iesus , because it is his office to saue his people from their sinnes . this doctrine serueth , first , for the confutation of the papists , who clog mens consciences , and lay on them heauie and yet vnnecessarie burdens , enioyning them , if they would get termission of their sinnes , to goe in pilgrimage to this or that place , to pray to this or that saint , to make some satisfaction to god , &c : as if they should finde mercie any where , rather then by seeking it at gods hands : and they speed accordingly : for whereas dauid went vnto the lord for fauour , and obtained it , they haue still vnsetled hearts , and restles consciences : or hard hearts , and benummed consciences , neuer getting any true peace , or sound comfort in the assurance of their reconciliation with the lord. 2 secondly , for reproofe of those , whose offences are very many , and very grieuous , and they see and acknowledge so much : and yet will they not be so presumptuous ( as they tearme it ) to expect pardon for the same : indeed they thinke it fit for such holy men as dauid was , to aske and looke for mercy from the lord , but for themselues , they are such hainous offenders , that they dare not doe so , neither can they conceiue any hope to speed well if they should doe so . but why should we put in conditions where god doth not , and as it were interline gods couenant ? doth not he promise without any exception , that if we confesse our sinnes , he is faithfull and iust to forgiue vs our sinnes , and to cleanse vs from all vnrighteousnesse ? it is therefore a great fault , to thinke that any hath more abundance of sinne , then god hath of mercy to forgiue it . thirdly , heere is an vse of instruction , that we should be very importunate for the obtaining of gods fauour in the pardoning of our sinnes : which earnestnes that we may attaine vnto , let vs vse these two helpes following , which dauids example directeth vs vnto : first , let vs labour that our hearts may thorowly smite vs , and that our consciences may euermore checke vs when we doe offend : for wheresoeuer there is the checke of conscience , it will make the party grow not onely to hartie confession , but also to earnest petitions for grace and fauour . the greater therefore is their follie , who when the lord doth strike their drowsie consciences for any wickednesse committed by them , will presently betake themselues to merry company , & so by iesting , and laughing , and drinking , and sporting , seeke to driue away their melancholie fit , as they call it : but god meeteth with them accordingly : for when they will not take benefit by that mercifull warning which he giueth them , they commonly fall to maruellous hardnes of heart , and after breake foorth into some horrible sinne , which ouerwhelmeth them with shame and confusion . let vs therefore obserue when the lord smiteth our hearts , and with peter get out of company speedily , and lament bitterly , that so we may turne the rebukes of our soules into holy requests , that the lord would forgiue vs , and not enter into iudgement with vs for our grieuous prouocations against his maiestie . secondly , when sinne is so odious vnto vs , that our hearts doe condemne vs for it , then let vs striue to be perswaded that it is pardonable , yea and that it shall be pardoned vnto vs : that though we deserue to be throwen out of seruice , because we haue dealt so foolishly , yet seeing we are gods seruants , he will not goe to extremities with vs , but deale as a father with his owne children , this ancor of hope we had need still to hold fast by : for if we be not in some good measure resolued , that we shall finde the lord gratious , and that we our selues are not hypocrites , but such as to whom mercy belongeth , we shall presently giue ouer prayer : for who would seeke vnto a chirurgion to cure him , of whom he is afraid lest he should wound him , in that he hath cause and abilitie so to doe ? therefore hold this for a firme ground , once gods childe , and euer : once his seruant , and neuer his enemie : in which regard we may come with confidence vnto him , and say , lord , i am vnworthy to be called thy sonne ; yet art thou my mercifull father : i haue done thee ill seruice , yet am i thy poore seruant still : and though i be bad now , yet time hath bene when i haue bin better , & done better : when i haue praied in secret , and humbled my soule ; and shedde teares for my sinnes in priuate ; and haue had an vtter detestation of those euils , which now through the corruption of my nature i haue fallen into , and therefore lord be pacified towards me , and put out of thy remembrance the trespasse of thy seruant . if any one want these testimonies of gods loue towards him , and of his loue towards god , when affliction ouertaketh him for his sinnes , he will either flee from the lords presence , as adam did , or if he aduenture to come vnto him , his prayers will descend as plummets of lead vpon him , and sathan and his owne conscience will be readie to accuse him , and to say , what hast thou to doe with god ? he heareth not sinners : thou shall rather prouoke his vengeance , then obtaine his fauour by thy petitions ; and because thou hast bene his enemie heretofore , he will shew himselfe to be thine now : and because thou hast cast his word behind thy backe , he will shut out thy cries , that they shall not haue any accesse vnto him . which vncomfortable newes , will be as a dart to strike thorow the liuer of an hypocrite , and as a two edged sword to pearse his soule : and therefore let vs all labour to be strongly setled in this point , that we are gods seruants , that so we may be feruent and firie in our prayers , and not be so daunted as sinners are when the hand of god is vpon them . i haue dealt very foolishly ] this he speaketh to make this sinne more odious vnto himselfe : for by nature we are so proud , that we cannot abide that any body should say , we haue dealt foolishly and absurdly : therefore doth he lay lode vpon himselfe , the more to beat downe his pride , confessing that he had dealt very foolishly , because he had dealt very sinfully : whence note this doctrine , that the more sinfull any one is , the more foolish he is . eue did eat of the forbidden fruit , thinking she had dealt very wisely & prouidently for her selfe : but did she get any thing by sinning against her makers commandement ? no surely : when shee had a conceit that she should deale most wisely , she dealt most foolishly of any that euer was in the world : for thereby she brought sorrow and miserie , yea eternall damnation of soule and body , not onely vpon her selfe ( had not god giuen her repentance and mercy ) but vpon many hundred thousands of her posteritie . so achan thought it a part of wisdome to take vp the babylonish garment & the wedge of gold that lay in his way : hee might thereby ( as he imagined ) inrich himselfe , and the matter neuer be knowne : but was not that the ruine of himselfe & his houshold ? in like manner ieroboam esteemed it a wise and safe way for him to set vp the calues , that the people might worship at dan and bethel , and so not fall from him , to ioyne againe to the house of dauid : he accounted this a surer course to establish his throne , then for him to rest on gods promise : but did he not get exceeding dishonour and vtter ruine heereby ? in so much that when the lord will set foorth a notable reprobate and firebrand of hell , he doth describe him by this , that he was like ieroboam the sonne of nebat , that made israel to sinne : and whereas he hoped by this meanes to set vp himselfe and his seed for euer , he caused them through his sinnes to be swept away as dung from the face of the earth . the like may be said of ahab in taking away naboths vineyard . and this must needs be so , that the greatest sinners are the veriest fooles , because in sinning they forsake the wisedome of god , and follow the direction of flesh and blood . it is noted as a point of great folly and indiscretion in rehoboam , that he would forsake the good counsell of the old men , and follow the rash aduise of young men : and are not they then egregious fooles indeed , that leaue the counsell of the wise god , and follow the aduice of sathan , his and their vtter enemie ? we would esteeme it a great madnesse , if we should see a man , his barnes being full of corne , to set fire on the thatch , and to sit by and laugh to behold all turned into a flame : and yet certainely this is not so great a madnesse as for one to fire his soule with sinne : for all the friends and meanes that the world affordeth cannot quench this flame , nor recouer this losse , as they may the other : and therefore they are the fooles of the world , that are the sinners of the world : and there is no such frenfie , as for a man to prouoke his creator : and whatsoeuer applause wicked persons haue for a season , yet at length all the world shall see , and they themselues shall feele , that they haue beene notorious fooles : ier. 17. 11. this serueth for instruction , that if we would not be branded with the name of fooles and idiots , we be carefull to eschew all manner of sinnes : and on the contrary , if we would be truely wise , let vs cleaue vnto the lord in constant and faithfull obedience : that was the reason why dauid was wiser then his enemies , then his teachers , then the aged , because he kept gods statutes . what made those in the gospell to be foolish virgins , but this , that they made not prouision for eternall life ? and what made the other fiue to be indeed wise , but that their hearts and liues were adorned and beautified with grace and goodnesse ? achitophel was a deepe politician ; yet because he was destitute of heauenly wisedome , he shewed himselfe to be but a miserable base foole : for when he had no meanes to helpe himselfe , he went and hanged himselfe : if one had studied an hundred yeeres , he could hardly haue found out a readier way to manifest his notable folly , then he tooke in that horrible murdering of himselfe . 2 secondly , is it so that the greatest sinners are the veriest fooles ? then here is matter of singular consolation for gods seruants , that are vilified and contemned , and accounted sillie and simple , euen for this , that they carefully decline from the waies of sinners , though in shew neuer so pleasant and profitable : and conscionably , walke in the paths of righteousnesse , though neuer so rough and dangerous : let vaine men speake their pleasure of them , and count and call them the fooles of the world , yet god esteemeth and speaketh otherwise of them . it is no maruell that the world iudgeth them fooles , for with them the doctrine of the gospell ( vnto which the godly endeuour to conforme themselues and their courses ) is accounted foolishnes . but as wisedome is iustified of her children , whatsoeuer men thinke or speake of it , so are the children of wisedome iustified by the infinitely wise god , whatsoeuer slanderous and reproachfull imputations carnall men doe lay vpon them : he saith that the feare of the lord is the beginning of wisedome . prou. 1. 7. and that those that obey his commandements are the onely wise people vnder the sun. deut. 46. verse . 13. wilt thou that seuen yeeres famine come vpon the lands &c. heere commeth an obiection to be answered . it is said , 1. cor. 11. 31. that if we iudge our selues , we shall not be iudged of the lord : how commeth it to passe then in this place , that dauid confessing his fault , aggrauating it , and asking pardon for it , hath notwithstanding such a heauie iudgement denounced against him , as the famine , or the sword , or the pestilence ? 1 though such as iudge themselues , shall not be iudged , yet must they be cured : and that was dauids case here : this stroake was not laid vpon him in wrath , but in fauour : he had set vpon a good worke , euen the pulling downe of his pride , & by this meanes the lord furthered him in y e good worke , & made a speedier way for abūdāce of grace , which was after bestowed vpō him . 2 againe , the people were not so reformed as they should be at this time , and therefore god in this plague doth aime at their humbling , thrusting dauid out of the gappe ( as it were ) who had formerly by his prayers & teares stood in the breach , to keep of the lords wrath from them , so that all this while beeing intangled with his own matters , he could not so freely deale for them . now in that dauid must haue such a sharpe corasiue to consume that proud flesh that had growne about his heart , by reason of his mightie forces , and the largenesse of his dominions , the doctrine is , that it is a wonderfull hard thing to take downe the pride of mans heart : it is no small affliction that will doe it , as is plaine iob 33. 14. &c : where is at large shewed , that god vseth all meanes , and that againe & againe , and yet men will not profit thereby : then he findes out the cause of it to be pride , verse . 17. and so laieth corrections vpon them sutable thereunto , smiting them with sorrow vpon their beds , so that the griefe of their bones is sore : pinching them with grieuous sicknesses and diseases , and making their bones to clater , so that their soules draw neere to the graue , and their life to the buriers . now when these or the like wofull distresses haue tamed and maistered their vnruly affections , then doe they begin to be somewhat more tractable : and whereas neither dreames , nor visions , nor any of gods ordinances would doe any good vpon them before , after that , if god send vnto them a messenger or interpreter one of a thousand , they will begin to hearken vnto them , and to learne how they may obtaine mercy and reconciliation with god , that they descend not into the pit of destruction . further , we may obserue what a great deale of woe dauid sustained by reason of the hautinesse of his heart , and his earthly confidence ( which is a signe thereof ) when he thought his mountaine so strong , that he should neuer be mooued : for god turned away his face from him , and he was troubled , and euen ready to goe downe into the pit , & to descend vnto the dust , &c. neither did god minister vnto him a stronger purgation then he needed : but his pride required full as much affliction as the lord laide vpon him , this was also the case of vzziah , who being in a moderate estate , did exceeding much good both for the church and the common wealth : but when he was growen mighty and strong , his heart was lifted vp , and then he could not content himselfe with his kingly dignitie , but he would needs take vpon him the office of the high-priest also , and so went into the temple of the lord , to burne incense vpon the altar of incense ; but what came of this presumptuous fact of his ? when the admonition of the priests of the lord would not preuaile with him , but he grewe wroth with those that withstoode him , the lord louing him , did forthwith smite him with leprosie , and so he was driuen to liue apart all his life long , that so the hautinesse of his heart might bee throughlie cured . 2. chron. 26. the like may be seene in paul ; who albeit he were a man of wonderfull graces , & had beene continually exercised with many and great afflictions , so that he had no great need of further humbling , as we would haue thought , yet had he satan turned loose vpon him , to buffet him , and to beat him blacke and blew as it were , that so hee might not bee lifted vp with the multitude and excellencie of the reuelations that he had receiued . hee had beene in the third heauen , and was indued with exceeding rare gifts : and the lord knew , that if he were not taken downe , hee would bee very conceited of himselfe , and then all had beene lost : he would be vnfit to receiue or doe good , altogether vnprofitable and vnfruitfull , and robbe god of his honour , and men of their due : and therefore to preuent this , hee giueth satan libertie to worke vpon his originall corruption , and to exercise him with strange temptations , which was a speciall preseruatiue against pride , and loftinesse of minde . lastly , wee may note in the 8. chap. of deuteronomie , verse 2. what a great adoe the lord had with his people , the children of israel ; to helpe them , against this vile corruption that was in them : hee was driuen to keepe them fortie yeeres in the wildernes , and there to exercise them with manie and grieuous crosses and iudgements , and all to humble them , as there it is saide : and certainly , if fewer and easier afflictions would haue done it , the lord would neuer haue handled them so roughlie and sharplie ; for mercie pleaseth him , neither doeth hee afflict willinglie . now the reason why the pride of mens hearts cannot easily bee remooued , is , first , because it doth wonderfully harden them , and makes them euen like a flinte : so that they are verie hardly wrought vpon , either by instructions , or by afflictions . this is euident in nebuchadnezzar , who notwithstanding that diuine dreame that god had sent vnto him , and the holy instructions and exhortations that daniel had giuen him , after his interpretation thereof ; yet continued in his arrogancie still , and was full of boasting and bragging : in so much that the lord was faine to strippe him of his wittes , of his kingdome , of his foode , of his apparell , and of the societie of mankinde , and to cause him , euen for seuen yeares together , to liue as a beast , among the beasts of the fielde : and all little enough to take downe the stoutnes and loftines of his sinfull heart . secondly , as pride maketh men vnteachable , and vncapable of good by any meanes that others can vse , so doth it make them vnable to vse any means themselues , for the humbling of their soules : for proud men cannot examine , and iudge themselues , because they are wise in their own eyes , and haue an high conceit of their owne doings : they cannot pray , because they haue no promise to builde vpon , nor any heart to humble their soules before the lord , as all that will speede well with him must doe : they cannot labour in a calling for conscience sake ; because they onely seeke and serue themselues in whatsoeuer they doe : in a word , they cannot applie themselues to vse any of those holie remedies that god hath ordained , for the subduing and mastering of the pride , and haughtinesse of their wicked hearts ; and therefore it must needs be concluded , that this dangerous sicknes is very hardly cured . and if we haue yet any doubt hereof , let experience teach vs the truth of this point : for if wee obserue it in our selues or others , we shall find , that those that haue had most heart-breakings , and shed most bitter tears , and gone through most fearfull temptations , and most grieuous distresses , haue yet still a great deale of pride in them , which is ready vppon euery occasion to manifest it selfe , vnto their griefe and the offence of others . which maketh first of all for the terrour of all proud and arrogant men , who may looke for a great deale of woe and miserie , for the expelling of this poysoned humour out of their soules . let such therefore remember what is said concerning them , to wit , that all the proud in heart are an abomination vnto the lord : though hand ioyne in hand , they shall not be vnpunished . and againe , pride goeth before destruction , and an high minde before the fall . and in the 119. psalm : thou hast destroyed the cursed proud : and in the epistle of iames , god resisteth the proud . let these and the like terrible sentences fright their drowsie consciences , and vnlesse they would haue the lord to abhorre them , to curse them , to fight against them , and vtterly to destroy them , let them sue vnto him , who alone is able to heale them of this loathsome corruption : otherwise their case is very wofull , and lamentable , and the more account they make of themselues , the more cleerely will god manifest his heauie displeasure against them , as he did against pharaoh , nebuchadnezzar , herod , and such other lostie spirits as they were . secondly , let this be an instruction vnto the children of god , that if they would not haue their maker to loath them , and to fight against them , they must labour to abhorre all loftines of minde , and ouer-weening conceites of themselues , and be content that the lord should keepe them in humilitie by whatsoeuer meanes he thinketh best : the godly begin to thinke much diuers times that they are afflicted euery morning ; that they are exercised with wants , with sicknesses , with disgraces and the like : but better is it to vndergoe some of these , or all of these , though it be all our life long , so we be made more lowly thereby , than to ouerflowe with great plentie and varietie of outward things , and in the meane time to be pestered with that venemous humour of pride and selfe-conceit . therefore was it that paul doeth professe that hee would reioyce in infirmities , in reproaches , in necessities , in persecutions , &c : because he knewe they were excellent preseruatiues against his sinne . now because men are readie to thinke that there is not in them such store of pride , as that they greatly neede gods medicines to cure them of it , or if they doe see their pride , they are readie to sit downe discouraged , as if it were vnpossible to get the better of it , therefore will it not be amisse to set downe some fruits and effects of pride , whereby it may be discerned , and some remedies and helpes against it , by vertue whereof it may be cured . concerning the first point , it were an infinite worke to reckon vp all the effects of pride , and therefore i will onely touch some few of the principall , whereby we may be led to a sight of the rest : and the first of them shall be that where of salomon speaketh , saying , onely by pride doeth man make contention : many there are that doe ignorantly imagine they were neuer proud in all their life ; but let them consider better of the matter ; did they neuer brawle nor contend with any in all their life ? if they did , certaine it is that they were proud : for looke how much contention there is , so much pride there is in euery man. which may be an euident argument to proue that this sinne doeth greatly sway euery where : for if we looke into most families , and euen into those of the purest sort ( who thinke themselues most free from pride ) shall we not finde many iarres betwixt husband and wife ; betwixt maister and seruants , betwixt brethren and sisters , betwixt neighbour and neighbour ? this is so palpable that none can denie it ; and therefore let not men deceiue themselues , but see and acknowledge and bewaile the wretched hautines of their hearts . another fruit of pride is , impatiencie vnder crosses , or losses , or indignities that doe befall vs : for when we are discontented at that estate and condition , wherein we are , we euidently expresse our dislike of gods gouernement , as if he did not dispose of things aright , and as if we could order matters in a better sort , if they were in our hands : and is not that monstrous pride to thinke ourselues wiser than god , and to censure him for his proceedings ? againe , this is an euident token that men are proud , when they are readie to scorne at an admonition , or a reproofe that is giuen vnto them , for that argueth that they haue a verie good opinion of themselues and of their actions , when they cannot abide that anie should finde faulte with them , or goe about to reforme them . dauid was otherwise affected , when the prophet nathan came vnto him with a sharpe reprehension , and when abigall met him with a wise admonition . and iob bringeth this as an argument of his vprightnesse , that hee durst not contemne the iudgemēt of his seruāt . no , not of his maide seruant , if they had any matter to obiect against him : and therefore let such as are enraged , or imbittetered against their reproouers or admonishers , knowe , that they are farre from that modestie and meekenesse of spirit that was in these holie men of god. lastlie , this is a sure note of pride , when men doe much regard earthly things , and promise vnto themselues a kinde of happinesse in the enioyment thereof : in which regard the apostle willeth timothie to charge rich men that they be not high minded , and that they doe not trust in vncertaine riches : implying thereby , that so much confidence as there is in wordlie substance , so much high-mindednes there is in the parties so addicted . the more men trust in god , the more humble they will be , but the more they trust in their wealth , the more high-minded they will bee . if men would trie themselues by this touch-stone , they should easily discerne abundance of pride in themselues : for who almost is there but doeth thinke himselfe the better and safer for the very hauing of earthlie things ? and who doth not iudge his case more miserable , meerly for the want of these deceitfull vanities ? let vs therefore sifte our owne hearts , and by these and the like fruites of pride , learne to iudge what abundance of this poysoned sappe there is within vs. and then perceiuing how liable wee are vnto many fearefull stroakes of god by reason thereof , let vs carefully vse these remedies following against the same . first , let vs often search and trie our owne hearts , and workes by the right rule , that is , by the holy law of god : for none are lifted vp , but such as doe not knowe themselues : for if wee rightly considered what we are , and what our actions are , it would take downe all that foolish conceitednes , that is naturallie ingrafted in vs , and cause vs to say with the publican , lord bee mercifull to mee a sinner : and with paul , miserable man that i am , who shall deliuer mee from the bodie of this death ! hee was aliue ; that is , thought himselfe aliue , and in verie good case , before the law came , & cōuinced him of his wretched corruptions , hee was euen as a blinde man that feares nothing , though a man came running vpon him with a sharpe sword , or he were ready to fal down violētly frō an high and dangerous rocke , he would neuer be daunted at the matter , nor one whit moued , because hee sees not that hee is in any danger : such was pauls case , and such is the state of euery vnregenerate man : but when gods law is once pressed vpon the conscience , by the liuely working of the holie ghost , it inlightens the minde , and makes men see their owne sinfulnes , as paul did , which is an excellent meanes to kill all proud and loftie conceits . if therefore we desire to be ridde of this hatefull and hurtfull companion , i meane pride , let vs often and earnestly examine our selues by this straight rule of gods law : we are giuen to try our selues often by examining whether we be not better than such a man , or such a woman , but this is a false and a deceitfull rule : for a man may be better than such and such , and yet be starke naught . but the proud flesh will be readie to obiect , and say , i doe not onely goe beyond these and these wicked ones , but i am better than diuers that are esteemed godly and religious . are you so ? you may easily be deceiued ; and the better conceit you haue of your selfe , the worse you are likely to be : but grant for the time that you excell others in some things , doe not they goe before you in some other ? you haue a better gouernement of your tongue than many of your neighbours ; but are you not more grosly tainted with couetousnes than they are ? you haue a better gift of chastitie than another , but doeth not he lesse offend in violent distempered passions than you doe ? and the like might be said in other particulars . if you consider your owne goodnes and others badnes , you may easily growe to thinke better of your selfe than of others : but if you would withall set before your eyes their goodnes and your owne badnes , it would happily make you to haue a better opinion of them than of your selfe , and cause you to conclude that ( all things considered ) their graces are more excellent than yours . but let that be yeelded , that you are indeed beyond many others in pietie and godlines , doe you not yet come farre short of that which the law requireth ? & for those gifts that you haue , whence proceeded they ? are they not bestowed vpon you out of the lords meere bountie ? and if you haue receiued them , why are you puffed vp as if you had not receiued them ? if you did aright consider that you are no more worthy of the least blessing of god than the vilest creature in the world , and that not your goodnes , but gods goodnes is the cause that you excell others , there would be no place left for ouer-weening cōceits of your selfe , but you would conclude ( as the truth is ) that the better you are gifted , the more you are indebted , and the more talents you haue , the more thankes you owe vnto god , and the more seruice vnto his people . and thus much for the first remedie against pride , which is , to try our selues and our actions by the true touchstone of gods word . the second is , often to bring our hearts into gods presence by prayer & thanks-giuing , for that will make vs acquainted with that holines which is in the lord , and then we cannot but see and acknowledge that vilenes which is in ourselues . this was it that made abrahā the father of beleeuers , and the most excellent of all the patriarks , to confesse , that he was but dust and ashes : this was it that caused isaiah , a maruellous holy prophet , to cry out , that he was a man of polluted lips ; and this was it that made iob that worthie and renowmed seruant of god , euen to abhorre himselfe , and to repent in dust , and ashes . and assuredly if we constantly and zealously accustome our selues to come before gods glorious throane , it will make vs much ashamed to stand vpon our owne worth , and frame vs to a very lowly conceit of our selues . and on the contrarie , we may boldly conclude , that they that doe not vse reuerently and faithfully to call vpon the lord , are proud and hautie , and arrogant persons , and neuer yet knewe what true lowlines meant , where there are many and feruent prayers , there is much humilitie : where there are fewe and weake prayers , there is little humilitie : where there are no faithfull prayers at all , there is no humilitie at all . a third helpe against pride is , diligence in some lawfull calling : for labour and trauell ( as the wise man saith ) are appointed vnto the sonnes of men to humble them thereby . as for idle persons , they are alwaies proud and conceited : a sluggard is wiser in his owne eyes , then ten men that can render a reason , for such kind of people hauing nothing to busie their heads about , are very readie ( sathan helping them forward ) to thinke of their owne worth , to imagine high things of themselues , and so to build castles in the aire : besides that , idlenes nourisheth in them all manner of vile lusts , and the more sinfull any one is , the more proud he is ; and therefore is the diuell more proud than any , because he is more sinfull than any . if then we would not be in bondage vnto this vile sinne of pride , let vs apply ourselues diligently vnto the workes of our seuerall vocations ; and that for conscience sake and in obedience vnto god ; not for filthy lucre sake , or for enuy , or the like , for if we labour & toyle neuer so much for worldly respects , we shall not be rightly humbled thereby , but rather puffed vp in our fleshly mindes . a fourth remedie is , often to meditate of the hurts and mischiefes that come by pride , and of the benefits that doe arise from humilitie . the mischiefes proceeding from pride were partly before named in the first vse of this doctrine , viz , that it causeth the lord to abhorre vs , to resist vs , to curse vs , and to plague vs , yea and to depriue vs of those things whereof we are most proud and conceited : besides that , it causeth vs to pine away with enuy : to consume with malice , to fret and vex with anger and discontentment , and vpon euery slight occasion to brabble and wrangle , to fall out with this body and that , and in a word , to be very vnquiet in our selues , and very troublesome and hatefull vnto others ; and who then would not be freed from this hurtfull sinne , which hath so many badde effects arising from it ? then on the other side , the benefites issuing from the pure fountaine of humilitie , are very many and great : for besides the auoyding of the forenamed mischifes , lowlines will giue vs an interest in all the promises of god : meeke men shall inherit the earth ; they shall haue god to dwell with them , and grace to remaine in them while they liue , and glory to inuest them , and to make them eternally happie when they die . these remedies of often examination , frequent prayer , diligence in our vocation , and serious consideration of the hurts that come by pride , and of the benefits that proceed of humilitie , we must constantly and conscionably vse for the humbling of our hearts . and lastly , for this very ende and purpose , we must not onely be cōtent to heare admonition , but earnestly desire it : both of the lord , that he would be pleased to stirre vp mens hearts to admonish vs , and of men , that they would shew vs that fauour , as to tell vs plainely and faithfully of our faults , that we may thereby discerne of those corruptions , and be humbled for them , which we thorough selfe-loue , and too much partialitie cannot easily espie , or not so thoroughly censure in our selues . the benefit here of dauid found vpon the prophet nathans comming vnto him ; and therefore doeth he so earnestly pray for it , saying : let the righteous smite me for that is a benefit , and let him reproue me , and it shall be a precious oyle , &c. and whosoeuer they be that doe not thus desire the admonitions of gods seruants , they carrie too little hatred against sinne , and doe not with any great earnestnes and indignation controule and checke their consciences for it : and therefore they are likely to liue and die in their pride , and may iustly feare those punishments that doe belong vnto proud persons . verse 12. i offer thee three things : chuse thee which of them i shall doe vnto thee . in that the lord putteth him to this choyce when he began in good earnest to humble himselfe , the doctrine is , that the more speedily we iudge our selues , the more mercifully the lord will deale with vs. this we see proued in this text , where god dealeth with dauid as a father with his owne sonne : first , letting him chuse his owne rod , when of necessitie he must be corrected : secondly , he giueth him warning before hand , that the plague might not ouertake him on a sudden , which would wonderfully haue discomforted him : thirdly , he telleth him how long it should continue , so that he was sure three daies would be the longest . which serueth first for singular comfort vnto gods children that doe bewaile their sinnes , and passe sentence vpon themselues as well as they can : if they goe thorow with that worke , the lord wil giue them a comfortable and speedie deliuerance : or if it be requisite that they should feele gods hand vpon them or theirs in any more grieuous manner , yet the lord will deale with them in some sort as he did heere with dauid : for first they shall haue warning thereof before hand , and so be better prepared and armed for it . and further , if they striue to humble their hearts before the lord , though they haue not the choyce of their particular scourge , yet it shall be as well with them in effect : for although at first they thinke the rod very smart , and euery blow two , yet when they are growne to be stronger men in christ , they shall be driuen to confesse , that if they had chosen their owne rods , there could haue beene none in the world so fit for them as those wherewith the lord hath scourged them : so that they shall be able not onely to say with the prophet , it is good for me that i haue beene afflicted ; but good for me that i was whipped with these and these rods , yea and that i receiued thus many strokes from the lords mercifull hand , no crosse could haue beene inuented to doe me more good , then pouerty , or disgrace , or ill neighbours , or any the like , according as gods seruants are seuerally tried . if god should haue put it to abrahams and iacobs choyse , they would rather haue parted with any outward thing , then with their children , that were as deare vnto them as their life : but when they saw gods end in trying them that way , when isaac was spared , and ioseph aduanced , and made an instrument of humbling his boisterous brethren , and of releeuing his father and all his familie , besides many others , then they must needs acknowledge that it was fittest for them to be crossed in their children , and that cods waies are the best , whatsoeuer we may iudge of them for a while . secondly , heere is matter of terrour vnto all vngodly men that will not be perswaded to iudge themselues : looke what iudgement will most vex , and sting , and torment , and euen kill their soules , that let them make account of . if haman might haue beene the chuser , of all other miseries he would not haue chosen that which befell him : to wit , that mordecai his enemie should be aduanced and honoured and that by himselfe , who did beare him such deadly hatred for that he could not obtaine honour and reuerence from him : what an horrible torment must this needs be vnto his heart , that mordecai now should ride , and he goe by him on foot ? that now he must bow the knee to mordecai , that would so faine haue had mordecai to doe it to him ? that the gallowes that was by him prepared for mordecai , must now serue for himselfe : &c. this must needs be an exceeding torture vnto him : and this shall befall all impenitent sinners : what they are most loth to vndergoe , that shall light vpon them , and that at vnawares when they least thinke of it , and shall continue with them , and neuer leaue them till it haue either turned them vnto god , or brought them vnto hell , the place of all such rebrobate sinners . and that we may apply this to the present occasion , are there not many that are horribly afraid of the pestilence ? yea farre more then they are of sinne which bringeth it : in so much that they absent themselues from sermons , and from publike prayers , lest they should be infected . are there not very many ( i say ) that are possessed with such feares ? let them looke to it : for of all other strokes the pestilence is likely to fall vpon them : if it were a sword in the hand of the pope , or of sathan , then it stood them vpon to beware of gods ordinances : but seeing none but atheists will denie but it is ordered by gods ouer-ruling hand , they take a bad course to escape his stroke : for where can they hide themselues , but he will finde them out ? and whither can they flee from his all-seeing presence ? he can take away the infection where it is , and bring it euen in a moment where it is not : and therefore goe where they can , they goe in continuall danger : for where is the sword of god most likely to smite , but where he is most displeased , and where there is most prophanenesse , and greatest contempt of the meanes of saluation ? therefore if they would escape , let them fall downe before the lord , and humble themselues as dauid did : and not be so much afraid of their neighbours that haue the plague , as of sinne that brings the plague : and runne not so much from the occasion of this sicknesse ( though all good care must be had that way ) as from the cause : which if we can doe , then either god will spare vs , and exempt vs from this stroke , or else giue vs comfort vnder it , and deliuerance from it by life or death : making it a meanes vtterly to kill originall sinne , which all his ordinances could but onely weaken : and who would be afraid of such a cure ? what child of god would not be more glad to sit on a throne in heauen ( though he be called thereto by a boysterous messenger ) than to be in a prison heere on earth ? to be where he shall be quite freed from sinne and sorrow and temptation , and haue all happinesse aboue that which his heart can desire , rather than to be continually turmoyled heere in the world , and euery day to taste of new tribulations . the end of the first sermon . the second sermon . 2. samvel . 24. 14. &c. verse 14 : and dauid said vnto gad , i am in a wonderfull strait : let vs fall now into the hand of the lorde , ( for his mercies are great ) and let mee not fall into the hand of man. verse 15. so the lord sent a pestilence in israell , from the morning , euen to the time appointed : and there died of the people from dan to beer-sheba seuenty thousand men . verse 16. and when the angell stretched out his hand vpon ierusalem , the lord repented of the euill ; and said to the angell that destroyed the people , it is sufficient , hold now thy hand , &c. verse 17. and dauid spake vnto the lord , &c. yee haue alreadie heard of dauids sinne in numbring of the people , of his humiliation , confession , and crauing of pardon for the same : also of the message that was brought vnto him by gad ; what offer the lord made him , namely , that hee should haue the choise of his owne rodde : the sentence was alreadie past , and some one of the three iudgements mentioned verse 13. must needs light vpon the land : yet would god vse as much mildnes as might bee , and therefore hee referres the matter vnto him , and biddeth him consider , and determine which of them hee would most willingly vndergoe . now followe the euents that ensued both vpon the sinne that dauid committed , and the message that god for the same directed vnto him . the first whereof , was the great distresse wherewith hee was perplexed , which he bemoned to the prophet , telling him that he was in a wonderfull strait . the second was the choyse that he made , absolutely passing ouer the famine , without so much as speaking of it , as knowing it to bee incomparablie the sharpest scourge of the three : ( for the scripture saith , that they that are slaine by the sword , are better then they which are killed with hunger ) and rather also submitting himselfe to the pestilence , which was more immediately the sword of god , from whom he expected mercie and sauour , then to the violence and sword of man : in whome what else in such a case is to be found , but crueltie and fiercenesse ? the third was the execution of that plague of the pestilence , which he had yeelded himselfe vnto : which is declared as well by the manner , as the minister of it : it being in so short a time , as in three dayes space , dispersed thorough the whole land , from north to south , and ( though not affirmed , yet implied ) from east to west , ierusalem onely excepted , as may appeare by the circumstance of the text : and in this time seuenty thousand being destroyed ; which stroke was inflicted by the hand of an angell , whome god had therevnto appointed , as minister and executioner of the same . the last was , the ceasing and stay of this plague , euen then when the stroke was lighting vpon ierusalem , to haue destroyed it . and hereof are assigned two causes : the one , and that the principall , was the commandement of god : to whom ( for our better apprehension of his prouidence ) is ascribed an humane passion of repentance : which properly befalleth not him , because hee cannot but doe euery thing absolutely well , nor possiblie at any time bee wearie of well-doing : neither is hee subiect to perturbations , because he is free from all manner of corruptions . but hee is said to repent , when hee withholdeth that which he condicionallie promiseth , or threatneth , or desisteth from that which he had begun to doe , sithence men many times breake off their proceedings , with dislike of the beginnings thereof , and their not doing of that which they saide , argueth commonly that they are sorrie , for saying that which nowe they minde not to doe . the other cause , yet of an inferiour nature , and mouent ( as wee call it ) was the prayer of dauid , whereby hee obtained the preseruation of ierusalem , and the rest of the people , and herein hee offereth himselfe to be smitten , that they might be spared , with acknowledgement that hee was the offender , and they in this matter altogether innocent . verse 14. and dauid said , i am in a wonderfull strait ] the doctrine that hence ariseth , is plaine : viz. that sinne brings men into great distresses , and into maruellous straits . it is the proper nature of wickednesse , to encomber and cast men into perplexities : neither will god spare his owne people , when they take libertie in prouoking his maiestie ; but either they shall be straited in their owne hearts , or else in regard of outward calamities , or both : and though the lord will not condemne them , yet will he afflict them . iehoshaphat was so foolish , that he would make affinitie with ahab : and lest he should breake off that league of friendship that was betweene them , he would aduenture ( contrary to the expresse word of the lord ) to goe against ramoth gilead to battle with him : now was not he in an exceeding great straight , when the maine force of the battle was bent against him , being supposed to be the king of israel , concerning whom a command was giuen to the captaines by the king of aram , that they should fight against none , neither small nor great , but onely against the king of israel ? yet would not iehoshaphat take warning by this : but after that he had beene rebuked by iehu the prophet , for helping the wicked , and louing them that hated the lord , he yet ioyned with iehoram the king of israel , against the king of moab : but was his successe any better then before ? no surely : for howsoeuer they had the victorie ouer the moabites with much difficultie , yet before that was effected , he was in a greater straight , then when he went against ramoth gilead : for there his owne person onely was endangerd : but heere both he and his people , together with two kings and their armies besides , were like to perish for want of water . a further proofe of this point we haue in ionah , who discoursing with his owne reason , thought it would be to no purpose , but very dangerous for him to goe to preach at niniue , and therefore refused to yeeld to the commandement of the lord. but what wofull distresse did this disobedience bring him into , when being in that sore tempest , the sea did roare , his conscience accuse him , men were against him , god was against him , and there was no way for him , but to be throwne into the sea , and there to remaine three daies and three nights in the belly of a whale ? the like may be seene in sampson , who being carried with boisterous lusts , and immoderately and sinfully affecting that vile strumpet dalilah , could hide nothing from her , but discouered vnto her very foolishly wherein his great strength lay , namely in his haire : and so that being cut off , as a recompence of his folly and sinfull dealing , he was betraied into the hands of his most deadly enemies the philistims , who puld out both his eyes , bound him in fetters , made him grinde in the prison house , and besides made him a laughing stocke vnto those into whom he had formerly stricken a great terrour and amazement by his admirable valour , and the strange enterprises atchieued by him . thus we may in part perceiue into what narrow straits sinne doth bring gods owne children : but this is especially verified in wicked men , of whom it is said , that thornes and snares are in the way of the froward : they are hedged in with thornes , and all their walke is vpon brakes : they run to hell with great vexation : they are intangled in snares continually , and are neuer out of them : they are caught in sathans net , and held fast by hardnesse of heart , which neuer leaues them till either conuersion , or vtter confusion doe befall them . but this will more fully appeare in particular sinnes , as first to giue instance in drunkards , whose appetite doth prouoke them vnto that beastly abuse of gods good creatures : the wine delights their eye , and pleaseth their taste , and goeth downe merily : but in the end it will bite like a serpent , and hurt like a cockatrice : for to whom is woe ? to whom is sorrow ? &c. euen to them that tarrie long at the wine , to them that goe and seeke mixt wine : for they ruinate and ouerthrow their estate , they blemish and staine their names , make their wiues to fall out with them , their children to contemne them , their companions to quarrell with them : their best friends to loath them : and after all this , they are a burden vnto themselues , hauing their wittes crackt , and their bodies diseased , and beeing fit for no place , but onely for hell . the same may be said of proud men : doth not their sinne throwe them into great miserie ? let vs consider a little of hamans fall , which was procured by his insolencie . god knewe what crosse would most vexe his proud heart , and that he sent him : for whereas all hamans honour could doe him no good , vnlesse mordecai would rise vp before him , and doe him reuerence , that was a thorne vnto him , when hee could not make him doe it : but when hee must honour mordecai , and be as a seruant vnto him , that was a snare vnto his soule , and therein was hee helde fast , with horrible vexation and monstrous shame , till death and damnation seazed vpon him . the like may bee seene in riotous and voluptuous persons , who are whollie addicted to followe sporting , and gaming , and surfetting , and chambering , and wantonnesse , with such like sinfull delights of the flesh : the world thinks that such liue a merrie life : but iudge not too well of them ; they haue not paid all their shot as yet : they haue miserie enough behinde , that still pursues them , and at length will ouertake them : for hee that loues pastime , shall be a poore man ; and hee that loues wine and oyle shall not bee rich : and a whore will bring a man to a morsell of bread : pouertie shall followe at the heeles of such , as a swift post , and shall set vpon them as a strong armed man : they shall be ouercome and vanquished , and downe shall their estate goe , euen to the ground . another instance may be in couetous persons , who haue wealth in wonderfull admiration , so that it is made the common god , and most vsuall idoll of the world : and when they haue gotten it , they , and manie others thinke they shall haue great credit with it : and manie times it so falls out , that they are men of great place , because they are of great substance : they haue manie to attend vpon them , manie to flatter them , and to crouch vnto them , and by their riches they may procure almost what they list : doth not this now seeme to be an easie , a pleasant , and happy life ? yet the apostle telleth vs , that they that will be rich , fall into tentation , and snares , and into manie foolish and noysome lusts , which drowne men in perdition and destruction : so that when wealth ( together with the loue of it ) flowes in on euery side , men are as it were cast headlong into a sea of miserie : and therefore it is added , that the desire of mony is the roote of all euill : for it doth not onely poyson mens hearts , make them erre from the faith , and bring them into the snares of the diuell , to be lead by him according to his will ; but it pearseth them thorow with many sorrowes : for greedy wordlings are euer disconted and froward , falling out with one , and chafing with another : so that those things which seeme to glad their hearts , doe not indeed bring them any sound contentment , because their desires can neuer be satisfied , but especially because they are often times much crossed : as when their sheepe or cattle miscarry , their grounds prooue vnfruitfull , their seruants vntrusty , theeues set vpon them by violence to spoile them of their goods , or subtill aduersaries by craft seeke to defraud them of the same , with many such like occurrences , which will neither let them rest quietly in the night , nor liue comfortably in the day : and the hearts of such couetous persons can tell them , that manie times all other things doe them no good , sithence they cannot haue some one thing which they would , as the case stood with wicked ahab in the matter of naboths vineyard . but suppose , that these and the like sinnes should not bring men into snares in their lifetime , yet at the time of their death when they must goe out of the world , they will : for what hope hath the hypocrite when god shall take away his life ? though he haue heaped vp riches as the dust , yet when god shall vnsheath his soule , and put it violently from his body as a rustie sword out of the scabberd , what good will all his substance doe him then ? it was his hope while he liued , that he should still get more wealth : but when death sets vpon him , he is past that hope , and for better hopes he hath none , and therefore must needs be full of woe , and full of perplexitie . then though he call vpon god , he will not answer : and though he seeke him early , he shall not finde him : but god will laugh at his destruction , and mocke when his feare commeth . because god called , and he refused ; he stretched out his hand , and he would not regard ; therefore when he crieth , the lord will shut out his prayer . but set the case they be not in such perplexitie at the time of their death , but that they die securely , and goe suddenly downe to the graue as senslesse blocks , or stones , yet must they come before the iudgement seat of christ , and then they shall be paid home for all . ordinarily they meet with extremitie of anguish while they liue , or when they die : but if they doe not , they shall not misse of it when they appeare before the iudge of heauen and earth , but tribulation and anguish shal be vpon euery soule that hath offended , of what estate and degree soeuer he hath beene . then their distresse and honour shall be such , that when they arise out of their graues , they shall wish to returne thither againe : yea they shall desire that the mountaines and rockes might fall vpon them , & couer them from him that sitteth on the throne , and from the wrath of the lambe . then they would thinke no paines nor torment too much so they might perish euerlastingly : they could rather desire that an huge rocke or great mountaine might crush them in peeces , and that they might perish as beasts , than to appeare before christ iesus to receiue that fearefull sentence , goe ye cursed , &c : this is the proper wages of sinne : and of disobedience against the lord : it castes the committers of it into a wofull labyrinth of distresses and miseries : and good reason is there that it should be so , because otherwise the hatefulnes of it , and the hatred of god against it would not cleerely appeare , & so men would like better of the broad way , than of the narrow , and chuse to be rebells against the lord , rather than obedient subiects vnto him : euen the best would doe this as well as the worst . which serueth first , for instruction : that we should beware of all kinds of sinne , and consider what will come of it , before we presume to rush vpo it : let vs looke before we leape , lest afterwards we repent vs when it is too late . sinne will make goodly shewes of delight , and preferment , and commoditie that it will bring vnto vs : that if we will giue entertainement thereunto , it will neuer be a meanes of any disgrace vnto vs , but will hide it selfe from the view of the world . but what doth the lord say of it ? doth not he tell vs that it will breake out , and flie abroad at length ? the adulterer would haue his wretched pleasure , but not the iust reproach of his filthinesse . but what saith iob ? are there not strange punishments for such workers of iniquitie ? and though they may hide it from the eyes of men , doth not god behold their waies , and tell all their steps ? if adam and eue had considered what mischiefe would haue ensued on their eating of the forbidden fruit , they would neuer haue tasted thereof : but when they would beleeue the serpent rather then god , did not they , and shall not their posteritie for euer smart for it ? the prophet micaiah bid abab take heede of his iourney to ramoth gilead : yet he would haue his owne minde , let the prophet say what he would : but when the arrow was shot into his side , then he saw that micaiahs counsell had beene worth the following : but then it was too late , and such is the folly and madnesse of most men ; they must haue their owne wils ▪ and their owne waies , and will neuer hearken to those instructions that are giuen them , either by god , or by godly men , till miserie haue ouerwhelmed their soules , and they be past recouerie . but let their follie teach vs to be wiser , and let vs take heede of sathans baites , and of his sugred poyson : he will make vs profers ( as he did vnto our sauiour ) of maruellous great honour , and pleasure , and gaine that may be gotten by such and suel , sinfull courses : but let vs neuer giue credit vnto him , for he is a lyar from the beginning : but , secondly , if we haue harkned too far vnto him already , and haue fallen by our iniquitie , let vs withall possible speede get out of that which holds vs in bondage , and wrappeth vs in milerie , and chaineth vs in many sorrowes and calamities ; let vs get sound repentance for it , and striue for a reformation of it : let not sinne keepe possession in vs , and then iudgements shall not long continue vpon vs he that hath committed any grosse sinne , is as it were a prisoner : according to that of salomon , his owne wickednesse shall take the wicked himselfe , and he shall be holden with the cords of his owne sinne . there is a iudiciall proceeding against him : sinne commeth as an officer , and chargeth the partie to stand : then it apprehendeth him , and bindeth him hand and foot as a malefactor : ( it spareth not the mightiest monarch in the world , that is found guiltie before the lord ) after there is a proceeding vnto arraignment and execution , if there be not meanes vsed to stay the same : therefore let vs get off the fetters of iniquitie as soone as we can : and if we find terrors vpon our hearts for our couetousnesse and crueltie , for our pride and insolencie , for our filthinesse and impuritie , &c : let vs labour with god for the obtaining of a pardon : and then though we be plagued for our foolishnesse , and brought very lowe , yet crying vnto the lord , he will deliuer vs out of our distresse : yea he will bring vs out of darknesse , and out of the shadow of death , and breake our bands asunder . heere is also matter of comfort to them that proceed in the waies of the lord with a good conscience , whose workes doe testifie for them that they are vpright and sincere , and that though they be clogged with many infirmities , yet they giue entertainment to no sinne at all : though they haue many troubles and slanders raised against them , and many temptations , wants and necessities lying vpon them , yet let them be of good cheere : for albeit they be afflicted on euery side , yet shall they not be in distresse , they are not straitned , but haue elbow roome enough , and doe enioy the best freedome and libertie . for they may come into gods priuie chamber ( as it were ) and into his presence when they will : they are not strained in their soules , but haue libertie to powre out their hearts before their heauenly father , who knoweth and pittieth their distressed estate , and will worke out their freedome and comfort in due time : and in the meane while his hand shall defend and vphold them : his spirit shall comfort and strengthen them : his word shall reuiue and refresh them , and ( in a word ) his grace shal be euery way sufficient for them , so that such as are not chained and fettered with their owne iniquities , and raigning sinnes , are of all other the best freemen , and the most happie and blessed people : they walke at libertie , & they keepe the precepts . let vs fall now into the hand of the lord ] that is , let god proceed with the pestilence according to his pleasure : which is called gods sword and gods hand , because this pestil̄ece proceeded immediately from him , without any second causes , whereas many other iudgements doe not so . in that he maketh choyse to fall into gods hand , the doctrine is , that gods seruants neuer finde so great fauour as with god himselfe . none can deale so fauourably with gods children as their heauenly father . he goeth as farre beyond earthly parents , as god is better then man. they , when they are prouoked , doe oftentimes cease to be mercifull : but god , when he is most incensed , is perfectly fauourable ; and when he is driuen to chastise his children , he is exceeding moderate . which is liuely expressed , hos. 11. 8. where the lord speaketh in this manner : how shall i giue thee vp ephraim ? how shall i deliuer thee israel ? how shall i make thee as admah ? how shall i set thee as zeboim ? as if he should haue told them , you haue deserued to be vtterly destroied , as sedome and gomorrah , and the cities neere adioining : but my compassion that i beare towards you will not suffer mee to doe it : mine heart is turned within me : my repentings are rowied together . man repents after hee hath done amisse , but god before , so that hee can neuer doe amisse : and therefore to manifest his infinite goodnes , and care for their preseruation , hee addeth , verse 9. i will not execute the fiercenesse of my wrath : i will not returne to destroy ephraim ; and the reason is added , for i am god , and not man : and therefore though a man ( if hee were so prouoked , ) would haue done his best vtterly to haue spoiled them , yet the lord would not enter into their citie , viz. for that end , but deale gratiously with them , notwithstanding all their offences . moreouer , earthly parents , when they set vpon correction with best staiednesse , doe want knowledge and discretion , and therefore giue their children too little or too much : but the lord is of such infinite wisedome , that hee euer proportioneth his chastisements to the neede of the partie , and the nature of the fault . againe , earthly parents , when they haue layde on stripes , cannot take them off againe : when they see their children weeping , and grieuing , and humbling themselues in good earnest for their offences , they wish ( but all in vaine ) that their paine were ouer , & the smart remooued : but as the lord woundeth , so can he heale ; as hee cast iob downe , so could he raise him vpagaine : and whatsoeuer our distresses be , if wee can humble our selues , and crie vnto the lord , hee is able and readie to relieue and to deliuervs . in which regard , wee should be most willing , if we must needs he corrected , to yeeld vp our selues into his hands . for there is no comparison betwixt the compassions of men , which are finite , and of gods , who is infinite . which may serue to discouer vnto vs their folly that are so farre from submitting themselues to gods chastisements , that they cannot endure his rebukes . let any man of god admonish them , and they are readie to flie in his face . what hath he to doe with me ? ( say they ) let him meddle with his owne matters . i will not take it at his hands : with many bitter speeches of that kinde , which argue in them great distemper and vexation of minde . and let a man tell them in neuer so great loue , that if they doe not amend , their sinnes will abroad to their disgrace : their friends will grieue at them , their aduersaries will reproach them , and all cry shame vpon them ; yet they will be no whit pacified , but rather enraged against the admonisher , not caring what be thought or spoken against them , so christians may not reprooue them . hence is it that men are so loath to be vnder any christian gouernment , where they must be instructed how to doe well , and rebuked if they doe not well : they will none of it : to liue in such a family or congregation where they shall be catechized , and restrained from the breach of the sabbath , and other leaud courses , they will neuer endure it ; but will chuse rather to be vnder the gouernement of antichrist , and of sathan himselfe , then of christ iesus : let their maisters be papists , cruell oppressors , as sauage tyrants as pharaoh was , they will rather dwell with them , then with godly and religious gouernours , that would vse them most kindly , and reward them most liberally for their seruice . such were the israelites . moses ( as the lord testifieth of him ) was the meekest man vpon the earth , and withall a most wise and couragious ruler : yet would they rather haue beene euery day vnder the whip in egypt , then vnder gods gracious gouernment which was executed by moses , and as these are heere to be condemned of great want of wisedome , that will not submit themselues to be admonished and ordered by the lord ; so are they also which are vnwilling to come vnder gods correcting hand , which is indeed of al other most desireable . and because the present occasion requireth it , it will not be amisse to shew that the pestilence , wherewith the lord hath now visired this nation , is a fauourable and gentle correction , and that this sword of the lord is nothing so terrible as the sword of man would be if he should cause that to be drawne out against vs : and that for these reasons : first , because heerein we may more immediately and cleerely behold gods hand , which is a meanes to draw vs to more speedy and earnest humiliation : whereas if we were pursued by the sword of men , we should be more distracted , sometimes with feares of and greese , for the enemies violence ; sometimes with hopes either of mercy from them , or of aid from others : all which do either vtterly withdraw vs from , or much hinder vs in the worke of humiliation . secondly , in the time of the pestilence the aduersaries of religion haue not such matter of insultation , as when warres are hote in the land : for then they would triumph in this or the like manner : now these forward men shall pay for it : downe they shall all the sorte of them : they were wont to brag that god would be their buckler and their shield ; their refuge , and their strong tower of defence : but what will become of them now ? thus would they insult ouer gods chosen , in the time of warre : but in the time of this sicknes , they themselues are exceedingly afraid , & euen at their wits ende , ( knowing that hell and destruction gape for them , whensoeuer death taketh hold of them : ) whereas christians are quiet , and full of peace & ioy in the holy ghost , knowing that if they die , they shall go from earth to heauen , from a place of miserie , to a palace of glorie . thirdly , this is a maruellous great mercie , that there doth still remaine the face of a church , that the gospell is preached , the sacraments administred , & the profession of the truth openly maintained : whereas if there were a forraine inuasion , or a ciuill mutinie & insurrection , the vsuall course of the minsterie , and of the exercises of religion , would be stopped , which now is not onely tollerated , but commanded . besides , now there is a continuance of the state of the common-wealth : whereas when the sword rageth in a land , the face of the honourable is not respected , the magistrates authoritie is reckoned a matter of nothing , and all lawes must giue place to the wills of violent men . againe , in the times of warre , there is an vtter subuersion of all meanes of maintenance and comfort : we cannot enioy our possessions , nor dwell in our houses , nor reape the fruits of our labours , which now ( through gods mercie ) is farre otherwise . and as for our estate , so euen for our liues and for our soules , the case is better with vs in the time of pestilence then in the time of warres : for then all our families , wiues , children , seruants , and all may bee barbarously slaine , or worse vsed before our eyes , or we before theirs : and if not so , yet they must be left to idolaters , and in danger to be vassalls of sinne and sathan : but now if death come , it is nothing so lamentable : if life bee graunted , it is nothing so dangerous : for though we be taken away , yet our friends shall remaine with the saints & seruants of god ; and they that haue bene our christian friēds , will be theirs , at least there is very great hope of their happinesse , both here , and hereafter , in regard of that liberty of the gospell which through gods goodnes is still maintained . and therefore great cause haue wee to magnifie the name of god , that when our late gracious queene was taken away , & the land must needs bee exercised with some heauie stroke or other , that hee then miraculouslie deliuered vs from the violence of the sword of man , and smote our nation with his owne sword . now when this is said to bee a fauourable stroke , we must vnderstand that it is so only vnto gods children , not to the wicked : concerning whose departure out of this world , it is saide , that hell followeth death . if they bee not reconciled vnto god , but liue and die in their sinnes , their case is fearefull . and therefore is it a iust hand of god vpon impenitent sinners , that they should bee horriblie afraid of that sicknes . no sinne , nor sathan himselfe , is so much feared of them as the pestilence , nay nor gods wrath it selfe : and therefore they care not what foule sinne they commit , whereby they are sure to incurre the lords displeasure , so their bodies may escape this plague of god. but suppose they doe escape it , if they be as full of impiety , and iniustice , and impurity , as they were wont to be , the lord hath seuen times greater plagues behinde , and his reuenging hand will be stretched out against them still . therefore let them labour to make a good vse of this , to humble themselues , and turne from their euill wayes : otherwise assuredly some greater punishment will light on their soules , or bodies , or both . verse 15. so the lord sent a pestilence in israel , &c. and there died of the people , from dan to beer-sheba , seuenty thousand men . ] yee heard the cause of this before ; to wit , because dauid , partly through pride , and partly through vaine confidence , had numbred the people : whence this point may be gathered , that god maketh his iudgements sutable to our sinnes . dauid was lifted vp , because hee had so many strong and valient men : therefore doth god lessen the number of them . so ( ioel , 1. 5. ) it is said , weepe & houle ye drinkers of wine , for the new wine shal be pulled from your mouth . this was a most iust correction , that they should be punished with scarcitie of drinke , seeing they had before time so wretchedly abused the same . in like sort doth the lord meete with proud men , turning their glory into shame , as wee may obserue in tyrus . isa. 23. 8. where the question is made , who hath decreed this against tyrus ( that crowneth men , ) whose merchants are princes ? whose chapmen are the nobles of the world ? and the answere is made , vers . 9. the lord of hosts hath decreed this , to staine the pride of all glorie , and to bring to contempt all them that be glorious in the earth . so for couetous men , they are many times brought to beggarie , according to that of the wise man , hee that maketh hast to be rich , shall surely come to pouertie . albeit they vse wonderfull diligence , and be exceeding painfull , and haue an excellent capacitie , and a deepe reach for worldly things , & seeme to want nothing that may make them prosper , yet because god is displeased with them , he brings them downe , both stripping them of their wealth , which they most affected ; and plaguing them with pouertie , which they most detested . and a cause heereof is , that he giueth men thereby to vnderstand , that he taketh knowledge of their waies , to the end they should take knowledge of his iudgements , when they see them directed so iust against their faults , and affections . and by this meanes as reprobates are left without excuse , the elect are much furthered to repentance , when their corrupt wils , their vnlawfull desires , and sinfull delights are crossed : when they behold gods visible hand , and righteous hand : when he sheweth them the nature and qualitie of their offences , by the manner and proceeding of his corrections : & that was the true cause why the lord laid this stroake on dauid at this time , rather than any other , viz : that he might more speedily and euidently see his fault , and more soundly and heartily repent for the same . which maketh for our instruction , if wee would haue comfort in any thing that we possesse , let vs vse it well : neither let our hearts deceine vs ; whether it be honour , or goods , or children , if we dote vpon them , and make gods of them , we are likely to be depriued of them : the lord can take from vs our power , the ioy of our honour , the pleasure of our eyes , and the desire of our hearts , euen our sonnes , and our daughters . when men loue to be commanders , god can take their authoritie from them : if they stand vpon their honour and reputation , he can soone make it wither and vanish : if the delights of their eyes doe content them , he can quickly remoue those from them : finally , if they set their affections immoderately vpon their children , and lift vp their soules vnto them , ( as the words are in the originall ) that is , make them the desire of their hearts , god can suddenly bereaue them of their children , or so bring it to passe , that they shall haue little comfort in them . would we then haue our houses and our children free from gods strokes , and in particular from the pestilence ( as that many pretend that they are more carefull for their children , then for themselues ; ) then let vs neuer commit any sinne to set them vp , for that is the next way to depriue vs of them : when we carry more affection to them then to the lord himselfe , we endanger our selues and them both . the lords will is , that you should in the first place serue him , and so doing , you shall make your children , not lords but kings , not of an earthly , but of an heauenly kingdome . the next thing heere briefly to be considered is [ the space ] in which these seuentie thousand men died , namely in three daies : doctrine , that when god sets in with his iudgements they shall be farre dispersed in a short time . he can cause his plagues to flie fast , and make great speed . this is prooued in the psalme , where speaking of any decree of god , it is said , he sendeth forth his commandement vpon earth , and his word runneth very swiftly . what god determineth to doe , he can doe it out of hand , when it standeth with his good pleasure . so we see how he could cause one angell to goe thorow the whole land of aegypt in one night , and to slay the first borne in euery house : and in this regard gods curse is compared to a flying booke , to note the swiftnesse of it , that it commeth as it were with two wings : but withall it is likened to a talent of lead , that sticketh fast where it fals : it maketh speed vnto the place that god appointeth , and tarrieth there where once it lighteth . furthermore we see , how quickly gods curse was scattered ouer the whole earth , when our first parents had sinned : the deformitie came not vpon the creatures by degrees , but it ouertooke them presently and out of hand . and so at the last day christ shall come in the twinckling of an eye , as to call the godly forthwith vnto glory , so to draw the wicked immediately before gods iudgement seate , to receiue present and euerlasting punishment and torment . and the reason of this is , because god at all times is in all places , and of equall power in euery place , and therefore what should hinder him from doing that euery where in the same moment , if it stand with his iustice and will , which he doth any where ? the great deluge in the time of noe , couered not one nation one yeare , and an other the next , and a long time after the rest which were farre separated asunder , but he in his wrath was present in euery country , and so were they all ouerwhelmed in few daies : and who knoweth whether it seized not vpon each of them in one day ? which maketh , for reproofe of them that thinke , if they escape one place of infection , they are safe enough . but cannot god or his angell reach them wheresoeuer they be ? though no infected person come neere them , cannot the lords hand finde them out ? yes certainely , let them climbe vp vnto heauen , or goe downe into hell , or hide themselues at the center of the earth , gods eye is still vpon them , and his hand neere vnto them : so that they can goe safe no where without gods fauour . if the pestilence were onely in india , we should as easily be infected in england , if god had a quarrell against vs , and a purpose to plague vs that way , as if we were in the midst of y e infected persons . who would haue thought the gehazi should haue beene smitten with the leprosie when his maister and he were together ? the like may be said of miriam when aaron was with her . nay who would haue thought that king vzziah should haue beene plagued with that stroke in such an holy place as the temple was , where god would haue no vncleane thing to enter ? yet when he presumptuously vsurped the high priests office , he was not spared , no not in the sanctuarie . so that this may be surely concluded , that no place can shelter a man from miserie , if sinne be harboured and entertained in his heart . verse 16. it is sufficient : hold thy hand . ] doctrine , that as god appointeth iudgements to be inflicted on his people , so he himselfe will see execution done . he stands by in this place , and directeth the angell how farre to proceed , and where to make an end , god would haue iacob humbled , and therefore he sent him to his vncle laban : but withall he assureth him of good successe , and for that purpose sheweth him a ladder , whereupon the angels of god went vp and downe , to signifie , that they should guide him foorth , and bring him backe in safetie : but ( for the present purpose ) withall the lord promiseth , that he would be with him , and keepe him . so psal. 34. 15. it is set downe as a great consolation vnto the saints , that the eyes of the lord are vpon the righteous . instruction , that we should labour not onely to be in ierusalem , but to be of it : and then when gods iudgements are abroad , we shall be in no danger ▪ god will command his faithfull angels to doe vs no hurt ; wherein if they should refuse to obey , they must needs become diuels , and reprobate spirits , which is impossible . let vs labour therefore to be of the number of those that mourne for the abominations of ierusalem , that so we may be saued when others are destroyed . let vs grieue for the impietie , and blasphemie , and crueltie , and impuritie that is in our land : so shall we haue a testimonie vnto our hearts , that we are ierusalem : but as for those that are babels , egyps , sodomes , whose houses are full of voluptuousnesse , pride , gluttony , drunkennesse , worldlinesse , and the like , the lord is likely to command his angell to smite at them with a ful stroke ; for where should his sword light , but vpon his enemies ? verse 17. and dauid spake vnto the lord , and said , behold , i haue sinned ] whereas indeed the people had provoked the lord most , yet dauid thought himselfe most guiltie , and therefore he would haue gods hand to haue beene on him , and not on the people . a good man will lay a greater burden on himselfe then on an other , and passe sentence against himselfe , rather then against another . so doth paul. christ came into the world to saue sinners , ( saith he ) of whom i am chiefe . and as for matter of guilt , so also for matter of punishment . we see in moses , that because the people were many , and he was but one , he intreated god that he might be wiped out of his booke , rather then all his people should be destroyed , but especially this point is verified in our sauiour , who , when mankind was vtterly insufficient , either to put in sureties , or to discharge their debt , did humble himselfe , to take on him the slate of a seruant , and abased himselfe , that he might bring vs vnto glory ; and endured a shamefull , and painefull , and cursed death , that he might bring vs vnto eternall life . and this commeth to passe , first , because good men are endued with that amiable grace of brotherly loue , which causeth them not so much to seeke their owne case , as the benefit of others , but to lay the more vpon themselues , that others may be the rather spared . secondly , they are adorned with that admirable vertue of christian humilitie , which directeth their eyes to other mens graces , and their owne corruptions : they hope the best of that which is in their brethren , and finde out the worst of that which is in themselues . this serueth , first , for reproofe of those that are readie to shift off all from themselues , and though they be wholy , or most in fault , yet will lay the blame altogether on others . heere also are those hypocrites to be reprehended , that will lay heauie burdens , and require strict obedience of others , especially of ministers , and yet they themselues make no conscience of any sinne , be it neuer so contrarie to the lawes of god , or of man. others there are also , that may iustly come vnder this reproofe , that care not who want , so they haue plentie ; nor who hunger , so they haue sufficient ; nor who sinke , so they swimme ; though it be by thrusting others vnder water . secondly , this is for consolation to them that can goe from their owne commoditie , and ease , & credit , so god may haue glory , and his people good : they are of the same spirit that moses , and dauid , and paul were , and therefore their reward in heauen , and their praise on earth , shall be sutable . mercifull men lost nothing : if nehemiah had gotten together all the money in that country , and had attained to be king of persia , he could not haue procured himselfe so much true honour , as he did by not taking all the stipend that he might haue done , being a man of his place , and by entertaining a great many that were in want at his table , which he needed not to haue done : and besides the good and deserued estimation that he got , he could with comfort ( and so may all that are like him ) intreate the lord to remember him in goodnesse : which the lord neuer failed to do . the end of the secoud sermon . the third sermon . psalme 12. 1. 2. verse 1. helpe lord , for there is not a godly man left ▪ for the faithfull are failed from among the children of men . 2. they speake deceitfully euery one with his neighbour , flattering with their lips , and speake with a double heart . these words containe in them a prayer of dauid , when hee himselfe was pursued by saul , and the church of god was in great distresse : when his friendes withdrew themselues from him , and fewe continued in that holie profession of gods name , which formerly they had made . now in this prayer of his , wee may obserue 1. first a petition , helpe lord ; seeing mens helpe failed , and their power was bent against equitie and iustice , which should haue vpheld & maintained it , therefore hee appeales to an higher power , and intreateth reliefe and succour from the lord. 2. secondly , a complaint , and that 1. of the decay of good men , and of goodnes in them , there is not a godly man left , &c. ] whereas superiours should haue ministred refreshing vnto the distressed , or at least inferiours borne a burden with them , they were now taken away , when there was greatest need of them : not that there were no good men at all ( for gad , and nathan , and ionathan , were now in the church ) but in comparison of the aduerse part , they were so fewe , that they did scarce appeare to be any at all . 2. of the deceitfulnes of bad men , they speake deceitfully euery one with his neighbour , &c : that is , euery one of the contrarie side , was full of craft and cunning , vsing faire words , but intending much mischiefe : speaking with a heart and a heart ( as the prophet saith ) that is , a heart that made shew of one thing , but meant the quite contrary ; seeming to be for dauid , when in truth they plotted against him . helpe lord ] here we see his refuge , he betaken himselfe vnto god , when he is forsaken of men , whence obserue this doctrine , that , although all humane helpes and earthly friends doe faile gods people , yet they are not helplesse , nor hopelesse . albeit in regard of mans assistance , they be vtterly destitute , yet the lord will be euer with them , and alwaies stand for them . dauids argument here is not this , lord helpe : for there be many that will ioyne with thee : but this , lord helpe , for there is none else that will helpe : so that our case is not according to mens affections towards vs , but according to gods loue vnto vs. this is euident in the prophecy of micha , where it is shewed , that friends failed : neither did they faile one man alone , but the whole church ; good men were perished out of the earth , and there was none righteous among men , &c : but the best of them was a briar , and the most rightteous of them sharper than a throne hedge : yet the church is not quite dismaid , but resolueth to fly vnto the lord for succour . therefore will i looke vnto the lord ; i will waite for god my sauiour : my god will heare me , though good men were dead and gone , and hypocrites did put on their shape and likenesse , that they might more freely practise mischiefe . yet the people of god determine with themselues not to cast off all hope , but to relie vpon the lord , and though he delay to helpe them for a time , yet they will waite vpon him , knowing that at length he will deale graciously with them . and for the further confirmation of this point , we haue the example of christ iesus himselfe , who being grieuously perplexed and troubled within and without , and on euery side , vseth this argument vnto his father ; be not farre from me , because trouble is neare , for there is none to help me . and this is vsuall with god , to relieue his people in extremities : and therefore when no man calleth for iustice , no man contendeth for the truth , &c. then he himselfe wil take the matter into his hand , & he wil saue & deliuer his seruants as the prophet isaiah witnesseth . and the reasons hereof are these . first , though all men doe forsake vs , yet gods power is no whit diminished thereby : and therefore that is a worthy speech of faith in ionathan , that it is not hard to the lord to saue with many or with few : and in asa , who saith , it is nothing to thee to helpe with many , or with no power . they knew that though they had few , or none at all on their side , they were in as good case as if they had many millions , if god were on their side : for all power in his , and that which men haue , is but borrowed from him : and though he sometimes vse them , it is not because he needs them : for who did helpe him in making of the heauens and of the earth , and of al the creatures in them both ? and what assistance hath he now in sustaining , and vpholding of the same ? now if he neuer needed the aid of any creature in these greatest workes of creation and preseruation , surely he wanteth not the helpe of men in matters of smaller importance . secondly , gods mercy is no more lessened then his power is , by mens withdrawing of themselues from vs , he loues his people when they haue no friends , as well as when they haue many friends ; nay he manifesteth his loue more at such times : for in him the fatherlesse findeth mercy . and then doth he exercise the bowels of his cōpassion , whē men shew little or no cōpassion at all . when we see children to haue rich and mercifull parents to prouide for them , we doe not much pitie them : but as for those that are fatherlesse and friendlesse , that are hungry & naked , and altogether destitute of reliefe , we tender their case , and are ready to releeue them . can we carrie such an affection towards other mens children that are distressed and helplesse , and will not the lord our god haue a greater care of his owne children in the like case ? will he leaue them because men haue forsaken them ? no surely . but when they are in distresses and straits , and that through their owne foolishnesse and disobedience , if they humble themselues , and cry vnto him , he will deliuer them , though men dare not , or will not speake , or deale for them . thirdly , when gods seruants are left destitute , their faith is much exercised and increased : and then we alwaies speed best , when we beleeue best , so long as we haue helpe about vs , we doe not so much set our faith a worke , as our carnall reason and sense , and so pray not at all , or very coldly : but when we are desolate and forsaken , and those that should be most for vs are against vs , then we begin to lift vp our hearts to heauen , and to cast our selues vpon gods prouidence and goodnesse , and to vse the weapons of the spirit , and not of the flesh : this is plaine in dauids example , who being in great danger in the caue , did at first looke about him , for helpe on this side , and on that : but seeing that all refuge failed him , what did he ? i cried vnto thee ô lord ( saith he ) saying , thou art mine hope , and my portion in the land of the liuing . fourthly , in such times of difficultie , gods glorious hand is more apparantly seene , and so all the honour is ascribed vnto him . if moses had brought the israelites out of aegipt by force of armes , being aided with two or three millions of souldiers , much of the praise would haue bene giuen vnto them : but when moses was naked and altogether destitute of any power of man , the lords mightie arme was more cleerely seene in the deliuerance of his people , and the subuersion of their enemies , and that worke of his , hath bene , is , and shall be memorable in all ages . so also , hezekiahs sicknesse had beene such as anie physitian could haue cured , his recouerie should neuer haue beene recorded in gods booke , as not making so much for his glorie : but when the prolonging of his life was as much as the giuing of a second life , then notice of it was taken and giuen by the holie ghost , to the euerlasting honour of gods name . and as it was then , so is it yet still , and euer shall be to the end of the world : the greater the extremities and necessities of the saints bee , wherein god doeth relieue them , and out of which hee doth deliuer them , the more will it be for the magnifying of his omnipotencie , and of his tender mercie therein expressed . this serueth , 1. first , for the confutation of their foolish conceit and expectation , who seeing mighty aduersaries against the church , and fewe or no friends to interpose themselues , presently conclude , that their case is desperate : downe they must : they are vtterly vndone : and so they begin to forecast in their mindes the manner of their ouerthrow , & the forme of their lamētation , when they shall bee thus and thus handled . but these men , for all their deepe reach , may bee deceiued ; for all their conclusions are grounded on men : they doe not consider what god may doe , as wee see in dauids enemies , who perceiuing that manie did band themselues together , and rise vp against him ; concluded , that there was no helpe for him in god , but what sayes dauid ? lorde , thou art a buckler for mee , my glorie , and the lifter vp of my head . and in another psalme , mine enemies ( saith hee ) speake of mee , saying , god hath forsaken him : pursue & take him , for there is none to deliuer him . these speeches ( no doubt ) pierced dauids soule : but doth hee make the same conclusion ? no , hee is farre from that ; hee rather layeth faster hold on god , seeing cruell men to be so violently bent against him . goe not farre from mee , o god ( saith hee ) my god haste thee to helpe mee : let them be confounded and consumed , that are against my soule , &c. indeede if mens opposing of themselues against him , could haue kept him from complaining vnto god , or god from giuing eare vnto him , his case had bene very lamentable : but seeing that was impossible , whatsoeuer they imagined , there was safety enough for dauid , and so is there still for all the elect of god. secondly , this is for instruction , that seeing by how much lesse helpe we haue from men , so much the more we shall haue from god ; therefore we should deale earnestly with the lord in our distresses , and wrestle with him as iacob did , when his brother esau came with foure hundred men against him : hee was vnable to encounter him , and therefore hee encountreth the lord himselfe by prayers and teares ; and that which was his refuge , must bee ours , and then wee shall haue peace and safetie : if once wee can lay hand-fast on god , ( as wee may in our houses , in our chambers , in our beds , in the night , or in the day ) then our case is good , wee shall be protected from all the violent rage of the wicked ; so that none of the sonnes of violence shal be able to touch vs for our hurt : and therefore herein let vs take comfort , that though men forsake vs , and our neerest friends reiect vs , yet the lorde will gather vs vp , and prouide sufficiently for vs , as he did for dauid : neither can mens perswasions withdrawe his compassion from vs , nor mens threatnings terrifie him from releeuing of vs , for there is not a godly man left , &c. from this lamentable complaint of his , ariseth this doctrine , that no outward thing comes neerer the hearts of god children , then the decay of good men . it much troubleth the soules of godly men , to see a small number of christians . hence proceedeth that lamentation of the prophet micah : woe is me , for i am as the summer gatherings , &c : or , i am in case , as in the destruction of the summer fruites : as in hoseah it is said , the fishes of the sea shall be gathered : that is , destroyed : and that this is the sense , it appeareth in the words following , when it is said , there is no cluster to eate : my soule desired the first ripe fruites : that is , i am as one that hath a feruent longing for them , and yet can get none of them ; and what is the reason of this his lamentation ? the good man ( saith hee ) is perished out of the earth , and there is none righteous among men , &c. so that the effect of those words is thus much : that looke how worldlings would grieue , if they should see their grapes and figges ( which were speciall commodities in those countreys ) to faile , and their expectation that way to bee vtterly frustrate ; so , and much more bitterly did the prophet bewaile the losse of good & righteous men . that was it also that did so pierce the heart of elias , lorde ( saith he ) the children of israel haue forsaken thy couenant , broken down thy altars , & slaine thy propeets with the sword , and i onely am left , and they seeke my life , to take it away . which losse of the prophets was so grieuous vnto him , that hee had no pleasure in his owne life ; and therefore hee intreateth the lord to take away his soule . in which regard whē the lord would comfort him , he vseth a fit remedie for his disease : for whereas his griefe was that there were no godly men left , but all were declined to idolatrie , he telleth him that he had reserued to himselfe seuen thousand , that had not bowed the knee vnto baal . yet further it may appeare what a matter of heauinesse the losse of good men is vnto those that are good themselues , by that speech of dauid , who saith , all my delight is in the saints : for if they be his chiefe delight , then the want of them must needs be an occasion of very great anguish vnto him : as is euident that it was ▪ psalm . 42. 4. when he remembred how he had gone with the multitude , and had beene as a captaine to leade them vnto the house of god , which then he could not doe : this cast him into wonderfull griefe , so that he poured out his teares , yea and his very heart , as he there speaketh , being in such extremitie of sorrow , that he is faine to restraine himselfe , why art thou cast downe my soule ( saith he ) and why art thou disquieted within me ? &c : yet godly men were not quite abolished at this time , but dauid , onely taken from them : and he knew that he should come againe vnto them at length , and that they should be his flocke : if then he were so farre cast downe for that he might not be with them , what griefe would he haue conceiued if they had vtterly beene cut off , and ceased to be any longer ? now the reasons why the decay of gods people is and should be such an heart-breaking vnto the rest of the saints , are these : first , because the glory of god is precious vnto them , which is much hindered and obserued when his seruants are diminished : for then there is lesse seruice done vnto him in publike and priuate : there are fewer praiers and praises offered vp vnto him , fewer religious exercises in vse amongst men , and fewer workes of mercy performed vnto the needie and distressed . and if the decay of good souldiers and of loyall subiects in any kingdome must needs be a matter of griefe to those that loue and seeke the honour of their king ; then can it not but goe neere the hearts of the godly , when they perceiue the souldiers and subiects of christ to goe to wracke . secondly , in regard of themselues they are mooued heere at , as being fellow members with them : for when the godly perish , they are as it were a maimed body . they haue fewer friends and fellow-helpers , fewer to pray with them and for them , fewer to reprooue , exhort , and comfort them , and in a word , fewer to whom they may doe good , and from whom they may receiue good . thirdly , in respect of the publike losse , they mourne for the decay of the righteous : for when multitudes of all nations , and of all sorts of people , doe know the waies of god , and praise the name of god , then ( as the prophet saith ) the earth shall bring foorth her increase , and god euen our god shall blesse vs. if there be but ten righteous men and women in a citie , or some few in a whole country , all the rest shall speed the better for their sakes : how much more then if there be multitudes of them ? what a griefe therefore must it needs be to the wise and godly , when these props and pillars of the church and common-wealth are taken away ? which serueth , first , for the iust reproofe of those that doe carrie a deadly enmitie against the multitude of christians that now are , and doe much grieue that there should be so many that resort vnto the word in publike , that read it in priuate , that haue praier and singing of psalmes in their families , &c. they grudge and murmur at it , as if some conspiracie or mutinie against the state were towards , and as if the good of mens soules , and the peace of the common-wealth could not stand together . these are of another spirit then dauid was , who lamented that there were so few such : and these are indeed vtter enemies vnto god , who esteemes his people to be his chiefe treasure vnder heauen : and therefore they shall beare their iudgement , whosoeuer they be that doe thus malice the seruants of god , and endeuour to peruert them , or to diminish the number of them . secondly , heere is matter of cōfort for thē that are of the same disposition that dauid was , that cry night and day , helpe , lord , for the godly perish , &c. & that labour with god , by fasting , and weeping , & praying , that he would vphold the state of his church . if the praier of dauid , being but one man , were effectuall for the continuing of gods people , how much more forcible shall the requests of many thousands be , who doe vncessantly intreate the lord with great earnestnesse to be fauourable vnto sion , and to build vp the walles of ierusalem , to saue his chosen , and defend his owne heritage against the malicious plots and practises of all their enemies . they speake deceitfully euery one with his neighbour . ] heere he sheweth what manner of enemies were against him : not such as would professe themselues open aduersaries , ( for though he had many such , yet heere he dealeth not against them ) but such as would make shew of good will , whereas indeed there was in them nothing lesse , now in that his chiefe complaint is against them , the doctrine is , that deceitfull friends are worse then open and apparant foes . dauid had diuers professed enemies , as saul , and such as were neere him : yet none of their practises went so neere his heart , as these mens that would pretend to be friendly vnto him . to this purpose it is said by salomon , that the wounds of a louer are faithfull , and the kisses of an enemie are to be praied against : ( for so the words must be read ) when a faithfull friend doth rebuke vs , and seeke to wound our hearts for sinne , that is exceeding profitable for vs : but when an enemie vnder pretence of loue ( whereof by kissing they then made shew ) doth come against vs , and seeke to vndermine vs , that is exceeding dangerous , and the hurt there of much to be praied against . the waters that runne smoothly and mildly are commonly most deepe and dangerous , whereas that which roares is more shallow and safe . the reasons of this doctrine are , first , that such craftie foxes doe more easily come within a man , and sooner deceiue him . an open enemie commeth as it were before ones face , and so his blowes may be better warded off : but a false friend commeth behind ones backe , and fasteneth a deadly blow ere a man be aware : and therefore ioab , when he would speed abner and amasa , did not bid open defiance vnto them , but ( being therein more crafty and subtill , then either godly or manly ) gaue them kind salutations , and , vnder pretence of loue , most cruelly murdered them both . and as it is for the outward man , so is it also for the soule . the most dangerous temptations are those that proceed from fained friends vnder the colour of loue , and desire of our good . if sathan had come vnto eue , and told her , i charge you eat of the tree in the midst of the garden , & whatsoeuer the danger be , stand not vpon that , for i will haue your husband and you to be damned , she would neuer haue hearkened vnto him : but when he perswaded her , that he was her friend , and meant her good , namely , that by eating thereof she might be made like vnto god himselfe , knowing both good and euill , then was she ouertaken by him , and so being ouercome her selfe , she became the instrument of the diuell , to deceiue her husband in like sort . and so it is with many , that haue held out well against raging and violent temptations , and yet haue beene foulely drawne aside , and shamefully foiled by milder temptations , vnto profit , or pleasure , or credit . secondly , the false dealing of such counterfeit friends , doth much more afflict the heart of a man , then any iniurious actions of manifest aduersaries : as we may see in that psalme of dauid , where he saith , surely mine enemie did not defame me , for i could haue borne it , &c. but it was thou ô man , euen my companion , my guide , and my familiar , &c. when his words were smooth , and softer then butter , and yet prooued deceitfull , they went thorow his heart euen as swords : and this was iust vpon him , because he had dealt in that sort with his faithfull subiect vriah . seeming to fauour him by imploying him in speciall seruices , when he went about to take away his life , that be might couer his owne iniquities . first , therefore let this instruct vs to take another course : if we haue inward dislike , let vs professe it : if we carry a louing affection , let vs make shew of it , and loue not in word alone , but in deed , as the apostle exhorteth . especially let us looke vnto this in matters betwixt god and vs : let vs not play the hypocrites with him , pretending a loue vnto the church of god , and to the word of god , when there is no such matter ; and drawing neere vnto him with our lips , when our hearts are farre from him : for in so doing we shall offer great iniury vnto the lord , and doe more hurt at length then those that are profest papists or atheists : for such as flatter with their lips , and dissemble with a double heart in things that concerne the holy religion of god , if any persecution come , will quite renounce their profession , and betray the cause of god , and grieue the seruants of god , and harden the hearts , and open the blasphemous mouthes of the enemies of god , and make many to fall by their reuolting and backsliding . therefore let euery one that taketh vpon him the profession of christianitie , be a true , & not a fained friend of the same ; and bring a faithfull , and not a guilefull heart thereunto ; that the lord may witnesse for him , that he doth heartily and vnfainedly seeke him . secondly , let vs hence learne this point of wisedome , neuer to trust those too farre , of whose faithfulnesse we haue any iust suspition : be they neuer so neere vnto vs , let vs not open our selues vnto them , but keepe them at armes end . this is the aduice of the holy ghost : let eurey man take heed of his neighbour , and trust not any brother : ( viz. that is not sound hearted ) for euery brother will vse deceit , and euery friend will deale deceitfully , &c. for they haue taught their tongues to speake lies : they haue exercised the trade of vsing faire words , when there is within them nothing else but falshood and deceit . and the like exhortation we may read in the 7. of micah . thirdly , this is for our consolation , when we finde such hollow hearted hypocrites and deceiuers : we should not be dismaied because there are so few whom we may trust and giue credit vnto , for it is no strange matter : there haue beene such heeretofore , and they haue been discouered : god hath hearkened vnto the praiers of his seruants , and giuen them wisedome to discerne of them , and so will he doe still , so that they shall bring no annoyance vnto his people , whatsoeuer they intend against them . finis . the fourth sermon . psalm . 12. ver. 3. 4. 3. the lord cut off all flattering lippes , and the tongue that speaketh proud things . 4. which haue saide , with our tongue wee will preuaile : our lips are our owne , who is lord ouer vs ? in the two former verses it set downe the petition that dauid made vnto god for helpe , and his complaint that he put vp concerning the decay of good and righteous men , and the deceitfulnes of vngodly and vnrighteous men . now in these verses is set forth an other part of his prayer , to wit , an imprecation ; the lord cut off , &c : wherein hee doth by the spirit of prophesie , and according to the analogie of faith , denounce iudgement against gods and his enemies , to the end he might comfort himselfe , and refresh his hart with hope that good men should bee recouered , and wicked men confounded . and as for this curse , we must vnderstand that it is not vttered in bitternes , but in zeale , and with warrant from gods owne spirit ; and this is directed , 1. first against deceitfull persons , who are called flatterers : the lord cut off the flattering lips . 2. secondly , against proud persons , who are described : 1. in generall by their speech , that they speake proud things , verse 3. 2 more particularly , that they say , with our tongue wee will preuaile . vers . 4. as if they should haue said , looke what wee aske , we will obtaine it : looke what we threaten , wee will performe it : looke what we set downe , that shall come to passe . but it might be said vnto them , you speake presumptuously , and vtter words that doe not beseeme you . they answere , our tongues are our owne : as if they should say , who dare be so audacious as to controle vs ? we will speake what we list , in despite of them all . but some might say , though you set so light by men , you must know that there is one higher then you : what if the lord should take the matter into his hand ? to that they answere . who is lorde ouer vs ? they thinke they may blaspheme god , & reuile his seruants , and speake what they list , and yet none shall haue to doe with them for it . the lord cut off all flattering lips . ] whereby are vnderstood , the most dangerous and subtill deceiuers , who vnder pretence of friendship , doe seeke a mans vtter ouerthrow . now in that the prophet prayeth against such as doe so cunningly carry their matters , that they will appeare to loue , where they hate with a deadly hatred , and in praying doth shew , not only what is his wish , but what is gods purpose , viz. that the lord will cut off the flattering lips : hence this doctrine may be gathered , that , the more skillfully and artificially anie coutriues his euill purposes , the more fearefull destruction shall fall vpon him . the more fraudulent a deceiuer anie one is , the more heauy shall the hand of god be vpon him , to crosse and contrarie him , and to bring him to such straits , that hee shall not for shame open his mouth againe to speake as he hath done : and this is to haue his tongue cut out , as it were , as is threatned in this place . flatterers haue a certaine kinde of dexterity in their enterprises , that they will not be seene to be brochers of those things whereof they afterwards become practisers : but they speed neuer the better , but a great deale the worse for that . therefore doth dauid conclude , that god would certainely destroy doeg , because hee was a skilfull worke-man , and as it were a tradesman in mischiefe : he could flatter dauid , that he wisheth him well , and was sorry for his troubles , and would be ready to befriend him in any thing he could : but when saul complaines how hardly he was dealt with , in that no body would discouer vnto him the treacheries of dauid , deog changeth his tune , and falleth to accuse dauid , and most iniuriously chargeth abimelech to haue conspired with him : and for all this , he ( no doubt ) would haue goodly pretences : as , that dutie bound him to speake as he did : he respected the kings honour and safety , and certainely things were not well , but some mischiefe was a working ; for he saw the sonne of ishai come vnto abimelech , who gaue him a sword , and asked counsell of the lord for him , and ministred food vnto him , and to those that were with him , and that extraordinary food too , euen the shew-bread : in which regard , he , as a loyall subiect , must needs aduertise saul , to take heed , and to looke well to himselfe , that so he might preuent all imminent dangers . so in the prophecie of ieremie , this is set downe as one cause of the vtter subuersion of the iewes , that they were wise to doe euill , but had no knowledge to doe well . they wanted not ordinarie capacitie , ( which had beene one degree of happinesse vnto them , for then god would haue shewed them greater compassion ) but they wanted grace to vse it well , and had cunning heads to plot mischiefe , and therefore doth the lord threaten iudgement against them . and in another place he saith , that they had taught their tongues to speake lies . and what followeth ? therefore thus saith the lord of hosts , behold , i will melt them , &c. shall not i visit them for this , saith the lord ? or shall not my soule be auenged on such a nation as this ? their tongues were too much inclined to lies of their owne accord , so that they needed not to be taught that language : yet did they set their tongues to schoole , as it were , that they might be artificiall in their leaud practises , & carry out their lies vnder a colour of truth , and so sinne with lesse disgrace : which was a thing that the lord could not abide , and therefore he threatneth to plague them therefore . and good reason is there that it should be so : for first , such persons are extreamely hurtfull . neuer is euill practised with such mischiefe , as when it is contriued by craft , and polished with deceit . the apostles were neuer so troubled in dealing either with the idolatrous gentiles , or with the superstitious and malicious iewes , as they were when they had to doe with those that pretended to be christians , to be ministers of the gospell , yea to be apostles : and therefore paul expostulateth the matter with the galathians , saying , o foolish galathians , who hath bewitched you ? &c. as if he should haue said , no man could deale so dangerously as these false teachers , who haue as it were charmed your affections , and bewitched your mindes . and in the epistle to the corinthians , he greatly complaineth of such deceiuers : i am iealous ouer you with a godly iealousie : for i haue prepared you for one husband , to present you as a pure virgin to christ. but i feare lest as the serpent beguiled eue through his subtiltie , so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicitie that is in christ. for such false apostles are deceitfull workers , and transforme themselues into the apostles of christ. and no maruell , for sathan himselfe is transformed into an angell of light . therefore it is no great thing though his ministers transforme themselues , as though they were the ministers of righteousnes . paul had taken great paines to make a match betwixt christ and them , and to fit them for such a glorious husband : but he was much afraide lest it would be broken , in regard of manie of them , and that as the diuell deceiued eue , so the false apostles would deceiue them , and that by transforming themselues into the apostles of christ , making shew ( as the diuell doth , ) of the greatest loue and care of their good , and of their eternall saluation : when the truth was , they intended no such thing , but onely the seruing of themselues , in their carnall credit and commoditie . secondly , albeit such kinde of persons doe worke much mischiefe , yet they seldome passe vnder the censure of men for the same , and therefore it stands the lord vpon to rebuke and punish them ; nay , they are so farre from being condemned by men , that they haue great thankes many times , for their wise counsell and good aduice ( though it be most vile and diuellish , ) in incensing mens mindes against such as haue wronged them , and putting it into their heads how they may bee auenged of them ; which is a thing most detestable before god , and therefore shall not goe vnpunished . thirdly , their hearts are maruellously hardened : for when they can fetch ouer men according as they list , they intertaine an opinion of singular witte and vnderstanding , & of a deepe reach in themselues , and so begin to contemne others , and will not admit of a reproofe or admonition from any : and therefore being growen to this height of pride , and this exceeding hardnesse of heart , they are the more fit for gods iudgements to be executed vpon them . fourthly , gods wisedome is much magnified by proceeding against such : they are fit aduersaries for him , who scattereth the deuices of the craftie , so that their handes cannot accomplish that which they enterprise , ( as iob speaketh ) and that taketh the crafty in their craftinesse , causing those that are cunning hunters and fowlers , to fall into the pit that they haue digged for others , and to be insnared in the works of their owne handes ; so that when they goe about to take others , it falleth out by the righteous and wise prouidence of god , that they are taken themselues . sith it is so dangerous to haue a crafty and cunning head , closely to plot and contriue mischiefe , let this admonish vs to beware of that vice : for assuredly , it will bring shame vpon the fauourers thereof . the wise man saith , hee that imagineth to doe euill , men shall call him an authour of wickednesse . all men shall point at such a one , there goeth a crafty fellow , a subtill foxe , &c : so that the name of a vagrant is not more odious then his : euery one hath such in detestation , euen the most contemptible of the people : doe you see yonder man ? ( will they say ) he is a perillous fellow , able to set a thousand together by the eares ; if any haue an euill cause , hee is a man for his turne : let him make him his soliciter , and hee will goe as farre as diuellish and craftie wit can reach . and as it is a blemish to the name , so it is the bane of ones estate to bee a fraudulent dealer . the bread of deceit ( saith salomon ) is sweete to a man , but after-terward his mouth shall be filled with grauell . howsoeuer deceitfull persons doe snatch heere and there , and get much from others , yet few of them thriue , but the curse of god lighting vpon that which they haue , makes hauocke of all . and therefore as wee tender our estimation and good estate in the world , let vs beware of such practises . secondly , let vs hence learne , not to be discouraged at crafty aduersaries , that haue winding wits , & plotting heads , and flattering tongues , and acceptance with great ones , euen as they would wish : let vs not bee dismayed heereat , but let this be our comfort , when they fawne , and flatter , and lie , and traduce vs most shamefully , that the lord will cut off the lying lips . grant that we haue not libertie or skill to encounter them , yet the lord hath : there is no wisedome , nor vnderstanding , nor counsell against him : that is , none of these shall take any effect against him : and therefore the psalmist saith , the lord breaketh the counsell of the heathen , and bringeth to nought the deuices of the people . though all the wisedome of all the nations in the earth were laide together , yet god would bring all their consultations to nothing if they made against him . when achitophel fell from dauid to take part with absolon , it much troubled dauid , for his words were as oracles , and none could speake more in matters of policie then he , and he knew all dauids heart , and the state of the whole kingdome , and therefore he turneth himselfe vnto god : o lord ( saith he ) i pray thee turne the counsell of achitophel into foolishnesse : and god heard his request , and did so , insomuch that no creature could deale more foolishly for the procuring of his owne euerlasting woe and shame , then he did in hanging himselfe . the diuell is still labouring to worke mischiefe , and he wants not craft nor subtiltie , besides the experience that he hath had from the beginning of the world hitherunto : yet for all this , he hath neuer beene , nor shall be able to procure the ouerthrow of one of gods elect . the church hath beene nothing the worse , though he haue beene still warring against it . and why is this , but because gods wisedome is infinitly beyond all the subtilty of the diuell ? and what cause haue we then to feare crafty men , seeing their captaine hath had no better successe , and seeing that the lord hath a quarrell against them as well as against their head ? and the tongue that speaketh proud things . ] in that the prophet denounceth iudgement against such kinde of persons , the doctrine is , that the more wicked men boast of their mischieuous intents , the neerer mischiefe is vnto them . when they bragge most how well the world goes with them , and what hope they haue of effecting their badde purposes , some great euill is euen at their doores . when men boast in their talke , and swords are in their lips ( as dauid speaketh ) then the lord will haue them in derision , and laugh at their destruction . when they fall to bragging , god fals to laughing : and when their swords are drawne out against others , the lords hand is stretched out against them . whē pharaoh in the pride of his heart said , who is the lord ? god made him know who he was . and when the enemie said , i will pursue , i will ouertake them , ( meaning the israelites ) i will diuide the spoile , &c : then the lord set in against them , and made the sea to couer them , so that they sanke as lead in the mighty waters . so when saneherib insulted against god , and against his people , and bragged what his forefathers and himselfe had done , and what now he would doe , if they would not yeeld vp the citie and themselues into his hands , then did the lord put a hooke into his nostrils , and a bridle into his lips , & brought him backe againe the same way he came , and caused him to fall by the hands of his owne sonnes . and the reasons why it must needs be so , are these : first , when vngodly men do most vaunt of their malicious intents against gods people , then is the lords compassion most stirred towards them : euen as it is with earthly parents , when any one threatens their children , that if hee take them , hee will knocke out their braines ; this will cause them to prouide for the safetie of their children , and that such leaud persons bee punished and restrained . this was dauids comfort against doeg : why boastest thou thy selfe in thy wickednes , ô man of power ? ( saith hee ) the louing kindnesse of god endureth daily . if the stocke of gods goodnes were all spent , then his children had reason to hang downe their heads : but seeing that is , and will be as much still as euer it was , they neede not feare the insultations of their wicked aduersaries . secondly , at such times gods seruants begin to looke about them : when their enemies speake of wonders that they will worke against them , then they are wakened , and stirred vp to crie vnto the lord , as in the 94. psalme , o lord god the auenger ! o lord god the auenger ! shew thy selfe cleerly . and why are they so instant and earnest with god ? the reason is yeelded , verse 4. the wicked prate and speake fiercely : all the workers of iniquitie vaunt themselues . as if they should say , lorde , if euer thou wilt awake and stand vp for our defense , now doe it , when vngodlie men doe so insult and triumph ouer vs. thirdly , such proud persons doe bid defiance to the lord himselfe , and therefore hee hath a quarrell against them . all the proud [ in heart ] are an abomination vnto him . but if their pride appeare in a more notorious manner in their tongues , and in their behauiour , they are much more hatefull vnto him : for in making boast of their owne hearts desire , they doe contemne the lord ; and in speaking against the church , they set their tongues against heauen it selfe , as the prophet speaketh . which point thus prooued , ministreth vnto vs , first , an vse of instruction , that seeing the lord is so incensed against proud boasters , therefore wee should containe our selues within the compasse of modestie , and neuer boast at all , but let others mouthes , and our owne workes , and gods voice at the last day praise vs , and not our owne lips : but especially let vs take heede of vaunting our selues against the people of god , and against the maiestie of god himselfe ; for that will least of all be endured , secondy , here is an vse of consolation against all the insultations of malicious enemies : if wee can with patience and modestie endure , and stand it out for a while , not returning like for like , nor vsing any sharpnes and bitternesse against them , we shall see that the lord will cut them off . if a man had knowne the day before , what should haue befallen haman , notwithstanding all his boasting of his greatnes , and of his honour , and of that fauour which hee had with the king , and of all the euill that hee intended against the iewes , and against mordecai especially ; if ( i say ) a man had knowen before hand what should haue befallen him , would it not haue made him laugh at his pride and follie ? yes certainely : and yet the case of all boasters against gods church is little or better then his . and if we could with the eye of faith behold gods purpose concerning their ruine and ouerthrow , all their bragging would seeme vnto vs , and it is indeed , euen exceeding ridiculous . and this in particular should comfort vs against the blasphemies of the church of rome , and against all her insultations ouer the saints : for the lord hath set downe her sentence : in as much as she gloried her selfe , so much giue ye her torment and sorrow : for she saith in her heart , i sit being a queene , and am no widow , and shall see no mourning . but what saith god ? therefore shall her plagues come at one day , death , & sorrow , & famine , and she shal be burnt with fire , &c. verse 4. with our tongues wee will preuaile : our lips are our owne ] in that they are heere found fault with for thus speaking , because they affirme that which is directly contrary to the truth , the point hence to bee obserued is , that no man hath the royaltie of his owne tongue , nor the ordering of his owne speech . euery mans tongue is in gods hand , and his wordes at gods disposing , hee is lord ouer all mens , tongues ; which will euidently appeare by this , that first , men cannot speake what they would , but what the lord will , according to that of salomon : the preparations of the heart are in man : that is , a man determineth and prepareth what to vtter : but the answer of the tongue is of the lord. as who should say , when a man hath done so , yet he shall speake , not what he himselfe intended , but what god hath decreed ; as is plaine in balaam , who came with a purpose to curse , and if the lord had permitted him , he would haue vomited out horrible imprecations against the israelites ; for that would haue made for his credit and commoditie : but notwithstanding his intent , the lord made him to blesse his people in stead of cursing them . and so saul , he would haue all men know that dauid was a traitor , and therefore he pursued him , to bereaue him of his life : yet when he met with him , he had no power so much as to rate him , or to rebuke him ; but on the contrarie part , is driuen to iustifie him : o my sonne dauid ( saith he ) thou art more righteous then i. and this we may obserue in our owne experience , that oftentimes men , contrary to their mindes , doe vtter things which doe exceedingly grieue them , and bury other things in silence , the speaking whereof might haue beene very behoouefull vnto them : whence do arise these and the like speeches , how was i ouerseene in that which i said ? what an aduntage did i lose at such a time ? which doth plainly prooue , that god hath the disposing of mens tongues . secondly , god hath giuen lawes for the tongue , how it should be ruled , that men should not speake blasphemously , nor filthily , nor bitterly : whence it may be concluded , that it is gods subiect ; for princes make statutes for none but for their owne subiects . thirdly , the successe and euent of mens speeches is according to gods pleasure . they say , with our tongues we will preuaile ; yet doe they not preuaile : for whereas they forespeake others destruction , the wise man saith , a fooles mouth is his owne destruction . and whereas they say triumphingly , sion shall be condemned , and our eye shall looke vpon sion , they know not the lords counsell , to wit , that they themselues shall be gathered as sheaues into the barne ▪ to be threshed & beatē in pieces by gods people . fourthly , god will plague wicked men , as well as reward godly men for their speeches . by thy wordes thou shalt be iustified , ( saith our sauiour ) and by thy wordes thou shalt be condemned : and , wee must render an account for euery idle word : which euidently sheweth , that god hath the soueraigntie of mens tongues . now seeing that the lorde hath the gouernement thereof , this serueth first , to teach vs , that therfore wee should craue assistance from him for the well ordering of the same . euen as that holy prophet doth , where he saith , set a watch ô lord before my mouth , and keepe the doore of my lips : god will haue the ordering of them by his prouidence , whether we will or not : but by his grace hee will not guide them , vnles we sue vnto him in that behalfe : therefore let vs beseech him so to sanctifie & purifie our harts , that out of the abundance thereof , our tongues may speake vnto his praise , and to our owne , and others edification . secondly , that we should not be afraid of performing any good dutie , in regard of mens tongues ; for though they threaten , and raile , and slander , and traduce vs , yet they shall not hurt vs , for god will hide vs from the scourge of the tongue , so that no such weapons shall preuaile against vs : for the lord made the tongue , and the men themselues that speake therewith ; and there is no voice , nor sound that proceedeth out of the mouth , but the lord hath the ordering thereof : and therefore let vs sue vnto him , as the apostles did , saying , o lord behold their threatnings , behold their reuilings , and doe thou iudge betwixt vs and them : and thou which hast the disposing of all mens tongues , preserue thy seruants from the hurt that may befall vs through the same . the ende of the fourth sermon . a briefe tract concerning zeale , wherein the properties of true zeale are described , and the contrarie discouered , godlie zeale is a vertue very requisite and necessary for all christans : not so rare and seldome found : as precious and vsefull where it is found ; as being the verie life and soule of sound christianitie , and one of the principal fountains & well-heads , whence manie other vertues of the spirit doe spring and issue foorth . the excellencie of this grace doeth appeare , as by manie other arguments , so by this , that the saintes are thereby described ; where they are saide to bee a people [ zealous of good workes : ] this is the ende of their redemption , and this is one speciall effect and marke of their iustification , that they doe not onely desist from their former euill workes , and fall to the practise of the contrarie good workes , but that they are zealous , both to doe them , and in the doing of them : they shake off the sluggishnesse of the flesh , and striue for the feruencie of the spirit , in all duties that they owe either vnto god or men . for this vertue , amongst many others , are the penitent corinthians commended : behold this , that yee haue beene godly sorrowfull , ( saith paul ) what zeale it hath wrought in you ! &c. till such time as the apostle had rebuked them by an epistle , they were either not at all , or very slightly touched with the sense of their owne sins , and therefore they set light by the offences of others , insomuch that when abominable incest ( such as had not beene heard of amongst the gentiles ) was committed among them , yet they tooke it not to heart , nor at all mourned for it , nay they let the offender goe vncensured , who should haue beene ( as afterwards he was ) excommunicated , and deliuered vp vnto sathan , for the healing of his owne soule , the preuenting of the like sinnes in others , and the stopping of the mouthes of wicked blasphemers , who would be readie heereupon to speake euill of the holy name of god , and of the professours and profession of christianitie . thus cold and carelesse were they , till the apostle had sharply reprooued them : but after that they had well disgested his speeches , and thorowly considered of all matters , they fell to lament for their owne corruptions , and for the transgressions of others , and were zealous against all wickednesse , and for all manner of goodnesse in themselues and others . this was the effect of holy griefe in them , and this will be found in all that attaine to that repentance which is vnto life : in which regard , when the lord would worke a cure vpon the luke-warme laodicians , he biddeth them , be zealous , and amend . that was their sinne , that they were key-cold , and euen frozen in the dregges of securitie , exercising themselues in sundrie good duties ( for that must needes be , because they were a church ) but neuer regarding with what loue vnto god or men they performed the same : therefore the lord vrging them to reformation , willeth them [ to be zealous , and amend ] implying , that these two euer goe hand in hand , to wit , sound repentance , and godly zeale : yet so , that as euery one is of greater growth in the body of christ , so this grace is of greater strength in him : as is euident in dauid , who speaketh thus of himselfe ( and that by the inspiration of gods holy spirit , and therefore cannot but speake truely ) my zeale hath euen consumed me , because mine enemies haue forgotten thy word . weaker christians haue some good motions of griefe for mens offances : but the prophet was exceedingly wrought vpon by his zeale , so that it did euen spend him , and consume him , in regard of the fearefull breach of gods commandements , which he obserued in his very enemies . and the like we find in another place : the zeale of thine house hath eaten me : and the rebukes of them that rebuked thee are fallen vpon me . thus was the holy man of god touched , yea tormented with the things whereby gods glory was impaired , as if he had beene laden himselfe with reproaches and disgraces . but most admirable was the zeale of moses and paul , who for that feruent desire that they had of aduancing gods glory , could haue beene content to haue had their names put out of the booke of life , and to be separated from the lord , so that his great name might be magnified in sparing and sauing their brethren the israelites . now because our hearts may easily deceiue vs in this matter of zeale , either by perswading vs that we haue it , when we are farre from it ; or that we altogether want it , when in some good measure we haue attained vnto it : therefore will it not be amisse to set downe some rules , whereby we may trie whether our zeale be currant or counterfeit . first , therefore touching the matter about which this holy zeale is to be exercised , it must be good : according to the saying of the apostle : it is good alwaies to be zealous in [ a good matter : ] and it was before shewed , that gods people must be zealous of [ good workes : ] otherwise , if the matter be euill , the more earnest any is , the more sinfull : neither is such earnestnesse worthy the name of zeale , being nothing else but a diuellish and fleshly heate , or rather a kinde of frenzie and madnesse . such was the zeale of idolaters that would mangle and cut themselues , and that would offer their children in the fire in honour vnto their gods . such was the zeale of the scribes and pharises , who would compasse sea and land to make one a proselite : that is , one of their owne sect . with this violent and mad zeale was paul carried before his conuersion ( as he himselfe confesseth in plaine tearmes , acts. 26. 11. and phil. 3. 6. ) when he was enraged against christians , and spared no paines nor cost to make them denie and blaspheme the name of christ. heere then is to be condemned the zeale of ignorant papists and brownists , and such like , who are very hotte indeed ( for he must needes runne whom the diuell driues ) but in euill causes , as might easily be prooued , and may hence , if by no other arguments , be probably concluded , in that they vse the diuels owne weapons ( to wit , lying , standering , railing , cursed speaking , and the like ) in the pursute of the same . but much more damnable and vile is their zeale to be esteemed , who against their knowledge and consciences , doe violently and maliciously oppose themselues against the gospell , and the professors thereof , and stand for falshood and wickednesse , and the practisers thereof : as did those wretched pharises that set themselues against our sauiour , and committed the sin against the holy ghost . a second rule is , that as the matter in which we are zealous , must be good in it selfe , so it must be knowne vnto vs to be of that qualitie . true zeale must begin where the word begins , and ende where it ends : for otherwise it cannot bee of faith , which is euer grounded on the word ; and whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne . we must not therefore content our selues with an honest meaning , and hope that wee haue a good zeale towards god , when we haue no warrant for our hope : but must so acquaint our selues with the scriptures of god , that our zeale may be according to knowledge . which rule discouereth the corruptnes of their zeale , whether close hypocrites , or weake christians , who are led on meerely by the examples of good men , whome they affect , much to like of , and earnestly to stand fot such things , as they perceiue them in their practise to obserue , and to make conscience of : and if there be but a word spoken against any of the things that they haue taken a liking of , they are maruellously stirred with indignation thereat , and grow passionate and vehement against the parties , though they haue neuer so good a meaning in that which they speake : yet let them bee vrged to prooue out of the word the necessitie of those duties which they so earnestly presse , they can say little or nothing to the purpose for them ; and so grow manie times either to dislike and forsake all if they bee hypocrites , or at least to bee discouraged , and to bee at a stand , if they be weaklings in christ iesus . and whence proceed these inconueniences but from this , that they are zealous for things that in themselues , and vnto others are good and holie , but not thoroughly discerned of them to bee of that nature : the consideration whereof , should make vs to sit sure in matters of godlinesse , not building vpon the example of good men , but vpon the truth of the good word of god , and then our foundation shall neuer faile vs. a third propertie of true zeale is , that it beginneth in our selues , and after proceedeth vnto others : for neuer can that man be truely zealous to others , which neuer knew to be zealous to himselfe . those are the most skilfull physitions and best able to deale with others , that haue first wrought a cure vpon their owne soules . therefore our sauiours aduice is , cast out the beame out of thine owne eye first , and then shalt thou see perfectly to pull out the moate that is in thy brothers eye . we must then first of all iudge our selues , and cast the first stone at our selues , that so finding how vgly and noisome a thing sinne is , and that by experience in our selues , we may be at defiance with it , wheresoeuer we finde it , and neither flatter others in their euill courses , nor yet too rigorously and vnmercifully rebuke them for the same . those that haue beene pinched with sicknesse and are recouered , can by the smart which they haue felt , pittie others in the like case : euen so they which haue beene stung with sinne themselues , can more easily be moued to shew compassion towards poore sinners like themselues , because by the feeling of misery , men learne the practise of mercy , in that christ suffered and was tempted , he is able to pittie and to succour those that are tempted . against this rule doe all hypocrites offend , who will wade very deepely into other mens soules , and very bloodily gore other mens consciences , who yet neuer once purged their owne vncleane sincks at home , nor drew one drop of blood out of their owne corrupt hearts . such were the pharises , who pleased themselues much in iudging and censuring our sauiour and his disciples ; but were so farre from condemning themselues as faultie in any thing , that they iustified themselues before god and men . such also are the brownists , which are readie to burst their bowels with crying out against disorders abroad , and yet neuer reforme their owne soules at home : for if they did , they would also reforme their liues and their families . but what kind of zeale these mens is , wosull and late experience still crieth in our eares : for manie of them being so zealous to others , but onely through some secret loue of the world , when they had that which they sought for , made knowne their hollow & their rotten zeale , in that without griefe of conscience , they could suddenly rush into a profound worldlinesse : and without all godly sorrow , could ( after they had satisfied their greedie and fleshly zeale ) not onely more hardlie seare vp their owne consciences , but also be so changed , that they could sowe vp their lippes , and spare their words from speaking in like manner againe to others , and so are neither zealous to themselues nor others . heere also are all such to be censured as faultie , that can prie and make a priuie search into the wants of others , accounting the same wants no wants in themselues . the father saith , this my childe doth amisse : and the childe , in this my father faileth : the husband knoweth , what the wife should doe ; and the wife , what the husband should doe , &c : euery one in the meane time neglecting their owne duties ; whereas indeed euery ones principall care should bee , to know and doe his owne dutie , and to be grieued where he commeth short of the same . and thus much for the third rule , that true zeale must beginne in our selues . now further we are to vnderstand , that there must be an order kept in being thus zealous : namely , that first and especiallie wee make conscience of the principall matters of the word , and after of the lesser , as our sauiour telleth the scribes and pharises : these things ought yee to haue done , ( that is , the weightier matters of the law ) and not to haue left the other vndone : viz. matters of smaller importance . which sheweth , that their zeale is verie corrupt and faulty , who as our sauior saith , straine out a gnat , & swallow a camell ; who are very hot about matters of ceremonie , but altogether cold in matters of substance : as also theirs that ( on the other side ) will crie out against them that rob by the high-wayes side , & yet they themselues make no conscience of pilfring , & cosoning , and secret defrauding of their neighbours : as if small sinnes were not to be left as well as great . another rule of true zeale is , that wee looke as carefully to our hearts before god , as to our carriage before men : for so the lord commandeth , clease thy heart , ô ierusalem , &c : how long shall thy euill thoughts remaine within thee ? and againe , purge your hands , yee sinners , and [ your hearts ] yee hypocrites . which serueth to ouerthrow the hypocrisie of such pharises , as make cleane the vtter side of the cuppe and platter , but within are full of bribery and excesse , of pride , disdaine , selfe-loue , and hatred . now that wee may the better trie our selues by this rule , two things are to be obserued , i. that wee feare to commit any sinne secretly , and when wee are alone , as well as when wee are in the presence of men . so did iob , and so did ioseph : and this mooued them so to doe , euen that the lord did behold them , and could punish them for secret , as well as for open offences . which condemneth them of grosse dissimulation , that are loth to be accounted ill , and yet make no conscience to be ill . what is this , but to be painted sepulchers , that are faire to looke vpon , but within full of rotten bones ? wee may deceiue men , but god is not deceined : and therefore let vs beware of this hypocrisie : and so much the rather , because the lorde hath fearefully discouered and plagued them , that in outward shew haue borne a great countenance of religion , and yet haue liued in secret filthinesse , and other vile sinnes , which in time haue come to light to their shame and ruine . the second thing to be obserued , is , that we haue an eye to the priuie corruptions that lurke in our hearts , and maintaine continuall warre against them , as paul did , rom. 7. and this we should the rather doe , because it is a fearefull , and yet an vsuall iudgement of god , and that vpon many professors , that making no conscience of entertaining wretched lusts and vile affections secretly , they haue broken foorth to the committing of the grosse actions , and so haue shamed themselues publikely . and this is a iust stroke vpon those that would rather seeme to be , then in truth desire to be godly , that making no conscience of their thoughts and inward desires , they should in time be so giuen vp , as to make no conscience of their words or deeds . the sixth rule is , that wee be more strict vnto our selues then vnto others , and more seuere against our selues , then against others , giuing more libertie vnto them , then wee will take vnto our selues . and first concerning seuerite vnto our selues , such ought to bee our acquaintance with our inward and outward corruptions , and so grieuous ought they to be in our eyes , that our heate being spent vpon our selues , wee may thinke the sinnes of others more tollerable , and so learne by the sight and sense of our owne sores , to deale more mildely and meekely with others , whose corruptions ( either for greatnes or multitude ) we cannot so thorowly see as wee may our owne . secondly , as we must deale most sharpely against our selues , so must we be ready to giue more outward libertie vnto others then to our selues . and for this we haue the example of abraham , who was so strict to himselfe , that he would not take of the king of sodome so much as a threed or latchet , and yet he would not denie aner , escol and mamre , their liberty . so iob , as he would not permit to himselfe , so neither would he deny to his children their liberty of feasting . but especially the example of paul is notable for the confirmation of this point : for seeing that in some places he could not so conueniently liue of other mens charges , as at corinth and thessalonica , he would labour with his owne hands , rather then be chargeable to any of them : yet he would not that all men should be tied by his example to doe the like : and therefore he laboureth much in his epistles about this , that ministers ought to be prouided for : so strict was he to himselfe ; such liberty left he vnto others . whence we may easily perceiue , that it is rather a pharisaicall pride , then any christian zeale , to be too tetricall and rough in vrging men so farre , that whosoeuer in euery point is not so strict and precise as our selues , we cast them off as dogges and prophane persons , and such as are vnworthy of any account or countenance . the next propertie of true zeale , is , not to be blinded with naturall affection , but to discerne and condemne sinne , euen in those that are neerest and dearest vnto vs. that was it that made christ so sharply to rebuke peter , and paul to deale so roundly with the galathians and corinthians . many offend against this rule , who will neuer reprooue sinne in their friends , till god reuenge it from heauen ; wherein they are farre from true friendship : for whereas they might by admonishing them of their faults in time , preuent the iudgements of god , they do , through a false loue , pull the wrath of god vpon them whom they loue most dearely . hee loueth most naturally , that hath learned to loue spiritually : and hee loueth most sincerely , that cannot abide sinne in the partie beloued , without some wholesome admonition . but doe not manie now adayes seeme zealoussie to mislike sinne in strangers , who can winke at the same fault in their kindred , in their wiues , in their children , in their parents ? as if the diuersitie of persons could change the nature of the sinne . this blind zeale god hath punished , and doth punish his children . isaac did carnally loue his sonne esau for meat , & for a peece of venison . dauid was too much affected to absalon and to adoniah for their comely personage , so as his zeale was hindered in discerning sinne aright in them . now iacob was not so deare to isaac , and salomon was more hardly set to schoole , and made to take paines : but behold , god louing iacob , and refusing esau , ( howsoeuer isaac loued esau better then iacob ) made esau more troublesome , and iacob more comfortable vnto him . absalon and adoniah , brought vp like cocknies , became corasiues to dauids heart : salomon more restrained and better instructed , was his ioy , his crowne , his successor in his kingdome . this disease is so hereditary to many parents , louing their children in the flesh , rather then in the spirit , that the holy ghost is faine to cal vpon them more vehemently , to teach , to instruct , and to correct , as knowing how easily nature would coole zeale in this kinde of dutie . indeed many will set by their wiues , children , and kinsfolkes , if they be thriftie , like to become good husbands , wittie and politicke , or if they be such as for their gifts can bring some reuenue to their stocke , or afford some profit vnto them ; how deepe sinners soeuer they be against god , that maketh no matter , it little grieueth them : whereby they bewray their great corruption , that they are neither zealous in truth of gods glory , nor louers aright of their children , because they can be sharpe enough in reprehension if they faile but a little in thriftinesse , and yet are too too cold in admonition , if they faile neuer so much in godlinesse . well , let these fleshly zealous men lay to their heart the blinde affection of heli , who being the deare childe of god , was seuerely punished of the lord , for that he was not zealously affected to punish the grosse and foule offences of his children : but blessed are they that can forget their owne cause , and euen with ieopardie of nature can defend the quarrel of god , labouring hencefoorth to know no man after the flesh , nor suffering any outward league so to bleare and dazle their eyes , as that they should not espie sinne in their dearest friends to reforme it , or that they should not discerne vertue in the greatest aliens to reuerence it . now whereas many haue great courage to rebuke such as either cannot gainsay them , or gainsaying them , cannot preuaile against them , heere commeth another property of zeale to be spoken of , and that is , that it feareth not the face of the mightie , neither is it dismaied at the lookes of the proud and loftie , such was the courage of iob , who besides that he made the young men ashamed of their liberty , & afraide of his grauity , made euen the princes also to stay their talke , and to lay their hands on their mouthes . and yet heere we must beware of their hasty zeale , who will not sticke to charge the children of god to be without zeale , if presently and abruptly they rush not into an open reprehension of men that are mightie in authoritie , as though no regard of time , place , or persons were to be had : which opinion many by weakenesse of iudgement defending , find neither fruit in others , nor comfort in their owne consciences , when they doe admonish in that presumptuous maner : for that hunting after feruentnesse without the spirit of meeknesse , and casting off all consideration of a godly opportunitie , they rather exasperate then humble the parties admonished : and they themselues rather depart with confusion and shame , for such posting on without warrant of wisedome , then with comfort of heart for any duty done , neither am i heere ignorant how great danger of trouble of minde commeth to many , in that they , being so curious obseruers and waiters of opportunity , doe for some ease of the flesh , vnder the cloake of this wisedome , altogether leaue off that godly dutie . wherefore , as we affirme that wisedome and loue mixed together do deeply enter into the most prefract & prodigious spirits ; so we mislike their fearefull delay of duty , who hauing a meane occasion offered them from the lord , doe not zealously and earnestly rebuke sinne , though in some higher personages . out of this may issue another frutit of holy zeale , namely when we are zealous in their behalfe who can neuer recompence vs againe , and that in defending their right against oppressors that are craftier & mightier then they . thus iob deliuered the poore that cried , the fatherlesse and him that had none to helpe him . he was the eyes to the blinde , and feet to the lame , at whose hands no reward was to be looked for . another most excellent and glorious propertie of pure zeale is , to be humbled in our selues for those sins which we espie and censure in others , and so to nourish an holy compassion towards them . heere is an excellent and infallible difference betweene godly zeale and fleshly heat , viz when our anger for our brothers falling doth not feed it self vpō the party , because of our wrath , but vpon his sinne , because of our zeale ; we still retaining a tender affection towards the person of the offender . when our sauiour christ went about to heale the man that had the withered hand , the pharises that stood by murmured , because hee would heale on the sabbath day : herevpon it is said , that he looked about him angerlie , & yet it is added , that he sorrowed for the hardnes of their harts . marke here in this notable example , how anger and sorrow meete together : anger , that men should haue so little knowledge of god , and loue of ther brother : sorrow , that through ignorance they were so foulie ouerseene . so likewise in zeale of his father , christ looked on ierusalem , with an hatred to their sinne , and yet with pittie of their miserie which was at hand , which appeareth in that he wept ouer it . marke this in all the prophets from time to time , as in isay , ieremie , ezekiel , daniel , &c : whether they did not vtter their message in heauinesse of spirit : and when they most threatned the people for their sinnes , obserue if they were not most grieued and feared , least they should be executed vpon them . this is a blessed temperature , thus to mingle griefe with zeale : but that is an ouer-reaching zeale , that feedeth more on the person then on the sinne . wherefore wee must craue this speciall grace at the hand of god by prayer , to be gouerned by a right zeale , and that we may trulie discerne the difference betweene fretting anger , and pining zeale . which if all sorts of men would labour for , receiuing this rule in iudgement , and obseruing it in practise , it would breede a great deale more conscience in ministers , magistrates , and masters , when they are to admonish their inferiours . alas wee see manie , who can mangle and martyr a man for some offence , who neuer learned for conscience sake to mourne for those in firmities , which so bitterly they inueigh against in others . the apostle paul was of another temper : i feare ( saith he ) to the corinthians , left when i come , my god abase mee among you , and i shall bewaile many of them , which haue sinned already , &c : he knew nothing by himselfe , ( as hee telleth them in another place ) yet could he not but lament and be humbled for their offences , who were a part of his apostolike charge . so samuel , in the zeale of gods glorie , spares not flatly to tell saul of his sinne , notwithstanding his great authoritie : and yet in loue and compassion to his person , hee was alwayes bent to lament sauls case , and earnestly to pray for him , till the lord forbad him to doe so anie longer , 1. sam. 16. 1. if wee could keepe this golden mixture , wee should stop the mouthes of the aduersaries , who accuse vs to be full of rancour and malice , if wee be angrie as enemies to their sinne , but grieued in that for sinne they are become enemies to god. further , wee must know , that true zeale maketh vs as willing to be admonished , as carefull to admonish : and that not only of our superiours , which is an easie thing , because there wee must of necessitie yeeld : but also of our inferiours , whom we may seeme to contemne . all men will graunt , that a childe ought willingly to be admonished of his father , or a seruant of his maister : but fewe will in practise giue this , that a father should listen to the aduertisement of his sonne , or that a maister should receiue an admonition of his seruant . howbeit iob saith , hee durst not contemne the iudgement of his seruant or of his maide , when they did contend with him , because in a dutie of pietie , he looked to them , not as seruants , but as brethren ; he looked not to the speaker onely , which in respect of his calling was his inferiour , but vnto the things spoken in the ordinance of god , vnto whom iob himselfe was an inferiour , and before whom he knew there was no respect of persons . howbeit to correct the preposterous boldnesse of some , wee adde thus much , that inferiours must rather aduise than admonish : aduertise rather then reprehend their superiours , that so still they may offer their pure zeale of the glorie of god in vnfained humilitie , left through their corrupt zeale , they do not only not profit their superiours , but most iustly exasperate them against them . another rule is , that in pure zeale wee be patient in our owne causes , & deuoure many priuate iniuries ; but hote and feruent in gods causes . manie can be as hote as fire in their owne priuate matters , who are as colde as ice in things that concerne gods honor and glorie . but it was otherwise with moses : when anie priuate wrong was offered vnto him by the israelites , he was meeke as a lambe , and would with wisedome speake mildly vnto them to pacifie them , and pray earnestly vnto god to pardon them : but when they fell to idolatrie , and worshipped the golden calfe , ( a matter which neerely concerned the glory of god ) his wrath waxed hot , and he cast the tables out of his hands , and brake them in peeces , and burnt the calfe in the fire , and ground it to powder , and made them drinke of it , being strewed vpon the water ; and after caused a great number of the principall doers in this wickednesse to be slaine by the sword . this also is the commendation of the church of ephesus , that they had much patience , and yet could not forbeare those which were euill , but examined them which said they were apostles , and found them liars . this rule well obserued , would sow vp the lips of the aduersaries , who though for a time they thinke vs to be cholloricke , and men out of our wits , madly reuenging our priuate affections , yet one day they should confesse , that we sought not our owne commoditie , but gods most precious glory . and to stretch this examination of our hearts one degree further , let vs beware of that corruption , which , springing from selfe-loue , will giue vs leaue to reioyce in good things , so long as they be in our selues , but repineth at the sight of them in others : which will permit vs to be grieued at euill things in our selues , and yet make vs to reioyce to see the same in others . true zeale ( hauing gods glory for the obiect thereof ) loueth good wheresoeuer , and in whomsoeuer it is : true zeale hateth sinne wheresoeuer and in whomsoeuer . true zeale loueth friends as they be gods friends : true zeale hateth aduersaries , so farre as they be gods aduersaries : true zeale loueth a good thing in the most professed enemie : true zeale hateth sinne in the most assured friend . if wee be perswaded that our enemies bee gods children , howsoeuer wee disagree in some particulars , yet wee must swallow vp manie priuate iniuries , and more reioice in them as they be gods seruants , then be grieued at them , as they haue iniuried vs. indeed true zeale is most grieued at the sinnes of the godly , because so much are their sinnes more grieuous then the sinnes of others , by how much they came neerer to the image of god then others . the last rule is , that wee keepe a tenour of zeale in both estates , to wit , of prosperitie and aduersitie . wee must especiallie looke to that whereunto wee are most readie , that is , whether wee be more zealous in prosperitie , and fall away in aduersitie ; or whether we be more feruent in affliction , and ouer-whelmed in abundance : whether by the one we are not puffed vp with securitie and secret pride , and whether by the other we be not too farre abased and discouraged ; or , which is worst of all , quite driuen out of the way : for many in time of peace are religious , who seeing persecution to follow the gospell , begin ( like those that are compared to stonie ground ) to step backe , and at last vtterly to renounce their former profession . others so long as they may haue credit by embracing the gospell , will seeme to goe farre ; but when discredit comes , they forsake all : contrarie to the practise of dauid , who saith , the bandes of the wicked haue robbed mee , yet haue i not forgotten thy law. and againe , princes did persecute mee without cause , but mine heart stood in awe of thy word . and for disgrace hee saith , i am small and despised yet doe i not forget thy word . others on the contrary part , so long as god exerciseth them with any crosse , are zealous professours , who beeing set aloft , and comming once vnto promotion , begin to grow secure and carelesse of all duties towards god or men , as is to be seene in the lsraelites from time to time . we see manie in time of their miserie to hee much humbled ; and whiles they want liuings and preferments , we see both preachers and people in outward appearance very godlie , who hauing obtained that which they sought for , haue their zeale vtterly choked . doe not many pray for the continuance of the peace of the gospell , that they themselues might continue in peace and prosperitie ? doe not manie mourne in the aduersitie of the gospell , because they are grieued for their owne aduersitie ! oh great corruption of our hearts ! oh bottomles pit of hypocrisie ! if wee were ashamed that wee are no more grounded on the word , and that wee can bee no nore holie and vpright in our hearts , surely the lord will so gouerne vs ; that he would not suffer either prosperitie to quench our zeale , or aduersitie to discourage our hearts . this is then our triall herein , if when we are in greatest prosperitie , we can mourne with them that mourne in the lorde ; and when wee are in greatest aduersitie , wee can reioyce with them that reioyce in christ. this is a sure token wee loue not the gospell , nor fauour the word , because wee haue a loue to prosperitie , neither are zealous to see the word contemned , because wee haue an hatred of aduersitie . daniel concerning outward things was an happie man , as being neere to the crowne : and yet when hee saw the god of israels glory to be defaced , and his seruants and seruices to be trodden vnder foote , hee could content himselfe with nothing so much , as with fasting , weeping , and prayer . and paul on the other side being in bonds for the testimonie of iesus christ , and concerning his outward man in a miserable case , reioyced greatly , and was as it were reuiued when he heard that the gospell flourished , and that the faith and loue of the saints was still continued . this zeale should we much labour for , that in all estates we might be rightly affected towards god and men . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20529-e630 verse . 10. sound sorrow the first step to repentance . ioel. 2. 13. note , acts. 2. psal. 45. reasons . iob. 11. rom. 7. act. 9. math. 5. 4. 6. vse . 1. luke . 6. reuel . 6. 16. vse . 2. vse . 3. meanes to get tendernes of heart . iohn . 16. 8. ezeck . 36. ier. 31. isa. 30. 2. sam. 12. doct. 2. god looketh into the manner of our doing . mat. 24. 38. iude. 12. 1. tim. 445. heb. 13. gen. 6. 2. luk. 17. 28. see m. dods sermon on isa. 10. doct. 1. vse . 1. vse . 2. ionah . 3. 8. 9. vse : 3. doct. 3. confession of sinne , must folowe griefe for sinne . doct. 4. asking pardon must be ioyned with confession . luk. 18. 13. daniel . 9. 19. nehem. 9. exod. 34. ezeck . 36. mat. ● . vse . 1. vse . 2. 1. ioh. 1. 9. vse . 3. how we may attaine to earnestnesse in asking pardon . doct. 5. the greatest sinners are the veriest fooles . ioshua . 7. reason . vse . 1. psal. 119. 93. obiect . answer . doct. 6. it is hard to be at downe mans pride . psalm . 30. 6. 7. verse . 9. 2. cor. 12. micah . 7. lament . 3. dan. 4. 24. dan. 5. 20. 2. chron. 11. iam. 4. 8. vse . prou. 16. 5. 18. psal. 119. pet. 3. iam. 4. 2. cor. 12. 10. 7. fruites of pride . prou. 13. 10. 2. sam. 12. 13. psal. 51. 1. sam. 25. 32. iob. 31. 13. 1. tim. 6. 17. remedies against pride . luke , 18. 13. rom. 7. 24. obiect . answer . rom. 1. 14. math. 25. gen. 18. 27. isa. 42. 6. iob. 42. 6. eccl. 1. 13. prou. isa. 61. 1. luk. 4. 18. psal. 37. 11. isa. 57. 15. iam. 4. 6. math. 5. 3. 2. sam. 12. psal. 141. 5. doct. 7. speedy iudging of our selues procures fauour . the time being expired , this point was briefly handled . vse . 1. se. 2. notes for div a20529-e4310 verse 14. lament . 9. verse 15. verse 16. verse 17. doct. 1. sinne brings men into straits . 1. king. 22. 31. 32. 2. king. 3. iudges . 16. prou. 22. 5. pro. 13. 32. 29. 30. prou. 21. 17. prou. 6. 26. 1. tim. 6. 19. iob. 27. 8. pro. 1. 26. ●● . rom. 2. vse . 1. iob. 31. 3. verse . 4. math. 4. iohn . 8. vse . 2. prou. 5. 22. psal. 107. vse . 3. 2. cor. 4. 8. doct. 2. the godly finde greatest fauour with god. hos. 11. 1. pett . 6. isa. 27. 9. hos. 6. 1. vse . 1. reasons why the pestilence is a more fauorable stroke then the sword . lamen . 5. reuel . 6. 8. leuit. 26. the time allotted being welneere spēt , the points following were but briefly touched . doct. 3. gods punishments are answerable to mens sinnes , ioel. 1. 5. isa. 23. prou. reason . vse . ezek. 24. 35. doct. 4. gods iudgements very swift . psal. 147. 15. exod. 12. zach. 5. 2. gen. 3. 17. 18. 1. cor. 15. 52. reason . vse . psal. 1 39. doct. 5. god is present at the execution of his indgements . gen. 28. 12. verse . 15. vse . doct. 6. a good man is most seuere against himselfe . 2. tim. 1. 15. exod. 32. philip. reasons 1. cor 13. vse . 1. nehem. 5. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. notes for div a20529-e7090 verse . 1. doct. 1. gods childrē neuer helples . micah . 7. 2. verse . 7. psal. 22. 11. isa. 59. 4. 16. reasons . 1. sam. 14. 6. 2. chro. 14. 11 psal. 62. 11. math. 6. hos. 14. psal. 107. psal. 141. 4. 5. vse . 1. psal. 3. 1. 2. 3. psal. 71. 10. 11. verse 12. 13. vse . 2. gen. 31. psal. 27. doct. 2. want of good men much to be lamented . micah . 7. i. 2. hos. 4. 3. 1. kings . 19. 11. verse 4. verse . 1● . psal. 16. 3. psal. 42. reasons . psal. 67. 5. vse . 1. vse . 2. doct. 3. fained friends worse then open foes . prou. 27. 6. iudas , matth. 26. 49. reasons . psal. 55. 12. 13 vse . 1. vse . 2. ier. 9. 4. 5. vse . 3. notes for div a20529-e9090 obiect . answere . obiect . answere . verse 3. doct. 1. the more cunning any is for mischiefe , the more fearefull shall his mine be . psal. 52. 4. 5. 1. sam. 22. 8. 9. &c. ier. 4. 22. ier. 9. 5. reasons . gal. 3. 2. cor. 11. 2. 3. vers. 13. 14. 15. iob. 5. 12. psal. 7. & 9. vse 1. prou. 24. 8. prou. 20. 17. vse 2. prou. 21. 30. psal. 33. 10. doct. 2. the wickeds boasting , a forerunner of their ruine . psal. 59 7. 8. exod. 15. 9. 2. kings . 18. chap. 19. 28. reasons . psal. 52. 1. psal. 10. psal. 73. 9. vse . 1. vse . 2. reuel . 18. 7. 8. doct. 3. no man hath the ordering of his owne tongue . reasons . prou. 16. 1. num. 23. ephes. 4. prou. 18. 7. micah . 4. 11. 12. 13. mat. 12. 36. 37 vse 1. psal. 141. 3. vse 2 iob. 5. 27. isa. 45. 16. 17. act. 4. 29. notes for div a20529-e11260 titus 2. 14. rom. 12. 1● . 2. cor. 7. 11. 1. cor. 5. 1. 2. reu. 3. 19. psal. 119. 139. psal. 69. 9. exod. 32. 32. rom. 9. 3. rules of true zeale . the matter must be good . gal. 4. 18. 1. king. 18. 28 ier. 7. 31. we must know the thing to be good for which we are zealous . rom. 14. 23. rom. 10. 2. zeale must begin at home . luke . 6. 42. heb. 2. 17. 18. luk. 16. 15. & 18. 9. wee must make greatest account of the weightiest matters . matth. 23. 23. we must look to the inside , as well as to the out-side , ier. 4. 14. iam. 4. 8. matth. 23. ioh. 31. gen. 39. matth. 23. wee must be more strict to our selues then to others . titus . 3. 1. gen. 14. 23. 24. iob. 1. 1. cor. 4. 12. 1. thess. 2. 9. 1. cor. 9. 1. tim. 5. 18. zeale condemneth sin in friends as wel as in foes . mat. 16. 23. gal. 3. 1. 1. cor. gen. 25. 28. 1. sam. 2. & 3. & 4. zeale opposeth itselfe against the sins of the mighty . iob. 29. 8. 9. iob. 29. 12. compassion to be ioyned with zeale . mark. 3. 5. matth. 23. 37. luk. 19. 41. 42. 2. cor. 12. 21. 1. cor. 4. 1. sam. 15. 35. true zeale maketh men desirous of admonition . iob. 30. 13. wee must be most feruent in gods causes exod. 32. 19. 20. reuel . 2. 2. zeale must be constant in all estates . luke . 8. 13. psal. 119. 61. verse . 161. verse 141. verse . 141. psal 63. 34. &c. iudges . dan. 9. 1. thess. 3. 6. 7. 8. a treatise of the plague containing the nature, signes, and accidents of the same, with the certaine and absolute cure of the feuers, botches and carbuncles that raigne in these times: and aboue all things most singular experiments and preseruatiues in the same, gathered by the obseruation of diuers worthy trauailers, and selected out of the writing of the best learned phisitians in this age. by thomas lodge, doctor in phisicke. lodge, thomas, 1558?-1625. 1603 approx. 175 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 46 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06182 stc 16676 estc s108807 99844462 99844462 9277 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06182) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9277) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 810:03) a treatise of the plague containing the nature, signes, and accidents of the same, with the certaine and absolute cure of the feuers, botches and carbuncles that raigne in these times: and aboue all things most singular experiments and preseruatiues in the same, gathered by the obseruation of diuers worthy trauailers, and selected out of the writing of the best learned phisitians in this age. by thomas lodge, doctor in phisicke. lodge, thomas, 1558?-1625. [88] p. printed [by thomas creede and valentine simmes] for edward white and n[icholas] l[ing], london : 1603. printers' and ling's names from stc. signatures: a-l⁴. running title reads: the causes and cures of the plague. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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sampled and proofread 2003-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of the plague : containing the nature , signes , and accidents of the same , with the certaine and absolute cure of the feuers , botches and carbuncles that raigne in these times : and aboue all things most singular experiments and preseruatiues in the same , gathered by the obseruation of diuers worthy trauailers , and selected out of the writings of the best learned phisitians in this age . by thomas lodge , doctor in phisicke . london printed for edward white and n. l. 1603. to the right honorable the lord maior , and to the right worshipfull the aldermen and sheriffes of the citie of london . two causes ( right honourable and worshipfull ) haue moued me to publish this present treatise of the plague ; one is the duetie and loue which i owe to this citie ( wherein i was bred and brought vp , and for which ( as the orator cicero in his offices , and the philosopher plato in his common-weale do testifie ) euery good man ought to employ his vttermost indeuour : the next is a charitable remorse i haue conceiued to see my poore country-men and afflicted brethren turmoiled and attainted with the greeuous sicknes of the plague : and left without guide or counsaile how to succour themselues in extremitie : for where the infestion most rageth there pouertie raigneth among the commons , which hauing no supplies to satisfie the greedie desire of those that should attend them , are for the most part left desolate & die without reliefe . for their sakes haue i vndertaken this prouince to write of the plague , to the end that with a litle charge a poore man may haue instructions by a litle reading both to know and to cure all the euil accidents that attend the diseases . it resteth in your honor & those your right worshipfull assistance , to haue especiall care that this charitable intent of mine may be furthered by your discreet orders , in such manner that these bookes may be dispearsed among those families that are visited , to the end they may finde comfort and cure by their owne hands and diligence . this is the only reward i require , as almightie god knoweth , to whose mercy i commend you . from my house in warwicke lane , this 19. of august . your honors and worships in all affection , thomas lodge . to the curteous and friendly reader . thou maist wonder perhaps ( gentle reader ) why amongst so many excellent and learned phisitians of this citie , i alone haue vndertaken to answere the expectation of the multitude , & to beare the heauy burthen of contentious critiques and deprauers : but when the cause shall be examined , and the reasons considered , i hope to resolue thee so well , as thou shalt haue no cause to condemne me : there haue beene lately certaine thessali that haue bestowed a new printed liuery on euery olde post , and promised such myracles , as if they held the raine of desteny in their own hands , and were able to make old aeson young againe : amongst these , one by fortune is become my neighbour , who because at the first he vnderwrit not his billes , euery one that red them came flocking to me , coniuring me by great profers and perswasions to store them with my promised preseruatiues , and relieue their sicke with my cordiall waters : these importunities of theirs made mee both agreeued , and amazed ; agreeued , because of that loathsome imposition which was laide vppon me , to make my selfe vendible , ( which is vnworthy a liberall & gentle minde , much more ill beseeming a phisitian and philosopher , who ought not to prostitute so sacred a profession so abiectly , but be a contemner of base and seruile desire of mony , as galen witnesseth in his booke , quod optimus medicus , idem sii & philosophus : amazed , to see the ignorance and error of the multitude , who dare trust their liues to their hands who build their experiēce on hazard of mens liues : and are troubled with the scab of the minde , which plato in alcibiade calleth probrosam imperitiā , and m. a. natta , in his 5. booke de pulchro , voluntary ignorance . herevpon ( by the earnest solicitation of my friends ) and vnder a great desire to doe good vnto my neighbors , i haue faithfully gathered out of the most approued authors , ( especially out of certaine notes which i receiued from valenolaes sonne now doctor of phisique in arles , in prouince ) a true methode how to knowe and cure the plague , which freely and charitably i offer to the reliefe of those who want meanes to relieue their estates in this time of visitation , and the rather because the world might conceiue of me in such sort , that i preferre a common good ( according to platoes counsell , ) before all the gaping desires of gaine and profit in this world . an other reason was , because such bookes as already are past abroad , are confusedly hudled vp , without either forme or methode , which is an vnpardonable errour in those that indeuour to instruct others . for these causes haue i bene drawne to write and expose my selfe to mens iudgements . now that i study not in this treatise to hunt after vain-glory , god can beare me witnes , and the plain stile i haue vsed therein may easily make knowne , which had i a mind to bewitch the eares and minds of the reader , might perhaps haue bin better tempered : neither haue i a setled purpose to wound other mens fame , ( as all men may coniecture ) since hauing iust occasion offered me to reproue them , yet had i rather conceale that wherein they erre , then discouer their scribendi cacoethen ( as the poets saith ) to their disgrace . truly my resolution is to prouoke no man , and those that know me inwardly of late time can witnesse , that i resemble the mauritanian mare ( of whom plutarch maketh mention ) which being led to the water , & seeing her shadow therin , suffereth her selfe afterward to be ridden by asses : i thanke god i haue indured wrongs , tho i haue had power to reuenge them . but because my desire is to leaue all men satisfied , i must a litle retire my selfe to yeeld men of worth & learning satisfaction in a matter wherein perhaps they might except against me . there is a lerned phisitian that hath lately writtē against amuteles or cakes of arsenick , who perhaps may cōceiue vnkindnes against me , because in this treatise i haue set downe the vse therof as a soueraine preseruatiue against the plague , where he hath condemned them ; but he must excuse me in this case , for i haue no intent to commend the same because he condemneth it , but by reason of their authoritie and experience who haue bin the lights and honors of phisicke , as mercurialis in his book de venenis , chap. 13. capiuachius in his book de febribus chap. 13. & heurinus in his booke de febribus , chap. 19. valeriola and diuers others , who by vniforme consent do allow the same either worne vnder the arme pittes , or about the region of the heart , by reason that by a certaine similitude one venome draweth an other with it , as arsenick , which voideth the poison of the plague insensibly , quod venenum & corpore attrahat & tota forma , & ratione caliditatis . this antipathie in arsenick experience doth allow , authoritie doth confirme , and reason ( which is an other of the feete whereon phisicke walketh as galen testifieth ) doth assist it , which he may easily perceiue that readeth mercurialis , in the place afore alledged . but for that i intend onely to iustifie mine owne actes & not to impugne others , let this suffice . and to conclude , if any man in the ripenesse of his iudgement be more oculatus in this cause , then either these fathers of phisicke or my selfe am , i enuy him not , but leaue him to his better thoughts , till i may be more fully satisfied . thus committing you to him on whose mercy i depend , i take my leaue of the gentle reader , desiring no other reward at thy hands but a fewe deuout praiers for me , which i wil pay thee againe with double vsury whilest god lendeth me life . vale. thine in all friendship , thomas lodge . the causes and cures of the plague . chap. 1. of the nature and essence of the plague . the diuine philosopher plato ( declaring vnto vs in diuers of his dialogues , the perfect way and path , whereby we may rightly intreat , and skilfully procéede , in the discouery of any thing ) saith , that it behoueth euery man , that indeuoureth by art and methode to attaine the perfect knowledge of that whereof he standeth in doubt , or is desirous to instruct an other in any science whatsoeuer , to begin with the definition of the same , without the perfect grounds and vnderstanding whereof , nothing may be either worthily knowne , or truly explicated : ( which lesson of his , both tully in his offices , and gallen in his booke of the differences of sicknesses haue very carefully obserued : ) since therefore in this treatise of mine , i am purposed ( by the grace and assistance of almightie god ) to manifest vnto you the nature , malignitie , and accidents of the plague , to the intent and purpose that i may instruct you after what manner you may withstand a sicknesse so gréeuous , and accompanied with so diuers and dangerous accidents , by those meanes and medicines , which god of his mercy hath left vs , by the noble art of phisicke , it shall not be amisse , if for your better vnderstanding what the plague is , i take my beginning from the definition of the same . but before i prosecute this my intended purpose , let vs inuocate and call vpon that diuine bountie , from whose fountaine-head of mercy euery good and gracious benefit is deriued , that it will please him to assist this my labor , and charitable intent , and so to order the scope of my indeuour , that it may redound to his eternall glory , our neighbours comfort , and the speciall benefite of our whole countrey : which being now vnder the fatherly correction of almightie god , and punished for our misdéeds by his heauy hand , may thorow the admirable effects and fruites of the sacred art of phisicke , receiue preuention of their daunger , and comfort in this desperate time of visitation : to him therfore king of kings , inuisible , and onely wise , be all honor , maiestie and dominion , now and for euer , amen . the plague then ( as galen witnesseth , is a pernicious and daungerous epidemie , ( that is to say , a generall , or popular sicknesse ) which violently rauisheth all men for the most part to death , without respect or exception of age , sexe , complexion , gouernment in life , or particular condition whatsoeuer : and therefore is it worthily called pernicious , because there can be nothing more daungerous then the same , which by the malignitie and violence therof , inforceth sodaine death , and by the proper nature , proprietie and contrarietie it hath with our bodies , killeth mankind no lesse readily , then violently . but that you may more exactly vnderstand what the plague is , you ought to note that there are diuers sorts of sicknesses ; that is to say epidemick , endemick plague , and priuate disease , ( as galen witnesseth in diuers places : ) an epidemick plague , is a common and popular sicknesse , hapning in some region , or countrey , at a certaine time , caused by a certaine indisposition of the aire , or waters of the same region , producing in all sorts of people , one and the same kind of sicknesse ; as namely burning feuers , tertian agues , opthalimes , or inflammation of the tunicle of the eies , carbuncles , or collicks , or general and gréeuous coughes , accompanied with shortnes of breath , or disenteries , or fluxes of blood , which vniuersally and very often times raigne in some countries about the end of sommer : all which sicknesses when as they are common in any particular place or region , are called endemick , which is as much to say , as sicknesses happening publikely & popularly in the same region or country , by a certaine euil qualitie of the aire that raigneth therein , and produceth such like infirmities in mens bodies . for as both galen and the diuine olde man hypocrates do testifie , euery sicknesse that procéedeth from the aire infected with a venemous qualitie , that is the cause which produceth and begetteth the same , is in his essence epidemick , popular , and pestilentiall . thus farre according to the fathers of phisicke haue i truly discouered what epidemick is . endemick is a common sicknesse , and yet for all that proper to some one country or region : which is as much to say , as a regional , or prouincial sicknesse : for there are certain regions and places which by a peculiar propertie in themselues engender certaine kindes of infirmities , which are particular only to the inhabitants of that region , either by occasion of the aire , or the waters in that country . as in the new found land ( discouered by the portugalls and spaniards ) in that iland which is called hispaniola , and other places of india , there raigne certaine pustules or broad seabs , ( not much vnlike the french poxes ) wherewith almost all the inhabitants of the country are infected , the remedy whereof they haue gathered from the infusion of the wood of guaiacum , whence the vse thereof with very fruitfull successe hath bene discouered and proued forcible here in europe . in sauoy and the valley of lucernes , the most part of the inhabitants haue a swelling in the throate . in pouille and calabria , for the most part all the inhabitants haue the iaundis . and such sicknesses as are these , are called endemiques , prouintiall or regionall infirmities , yet for all that they are not to be accounted pestilentiall or contagious : the plague as i haue said , is a pernicious epidemie , that is to say , a common and popular sicknesse , which is both contagious & mortall . a priuate sicknesse is that which is particular & proper to any one in priuate , procéeding from particular indisposition of the body of him that is attained , or by reason of some disorderly dyet by him obserued , or rather by some excesse committed by him , or through the corruption of the humours in his bodie , yet not contagious ; but such an infirmitie as neither is frée from daunger , nor exempted from mortalitie . these are the differences of such sicknesses as serue for our purposes to declare the nature of the plague , which in her proper signification is a popular and contagious sicknesse , for the most part mortall , wherein vsually there appeare certaine tumors , carbuncles , or spottes , which the common people call gods tokens : which plague procéedeth from the venemous corruption of the humors and spirits of the body , infected by the attraction of corrupted aire , or infection of euil vapours , which haue the propertie to alter mans bodie , and poyson his spirits after a straunge and daungerous qualitie , contrary and mortall enemy to the vitall spirits , which haue their residence in the heart : by reason whereof it suddainly rauisheth & shortly cutteth off mans life , who for the most part is attainted with such a venemous contagion : and for that we haue saide that the plague is a popular and contagious sicknesse , it shall not be amisse to declare and plainly discouer , what these wordes popular , and contagious , do signifie . popular and epidemich , haue one and the same signification ; that is to say , a sicknesse common vnto all people , or to the moste part of them . contagion , is an euil qualitie in a bodie , communicated vnto an other by touch , engendring one and the same disposition in him to whom it is communicated . so as he that is first of all attainted or rauished with such a qualitie , is called contagious and infected . for very properly is he reputed infectious , that hath in himselfe an euil , malignant , venemous , or vitious disposition , which may be imparted and bestowed on an other by touch , producing the same and as daungerous effect in him to whom it is communicated , as in him that first communicateth and spreddeth the infection . this sicknesse of the plague is commonly engendred of an infection of the aire , altered with a venemous vapour , dispearsed and sowed in the same , by the attraction and participation whereof , this dangerous and deadly infirmitie is produced and planted in vs , which almightie god as the rodde of his rigor and iustice , and for the amendment of our sinnes sendeth downe vppon vs , as it is written in leuiticus the 26. chapter , and in deuteronomy the 28. if you obserue not my commaundements saith our lord , i will extinguish you by the plague which shall consume you . to the like effect is that of celsus ( a man of famous memorie amongst our phisitions ) who very learnedly saith , that all straunge sicknesses befall mortall men , by reason of the wrath and displeasure of the goddes , and that the necessary meanes to finde recouery and remedie for the same , is to haue recourse vnto them by intercession and prayer● . the same also testifieth homer ( the soueraigne of all diuine science & poeticall perfection ) in the first booke of his iliades . since therefore it is euident by the testimonies abouesaid , that the plague is a manifest signe of the wrath of god conceiued against vs , the first and most wholesome remedie is to haue recourse vnto him , who is the father of mercy , and soueraign phisition of all infirmities , imploring his grace and mercy , by fastings , praiers , and supplications , by almesdéeds , good works , and amendment of life , to the ende we may appease and pacifie his wrath , and reconcile our selues vnto him , and obtaine his grace and mercy , according to the example of penitent dauid , and the contrite niniuites . in imitation of whome , if we shall haue our recourse vnto his mercy seat , we may rest assured that he will beholde vs with his eye of pittie , and graunt vs both health of soule and bodie , according vnto his promises made vnto those who call vpon him in humilitie and sinceritie of hart and conscience . sée here the first rule . chap. ii. of the causes of the plague . those sicknesses which are contagious and pestilent ( euen as al other kinds of infirmities ) haue their causes . for nothing may produce without an efficient cause that bringeth the same to effect : the plague then hath his originall & producing causes , from whence shée taketh originall beginning : and is engendred by a certaine and more secret meanes then all other sicknesses . for , for the most part the causes of priuate sicknesses which are not infectious , are either to great repletion , or a generall deprauation of the humours which are in the body , or obstruction , or binding , or putrifaction , as galen in his booke , ( of the causes of sicknesses ) hath very learnedly written . but the plague hath none of these aboue mentioned causes , but only contagious and pestilent : yet notwithstanding together with these causes of repletion , cachochimie , obstruction , & putrifaction , the plague may bée annexed and vnited ; but yet in such sort , as they be not the proper reputed causes which ingender the plague , for then if that should follow , all sicknesses accompanied with such like causes might be reputed pestilentiall , which were both vntrue and absurde : it behooueth vs therefore , to finde out a proper and continent cause of the plague , and such like contagious infirmities . let vs then conclude with galen , in his booke of treacle , to piso , and pamphilianus , that all pestilentiall sicknesses , as from the proper cause , are ingendred from the ayre , depraued and altered in his substance , by a certaine vicious mixture of corrupted and strange vapours , contrary to the life of man , and corrupting the vitall spirit : which vnkindly excretion sowed in the ayre , and infecting the same , communicateth vnto vs by our continuall alteration of the same , the venome which poysoneth vs. the ready and spéedy chaunges , saith galen , which happen in the ayre , through the euill corruption of the same , produce the plague ; which like a rauishing beast depopulateth and destroyeth diuers men by death , yea whole cities , because men hauing a necessitie to sucke in the ayre , together with the same sucke in the infection and venome : by this it appeareth that the proper and immediat cause which ingendreth the plague , is the attraction and in breathing of the ayre , infected and poisoned with a certaine venemous vapour , contrary to the nature of man. to his effect before his time , the great m. of physique , hipocrates writeth thus , in his booke of humane nature : the cause ( saith he ) of the generall pestilence which indifferently attainteth all sortes of men , is the ayre which we sucke , that hath in it selfe a corrupt and venemous seede , which we draw with our in-breathing . now the causes which engender such vapours in the aire , are diuers and of different kindes , for sometimes such a vapour is lifted vp into the ayre , by reason of the corruption & stench of dead and vnburied bodyes ; ( as in places where any great battell haue béene fought , it often falleth out , according as diuers histories testifie . ) it is ingendred also through euill vapours that issue from the earth , or certaine caues thereof , which yéelde foorth exhalations full of corruptions that infect the ayre , where it contracteth by an euill qualitie . it happeneth likewise by a loathsome steame , of certain marsh in plashie fennes full of mudde and durt , as also from diuers sorts of plantes , and venemous beastes , whose euill qualitie may produce such an effect in the ayre . but the ancient physitians and astrologers , ( as namely auicen , with diuers others ) report : that the plague hath two originals and sources , from whence ( as from a fountaine ) shée taketh her beginning . the first is , in the indisposition of the earth ouerflowed with too much moysture , and filled with grosse and euill vapours , which by vertue of the sunne béeing lifted vppe into the ayre , and mixed with the same , corrupteth the nature and complexion thereof , and engendreth a certaine indisposition in the same contrary to our substaunce , from whence it commeth to passe , that they who sucke this infected aire are in daunger to be attainted with this contagion and sicknesse of the pestilence . especially , if they be of an euil constitution of body , repleate with euil humours , men of vnbrideled dyet , sanguine , and such as haue large and portuall pores : they likewise who are weake and delicate , are men ready to be surprised and infected . an other cause of the plague saith auicen , procéedeth from the celestiall formes , that is to say , the starres and their configurations and malignant aspects , which by their influences cause such sicknesses full of contagion and pestilence , as in generall all other astrologians testifie : but in truth as touching mine owne opinion which is grounded vpon the diuine determination of plato in his epinomides , and his timaeus , of plotinus his chiefe follower , of iamblichus , proclus , mercurius , trismegistus , aristotle , and auerrhois , i finde that this opinion , is both false and erronious ; as namely , to thinke that any contagion or misfortune , incommoditie or sicknesse whatsoeuer may by reason of the starres befall man. because as plato witnesseth in his dialogue intituled epinomis , the nature of the starres is most goodly to behold , wel gouerned in their motions , and beneficiall to all liuing creatures , bestowing on them all commodities of generation and conseruation : if then the nature of the starres be so good that it meriteth to be called diuine ( as in the same place plato intituleth it ) and yéeldeth so many benefites to these inferiour bodies : how can it be that the starres infuse such infection and contagion vpon the earth and earthly creatures , whereas it is manifest that no cause can produce such effects as are contrary to it selfe ? if then the good of inferior bodies procéedeth from celestiall bodies , as namely the generation , production of fruites , and riping of the same : yea and the conseruation of euery ones vertue ( as in truth it doth ) : it shall neuer be truly and possibly concluded that the corruption and extermination of bodies procéedeth from the starres . and therfore aristotle very aduisedly saith ; that this inferiour world is very necessarily coupled and ioyned with the superiour , to the ende that all the vertue therof might be conducted and guided by the same . if the starres by their vertue conserue all the creatures in this world , how can they by corruption , venome and contagion , dissipate and destroy them ? the saide plato also calleth all the planets and starres sisters , for their accord in good doing ; and saith that it is a great folly in men to thinke that some planets are euil and malignant , and the rest good , whereas all are good . for as calcidius the great platonist saith in his commentaries vpon platoes timaeus , no euil may either procéed or take beginning from the heauens , because in that holy place all thinges are good , and such as resemble the diuinitie , and nothing that sauoureth of malice may abide and haue place : neither saith he , can the starres chaunge their nature , because it is simple and pure , neither can they degenerate from the simplicitie and puritie which by the almightie power hath bene bestowed vpon them . why then shall we attribute vnto them a malignant , pestilent , and contagious qualitie , and such as rauisheth and spoyleth all liuing creatures by a venemous and pestilent influence ? for if contagion be as badde a thing as may be ( as in truth it is ) the most disordinate and contrary to nature , or rather enemy to life ) the source and originall of which contagion , is nothing but very infirmitie , putrifaction and corruption in matter , how dare we attribute to the starres & heauen ( which is the beginning of all generation ) such an erroneous and vnnaturall accident ? wheras the planets are celestiall bodies , well disposed , powerfull , without vice , corruption , or matter , subiect or inclining to any contagion : and therefore auerrois the chiefe commenter vpon aristotle saith ; that whosoeuer beléeueth that mars or any other planet disposed in any sort whatsoeuer , doth hurt to any inferiour bodies ; the same man in sooth beléeueth such things as are estraunged from all philosophie . and the same author vpon the ninth of aristotles metaphisiques , saith ; that the celestiall bodies which are the beginning of all things are eternall , and haue neither euil error or corruption in them ; for corruption is of the order of such things as are euil . and therefore saith he , it is impossible to know that which the astronomers say , that there are some fortunate , and some vnfortunate starres , but this only may be knowne , that whereas all of them are good , that some of them are better then other some . behold here the worthy and true opinion of this excellent philosopher , which before him ( in as much as concerneth the first part of this sentence ) aristotle in the ninth of his phisiques , chapter 10. had testified . the wise philosopher mercury trimisgistus in his dialogue intituled asclepius , saith ; that all that which descendeth from heauen is generatiue ; if then in respect of vs the influence of heauen be generatiue ( as in truth it is ) : for as aristotle saith , sol & homo generant hominē ) it cannot any waies be possible that it can corrupt or cause the confusion of mankinde . the like also is confirmed by proclus , ( who interpreteth vpon platoes booke de anima & demone , ) the celestiall bodies ( saith he ) by a soueraigne harmony containe all thinges in themselues , and perfect them , and conforme them among themselues : and to the vniuers , if then it appeareth that the celectiall bodies perfect all things , and both confirme & conserue them , ( as in truth they doo , and this author witnesseth ) how can these engender contagion and infection in vs , which abolishe our perfection and integritie , and destroy vs by rauishing our liues ? to speake truth , as me séemeth it were a thing impossible . for it is contrary to the nature of contagion , that it should descend from heauen , because contagion is no other thing but an infection procéeding from one vnto an other by communication of a pestilent and infected vapour , and by this meanes if the plague and contagion procéeded from the starres , it should necessarily follow by the definition of contagion , that the starres were primarily or formerly infected , if by their influence they should send a pernicious contagion among vs. but this in no sort may be graunted , because the starres by being celestiall bodies , pure , diuine , and estranged from all corruption , receiuing and containing no infection in them , being no materiall bodies apt to transmutation or chaunge , ( as aristotle and auerrois in his booke de caelo est mundo , doo learnedly alledge ) cannot be capable of infection or contagion , neyther communicate it to the inferior bodies . let vs therefore cast off this vaine and sottish opinion whereby we are induced to beléeue that the plague procéedeth from the heauens : that is to say , from the influence of the starres , ( as by the vanitie of time we haue had inducements . ) but let vs confesse that it procéedeth from the secret iudgements of god , who intendeth by this scourge to whip vs for our sinnes , as it appeareth in leuiticus , and deuteronomy ▪ to conclude , we say that the cause of the plague is a malignant alteration and corruption of the ayre infecting our bodies , as it hath bene declared in the beginning of this chapter . chap. iii. of the signes of the plague , both impendent and present , with the good and euil signes appearing in pestiserous sicknesses . the signes whereby a man may know the infection of the aire which threatneth vs with pestilent sicknesses , are , when as we sée the same continuall and accustomably troubled with thicke , cloudy , moyst , and ill smelling vapours , the skie vnaccustomed to northren windes , but sollicited with southerly blastes ; the aire full of fogges and vapours , making a showe of raine without any showers : for such signes as are of that nature engender corrupt feuours , as aristotle saith in his probleames . if the winter be hote and moyst , and obserue not his naturall temperature , and when the spring time is very dry without raine , and notwithstanding colde , and after for many dayes charged with southerly windes , troubled aire , and then cleare , and afterwards suddainly ouercast , the nights colde , and the day very hotte and soultry , it signifieth that we shall haue an euil plague the sommer after . moreouer , if at that time there appeare any increase of such creatures as are engendred of putrifaction , as wormes of the earth , flies , gnattes , eales , serpents , toades , frogs , and such like foretokening corruptiō and putrifaction in the earth and waters , and when the aire the same day chaungeth from faire to foule , and from cleare to cloudy , when the sunne shineth and afterwards hideth his head in cloudes , in one and the same day , it is a signe that the temperature of the aire is altered . and when as rats , moules , and other creatures , ( accustomed to liue vnder ground ) forsake their holes and habitations , it is a token of corruption in the same , by reason that such sorts of creatures forsake their wonted places of aboade . and when as the birds of the aire fall downe dead , or forsake their nests , it is a signe of great corruption and contagion in the same . long and continuall raines , accompanied with southerly windes , dispose the ayre to sicknesses and putrifaction , as hipocrates , and galen testifie in their epidemies . when as feuers are accompanied with small poxe , or mesels , with spots , or red markes like to the biting of fleas , it is a signe of a pestilent feuer . when the sicke is very much tormented with the passion of the heart , vomitings , soundings , or weaknes , or faintnes of the hart , without great outward but vehement inward both heate and drought , with appearance of swellings , botches , carbuncles , and mesels , without all question he is seized with a pestilential feuer , especially if diuers at the same time and in the same place are attainted with the same griefe : and if so be the partie which is infected hath frequented places both contagious and infected . sée heere the the principall signes of the plague and pestilentiall feuer . the euill , dangerous , and mortall signes in such as are diseased , are féeblenes and weaknes of the regitiue vertue of the body ( which may be discouered by the pulse when it is weake , vnequall , disorderly , lanquishing and intermittent , by often sincopes or soundings , alienation , and frenzie , blewnesse and blacknesse appearing about the sores and carbuncles , and after their appearances the sodaine vanishings of the same , cold in the extreame partes , and intollerable heate in the inward , vnquenchable thirst , cōtinually soundings , vrines white and crude , or red , troubled and blacke : colde swet about the forehead and face ; crampes , blacknesse in the excrements of the body , stench , and blewnes , the flux of the belly , with weaknesse of the heart , shortnes of breath , and great stench of the same , lacke of sléepe , and appetite to eate , profound sléepe , chaunging of colour in the face , exchaunged to palenesse , blacknesse , or blewnesse , cogitation or great vnquietnes . all these signes betoken either certaine death or daunger thereof in the plague ; euen as contrariwise the contrary foretoken recouery of the sicknesse , by reason they testifie vpon the regitiue power and vertue of the bodie , goodnesse of the complexion , and vertue of the same , with strength of the hart . for as auicen sayth : they that are manly , and confidently beare out their sicknesse without any showe of feare , they are those which for the most part escape . likewise to haue a good appetite to sléepe in repose , without disturbance of the body , it is a good signe . the botches , and carbuncles to retaine a good colour , and without great paine to be brought to ripenesse and supponation , to haue a moderate heate mayntained through all the body : the vrines , in disgestion , colour , substance , & contents , to be good : to haue easie breathing , swet warme , & vniuersall through all the body , appearing on a decretory or criticall day . all these signes appearing in the infected person , giue great hope of his recouery . these bée the signes and tokens by which you may gather a sure and vnfained iudgement of that which shall befall him that is attainted with the plague . chap. iiii. a rule and instruction to preserue such as be in health , from the infection . when as ( by the will of god ) the contagion of the plague is gotten into any place , citie , or countrey ; we ought to haue an especiall regard of the generall good , and by all meanes to study for their preseruation who are in health , least they fall into such inconueniencie . first of all , therefore it behooueth euery man to haue speciall care that he frequent not any places or persons infected , neither that hée suffer such to breath vpon him : but as galen hath learnedly aduised , in his booke de differentijs frebrium , chap. 2. estrange himselfe as farre as him lyeth , from their societie . the first and chiefest remedie then , is to chaunge the place , flie farre and returne late : hipocrates , likewise in his booke de natura humana , saith : that wee ought to forsake the place whereas a generall sicknesse rangeth , according to the common prouerbe , cito , longe , tarde . and if necessitie constraineth vs to frequent the infected , ( either to be assistant to our friends , or otherwise : ) euery man ought to demeane himself in such sort that the sick mans breath doo not attaint him : which may very easily be done , if a man haue the skill to choose & take the winde that properly bloweth towards the sicke & infected , and not from the infected to the healthfull : and therefore in that case the healthfull ought to kéepe themselues vnder , not ouer the winde . the first part of preseruation , is to purifie and purge the ayre from all euill vapours , sentes , stench , corruption , putrifaction , and euill qualitie . for which cause , it is necessary to make good fumes in our houses , of swéet and wholesome wood , as rosemarie , iuniper , and lawrell , or bayes , and to perfume the whole house and chambers with the fume of rosemary , iuniper , the parings of apples , storax , beniamin , incence , dried roses , lauender , and such like , both euening and morning . it is not amisse likewise at euery corner of the stréet , ( at least twise in the wéek ) to make cleare and quicke bonefires to consume the malignant vapours of the ayre , according as acron the great phisitian , commaunded to be done during the mortall plague in greece : as paulus aegineta testifieth in his second booke , chap. 35. it is good also to weare swéet sauors and perfumes about vs , such as in winter time , are marcorame , rosemarie , storax , beniamin , or to make a pomander after this sort that ensueth , and to weare it about vs to smell too vpon all opertunities . take of the flowers of red roses , of violets , of buglos , of each halfe a little handfull , of the thrée sanders , of each a dramme ; of the rootes of angelica , gentian , and zedoary , of each foure scruples ; of white encens , cloues , nutmegs , calamus , aromaticus , of each a dram , of storax , calumit , and red beniamin , of each a dramme and a halfe , of orientall muske a scruple , of amber-greece halfe a scruple , of ladaum infused in rose-water one ounce , mixe all these together in rose-water where in the gum dragacanth hath béene infused , and with a little of rose-vinegar make a paste , of which you may forme certaine rounde pomanders , to weare about your necke , and smell vnto continually . or take of rose-water thrée ounces , of white vinegar , of roses ij , ounces , of white wine , or pure malmosie two spoonfuls , of the powder of cloues , of the roote of angelica and storax of each halfe a dramme , mixe them all together , and with this liquor it shall not be amisse to wash your hands , bedeaw your forehead & nostrils , and the pulces of your armes , for such an odour and of so wholesome a qualitie , vehemently repulceth the venome that assaileth the heart , and altereth the pestilence of the ayre . it shall not be amisse likewise to carrie an angelica roote in your mouth , or a gentian or zedoary roote , or else the rine of an orange , lemon , or pomecitron , which as auicen testifieth haue soueraine effects in this case . the continual vses of these good odors comforteth the heart and vitall spirites , driueth away all venemous vapours , and rectifieth the ayre that whirleth about vs , as auicen testifieth in his booke , of the forces of the heart . for which cause , they which desire the continuance of their health , ought neuer to be vnprouided of these things . amongst all other medicines that haue the propertie to comfort and reioyce the heart , the easterne hyacinth , béeing worne about the brest , and next vnto the naked skin , or else held in the mouth is very effectuall , as auicen testifieth , in his booke , of the forces of the heart , ( in that chapter wherein hée entreateth of the hyacinth , ) where hée saith ; that the sayd stone hath not only a propertie to fortifie the heart , and quicken the vitall spirites , but also to resist all venomes . for which i aduise all such as haue both meanes and maintenance to get such a iewel , to carrie the same either in their mouthes , or continually about their neckes , neare vnto the region of their hearts , by reason of that excellent propertie which all authors by vniforme consent attribute vnto the same . chap. v. the meanes and preseruatiues which are to be ministred inwardly against the plague . galen in his first booke of the differences of feuers , and in that chapter wherein he intreateth of the pestilent feuer , saith : that to preserue the body from infection , it shall be very necessarie to clense and purifie the same from al corruptions and superfluities , by sit purgations , and to take away these oppilations , and stoppings , which are the meanes that naturall heat cannot bee dispersed , & to dry the body from humidities , and to maintaine such bodyes as are drie in their estates . in imitation of whose opinion and direction , it shall be good to euacuat and expell those superfluities of humours , which abound according to there natures , age , complexion , vertue , quantitie and qualitie , who are forced with the same superfluous humours . it is therefore note worthy , in suspected and dangerous times that no accustomed euacuations either by fluxe of hemeroides , or of the belly , old vlcers , menstruall blood , itches , or such like should be restrained . for those purgations which are of this kinde doo clense the vnnecessary humours , and by this meanes maketh the body healthfull , whereas such humours being either repressed by astringent medecines or such like ointments , might greatly hurt the principall members , and produce strange sicknesses in the same . and for this cause , galen , and hipocrates write : that it is a good signe when as any defluxion is expelled , from the inward and principall parts of the body : where contrariwise , if the same be transported from the outward to the inward parts ▪ it is a most euil and sinister signe . for which cause in the plague time it is the surest way , rather to suffer those superfluities to haue their course , then to stop or stay them by any medecine because by the voydance thereof , the body is purged from the same superfluities which being retained might wonderful annoy it . which counsaile of theirs , may serue for an aduertisement to all those that shall be so disposed and affected in the time of the plague . it behooueth therefore such as be sanguine , full in loue , and youthfull in yeares , to be let blood after a competent manner , thereby to diminish their replexion and aboundance of blood . those that are chollerique , ought to be purged with an infusion of rubarb ; if they be wealthy : and if poore , with the electuary of the iuice or roses , by taking thrée drammes , or halfe an ounce thereof in sorrell , endiue , or purslane water , or else by diacatholium , diaprunis , laxatiue , the sirope of roses , cassia , or the pilles of rubarb , femetorie , or those that for their gentle working are called ( by the phisitians ) aureae . the flegmatique , ought to be purged with agaric , diaphenicon , diacarthami , the pils aggregatine , cochiae , according to the strength of their bodyes , the qualitie of the humor which are offensiue ▪ at the discreton of the learned & experienced phisitians , by whose directions and prescriptions such medecines are to be ministred , & not according to the custome of this time , by foolish idiotes and ignorant emperiques . such as are melancholy should be purged with the infusion of sena and epithemum with a little anice seede , and diacathelicon , with the confection , hamech , diasene , solutiue , the pilles of femitory , and aureae . i forbeare to call the pils , de lape armeno , and lasuli into vse , because they are too violent , and scarcely well prepared . such as are weake and delicate persons ( as woman with childe , children , and aged people , ) it shall suffice to purge them with an ounce of cassia , extracted with halfe or a whole dramme of rubarb , or two ounces of manna , or thrée ounces of sirope of roses , or with the sirope of sucery with rubarb , but with this prouiso alwayes , that the direction be taken from a learned and diligent phisitian , and not according to the fancie of foolish chare women , and ignorant practizers . to those litle children that are subiect to the wormes , you shal giue this pouder in the plague time , which is both fit to correct the one , and expell the other , the vse thereof is in purslane or sorrel water , with one ounce of sirope of limons . take worme-seed , citron , or pomecitron-seed , of the séeds of sorrell and purslane , of each halfe a dram , of the hearbe called scordion one scruple , of rubarb a dram , of bole armenus one scruple , make a small powder of all these , whereof in the aforesaid waters giue halfe a dram or a scruple to the child , acording to former direction . chap. vi. a rule and direction , whereby , by potions , pils , powders , opiates , and losenges ( which are most fit , apt , and conuenient to preserue the body from contagion , ) the plague may be preuented . the diuine prouidence of god , being carefull for his creatures , and the preseruation of mankind , hath produced many remedies to represse and preuent the daungerous insultes and assaults of the plague , or any other venemous contagion whatsoeuer : ( which remedies our ancient phisitians haue called antidotes , that is to say , certaine medecines which in their nature and hidden property inclosed in them , are contrary vnto them , as galen in ij . books of antidotes hath learnedly declared . ) of these remedies i wil set down some , and those the most effectuall in this chapter , as well for the rich as for the poore , whose miserie and distresse we ought more inwardly to releiue then the rest : partly because god hath especially enioyned vs no lesse , partly because they of thēselues haue no meanes to succour themselues , for which cause we are in charitie bound to relieue thē , as herafter shal be proued . and of these remedies we ought to vse some change , to the ende , that nature making vse of one of them do ●ot dispise the vertue thereof , as galen writeth in his fift booke , de sanitate tuenda . the body therefore being first of all well purged , it is good to make vse of guidos electuarie theriacal , especiall in winter or autumne , namely in those who are of a colde and moyst complection , especially where it may euery waies be commodiously applyed . the apothecaries either haue or may conueniently haue the species therof ready prepared , of which a man may take a drā at once in buglos , or sorrel-water , or in good white wine , or in the winter time with claret wine . this powder is very effectuall in this case , if it be wel and faithfully dispensed , neither is the price ouer valued for the poore : of this powder may you make vse two or thrée dayes , either with some fit water , or else in the forme of losings . this powder also which ensueth is a very singular remedie , which in stead of the former , and in way of chaunge , you may vse for two or three dayes space . take the rootes of tormentill , the rootes of zedoary , and angelica , of each a dramme ; fine cinamon , yellow sanders , of the séedes of citrons and sorrell , of each a dramme and a halfe , of the shauings of iuorie , of cardus benedictus , & the rindes of citron , of each foure scruples , of bole armenus prepared two drammes , of fine sugar as much as shall suffice : make thereof a a very fine powder , of which those that are strong and in yeares may take a dram , & the yonger sort , half a dram in scabious water , and sorrell water , or in three good spoonefuls of good white wine . galen , ( in his second booke of antidotes ) setteth downe this singular remedie for the poore , which was made and composed by apollonius . take twentie leaues of rew , two common nuttes , two dried and fatte figges , a little salt , mixe all together and take euery morning a morsell , and drinke a little pure white wine after : if any one fasting taketh this medecine , no venome may hurt him that day , as galen ( according to appolonius opinion ) testifieth , in the place afore alleaged . there is an other easie and excellent medecine which followeth , the which king nicomedes vsed against all venome and poyson . take of iuniper berryes two drams , of terra sigillata as much , make hereof a powder , & incorporate the same with good honie , and reduce it to the forme of an opiate , of which a man may take a bole or bit to the valew of ij . drams for the rich , & for the poore , in stead of terra sigillata , you may vse as much bole armenus prepared . this remedy is set down by galen , in the foresaid place , & is of great efficacy . the electuary de bolo armeno , also is commonly vsed , & hath no vnpleasant taste therwith . the pilles of rufus also are an excellent preseruatiue against the plague , which are made after this manner following : take aloes and armoniack of each two drammes , and make a composition thereof with white wine and vse the same , for they are of paulus aeginetas description : but if you wil more properly dispence the same , leaue out the armoniac , and in stead thereof , put therto a litle saffron , according to the forme which ensueth , and you shall make a most excellent medicine to this effect . take of aloes washed in rose water , one ounce of mirrh and saffron , of each two drammes , of bole armenus two drammes , make pilles thereof with white wine , or the iuice of limons in sommer . of this composition you may forme fiue pilles for a dramme , and take them euery morning . an other preseruatiue , and very profitable for the poore , is this that followeth . take one or two handfuls of sorrell , stéepe them in a uioll in good rose-wine uinegar , and kéepe it close stopped , and in the morning when you rise , take thrée of foure leaues of the sorrell thus stéeped , and eate the same , for it is a profitable medicine : the reason is , because sorrell by his vertue represseth the heate of the blood , and resisteth against all putrifaction . and if you drinke a spoonefull or two of the saide uineger in the morning : or stéepe a toste of white bread in the same , and ouerspread it with sugar , it is both comfortable and wholesome at all times : some there are that vse the leaues of rew after the same sort , but this memedicine is not allowable but in the cold time of the yeare , and in such bodies as are cold and phlegmatique by reason of the heate thereof , iuniper berries also being stéeped in rose uineger and taken in the morning , as wonderfully profitable to that ef●●ct . these remedies which ensue are very excellent and appropriate for the plague . a pomander of excellent sent and sauour good against pestilent aires . take pure and swéete ladanum , beniamin , storax calamite , of the trocisques of gallia moscata , of cloues , mace , spikenard , the wood of aloes , the thrée saun●●rs , the rootes of orace , of eache halfe an ounce , let all these 〈◊〉 beaten to a fine powder and searsed , and then incorporate the whole with liquide storax , adding therevnto of muske ●nd amber , of each a dramme , of ciuet two drammes , make ●●aste hereof with the infection of gumme tragacents in ●ose water . ● prettie preseruatiue to be carried in a mans mouth during the time of infection , which procureth a sauoury and sweete breath . take of fine sugar one ounce , of orace halfe an ounce , of the shell of an egge the inward skin being taken away halfe an ounce , put the shell of the egge into muske rose water till it be mollified for the space of eight dayes , beat 〈◊〉 these to a fine powder , and with rose water wherin gum tracagant hath bene infused , make prettie pellets according so what bignesse you please . these are very wholesome , and make the breath swéete , and comfort the heart inwardly , and are of a temperat qualitie , which you may kéep in your mouth some thrée houres . an admirable and excellent defensatiue in forme of an oyntment to defend the heart in time of infection , profitable both for the healthy and diseased , and of admirable effects . take of the best treacle you can get , or in stead thereof methridate ( but treacle is the better ) take i say two ounces . the iuice of sixe limons mixed together , and put them into a litle glassed pipkin , and let them boyle therein till halfe the iuice be consumed . then suffer it to coole , and afterwards take two drams of beaten saffron , of caroline and white diptamy , of each two drammes , incorporate all these things together after they are well pounded , and bring them to the forme of an ointment , wherwith euery day annoint the region of the heart vnder the left pappe , making a circle with the same round about the pap . afterward take an ounce of christaline & pure arsenick , and wrap it in gossapine cotton and red taffata , after the forme of a litle bag , carry the same about you , being bounde vnderneath or hard vpon your left pap : by this meanes each man may be assured that he shall not be infected , if so be he vse those interior remedies which i shal set downe and haue heretofore declared for the good of my country . an other excellent preseruatiue against the plague . take of the leaues of mary-golds , which the latines call calendula , of uerveine , scabious and sorrell , of each a handfull : of the rootes of gentian , zedoary , and white diptamy , of each two drams , boyle them all together for two houres space in good and pure fountaine-water , from the value of a quart to a pinte , adde thervnto the iuice of sixe limons and as much sugar as shal be sufficient , make a sirope hereof , and aromatise it with cinamom , and take thereof euery morning foure or fiue spoonefulls . a singular water both for the healthy and diseased in the time of the sicknesse , whereof they may take an ounce euery morning with much comfort . take ualerian , carline , zedoary , good mirrhe , bole armenus , gentian , of round birtwoort of aristolochia , of calamus aromaticus , of white diptamy , imperatoria , of each one ounce and a halfe : of fiue aloes two drams , of saffron a scruple , beate all these to a fine powder , and afterwards stéepe them in fiue pintes of excellently wel r●ctified spirit of wine , and let them in●use therein sixe houres , and sée the body wherein you put them be well luted . after the sixe houres be past , adde thervnto fiue pintes of good malmessie , and straine the same , or rather you may leaue the simples in the bottome and dreine it clearly and gently : of this water euery morning fasting , take two or thrée spoonefulls , for it is an excellent and well approued remedy . excellent pilles against the plague . take of aloes one ounce , of mirrh and saffron , of each thrée drammes , of bole armenus , terra sigillata , zodoarie , white diptamus , the rootes of tormentil , of each a dramme , make pilles of these , being all of them well poudered and mixed with the iuice of mary-goldes or redde coleworts , of which , euery day take one , and once euery moneth a dramme . an excellent and approued remedie allowed by diuers learned mens experience . take the rootes of tormentil , and of white diptamus , the rootes of ualerian , and white daises ( and if it be possible to get them gréene it shal be the better : ) take these aboue named rootes , as much of the one as of the other , pound them and make a fine pouder of them : then take the decoction of sorrel , and let the aboue named pouder be infused in the same , then let it be taken out and dried in the sunne ; afterwards beate it to pouder againe , and infuse it anew , and afterwards dry it in the sunne as before : which when you haue done thrée or foure times , reserue the same pouder clearly in some conuenient vessell , and when as any one feeleth himselfe strooken with the plague , giue him presently halfe an ounce of this pouder in rose water , or scabious water , or in nine houres after he shall séele himselfe infected . this remedy in diuers persons and very oftentimes hath bene experimented , and hath wrought wonderfull effects , if it were giuen within the time prescribed . a singular and secret remedie the which i receiued from a worthy man of venice , admirable for his learning in all sciences , who of curtesie imparted the same vnto me , with protestation that he had seene wonderfull effects of the same . take of the rootes of tormentil and white diptamy , as much of the one as of the other , of bole armenus washt in rose water , the quantitie of a great chestnut ; of orientall pearles one dramme : of the sharings of iuory one dramme and a halfe , beate all these into a fine powder , and incorporate them with conserue of roses in a marble morter , reserue this confection in a vessell of glasse well couered . take hereof the quantitie of a great nut in the morning , and drinke a spoonefull of the iuice of mary-golds or lemons with sugar after it . the gentleman that gaue me this , assured mée that hée had giuen it to many in the time of the great plague in venice , who though continually conuersant in the houses of those that were infected , receiued no infection or preiudice by them . a remedie worthy the vse and noting . an opiate against the plague , extracted partly out of galen , partly out of dioscorides , and others of excellent effect . take twentie common nuttes , of dried figges , to the number of 15. and of rue and scabious , of each twentie leaues : of the rootes of both sorts of aristolochia , the round and long , of each halfe an ounce , of tormentil , white diptamy , pimpernell , bay berries , borage flowers , the kinde of the roote of capres , of each two drammes & a halfe : of galingale , harts horne , mace and mirrhe , of eache two drammes : of bole armenus , terra sigillata , common salt , of each two scruples , beat all these to fine pouder , and incorporate them with two pound of pure clarified hony , and make an opiate therof : wherof in the morning take the quantitie of a nut , and drinke thereafter a litle white rose uinegre and rose water , and you shall find this medicine very effectuall . a perfume for to aire the chamber of him that is infected , correcting the venemous aire . take blacke pitch , rosin , white frankincence , of each sixe ounces , of mirrhe foure ounces , of the wood of aloes halfe a dramme , of storax and beniamin , of eache a dramme , of iuniper berries , and the leaues of rosemary , of each two drammes , make a grosse powder of these , and in a chafingdish and coales cast of the same & perfume the chamber . a powder of great vertue against the plague , which was sent by philip king of spaine , to charles the ninth king of france , in the yeare 1564. when as almost the whole kingdome of france was infected with the plague . take chosen and perfect mirrhe , the wood of aloes , terra sigillata , of bole of armenia prepared , of mace , cloues , and saffron , of each an ounce , beat them to a fine powder , of which you may take a dramme in rose water , or the iuice of limons in sommer , and in winter with good wine . this powder was sent to the king and quéenes maiestie for a soueraine remedy . valleriola in his third booke of his phisicall obseruations the first enarration , setteth downe a composition to this effect , taken out of the best authors in phisicke , especially out of galen , paulus , aegineta , diascorides , and auicen , according to this forme following . take of the best bole of armenia one ounce , of perfect cinamom halfe an ounce , of the rootes of the hearbe called in latin and gréeke pentaphillon , or else tormentil , of each halfe an ounce , of the roote of gentian thrée drammes , of the rootes of both the sorts of aristolochia the round and long , of the rootes of florentine lillies , of each two drammes , of the rootes of enula , campana , thrée drammes , of the dried rinde of oranges or pomecytrons ( which is farre better and more effectual ) thrée drammes , of pomecytron séeds , or in stead therof orange or limon , of tornep séede , and sorrel séede , of each two drammes . of iuniper berries , cloues , mace , nutmegs , zedoary and angelica , of each two drammes , of the leaues of rosemary , sage , rew , bittony , and chama pilis , of each a dramme , of bay-berries , saffron , masticke , frankinsence , the shauings of iuory , orient pearles , white , red , and yealow , saunders , of each a dramme , of the flowers of red roses , of uiolets , of water lillies and buglosse , of each two drammes : let all these be beaten to a fine powder and with clarified hony , or the iuice of limons , make an opiate thereof . the dose of the powder to those that are in health is a dramme for preseruation : and in those that are sick two drammes , with scabious or rose water in sommer , and with good wine in winter , and if a man desire to haue it in an opiate , he may well take halfe an ounce . a soueraine and excellent remedie taken out of alexis . take iuie berries of the oake in their full maturitie , ( gathered if it be possible in such places as are northward ) dry them in the shadow , and afterwards kéepe them in a boxe or leather sachell , and reserue them for an especiall remedy , and when you would make vse thereof , you shall giue of this pouder to those that are infected to the value of a dram , as much as will couer a french crowne , mixe this powder with good white wine , and let the patient drinke thereof , and couer him wel in his bed , that he may sweat so long as he may endure , and afterwards cause him to change his shirt , shéetes , and bed , if it be possible . and by experience it will profite , for proofe wherof the author produceth maruellous effects of this medicine , especially of a millanors being at allep in siria , who witnesseth that he tooke this medicine , and that sodainly the carbuncle or botch brake . and this was in the yeare 1523. the almaines and flemmings in the time of the plague , vse this remedie that ensueth . take one part of aqua uita of the best , thrée partes of malmesie , or other pure wine , of iuniper berries halfe a handfull , or of common nuttes thrée or foure , these doo they stéepe in the abouesaid liquor thrée houres , and afterwards eate them morning and euening . this remedie in old folkes & in the winter time is not to be misliked : treacle and methridate , are excellent remedies in the plague time , if you take a dramme in sommer time in rose water , or sorrell water , and in winter with good wine . but those that take the same ought to abstaine from meate for the space of sixe houres after , and to suppe little or nothing at all the day before : for otherwise the saide medicines takes no effect . see here the most soueraigne and exquisite remedies that may be found to preserue those that are in health , as well the rich as the poore in this contagious time , which interchangeably vpon all opportunities a man may vse . but aboue all things it is behoueful to kéepe a good diet & order euery waies , and to sée the body be soluble , for that it is one of the most principall points to preserue & continue the body in health . but amōgst those things that are most necessary & requisit towards the continuance and preseruation of health , and auoydance of contagion , nothing is more to be respected then sobrietie and an orderly course of life : for continence is the mother & fostresse of all good disposition in mans body , by reason that by sobrietie the health is confirmed and continued in his estate ; the humors are well tempered , and naturall heate fortified , the naturall passages of the body entertained in their due harmony , the operations of nature euery one in themselues well and duly accomplished : and by these reasons sobrietie is the foundation to warrantise the body from all euils : as contrariwise , intemperance is the source and and originall of all mishap and fatall infirmitie . all which is confirmed by hypocrates and galen , in the second booke of the aphorismes : aphorisme , 17. and hipocrates himselfe in the sixt of his epidemies , where he saith , that the chiefest care that is to be had for to continue health , consisteth principally in this : to liue soberly , to vse conuenient exercise , and not to gorge a mans self with surfets . the like also is confirmed by galen and plutarch , in their writings and bookes , de sanitate tuenda , wherein the error & folly of the common sort appeareth most manifestly , who dare in the time of infection and pestilence , to ouercharge themselues with wine , and fill their stomackes in the morning before they goe out of doores , thinking by this time to coniure the time , ( according to their lewd discourse ) and abate the euill vapour of the ayre , whereas in effect , they effect nothing but the contrarie . for wine being taken fasting , maketh the body more apt to conceiue infection through the heate thereof , and the piercing qualitie and opening it , causeth in the parts & vessels of the body , namely the vaines and arteries , making thē by these meanes more capable to receiue the euill influence of the ayre , if any raigne at that time . let therefore all men be curious to obserue this commendable sobriety , if they be desirous to auoyd the dangers of the plague , by forbearing al diuersities of meats , and surceasing to fil their stomackes with vnmeasurable repastes , and let them féede soberly , and no more then is néedfull to sustaine life , obseruing a temperate exercise in pleasant and delightfull places . let them leade their life in peace , and quiet of minde , in ioy , disport and honest pleasure , auoyding all perturbations of the spirit , and especially sadnesse , melancholy , wrath , feare , and suspect , which are the most daungerous accedents that may encounter a man in such like times : as galen in his booke , ( of the art of medecine ) hath written , and of this kinde of temperate life , i wil make a particular discourse in the chapter ensewing , to the ende that euery one may vnderstand what meanes he ought to obserue , in the maintenance of his health by good diet and order . chap. vii . a briefe methode and rule of life , how to preserue the healthfull in the time of sicknesse . the principall meanes to continue a man in health , consisteth in an orderly obseruation of diet , elections of meate , measure and opportunitie in receiuing the same , and in the quantitie and qualitie thereof , ( which shall be the argument of this present chapter . ) it is therefore especially to be considered and prouided , in this cause , that the body abound not in superfluities and excrements , which may yéelde matter and foode to putrifaction and contagion in humours , which may no better wayes bée performed , but by a good regiment in life . men that are curious of their health , will take héede of all immoderate repletion of meates , and in suspected times diuersitie of meates is to bee eschewed , leaste the stomacke should bee ouercharged thereby , by which meanes diuersities of humours may be ingendred ; but it behooueth a man to féede of one only dishe or two , that in qualitie and nourishment may be conformable to his nature . he ought likewise to beware in these times of such meats as may easily putrifie in the stomack , such as yéeld but grosse nourishment , and bréed oppilation and obstruction that heate the blood and humours , and make them vicious and sharpe . of this sort are salt meates , porke , béefe , scalions , colewortes , garlike , onions , spice , mustard , old chéese , such ▪ fish as are caught in standing pooles and marshes : strong , hote , hie and troubled wines . such meates as are conuenient , are of delicate flesh and easily digested , as capon , chickens , yong pullets , the broth whereof doth rectifie and temper the humours of the body , as mesue testifieth . also the flesh of ueale , kid , or yong mutton are allowed , and the birds of the field , such as are partridges , yong pigeons , turtells and such like are to be admitted . and in the broth of such like things , you ought to séeth sorrel , purslane , borage , and marigoldes , which according to alexander benedictus , in his treatise of the plague , is an excellent medecine . the iuice of sorrell likewise and sowre grapes are allowed , and oranges , and limons with sugar are not amisse , in the iuice whereof you may dip your meat or bread at your meales , and such like . rose vineger in this time is commended . as for all bakt meats ( as pasties or such like are forbidden , ) both for the gluttonous substance that is in them , as for that they engender obstructions . fresh and reare eegges sod in water are of good nourishment , sea fish , as the soale , the mullet , gurnard and such like may be admitted , yet ought they not too oftentimes bée vsed by reason they bréed humidite and waterish blood . amidst the sowrer fruite , the proyne , straberries , and muscadine peare are to be eaten , so they be taken in a little quantitie , as for al other fruit they may wel be omitted , because they fill the vaines with watrish blood , and such as easily corrupteth , except the raison which is very good . in vse of wine , claret and white ( not fuming nor ouer hye coloured , but tempered with good water ) are very fit to be drunke at meales and no otherwise . for exercise , it ought to be cōuenient and temperate accustomed in the morning in places delightfull and pleasant , in the shade in summer-time : in winter-time in the sunne . touching apparell , each one ought to vse decencie and comelinesse therein , and oftentimes to shift both woollen and linnen , especially in summer , in which time if those that are of ability shift once a day it is not amisse . care likewise is to be had , that men heat not their blood by violent trauell , but to vse a cōuenient rest after their repasts . it is behooueful likewise ( as hath béen said ) to kéepe the body soluble , so as once a day or twise in 21. houres , either by the benefite of nature or the vse of the pilles aboue mentioned the belly may be loosned , & the body no wayes suffered to be bound . especially in those times al vse of women is forbidden . for there is not any thing during this contagious season more forcible to enféeble nature , then such vnbridled desires which stirre and distemper the humors and dispose the body to receiue infection . briefly , to liue in repose of spirit , in al ioy , pleasure , sport & contentation amongst a mans friendes , comforteth heart and vitall spirits , and is in this time more requisite then any other things . this is the order and maner which euery one ought to obserue , in his manner of life in these suspected times , with this finall prouiso , that the houses be kept cleane and well ayred , and be perfumed with water and vinegar in summer time , and in winter time with perfumes , of iuniper , rosemarie , storax , beniamin , and such like . that the windowes thereof be kept open to the east , towards the shining sunne and the northren winde , shutting out all southerly windes , and such as blow from contagious places . the order and policy that ought to be held in a city , during the plague time , and wherin the lord mayor and sherifs , and such as vnder them haue care of the infected , ought to shew their diligence in the maintenance and order of their cittizens . chap. viii . as order conducted by good aduice and counsaile , is in all things , that concerne the administration of a commonweale most necessary , so in this cause , ( which is one of the most vrgent ) order , policy and serious diligence , is not onely profitable , but also necessary ; because the sicknes of the plague & contagion inuading a city , is the totall ruine of the same by reason of the danger and spoile of the cittizens , as we reade in thucidides of the great plague in greece , which for the most part rauished the inhabitants of the same , and in titus liuius , of diuers horrible pestilences that happened in rome , which by their greatnesse and cruelty made that mother citty almost desolate and destitute of the better part of the cittizens thereof , bringing with it both famine and fatal indigence . for which cause such as are in authoritie in citties , as mayors , sherifes , and those that haue the charge to ouersée the sicke , ought aboue all things to procure that their citty remaine in health , to the end that their cittizens remaining in security , may communicate the one with the other by traffike and following their businesse , whereby there redoundeth a common profite and vtilitie to all : whereas on the contrary side ( their city being infected by a popular and pernicious disease , ) their traffike ceaseth , and that which is most dangerous and important of all , the life and health of all men is brought in danger . now to withstand this inconuenience with prudence and foresight , it behooueth the magistrates , first of all diligently to examine what places , either néere or remote , are visited or infected , to the end to warrantize themselues from that infection , not suffering any of those to enter their citty that come from such places as are suspected , except they be men of note , of whose prudence and securitie they may be assured . for it is not alwayes a consequent , that all the inhabitants of a citty are alwayes infected , especially when they are men of respect , who haue the meanes , and obserue the methode to preserue themselues : whereof it is very necessary that the gouernours , and such as haue the kéeping of the gates , should haue respect : but for such as are vagabonds , masterlesse men , and of seruile and base condition , for such i say , they ought not to be admitted . and if by chance , or by the will of god the citty becommeth infected , it ought not incontinently to be made knowne : but those that haue the care and charge of such as are attainted , ought in the beginning to kéepe it close , and wisely conceale the same from the common sorte , imparting it onely to such , who by their good aduise and counsaile may assist them in the time of danger , which counsaile and aduice diuine hipocrates setteth downe in his oath and attestation to phisitians , and consequently to all those that haue the charge of the sicke , forbidding them to reueale that which ought to be hidden for the common profit : which being considered by the diuine philosopher plato , in the third booke of his common weale , he auoweth that it is lawfull for magistrates & phisitians to lie for the safety and conuersation of their citty . for oftentimes to conceale a truth to this intent , is no error in such men , whenas by such means the common weale is conserued and profited : which counsaile i thoght good to make knowne to you , to th end i might restraine the superstitious fantasies of some men , who are of the opinion , that nothing ought to be concealed in these times , but made knowne vnto all men , for feare their reputation shuld be touched , and themselues estéemed liers . the magistrates in these times ought to cōmit the charge of their gates to good and discréet citizens , on whose trust and fidelitie the citty may relie : and therefore the best citizens both in place and reputation ought to haue this place , and not they , who are yong , indiscréet & inconsiderate . which thing hath beene wisely noted by the diuine philosopher plato in the third booke of his common weale , where hée saith , that he that hath the charge of a citty , ought to be strong in person and prowesse , and a philosopher in his spirit , that is to say , sage , prudent , and well aduised . for by such a gouernour and so well qualified , there redoundeth a great profite vnto all men , where to one of the contrary disposition all things fall out frowardly . moreouer the magistrates ought to haue an especiall care , that their city be kept cleane & neat from al filth , dunghils and stinking rubbige that may bréed infection , because the steame of such vncleane heaps and places being drawne vp into the aire , do for the most part infect and contaminate the same . and to this effect hipocrates counsaileth vs to vse the aire in these times , which is most pure and cléere , and to flie the contrary . the like confirmeth galen in his first booke , de sanitate tuenda , and in his commentaries on hipocrates booke , de natura humana . and therefore the magistrate ought to giue charge , that in euery place the streets should be kept cleane , and daily purged , forbidding euery one vnder a penalty to cast out any vncleanenesse or filth out of their dores . they ought also to take order , that the slaughter houses ( for the prouision of the citty ) be not continued and vsed within the citty , but placed in some remote and conuenient place néere vnto the riuer of the thames , to the end that the bloud and garbige of the beasts that are killed may be washed away with the tide . this aduice the nobles of arles obserued by valenolaes aduise , to the great good of their common-weale , who to the westward of the city vpon the riuer of roane haue builded their slaughter-houses . it is no lesse necessary also to take note of such sicke folkes as resort vnto the city , and to know with what sicknes they be seazd with , & whether it be dāgerous or no. for which cause it is requisite to appoint certaine discréet and skilful men in euery quarter and parish within the citty , who may haue the charge to take particular notice of euery housholder , in what estate their family is , or rather to visite them themselues , and if they finde any sicke in these houses , to make a true report vnto those that haue the charge and ouerlooking the sicke , to the end they may cause them to be visited by expert phisitians , who may informe whether the disease be infectious or no , to the end they may be attended and cured according as their disease requireth . and for that in all suspected citties , it is a common custome for the magistrate to shut vp those that are surprised with the sickenesse , or to send them to the hospitalls or pesthouse , for feare lest by conuersing with the healthy they should spred the contagion by breathing on them and touching them : because , as galen saith , it is dangerous to conuerse with them , and god himselfe also giueth an expresse commandement in leuiticus chap. 13. and numb . chap. 5. where speaking of the leapers , he commandeth that they should be seperated from the host and company of the healthy . me thinkes it is very necessary at this time to speake somewhat hereof , and to examine euery circumstance , to the end that it may be knowne what is to be done in this case . now the truth is , that our duty commandeth vs to seperate such as are sicke from the whole , for feare lest they should be infected with their disease , neuerthelesse in this case we ought not to vse such seperation before it be truely knowne to be that disease , and that the sickenesse is of the quality , that it deserue shutting vp . for in truth it is a great amazement , and no lesse horror to seperate the child from the father and mother ; the husband from his wife ; the wife from her husband ; and the confederate and friend from his adherent and friend : and to speake my conscience in this matter , this course ought not to be kept , before that by the iudgement of a learned phisition the sickenesse bee resolued on : and when it shal be found it is infectious , yet it is very néedefull to vse humanitie towards such as are seazed . and if their parents or friends haue the meanes to succour them , and that fréely , and with a good heart , they are willing to doe the same , those that haue the charge to carry them to the pest-house , ought to suffer them to vse that office of charitie towards their sicke , yet with this condition , that they kéepe them apart , and suffer them not to frequent and conuerse with such as are in health . for , to speake the truth , one of the chiefest occasions of the death of such sicke folkes ( besides the danger of their disease ) is the fright and feare they conceiue when they sée themselues voyde of all succour , and as it were rauished out of the hands of their parents and friends , and committed to the trust of strangers , who very often are but slenderly and coldly inclined to their good , wanting both seruice and succour . and therfore in this cause men ought to procéed very discréetly and modestly . and in regard of the time wherein the suspected and sicke , or rather those who frequented and serued them , there ought some rule and moderation to be held . for wheras by ancient custome and obseruation they are wont to haue the prefixed terme of fortie dayes giuen them , yet ought not this terme , equally and rigorously be obserued in all . to those that are sicke of the plague this limitation of time ought to be prefixed and furthered for more assurance ; besides the forty dayes , they ought ouer and aboue remaine inclosed twenty dayes , which are in all sixty , before they be suffred to returne to their houses , or frequent the company of their fellow citizens . before which time they that are infected , after their recouery ought to change the place where they haue béene sicke : and to take the ayre in a more healthful place , farre distant from infection , and change their garments , and put off their olde , or rather burne them , for feare they should infect those that might happen to put them on . for in truth , the keeping of such things is very dangerous , and whereas after the plague is ceased , it oftentimes without any manifest occasion beginneth anew , it oftentimes procéedeth from such like accidents : in preuention whereof the magistrate ought to haue no little care and diligence . heeretofore haue wee set down what terme should be prefixed to the sicke ; it now likewise concerneth vs to prescribe a time and terme to those that haue had the kéeping of them , for both publike and priuate securitie , wherein in my iudgement ( which i submit to those of more reuerend authoritie ) wee ought to obserue other rules following . if the sicke be dead in his house , and hath continued all the time of his sickenesse in that place , and his parents and friends cohabitants with him , haue continualy assisted him and ministred vnto him , they ought to remaine inclosed the saide terme of fortie daies , or else transport themselues to their country houses , if they haue any , or to liue apart & seperated from others in their garden houses , and not to frequent amongst the people , during that time . if the sicke hath remained in his house but two or thrée dayes , and hath had but small accesse vnto him , and the assistants that were with him , be men of discretion , knowing wel how to defend and preserue themselues by good remedies and dyet , being men of respect & marke , they ought not to be shut vp so long time ; but it shal suffice in this case to kéep them close some twenty or foure and twentie dayes , or somewhat longer . for in that space by naturall reason , the venome ought to haue wrought his worst , if any of the assistants hath béene seazed therewith : likewise , if they haue béene well purged , and haue taken remedies to preserue themselues in that time . for in truth , if a vapour or contagion be in the body , it cannot so long time remaine inclosed , but that in fortie dayes space it will shew it selfe . and if in the space of xxi . dayes it discouereth not it selfe ( as nature molested with any vehement sickenesse or contagious infirmitie is accustomed to fulfill and execute his forces and expulsion to driue out the same ( as galen declareth in his booke de diebus cicitis ) it will hardly shew it selfe in any time after the xxi . day , for that the venom hath already lost his force , and nature maketh no more account to expel the same , but euaporeth it insensibly without any hurt , if there hath not some new occasion beene offered that causeth such an accident , as it oftentimes happeneth . if any one vnwittingly hapneth to visit one that is sicke in his house , and that but once or twice , we ought not to prefixe him that terme , but to suffer him to kéepe himselfe close some fourtéene dayes or more , prouided that hée obserue a good diet : and to speake my absolute opinion what ought to be done in this case of kéeping the sicke and their assistants inclosed in the plague time , it is necessary to resolue vpon the effects and accidents , which apparantly happen in the saide houses , and according to the rule obserued by those that are shutte vp , as also according to their qualitie and condition , and especially , wée ought to haue regard , and rely on the iudgement of a faithfull and learned phisition , who according to his art , and the effects that he shal discouer in those that are inclosed , may yéelde an assured iudgement of the matter , to whom we ought to giue credit , as to him that is the fittest and truest iudge in such a matter . for in truth this custome hath béene but newly brought in , and was neuer heard of in the ancient and autentike writings , eyther of greek , arabian , or latin phisitions , but only by some late practitioners as guainerius & some other which guainerius in his treatise of the plague , chap. 3. de tertia differentia hath set downe this terme of forty daies , speaking of the terme wherein a man ought to returne into the house of him that is infected . and in his opinion ( which is not answerable to truth ) he prefixeth three moneths . for if the infected house shal be cleansed from all infection , and perfumed and ayred by those that haue the charge , a man may returne into it after forty dayes , prouided , there remaine nothing in the saide house that is infected or contagious , as the garments , shéets , beds , couerlets , or such like of the diseased . for such things as these kéep the infection inclosed in them long time , especially fetherbeds , as alexander benedictus testifieth in his booke of the plague , where he maketh mention of a featherbed of one that was sicke of the plague in venice , which kept the venome seauen yeares , & the first that slept vpon the same at the end of the same terme were sodainly surprised with the plague , as he reciteth in the third chapter of his booke . loe héere , what i haue thought requisite to be spoken touching the sayd terme ▪ neuerthelesse i submit my iudgement to those that are more learned , to whose mature resolution i shal subscribe when with better & more substantial reasons they shall reprooue me . which purpose of mine , euery true louer of learning ought to follow , as for that i haue said it is but onely my opinion , set downe to aduise the ignorant , and to be censured by the learned . the gouernors also ought to be carefull of those , whom in this sort , and for this cause they haue shut vp or sent vnto their pest-house , foreséeing that they want nothing of that which appertaineth to their health . and if those that are sicke be poore and indigent , let them be supplied by the charity and liberality of the citty . and if they be rich and by reason of infection shut vp , they ought to be supplied with al things necessary till such time , as being at liberty they may make recompence for that they haue receiued . chap. ix . of the building of an hospitall for the plague . that which is most necessary in great citties , is to haue a certaine selected place , whither they may conuey the sicke men in time of the plague , when god inflicteth sickenesse vpon them . and therefore it concerneth a weale publike before necessitie happen , to prouide a house to this purpose answerable to the charitable intēt of those good men , who haue already contributed to the same . the forme wherof , since as yet i perceiue it vnfinished , should ( in my opinion ) be after this manner : it ought to be scituate , ( as already it is begunne ) without the citty in a seperate and vnfrequented place , and not so néere the high wayes or walkes of the citizens as it is , for feare lest the passengers should be infected . it ought also to be builded very amply and largely , that it may be able to receiue the number of the sicke , the aspect thereof ought to be betwéen the orient equinoctiall and the north , to the intent that the heate of the midday warme it not too much , and that in summer it may haue competent fresh ayre : which it will haue if it be thus builded : for it highly concerneth that such a house should receiue the northerne winde , for that it is the most dry , and healthfull , and such a winde as purgeth and driueth away all euill vapors and infection , because the ayre thereof is colde and drie , which consumeth the superfluities of the body , as galen and hippocrates testifie in the third booke of the aphorismes , and hippocrates himselfe in diuers places witnesseth . the like also doth auicen auerre at large , where hée speaketh of the north winde , to which he attributeth this property , to correct all pestilentiall and corrupted ayre . and therefore it is necessary that the aspect thereof should be after this maner : it ought also to be more long than large , to the intent the vpper story may containe eight and twenty or thirty chambers aboue , and as many beneathe . for in regarde of the multitude of the sicke that are likely to bée brought thither , there ought to be many lodgings , and so many , if not more . these chambers ought to be seperated the one from the other , and yet adioyne one an other after the manner of the dortuaries in religions houses . each of these ought to haue a chimney , and be so disposed , that they may receiue lights from the east and the north. in each of these chambers there ought to be two beds , that the sicke may change from the one to the other vpon oportunitie . the scituation and place of the hospitall ought to be in a pure aire , and in no place that abutteth on donghils : it ought likewise to haue many springs deriued into the same , that the ministers that attend the same , may the better cleanse their cloathes and houses : the chambers of the phisition , surgeon , and minister appoynted to attend the sicke , ought to be builded apart from the sickmens lodgings : and likewise the apothecarie , who must haue his shop furnished apart with all necessaries at the cities charge , which custome in all well policied citties is obserued . it behooueth also that all the doores of the chambers open into some gallery , where in the sicke may take ayre for their recreation , and beate their cloathes and bedding , when néede requireth : some fifty foote aparte from that hospitall , an other body of building should be made , wherein they that are recouered may make their probations . it is also requisite that a chapell be builded somewhat seperated from the body , & after such a manner , that the diseased may heare their preacher , and assist him in his deuotions . this is the order i thought méete to aduise in the building of a pest-house , which by the particular liberality and faithfull performance of the deceaseds will , may be builded and furnished . towards the finishing whereof , all they that haue the zeale of our lorde in their heartes , and that haue the means to distribute their goodes to the poore , ought to be diligent and charitable , to the end they may receiue the rewarde which is promised vnto them , whereas christ saith , come vnto me you blessed of my father , because that being sicke you haue visited mee , and being hungry you haue giuen mee meate , i was a stranger and you receiued me ; possesse the kingdom which is prepared for you from the beginning of the world . this is a maruelous rewarde for a litle pelfe and worldly pleasure bestowed on their neighbour , to obtaine the eternall glory of heauen , which is a treasure of incomparable felicitie . thus much as concerning this matter . chap. x. of the manner how to gouerne and heale such as are sicke of the plague , as well in diet , chamber beds , as in fit remedies , both for their botches and carbuncles . as soone as the sicknes hath seazed any patient ( which by the proper signes & accidents is presently known ) as a burning feuer outwardly of litle appearance , but gentle and easie , but inwardly malignant , full of anguish and very tedious to the sicke ; disquiet of the bodie , passions of the hart , vomit , soundings , extreame thirst , paine and lassitude through the whole body , with appearance of spots or markes , or swellings vnder the arme pits , or in the groine or vnder the eares , or in any part of the body , then is it euident that the person so affected is infected with the plague , by reasons of such signes or accidents ( especially if he that is surprised , hath cōuersed with any , or in any place that hath béen infected . ) by these signes and accidents wée may easily know the nature of that sickenesse , as auicen and ra●is do testifie : otherwise the sayd sicknesse is verie often times so fraudulent and deceiuable , that for the most part it deceiueth the patient and the phisition , as auicen after galen doth testifie . for diuers of those that are infected , supposing themselues to be frée frō the plague , make no account thereof in the beginning , nay , during the first and second dayes , they onely suffer a gentle feuer without any other appearance , so that nature desisteth not to performe hir functions , being as yet vnassailed by the venime . for which cause the patient will haue a good pulse , and healthful vrine , almost as perfect as when they were in health , when as sodainly they are séene to die without any manifest occasion , which bréedes doubt and trouble in the phisition , as galen and auicen do testifie . for this cause men ought not to maruell though the phisitions in this case are pusseld and doubtful , since this sicknes in his nature , is so doubtfull , fraudulent , and deceiuable . this notwithstanding , whenas with the feuer , the tokens , tumor , or carbuncle do appeare , there is no cause of suspition or doubt of the disease . then ought they readily to withstand the same by a fit and conuenient diet , and by exquisit and proper medicines sodainly and exquisitely ordained ; for a sickenes of that nature admits no delay without certaine danger of death . and therefore hipocrates saith that it is expedient in such sickenesses to minister euacuations and other meanes the very same day : now for that it is one of the principall intentions of a phisition , in this case , to correct the aire , and prohibite the venime , that it may haue no operation in the body , we will beginne with the same , and so consequently discourse vpon the rest . the preparation of a chamber . first therefore , men ought to make choice of a chamber for the patient , that is wel aired , if it be possible , hauing the windowes towards the north or east . and if it be in summer time , it is good to kéep those windows that regard the north opened , to the end that the ayre of the chamber may be purified and cleansed . care likewise must be had to haue the chamber cleansed twoo or thrée times a day , and that the floore be sprinckled , & the wals bedewed with good rose-vineger , mixed with common-water , or with rose-water , if the patient be rich . the said chamber likewise must be strewed with odoriferous flowres and swéete smelling hearbs , namely in summer time , with roses , violets and pinkes , with the leaues of willow and the vine . it is good also to haue quinces & citrons to smell to , to the end that the ayre may be more odoriferous . neyther is it amisse at what time soeuer it be , to make a light fire in the chamber in summer time , for it purgeth the infected ayre very much . and if it be in winter , it is not amisse to make a great fire in the chamber of rosemary ; bayes , iuniper , and such like , perfuming the roome with beniamin , storax , frankinscence , cloues , iuniper-berries , or such like . and if the patient be of abilitie , so as he may change chambers , it shal not be amisse to do it oftentimes , so as it be prepared , as we haue aduised . the bed of the patient ought to be large , cleane , and perfumed with good odors according to the season of the yeare , as is aforesaide . he ought also oftentimes to change his shéets and his shirt if he haue meanes twise or at leastwise once in the day : round about his bed if it be summer time , and on the top of his couerlets you shal strew floures and odoriferous fruit and boughs , and the sicke party shal haue by him diuerse orenges , quinces , limons , or citrons to smell to : and if he be rich , he shall cause certaine shéets to be stéeped in vineger and water , and hung round about his bed , not onely to refresh the place , but to repulse the euill vapour of the chamber : he shall likewise oftentimes wash his hands , his pulses , and his face and forhead with this mixture . take of white rose vineger foure ounces , or halfe a pinte of rose water , a pinte of good malmsey , claret , or white wine foure ounces , of the powlder of zodoarie , cloues , dried roses , and muske , of each two graines , let al these be beaten and mixed together , and let him rubbe his nose , his eares , handes and face therewith , for it will comforte and quicken the heart and vitall spirites , and driue away all euill vapours : lo here the preparation of the chamber and bed of him that is diseased and sick of the plague . hereafter insueth the maner of his diet . chap. xi . the diet of him that is strucken with the plague . because in this sickenesse the appetite is deiected , and the vertue of the stomacke and all other members is much enféebled , it behooueth those that are sicke , to enforce themselues to eate , to the end they may resist the sickenes , and strengthen nature , as auicene commaundeth , where he saieth , that they who manfully enforce themselues in this disease , and eate couragiously , are they who escape . the diet therefore of the patient ought to be in quantitie moderate , taken by little and little , and often , and in qualitie substantiall and nourishing , and tempered with such things as resist venome . let his meate be of good nourishment , of easie digestion , and pleasant to the taste , as shall be hereafter declared . his meate shall be caponets , chickins , and pullets , yong kidde , veale and mutton , partridge , plouer , turtle , fesant , and quaile , and the pottage made of them very nourishing , shall be altered with sorrell , lettuce , borage , pimpernell , and the leaues of mariegoldes , for in this sickenesse they haue great vertue , as alexander benedictus testifieth in his 23. chap. de peste , yet must you not mixe them all together , but it shall suffice to vse one or other : and in the saide broathes it shall not bée amisse to mixe some little quantitie of the iuyce of limons , orenges , or sowre grapes in their seasons : the bread and meate which they eate , should be taken with the iuyce of lemmons , citrons , oringes , pomegranats , rose vineger , veriuyce , the iuyce of sorrel vsing one or the other at seuerall repasts : and if sharpenesse be displeasant to his stomacke , you may vse a little of the iuice of mintes with suger and alittle sinimon : barly , creame , almond milke , and panatels , are fit meates in this cause , as also fresh and new egges poched in water , and taken with the iuice of sorrel and alittle suger . and among other restoratiues our ordinary candles of white wine , rose water , yelks of egs , sugar and cinamon is much commended . a coulis also is of very good nourishment , whenas the sick man cannot eate , for then must we restore him with cordiall & strong broths . his drink shal be good white or claret wine , such as fumes not , but is wel qualified with pure fountaine water , for by reason of the weaknes of the vertue in this cruell sicknes , & to resist the operation of the venome , it is not necessary to take from them the vse of wine except the sick be very sanguin , yong , ful , and of an able body . in which case it shal be better to forbid than to licence them to vse it . betwéene meales they may drink barly water , in which they may stéep and infuse some leaues of sorrel , and with their barly water , they may mix sirrop of limons , sirrop of sowre grapes , sirrop of the iuice of citrons , sirrop alexandrine , or sirrop of violets . and if the patient wil not drinke barly water , let him drinke fountaine water , or raine water boiled and mixed with the sirrops aforesaide . the patient likewise may in this feuer drinke water very fréely , and his fill , to the intent he may extinguish the inward heate of the pestilent feuer , and not by little and little , but fréely , as paulus aegineta and auicen thinke necessary in this disposition . for which cause let this serue , both to aduise the sicke & his kéeper to alow drinke fréely , & the vse of water , after which let the patient be wel couered to prouoke sweate , which is one of the best euacuations that profiteth in this sicknes . chap. xii . rules as touching bloud-letting , the potions and euacuations which are necessary for him that is sicke of the plague . as soone as the sicke man by the signes aforesaid féels himselfe strooken , he ought very spéedily séeke out for some remedy for this sickenesse , neither leasure nor delay without danger of death , by reason of the malignitie thereof opposed against mans life : wherefore we ought with all diligent care to withstand the same , and prohibit the venime , and breake the forces thereof , lest it woorke the vtter ruine of our bodies . as soone therefore as any one féeleth himselfe seazed , giue him this potion . take of the iuice of marigolds the quantity of two or thrée ounces , giue it the patient to drinke , with a little white wine or sorrel-water , and couer him wel , that he may sweat . this iuice maketh a man frée and assured from the venime , as testifieth alexander benedictus in his treatise of the plague , and it is a most tryed and notable secret . and if he sweat after he hath taken the same , hée shall be assured by the grace of god of perfect health in stead of the said hearbe you may take the iuice of veruine in like quantity , or the iuice of the hearbe called scabious , which hath great force and efficacy in this case , giue two ounces of the said iuice with white wine , rose-water , or sorrel-water , and you shall sée a wonderfull effect . but these remedies ought to be giuen sodainly . for if the sicke man dally a day or two before he complaine , they haue no effect or force . of blood-letting . as soone as the sicke féeleth himselfe strucken , if he be sanguine , yong , and full , you ought to let him bloud by those rules that ensue hereafter . if the signe or tumor appeare not as yet , you ought to let him bloud in the mediana of the right arme rather than of the left , to prouide lest the venime haue recourse to the hart , and to take blood according to the repletion and vertue of the patient . or to worke more surely , wée may take the veine in the foote called saphena , to diuert the venime from the noble parts , or instéede of letting bloud apply cupping-glasses with scarification on his shoulders and buttocks . from the strong , able , and well complexioned , you may take some sixe ounces of bloud , or at the least thrée or foure : but for such as are weake , they must not be dealt with . and note , that in this sickenesse , we ought not to be busie in taking bloud although bloud-letting be necessarie , because bloud is the treasury of life , whose assistance nature néedeth to combate with the venime . as also for that by much letting bloud mens forces are weakened , and the venime worketh with more aduantage , as shal be hereafter declared . and whenas the patient is letten bloud , wee ought to cause him kéepe in his mouth either a little péece of an orenge or a lemmon , or a cloue or some cinnamon , or else a little rose vineger , and rose water mixed together , to comfort his heart and vitall spirites . but if the markes or botch do appeare , the blood is to be drawne on that side of the body on which the tumor sheweth it selfe , namely , if the swelling beginneth to shew behinde the right eare , drawe blood in the cephalica of the right arme , and so of the left . if the signe appéere vnder the arme pits , you shal cut the median of the same side , namely on the right arm , if the impostume be vnder the right armehole , and that on the left : likewise when the impostume sheweth it selfe vnder the left arme hole . but in trueth the surest way is rather , in this case , to open the veines of the féete then of the armes , to the end you may draw the venime farthest off : if the signe appéere vnder the groyne , strike the saphena on the same side , or rather the inward veine of the ham , if it may be found , the like ought also to be done in the carbuncle when it appéereth , yet ought not the bloodletting be redoubled , but onely vsed on that side where the carbuncle appéereth . but note in this case of bloodletting , that it ought to be done before the patient hath remained infected foure and twenty houres , for after the terme is past , blood letting is both hurtfull and pernicious , because that by the same the contagion is inwardly drawne into the body and heart . whence it happeneth , that the most part of those that are let blood doe die , as by hierome fracastorius an excellent and noted phisitian is sufficiently testified in his treatise of the plague , the third booke and fift chapter , who testifieth that all they , who in the pestilent yéeres of 1505. and 1528. were let blood , died all of them by the reason aforesaide , because that where the interior séede of the venime is scattered and mixed with the blood and humors of the body ( which is done in two daies space or thereabout after a man féeleth himselfe infected ) letting blood is greatly harmefull , because it causeth agitation of the blood , and augmenteth by this means the putrifaction , and by such agitation and motion the contagion doth more inwardly mixe it selfe with the humors , and maketh them , of pure and sincere , corrupt and infected : after no other maner than whenas stincking mud is mooued , it venteth out the more , and maketh the aire infected and stincking , as is séene by experience , or whenas a man shaketh or shoggeth a vessel full of salt or bitter water , the water becommeth more bitter and salt than if it had béen suffered to be settled , without moouing it : for euery matter that is mooued , is worse then that which remaineth in quiet , as testifieth galen in his fift booke de symptomatum causis . and by these reasons the said fracastorius and fernelius likewise , men both of them excellently learned , are of opinion , that blood is not to be let in this case , to whose iudgements i subscribe . and for mine owne part , and in trueth i finde it more expedient , instéede of letting blood , to vse cupping glasses with scarrification , for after the second day is past , phlebotomy is to be omitted . sée héere our instruction as touching blood-letting . of purging . as touching purgation , it ought to be administred in the beginning , but rather with gentle and pleasing medicines than violent , which doe weaken and force nature , and with them we ought to mixe some powlder , as the powlder of the electuary theriacal of guidon , or the powlder of bole armenus , with iuniper berries : or for the rich , with terra sigillata , or treacle , or good mithridate . if then the patient be poore , thou must giue him halfe an ounce of the electuary of the iuyce of roses , or asmuch of diaprunis solutiue , or an ounce of diacatholicon , if hée be cholerike . and if he be phlegmatike , thrée drachmes of diacarthamum , or electuary de citro solutiue . and if he be melancholike , the confection hamech dissolued in water of scabious , or sorrel , or buglosse , an ounce of sirop of limons , or a drachme of good treacle , or the powlder of bole armenus prepared , or the séedes of citron or iuniper berries . the richer sort ought to be purged with manna rubarbe , sirrop of roses solutiue without scammony with cassia and mirabolans , and if néede require , you may mixe a little dose of the electuary of the iuyce of roses , or diaprunis solutiue in those that are cholerike , as in the phlegmatike , a litle diaphenicon : or in the melancholike alitle of confection hamech , mixing with the saide potions for the rich , halfe an ounce , or a drachme of terra sigillata , or of the powlder of diamargariton , or of the powlder theriacal of guidon , with the abouenamed waters , and the sirrope of limons , or the iuyce of citrons . and if they take more contentment to be purged by pils , they may vse the common pils of rufus , made of aloes , mirrhe and saffron , adding thereunto a little rubarbe : for the rich , agaric , with a little terra sigillata , or bole armenus prepared , the poore may vse pilles aggregatiue , or aurea , or cochia , to the quantitie of a drachme or foure scruples , and when their medicine hath wrought his operation , they may take half a porrenger of the broath of a chickin , and make a light meale : and during the working of their medicine , they may alwayes holde in their handes to smel to roses , orenges , limons , marioram , rosemary , and such like , and may oftentimes wash their hands and wet their nostrilles in rose water mixed with vineger and the powlder of cloues or angelica or zedoary as hath béene before times declared : sée héere the methode in purgation . potions against the plague . and to accomplish this chapter , it remaineth to set downe certaine necessary potions to minister to the sicke that may resist the venime , which during the time of their sickenesse , ought very oftentimes to be ministred vnto them , vntill such time as nature ouercommeth the force of the infection , being assisted by the vertue of naturall heate , and by cordiall antidotes , that is to say , by medicines , that are altogether contrarie to the venime of the plague : ( which the arabians in their tongue are accustomed to call bezoatici , and the latines antidotes . ) euerie morning and euening therefore , and if néed be , at midday or midnight ( if the accidents be violent ) you may cause the patient to drinke these potions folowing . if he be poore , take iuniper-berries , and bole armenus , of each a drachme , powlder them wel and mixe them with scabious , buglosse , or sorrel water , and one ounce of sirop of limons , cause him to take it euening and morning , euery day , or else take the powlder of the electuary of guido , giue him a drachme after the same manner : you may also vse with good effect the poulder of betony , dried to the quantity of a drachme or 4. scruples , taking it in summer time with rose water , and in winter in good white wine , and it worketh wonderful effects , if the patient kéepe himselfe well couered , and sweate therevpon , for it causeth the venime to euaporate by sweat . treacle and mythridate also are soueraine medcines to this effect , being taken to the quantitie of a drachme with rose water in summer , or succorie or sorrel water , and in winter with good white or claret wine . for the rich , let this powlder be dispensed . take the rootes of tormentil , the roote of diptamus creticus , if it be possible , the roots of angelica zedoari and gentian of each a drachme , of the seedes of citrons and sorrel two drachmes , of true bole armenus prepared twoo drachmes , of terra sigillata thrée drachmes , of pearles two drachmes , of red corall foure scruples , of the rinde of the citron or oringe dryed a drachme , beate all these to a fine powlder , of which you may giue the patient in the waters aboue named , the weight of a drachme , or a drachme and a halfe . if you will make an opiate thereof , you may confect the powlder with conserue of roses , or buglosse , or sirrop of limons , and make an opiate , of which you may giue the patient halfe an ounce at a time . this poulder is of most excellent vertue and great effect , if it be wel dispenced , which amongst all other medicines is most appropriate , as by the vertue of the ingredients , the expert and learned phisitian may easily coniecture . these are the remedies which in potions are most assured and are both experimented and alowed ( laying aside the superstitious and vaine opinions , of the vnicornes horne , of which the common sort make so great reckoning . ) for in truth it is a méere folly to beléeue that the pieces of horne , which diuers men beare about them , is the horne of that beast which the gréekes called monoceros , and the latins vnicornu , ( as the simple sorte , vnicornes horne ) for it is a beast so rare to be séene , and in places so strange , that scarsely alexander the great could recouer one to his great charge and expence , ( as plinie , aelian and philostratus testifie ) neither may it be taken aliue , for that it liueth in places desart and solitary in the extreamest parts of india and the east . but leauing these things apart , i say that we ought to trust to perfect tried & experienced medicines , such as are those , which heretofore i haue faithfully set downe for the common good , and the loue i beare vnto my neighbours . in prosecution of which matter , i say by the authoritie of galen lib. 9. de simpl . fac . cap. 14. v.t. that bole armenus is by him singularly commended amongst all other simples for the plague : for in that great plague which in his time was in greece , all those that drunke bole armenus were sodainely healed , as the said galen testifieth , who aduiseth vs to take it with good white wine , somewhat qualified and mixed with water , the quantitie ought to be some two drachmes : and here you are to note that in those who are already taken with the plague , it behooueth to giue them a greater dose of your antidotes , then those whom you intend to preserue . for in the venime of the plague is already inclosed in their bodies , it is necessary that the medicine should be more forcible to ouercome and subdue the same , then before that it seazeth the body . and therefore if to the healthy you will ordaine a drachme to preserue him , you ought to giue eare to those that are sicke . and this may serue for an aduertisement to the common sorte , how they should gouerne their sicke in time of visitation . this water that enseweth , is likewise of great vertue , and allowed by many experiences . take two pound of the iuyce of limons , of rose vineger , as much of bole armenus prepared two ounces , of the dried rinde of orenges one ounce , infuse them a day naturall , or xxiiii . houres in the saide vineger , and afterwardes distill them in balneo mariae , giue of this water foure ounces with sirrope of limons , or sirrope of sowre grapes , for it is an excellent medicine , as fracastorius in his third booke de morbis contagiosis , chap. 7. whose name i héere set downe , to the end i may no waies seeme to defraude any one of the praise due vnto them , or challenge to my selfe other mens inuentions . hitherto haue we sufficiently spoken of those medicines which are to bée taken inwardly , it remaineth that we speake of those that are to be applied outwardly . but before that i intreate of them , i will describe in this place a confection or restoratiue to be ministred vnto him that is infected with the plague . take conserue of roses , conserue of water lillies , conserues of sowre grapes , and buglosse , of each an ounce , of pouldered pearles one drachme , of bole armenus prepared foure scruples , of fine suger as much as sufficeth , reduce all these into the forme of a conduite , with leaues of golde for the rich . as for the poore , it shall suffice to giue them the foresaide conserues , with a little of the poulder of bole armenus , or triasantali , or the séeds of sowre grapes , or citrons , or the barke thereof . it is good also to giue them oft times a tablet of losenge of diamargariton , when they haue the fainting of the heart , with a little buglosse water , or white wine : and if they fall into soundings , giue them confection alchermes after the same maner : for it is a miraculous medcine in strengthening the heart , and reuiuing the spirites . and in this case it is good to restore them with good broaths , wine caudles , and egges , as wée haue héeretofore aduised . manus christi perlata also is good in this case , and pleasant to the eater , which you may giue in brothes , in buglosse water , or in the forme of a tablet . to comfort the heart outwardly , vse this epitheme that followeth . for the rich take rose water , sorrell water , buglosse , and balme water , of each foure ounces , of good white wine or malmsey thrée ounces , of the powlder of diamargariton , and de gemmis , of each one drachme , of powlder of scarlet which we call vermilion , of cloues , of each halfe a drachme , of powlder of zedoary and bole armenus , of ech a scruple , of the trochisques of camphre halfe a scruple , make an epitheme for the heart , the which you shall apply with a péece of fine scarlet vppon the region of the heart morning and euening : for the poore it sufficeth to make an epitheme of sowre grape-water or sorrel water , of balme-water , and rose water , with alittle white wine , and the powlder of sanders and alittle powlder of iuniper-berries : instéed of the said epithemes , you may make certaine bagges of silke for the hart after this fashion . take dryed red roses , flowers of violets , water-lilies and buglosse , of each a little handful ; of rosemary flowers as much , of the powlder of scarlet cloues , sāders , the powlder of diamargariton , of each a drachme , of citron séede , bole armenus of each foure scruples , of muske and amber of each fiue graines , beate all these to powlder , and baste them with cotton in red taffatie , and make a bag thereof which you may easily besprinckle with rose water , and a little white wine , and apply to the hart . an epitheme for the liuer . take of the distilled water , of endiue , succory , sorrel , rose , and wormewood water , of each thrée ounces : of good white rose , wine , vineger , thrée siluer spoonfuls , of the powlder of sanders , one drachme , of the séeds of sower grapes , two scruples , of spicknard a scruple , make an epitheme hereof for the poore , and for the rich you may adde powlder of diamargariton , pearles , corall , and zedoary , of each halfe a drachme . mathiolus of siena a notable phision of our age ( principally in matter of simples ) in his sixt booke of his commentaries vpon dioscorides writing vpon the preface , sets down an excellent ointment of great virtu to withstand the operation of venim in those that are sicke of the plague : the description whereof is long and difficult to be made , and serueth but for princes and great lords , in that it is very chargeable : therefore to auoyde prolixitie , we haue thought good to referre the reader to that place , if he thinke good to cause it to be dispensed : the name thereof is the oile of scorpions , which in trueth is of maruelous vertue to expel poison and venime , as by the maruellous composition and art in making that oile may be séene . but instead thereof , we will set downe an other oyle of scorpions , of a more easie composition set downe by alexander benedictus in the xx . chapter of his booke of the plague : the description whereof hereafter ensueth : take of oile oliue , the oldest that may be gotten one pound ; then take thréescore liue scorpions , and put them in a violl of glasse , in the said oyle , and boyle them ouer a soft fire nine houres , or set the said oyle in our ladies baine , and when they haue thus boyled in the oyle , thou shalt adde vnto them of treacle two ounces , and let it boyle in the said oyle a quarter of an houre , then straine all of it , and kéepe the said oyle in a violl well closed and stopped with waxe , and parchment , and with it annoynt the sicke vnder the armepittes , behinde the eares , on the breast , the pulses of the armes , the temples , and nosthrilles twice or thrice a day . this is a most excellent remedy , and of great force , as the aforesaid authors testifie , who writes , that if this vnction be applied sodainly to him that is sicke of the plague , before 24. houres be past he shal be deliuered , vsing the remedies aforesaide . the same author likewise reporteth that this oyntment is of great effect : take a glasse that containeth a pint and a halfe and more , fil it with oile that is old , in which oile you shal infuse of elder floures six litle handfuls , of the floures of walworth two handfuls , of the leaues and floures of hipericon , or s. iohns wort a handful , ( but let the oile couer the hearbs , and be more in quantitie : ) set this vessel closely luted in the sunne for the space of fortie dayes , or a whole summer , and reserue it to the abouenamed vses to annoynt the sicke , as hath béen saide . but after you haue annoynted him , you must couer him close , for the oyle procureth sweate , and by such euacuation causeth the venime to vapor outwardly : and , if to the said oyle you shal annex twenty or thirty scorpions , it wil be farre more excellent , if besides you adde two or thrée ounces of good treacle , and boyle them in our ladies bayne , it will haue more force sée here the best outward remedies that you may vse in this strange sicknesse . how a man ought to proceede in curing the plague sore . whenas the plague sore appéereth in any of the emunctories , it is a signe that nature by her power would discharge the member principall of that venim which assaileth it , and therfore hath she by her prouidence created in the heart , the braine , and liuer , certaine glandalous and spungy parts , which are apt to receiue the superfluities that are hurtful to those members . for vnder the arme pittes there are certain kernels that serue the heart , and these are the emunctories of that member , as behinde the eares also there are the like which serue to discharge the braine , and in the groines , for the liuer . and when as the venime inuades any of these principal members , nature , ( to warrantize the nobler part ) dischargeth , and sendeth the venime to his proper emunctory : wherefore , if the hart be attainted with venim , the plague sore will soon appéere vnder the arme pits : if the braine be infected , the sore wil appéere behinde the eares : as also , if the liuer be indempnified , the sore wil breake out in the groine : and because it is an expulsion which nature maketh to the exterior and vilder parts , to defend the interior & principall , we ought to take great héed , lest by cold repercussiue or astringent medicines , we driue the sore inwards , but rather , bicause the said sore is of a venimous nature , it ought to be driuen and forced outward by medicines that draw , and are in qualitie hote and fitte to draw the sore to ripenesse and matter if it be possible . when as the tumor appeareth in any of the saide emunctories , you shall sodainly make incision round about the tumor after the manner of scarification made with the rasor to auoyde the inuenimed bloud , and shall sodainely apply a cupping-glasse therevpon to draw out the venimous poison , if that place be capable of a cupping-glasse , as in the groine and behinde the eares , but vnder the arme-pittes very hardly . and afterwards you shal apply suppuratiue & ripening medicines , and such as draw after this forme . take a white onion and cut out the inward kore with your knife , and make a sufficient hollow therein , fill it with very good treacle , or the theriacall powlder of guidon , couer and close it , and roast it gently vnder the ashes , till it be soft and hote , as it comes from the fire , or as the patient may indure it , apply it to the sore . this is one of the best remedies that a man can apply : or take the hearb scabious , bruise it betwéene two stones , and apply it on the sore , either of it selfe or mixed with salted hogges grease . you may also make a cataplasme according to this forme folowing : take of the roots of white lillies wel cleansed , halfe a handfull of the leaues and roots of mallowes and holy-hocks , twoo handfulls ; of fat figges , to the number of thirty , of linte-séede and fenu-gréek séed , of each halfe an ounce , of leuaine one ounce , of bran , halfe a handfull , of scabious , halfe a handfull ; boyle al these in water , stamp and straine them , and afterwards adde vnto them wheate floure , of lin-séede and fenugrée séede , of each an ounce , boyle them as before with a little water and hony , galbanum twoo drachmes , armoniac a drachme , the yelkes of egges , two in number , common salt , a drachme ; oyle of white lillies , as much as néedeth , of hennes grease , one ounce ; of safferne a drachme , make a cataplasme of all these , and apply it on the sore with fat wooll , remoouing it two or thrée times a day . this also is very good : take the crummes of white bread , to the quantitie of halfe a pound , fatte figges , xxx . in number , leuan , two ounces , liue snayles with their shells xx . in number , fenugréeke séede one ounce , seethe all these together in water , then beate them together , and adde vnto them of salted hogs grease one ounce , of oyle of white lillies as much as néedeth , make a cataplasme heereof , which is very good to ripen and breake an impostume . the ancient phisitions vse the implaster of diachilon magnum , and spread it on the sore , & of that i haue made proofe . for it is a good drawer by reason of the gums that are ingredient . it is likewise very allowable to draw out the venime from the sore to take a chicken or cocke , and to pull the feathers from his taile , and to apply him to the soare , for by this meanes , he driues out the venome , and when he is dead , apply another : in stead of this remedy , some vse to take great pullets and pigeons , and cutting them in two along the backe , apply them hote as they are vpon the tumor or carbuncle , for this is an appropriate remedy , both for the one & the other . when the kore shal be ripe , you must open the same with an actual cautery , which is better thē the lancet or cold yron , because it comforteth the member and driueth out the venome by the actuall heate and violence of the fire : i likewise aduise all those that are sicke of the plague , to endure the same , notwithstanding it shal affright them somewhat , for it is the best and most wholsom remedy that may be giuen , as both albucatus and auicen do testifie in that place , where they discourse of the actuall cautery : and instéed of the actuall cautery , if the patient will not endure the same , you must proceede with familiar ruptories , of which the best is that which is made of ashes and quicke lime boyled together , till such time as the water is consumed , and there remaineth nothing but the ashes and lime incorporated and vnited together , which is a strong and excellent ruptory , and such a one as worketh his operation without any , or very little payne , as at diuers times , and in many patients i haue approoued : and note that in these pestilent tumors , you must not exspect the intire maturation thereof , but must open the same before it be thorowly ripe , to the end that the venome remaine not long time in the body , and there thorough steame vp to the principall members and communicate the venome with them to the danger of him that is diseased , and therefore it is better to open them sooner than later . and whenas the sores or sore is opened , you must not thrust bigge tents of lint into them , but little ones , to the end that the venimous matter may the better issue forth & make no stay in the sore . and in this case alexander benedictus councelleth in the 14. chap. of his booke de peste not to put any tents of linte or other linnen into the sore , lest the venime be forced backe , and in effect the reason is very good . he likewise willeth vs , not to bind vp the sore too straight , when it is opened , thinking the ligature sufficient which kéepeth the plaisters to the sore . and for mine owne part , i am truly assured that it is far better to vse certaine tents of hollow siluer , lead , or tinne , then of lint altogether , to the end that by the hollow tents , the venime may the better and the sooner be euacuated , and not stayed within , which is the intention that a good and aduised surgeon ought to haue . and this may serue for aduise and counsaile hence forward , although that diuers will thinke this matter somwhat strange vnto them who are accustomed to vse an other fashion , but the truth in all things ought to haue place , and should not be any wayes disguised . after that the sore is opened , you must mundifie the same with these cleansing abstersiue medicines folowing : and note , that you ought to kéepe these sores open a long time , and to suffer them to purge out their venime by the vse of these cleansing medicines following . take of the mundification of rozen , and put it vppon the saide sores within them by hollow tents : or take barley meale sod in water , and honny , an ounce or two , incorporate with good honny of roses , annexing the roote of the lilly of florence and a little salt , make a clensing medicine hereof : or take sarcocolla beaten to powlder , sodden honny , of each a like quantitie , incorporate them togither and make an ointment thereof , for it is a mundifier . but amongst all other vnguents that cleanse loathsome vlcers and such as are of a venimous and euill quality , i haue not found any more excellent , or that cleanseth the loathsome , stinking , and euil matter , then this which i composed my selfe , and haue often vsed and tried the same with good effect . take of the iuices of daffadill and wormewood , of each foure ounces , of hony of roses clarified , eight ounces , boyle these together vntil the iuices , be consumed , then adde thervnto of turpentine of venice , washed in rose water , or aqua vitae , foure ounces of the rootes of the florentine lilly and aristolochia the round , of ech thrée drachms , of the flower of lupins two drachms , make an oyntment of these : in truth i can assure you that i haue séene this medicine work admirable effect in the vlcers of the french pox and such like , cleansing them very purely , not only of their grosse and euil matter , but of the dead flesh and kores inclosed in the said vlcers , as i haue often times tried : or do thus : take of venice turpentine washed in aqua vitae in winter , and barley water in summer , halfe a pound of oyle of roses three ounces , of honny of roses foure ounces , of good and gummy mirrh , aloes , mastike , aristolochia the round , of ech one drachme and a halfe ; of barly meale , thrée drachmes , make an oyntment hereof to mundify these vlcers , for it is very good . sée here the order of cleansing ointments . after the vlcer is wel mundified a long time , you must skinne with the emplaister of diacaletheos , or the plaister of seruse , or the red desiccatiue plaster of tutia , but this is the best . take betony , centory the lesse agrimony , aristolochia the round , of ech one ounce , of déere suet halfe an ounce , of masticke thrée drachmes , of aloes halfe an ounce , of new waxe two ounces , séethe the hearbs in good red wine , and straine them , then adde the pitch , the wax , and sewet , and séethe it againe , and in the end , adde aloes and masticke , and make a good incarnatiue hereof : and note , that if the sore be very painefull , you must asswage the griefe therof with a cataplasme of bread crums boyled in milke , and afterward with the yelkes of egs saffron , and oyle of roses as much as sufficeth , apply it to the painefull sore . or foment the place with the decoction of mallows , holihocks , camomile and melilote floures , and branne sodde in water , and apply it in way of fomentation to the pained place . lo héere the cure of the plague sore , it followeth , that we intreate of the carbuncle . of the cure of the carbuncle . the carbuncle is a malignant pustule procéeding from bloud very hote and grosse in substance , which causeth the adustion thereof , an vlcer with an eschare or crust in the skin , swelling and red , raising thorow the inflammation thereof , those partes that are néere about it , and procuring excéeding paine in him that is possessed therewith . which by galen in his second booke , ad glauconem the sixt chapter , hath very learnedly taught . and of these , though euery sort of carbuncle be malignant and dangerous , ( as testifieth the same author in his third comentarie , on the the third booke of hippocrates his epidemes the xii . aphorisme , ) yet notwithstanding those that haue not with them a contagious and pestilent venime intermixed , are not so dangerous of death , as they that raine in the time of the plague , by reason of the venome which is introduced into the humors and masse of blood , infected by the euil quality of the aire , which maketh such pustules ouer and aboue their naturall malitiousnesse more maligne , dangerous , & deadly , and accompanied with great and mortall accidents . and therefore in such pustules it is necessary to take great care and diligence in curing them readily , and rooting out and extinguishing their venime , as soone as may be possible , which by the meanes heerevnder written , may be orderly performed according to methode : when as therefore the carbuncle shall appéere in any part of any person , the most soueraigne remedy is by actuall fire applied vpon to pustull , to consume and abate the venome ; for there is not any thing that sooner mortifieth and extinguisheth the venime , than fier : and therefore the actuall cautery , applied vpon the pustull , is the souerainty and sure remedy to cure the same : but diuers fearefull patients wil not endure the same , instéede thereof , therefore you shall apply vpon the carbuncle these folowing remedies , which haue a cautsike vertue : take an olde nutte or two , barly flowre , small reasins , without their stones , fat figges dried , of each one ounce , beate them all together in a morter , and afterward séethe them in wine and oyle of poppy , and apply it vpon the carbuncle , for it mortifieth the venome , and helpeth to rotte the euill flesh : take also two or thrée yelks of egges , of pepper , a drachme , of common salt , a drachme and a halfe , of soot of the chimny or ouen , halfe a drachme , mixe al together , and make an oyntment thereof : or this , take of the leaues of rew , halfe a little handfull ; of fat figges , sixe in number , of pepper a drachme , of soote of chimny or ouen , halfe an ounce , two yelks of egges , of safforne , halfe a drachme , of fresh capons greace without salt , one ounce , and with the iuice of scabious , make an oyntment which is very excellent . for it suffereth not the venime to procéede any further , but openeth the carbuncle very quickly and maketh a good eschare : or do thus : take of fat figs , halfe a pound , of mustard-séed thrée ounces , of oyle of white lillies , as much as sufficeth to incorporate them , make a plaster hereof , and apply it vpon the carbuncle . the oyntment called basilicon mixed with halfe an ounce of good treacle of mythridate and the iuyce of scabious is maruellous good , and appropriate , as also the yelke of an egge , incorporate with salt ; and the iuyce of scabious is a singular medicine , and very common . the simple medicines that are conuenient in this case is scabious pounded betwéeue two stones , and applyed ; the hearbe also which is caled cauda equina , that is to say , horse taile , which is a kinde of comfery , and verbascum which the apoticaries call tapsus barbalus & the english , hearb mullen , is a good remedy : the like qualitie is by diuers of our maisters ascribed to the saphire , which hath the vertue to extinguish the venime of the carbuncle , if the sore be diuerse times touched with that stone : mythridate also or treacle are very good to be layd therevnto , and old nuttes applied with dryed figges . and note , that as soone as the carbuncle appéereth , it is good to scarifie it round about , with the rasor ( as galen in the xiiii . booke of his methode saith ) or to apply horse-leaches to draw the venimous blood outward : these are the remedies which you must presently lay vpon the carbuncle . but round about the partes that are néere the sore , you must apply repercussiue medicines , for feare lest the venime attaint them ; to which effect the vnguent de bolo is the chiefest and most ordinary meanes applyed round about : for it conforteth the part , and repulseth the venime . you shall therefore do thus : take of oyle of roses thrée ounces , of rose vineger one ounce , of bole armenus , an ounce and a halfe , make an oyntment thereof , and apply it round about the carbuncle : or thus : take oyle of roses omphacine ( made of gréene oliues ) wine of pomgranats one or two ounces , bole armenus ( and terra sigillata for the rich ) of each halfe an ounce , make an oyntment thereof , and apply it round about the carbuncle : galen maketh a plaster of plantane & pomegranets with theyr rindes and houshold bread , and boyleth them in strong wine , adding lintels vnto them : or take lintells , crummes of browne bread and bran , and boyle them in vineger & make a plaster of them ; you may make the like also of sowre pomegranets , cut into quarters , with their rinde , and sodde in vineger , til they be brought to a pulpe , beate them and apply them about the carbuncle : or else thus : take of oyle of roses as much as sufficeth , dissolue in it bole armenus , sanguis draconis or beaten galls , and make an oyntment to the same vse . the whites of egges likewise beaten , with rose vineger & rosewater , and clouts stéeped in that liquor , may be ministred round about the sore : then are those medicines that defence the partes from the venime of the carbuncle . hitherto i haue taught both what should be applied vppon , and round about the sore ; it remaineth now to set downe the meanes how to breake the carbuncle , which are these : take of opoponax thrée drachmes , of fat figs , an ounce ; of currans , as much ; of leuen , halfe an ounce , beate and mixe al together and apply it on the carbuncle . the doung of a man also is a fit remedy , but for that it is filthy , vse better ▪ yet wanteth it not his effect . take the yelke of an egge and a little salt , and incorporate them with the iuyce of scabious , and minister it . or do after this maner : take strong leuen one ounce , of scabious and the greater comfery , of each one ounce , of smal reasins without their stones , half an ounce , cantarides , sixe in number , of sparrowes doung thrée drachmes , incorporate all with oyle of white lillies . this also is good : take of fatte figges , thrée ounces ; of leuen , two ounces ; of mustard seede , the leaues of rew , common salt , the roots of aristologe the round , of ech an ounce , and a halfe , of the meale of wheate and fenugreeke , of each an ounce , of common hony as much as sufficeth , mixe al together and apply it . to make the eschare or dead flesh to fall out of the carbuncle . take fresh butter and capons greace , of each one ounce , and the yelke of an egge , mix them together , and minister it : you may likewise adde an ounce of basilicon : take also of the roots of holihockes two handfulls , of buglosse , a handfull , séethe them in water , and beat them togither , and straine them , and adde vnto them of the powlder of fenugréeke and lin-séed , of each an ounce , of fresh butter washed in water , of fresh hogs-greace , of each an ounce , make an oyntment . or take of holi-hocke roots , of beare-foote , of mallowes , and herbe robert , called storcks-bill ▪ of each a handfull , séethe them together in water , stamp and strain them , mixe them with fresh butter and capons greace , apply them to the sore till the eschare fall . rasis made a plaster of hony and sarcacoll of each a like , and ministred the same : after the eschare is falne , you must mundifie the vlcer with one of those mundifiers , which are described in the twentieth chapter , and then when the carbuncle shal be well purged from matter and corruption and yéeldeth no more , incarnate the same with this vnguent folowing . take of mastike full of gum , white incense , aristoloch the round , mirrh , of the flowre of orobus , litharge , ceruse , aloes , of each a like , of déere suet as much as sufficeth , a little oyle of roses , make an oyntment of these according to art , and apply it till the sore be thorowly cicatrized : and because in carbuncles , there ordinary happeneth some deformed cicatrice , after they are healed , to repaire and correct the same , you may vse these remedies following : take of borax two drachmes , of camphire one drachme , of white corall halfe an ounce , of gumme dragacanth , starch , cristall , of the stone called dentalis , white incense , common salt , of each thrée drachmes , of white marble twoo drachmes ; let the gumme dragant be beaten in a marble morter , and the rest be beaten and serced , afterwards adde hogges-greace clarified , goats-greace , capons-greace , of each an ounce and a halfe : melt al together in a leaden vessell , and straine it thorow a cloath , and after mixe the powlders except the camphire and borax , séeth all together on a gentle fire , stirring it often with a spatula , and when it beginneth to séethe , put to the camphire , and when they are all of them well incorporated together , kéepe this oyntment in a vessell of lead , for it hath a maruelous effect . for the poore to the saide intent you may take fresh chéese mixed with hony , and a little powlder of ceruse : likewise take hogges grease to the value of a pound , prepared after this manner , boyle it in a little white wine , and afterwardes straine it thorow a cloth , and incorporate the same in a marble morter with goates milke , or plantane water , then adde vnto it litharge of gold , vnmelted brimstone , of each three ounces , of white incense one ounce , of quicke siluer quenched and killed in the iuyce of limons halfe an ounce , of borax two drachmes , of camphire a drachme , make an oyntment hereof : take likewise as much lime as you list ( that is quenched and slacked in water ) wash it sixe times in plantane or raine water , vntill such time as all the sharpenesse thereof be taken away , mixe the same with oyle of roses in a leaden morter , and stirre it well , and you shall haue a good oyntment to repaire the deformed cicatrises which are left after carbuncles . this is the whole forme of the cure of a pestilent carbuncle . chap. xv. the maner how to withstand the most vrgent accidents that happen in the pestilent feuer , the botch and carbuncle . the most troublesome and dangerous accidents in this sickenesse , are weakenesse of vertue , faintings of the heart , soundings , rauing , or frensie , extreame drith , profound sléepe , or continuall waking , crampes , coldnesse of the extreame parts , which we ought diuersly to correct , according as the nature of each of them requireth . the féeblenesse of vertue ( which may be knowne by the weaknesse of the pulse , palenesse of the face , and dulnesse of the patient ) may be preuented or corrected by comforting the sicke by good and cordiall broths and colices , cawdles , or such like , with good wine also , ( as galen commandeth in the twelfth booke of his methode ) ministring it but little in quantitie , and alayed with water , or to make him take a toste of bread with sugar & cinamon stéeped in good white or claret wine : you shall giue him diamargariton manus christi with pearles , and amongest al the medicines that are proper to comfort the vertue , the confection alchermes described by mesue in his antidotary ) is allowed , which hath maruelous force and efficacie to restore vertue almost extinct in the sicke , as by diuerse experiments i am able to auow , to the valew of a drachme in buglosse water or white wine : it shal be good also to comfort the patient , to incourage him with friendly words , to embolden him , & extinguish his feare , for these meanes both quicken and strengthen vertue . the faintings of the heart ( which the gréekes call lipothimiae ) may be eased by the electuary of diamargariton , or the powlder thereof , annexing vnto it the powlder of electuarium de gemmis , or a little of the powlder of diamosci dulcis giuen in white wine , or buglosse , or scabious water , to the valew of a drachme . and in this accident you must comfort the sick with good odors , and rubbe the pulses of his armes and his temples with rose water and rose vineger , or with the mixture of rose water , rose vineger , the powlder of cloues and cinamon : and if the patient be bound , it wil be good to giue him a clister of the decoction of mallowes , béetes , borage , mercury , mellon séedes , and a little annice séede , and branne , and dissolue therein an ounce of catholicon , or cassia , oyle of violettes , and grosse sugar . if the sicke fall into a sound , giue him sodainely two or thrée spoonefuls of pure wine , ( as galen commaundeth in the twelfth of his methode ) and in such a case it is good to giue him foure graines of muske , dissolued in good wine and buglosse water , if the feuer be not ouer vehement : or instéede of this remedie , giue him this drinke folowing : take of powlder of cloues halfe a drachme , of the powlder of pearles and corrall , of each halfe a drachme , make a drinke with buglosse water , and a little good white wine or claret wine . and in such an accident you must crie vpon the sicke , rubbe him violently , make him smel rose water and muske , or giue him a drachme of the confection alchermes , with buglosse water , and a little wine : and halfe a drachme of pearles for the rich : and for the poore , the powlder of cloues . and if he abound in cholerike humors , purge him with a little rubarbe , or the electuary of the iuyce of roses , or the sirrope of roses . it is good also to cast fresh water very oftentimes in his face , for it quickeneth the decayed spirites : these are the remedies for soundings : if the patient fall a rauing , you must giue him some spéedy euacuation to diuert the humors lest they mount to the braine , you must therefore rubbe the lower partes very often , and apply ligatures to the extremities , and make him take sirrope of poppy with water of the decoction of lettuce , purselane , or sorrell , and wash his féete and armes with the warme decoction of the leaues of willow , vine leaues , lettice , floures of roses and lillies , camomile , and the tops of white poppy , boyled in water : and kéepe the patient in silence and in a secret place , and to beware that he speak not , as much as is possible : and if the raging be ouerfurious , you ought to binde him , and to take all thinges from him that may hurt him , as all sorts of armor , and other offensible things finally to procure him to sléepe . the extreame thirst that presseth the patient , must be eased by drincking fréely , ( as paulus aegineta and auicen commaund ) and his drinke shall be fresh water in great quantitie , if the patient be yoong and strong , or mixed with sirope of limons , or sower grapes , or sirop of violets : and note that he must drink largely and aboundantly to extinguish the heate of the feuer that burneth him inwardly : for , to drincke in little quantitie , rather inflameth , then cooleth the same : and therefore the aboue named authors will , that in the pestilent feuer we should allow aboundance of drinke , for it either prouoketh vomite , or sweate , or extinguisheth the feuer : heauinesse of sléep must be remedied by strong rubbings of the féete and handes , by often calling on the sicke , by kéeping him in a lightsome chamber , by clapping cupping glasses , with scarification to the nape of his necke , by sharpe clisters made with the decoction of mallowes , holihockes , béetes , hisope , bitony , rew , sage , and the lesser centory , of each a handfull ; agaric two drachmes , polipody an ounce , coloquintida a drachme , branne a handfull , let all be boyled in water , and strayned , to which you may adde of catholicon one ounce , of the electuary of indie , or hiera piera composita halfe an ounce , of salt a drachme , of common hony , halfe an ounce : make hereof a clister , which he may take in the morning , or after supper , during his heauines , subeth and déepe sléepe . it is good also to make him smel to the powlder of burnt haire mixed with vineger , for it awaketh him much . and if contrariwise the patient cannot sléepe , you shall giue him two ounces of the sirope of poppy , or one ounce , an houre before he take rest , with the decoction of lettuce , and poppy séede , and you shal annoynt his forehead with vnguentum populeonis , or alittle of the séedes of white poppy and annice : you may annoynt his nosthrills also with the oyles of poppy and violets , with a graine of opium , and saffron incorporated together , if necessity require it , and not otherwise : if the patient be seazed with the cramp ( which is a mortal signe , and after which few escape , as hippocrates testifieth in his second booke 2● aphorisme ) yet must we notwithstanding assist all that wée may , and annoynt the nape of his necke with oyles of white lillies and violets , and make him holde in his mouth a péece of nutmeg , and chew it often , you shall likewise giue him lenitiue and no sharp clisters , and make him drincke barly water with sirrope of violets , and moysten him with good brothes , for the cramp very often commeth of emptines , and is commonly mortall : if the extreame partes be colde in a pestilent feuer , or other sharpe sickenesse , it signifieth the weakenesse and mortification of naturall heate , and ( for the most part ) betokeneth death . in this case we must minister vnto his handes and féete with hote cloathes , and chafe them , and giue him a little wine to quicken naturall heate , and make him holde a clowt in his mouth , and giue him the powlder of diacameron , or diamoscum , and kéep him warme in his bed , and take héede that no colde touch him : but when the poore patient is come to this estate , there is litle hope of them , as testifieth hippocrates in the fourth of his aphorismes , aphorisme 48. for it is a signe that death is at hand . chap. xvi . the order and gouernment they ought to obserue who assist and serue those that are sicke of the plague . it is a matter most euident , that they that dwell continually with those that are infected with the plague , are in great danger to receiue the same infection from those that are sicke , by reason they haunt with them night and day , receiue their breaths , and smell their corruptions , and sucke the infected ayre of the infected houses wherein they conuerse ; which is a thing very dangerous , as galen witnesseth in the first booke de differentijs febrium cap. 2. for which cause , they that are resolued to kéepe them that are sick of the plague , ought to haue a great care of themselues for feare they be infected . and first of all , they must haue recourse vnto god , beséeching him to preserue them , to the end that being thus assisted by his grace they may the better accomplish this charitable office to the sicke , and succor and serue them to their vttermost ; which is an action that pleaseth almighty god. folowing then the order prescribed in the second , third , fourth , and fift chapter of this treatise , he shall vse those preseruatiues there described according to his complexion , age , strength , and the nature of these humors that abound in him , taking fit medicines or pills , powlders , opiates , or tablets against the plague . treacle , or mithridate according to the forme we haue set downe in the places afore alleaged , continuing the same without intermission . when hee shall visit the sicke , hée must not approch ouer néere vnto him , for feare he receiue his breath , but stand farre off him , especially , if he be fasting . also before he enter into the sicke mans chamber , let him perfume it , and cause the windowes to be opened , and make a good fire therein of rosemary or iuniper . hée shall holde in his mouth , an angelica or zedoary roote , or a cloue , or the rinde of a citron , orenge , or limon . he shall wash his handes , face , forehead , and temples with vineger and rose water , and if he haue leisure , doe the like vnder his arme-pits , and in other emunctory places , but this is not alwayes sure and easie to be done : he shall oftentimes , and almost euery day change his garments and linen , and carry in his hand apples , pomanders , orenges , or limons to smell to . he shall holde a spunge steeped in rose water , vineger , white wine , besprinckled with the powlder of cloues , zedoary , and angelica , to which hée shall often smell , and with some of the same liquor he shal gargarise his mouth and throate . he shall perfume al the house and chamber of the sicke thrice a day , and oftner in summer , because the dayes are longer . when he commeth to touch the sicke , he shall cause him to turne his face from him , lest he breathe vpon him , and he likewise that performeth this office , shall doe the like for his better securitie , he shall kéepe himselfe cleanely , purge often with the pilles against the plague , or other fit medicines : he shall be sober in his diet , and auoyde all superfluous meate and drinke : he must be merry and lightsome , and driue away all feare , sadnesse , and melancholy : for those that are fittest to be imployed in this matter , are such as haue a good courage , and are merry , pleasant , and well complexioned that despise the danger of death , and are ready to doe seruice to their parents and frends , wiues or children . these in trueth are they that in these times are in least danger , and whom god ( foreséeing their good zeale ) protects by his mercy , preseruing them from so great danger . neuerthelesse in this time men ought not to be too rash or hazardous , nor trust too much to their complexions , youth , vertue , and force of body . for the secret venome of the plague preuenteth all this , and except a man be wary and prudent , it wil then seaze him when he least suspecteth : because a venime of that nature is accustomed to lie hidden in the body a long time without any effect , or at leastwise notable impression , after the nature of the byting of a madde dogge , which sodainely before it be discouered takes a lamentable effect . for which cause men ought not to be so bolde and rash as to expose themselues to such dangers , except necessitie constraineth them to succour their parents , or faithful friends , to whom , by lawe of nature , they are tied : neyther on the contrary side shoulde they be too feareful , and so cowardly , as to forsake their fathers , mothers , wiues and children for feare of death , but both by the commaundement of god , and law of nature , they ought to imploy all their power , yea to aduenture life and bloud , to preserue those , who next vnder god gaue them life , being , and liuing . chap. xvii . the manner how to cleanse the houses and places that are infected , the woollen and linnen , and the moouables of the same : and how long they may remaine infected , if they be not well cleansed , and in what time they may be reputed cleane . i haue héeretofore declared in the first chapter of this treatise , that the plague is a contagious sicknesse , rauishing life by the malignity thereof , and because that the contagion of the same ( which is no other thing but a like disposition by a certaine hidden consent communicated by touch vnto another ) it remaineth long time hidden , in such things as may receiue the same such as are the aire of the house infected , the walls , the garments of woollen , linnen , cotten , fether , and such like , it is therefore necessary to know how to clense the houses of those that haue bin infected with the plague , to the end , that after they that haue béene infected , shall returne to their houses , they may not be infected anew , by reason their garments , couerlets , beds , and such like , haue not béene well ayred and clensed . and therefore , by way of aduertisement to all in generall , euery one during the time of the plague , ought to shut vp his best moouables in a place apart , that is cleane & neate , and to forbeare the vse thereof , i say , they ought to shutte vp their linnen , tapistry and couerlets , and onely reserue some to their ordinarie vse : for where there is a pestilent sickenesse in a house , it continually infecteth the ayre where it raigneth , the garments , couerlets , bedding , and shéetes , and all things that are capable thereof : or either receiue the breath , sweat , spittings , or vapor that issueth from the sick , and al things that are of a slender substance , and full of pores , are fit to receiue , and that verie easily , such infection , as are woollen , linnen , cotten and feathers : wherefore it behooueth aboue all other things , that such houshold-stuffe be carefully cleansed , aired , washed , and purged . for if they be once attaynted , they long time retaine the infection in them , because the venime inbibeth and incorporateth it self in their substance very vehemently , by reason of the spongines and thinnest of these things : and as oyle , pitch , and rosin and such like norish , conserue , and augmēt the fire , in that they yéeld it a conuenient matter , so likewise doth woollen , cotten , fethers , linnen , and such like nourish and entertaine for a long time , that infection which is imparted vnto them from the sicke , retaining the pestilēt venime , conceiued in them for a long time : euen as we sée chists and coffers where we lay swéet bags to perfume our linnen or garments doe long time retaine that odor which we laid on them , as lauender , roses , oringes , and such like , which sort of odour is maintained a long time in these garments , and linnen , as experience teacheth vs , which also we sée in cotton wherein a man hath wrapped muske or ciuet , which keepeth the said odour an infinite time . the which the poet horace hath aptly expressed in this verse . quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem testa diu — the vessel long time will retaine the odor which it first did gaine . since therefore such infection may long time remaine hidden in the things aforesaide , wée ought very diligently to cleanse them after this forme that ensueth . the garments of such as are dead of the plague , if they be rich , ought to be burned , according as the custome is in italy : or if poore ) whose misery is such , as they cannot buy new ) let the cloathes they haue vsed , be bucked and washed in lie , and oftentimes exposed to the northerly winde and sunne , and perfumed with rosemary , iuniper , and such like , and in time of drith be exposed to the northerne ayre , which drieth al infectious vapors ; for the garments that are infected , may retaine the same foure yeares , nay the feather-beds seauen yéeres , as alexander benedictus testifieth . note also that feather-beds , cannot be cleared except the tikes be opened , and the downe be ayred , till a moneth or forty dayes be past , in which time they may be purified . let each bench , wenscote , and other tables of the house be thorowly washed with water and vineger , so that no sluttish corner be left : let the windowes by day be kept open to the north , and shut when the south wind bloweth : thus in xxiiii . dayes may the wooden implements be ayred . if any sicke man hath afore worne a furr'd gowne , let each man beware how he weareth it after , for furre is too apt to take infection , as appeareth in those xxv . hie almaines , of whom hierome fracastorius maketh mētion , who in the yeare 1511. in verona died one after another , til al were made away by wearing of that gowne . the surgeon that hath assisted the sicke after xl . dayes triall may be admitted to conuerse the citty , and so the rest after sixty ( so preseruatiues and purges haue béene obserued , and especialy , so mirth , ioy , and pleasure haue been their companions : ) if men obserue these precepts , they may by gods helpe , and by kéeping good order , auoyde the plague by those meanes i haue discouered , by which helps there wil be no humors capable of infection , and where there is no matter fit to receiue the same , there can it not surprise any man. generall rules to bee obserued by all men in the plague time . first must we call vpon god , desiring him to defend vs : secondly , but especially ( when we are fasting ) we ought to flie from the conuersation of those that are infected : let the wind be betwéene thée and the person that is sicke , or some perfume be kindled , or hold in thy hand some odoriferous perfume . fly the narrow wayes and stréets where are dunghils : hant no vaine assemblies of feasts , but if thy meanes be to follow hippocrates rule . fuge longe , cito , tarde : or if thou must néeds stay , be temperate , aduised & deuout , and god shal blesse thée , to whose mercy , and thy harty praiers i humbly commend me . finis . a table or index . a. angelica roote , to prepare it , fol. 7. aptham , how to helpe it , fol. 26. b. bloud when and where it is to be drawn , fol. 17 , 18.40 bolarmoniake , how to prepare it , fol. 19. botch , in the throte , to cure it , fol. 17. botch , how to know where it will be , although no signe appeare , fol. 18. botch , the generall cure thereof , fol. 30. botch , that is hard , and will not come to maturation , how to helpe it , fol. 32 , botch , how to draw it , from one place to another , fol. 34 botch , when hee strickes in againe , how to bring him out . fol. 33. botch , how to draw him frō one place to another , fol. 34. c. carbunkle or blayne how to know him , as also to cure it . fol. 35. carbunkle with paine and inflammation to helpe it , f. 36 chickens , how to applie them , fol. 17 ▪ cordiall preseruatiues , fol. 4. cordiall , to be taken after purging , fol. 26. costiuenes , how to helpe it , fol. 8.9 . d. digestiue for a botch , how to make it , fol. 30.31.33 . dyet to be kept in time of the plague , fol. 11. dyet , for them that haue the small pockes , fol. 41. e. eares , how to preserue them from the pockes , fol. 41. eares running of them , what you must do to it , fol. 47 , epithemation , to comforte the harte , fol , 2.42 . epithemation , for a botch , fol. 34. exercise and orders to be kept in the plague , fol. 12. eyes , how to preserue them from the pockes , fol 41 : eye , paine , and burning therein to ease it , fol. 41 eye , perle or web therein to helpe it , fol. 46 eyes , fastered and clong together , to helpe it , fol. 46. f. faynting and pounding , to helpe it , fol. 23 : face , how to preserue it from deformiting , in the small pockes , fol. 43. face , spotes therein and rednes , after the pockes are gone , to helpe it , fol : 46 : feete , extreame heate in them , with the smal pockes , to helpe it , fol. 45. floures of wemen stopt to prouoke them , fol. 10.11 flixe , how to stop it , fol. 25. h. handes and feete , extreame heate in them with the small pockes , to helpe it , fol. 45. head lightnes and paine therein for want of sleepe , f. 25 holes in the face , with the small pockes , what is to bee done to it , fol. 47 : hoarsnes , remayning after the pockes are gone , to helpe it . fol. 48 ▪ i. issues , commended against the plague , fol. 11. iuleps , cordiall , to make them , fol. 22. iulep , to quench thirst , fol. 23.24 . l. laske , or flixe , how to stop it , fol. 25. longs , how to preserue them from the pockes , f. 41. m. maturatiue , to ripe and rot a botch , fol. 31.32.35 . mouth , vlceration therin , called aptham , to helpe it , fol. 26. mouth sorenes and vlceration therein , with the small pockes how to preuent , and cure the same , fol. 45. mundificatiue , for a carbunkle or blayne , fol. 36. n. nodule , against the plague , fol. 7. nosgaye , against the plague , fol. 7. nostrels how to preserue them from the pockes , fol. 41. nostrels , stopt and vlcerated with the small pockes , to helpe it , foll . 47. o. opiat , good to expell the plague , fol. 19. oyntment , to keepe on sollible , fol. 8. oyntment to prouoke sleepe , and ease paine of the head , fol. 26. oyntment , to keepe the face from pitting , in the small pockes , fol. 43. p. parfumes against the plague , fol. 3 pilles , to keepe one sollible , fol , 9. pilles , to purge the body , fol : 9. plague what it is , fol. 1. plague , cause thereof , fol. 1. plague , forewarnings thereof , fol. 2. plague , how to preuent it , fol. 2 ▪ plague , how to cure it , fol. 16. plague , how to expell it , fol. 18. vnto . 21. pomanders , against the plague , fol. 6. potion , to purge the body , fol. 10. potion , to expell the plague , fol. 20. preseruatiue , against the plague , fol. 4. pouder , to purge the body , fol. 10. pouders , to expell the plague , fol. 18.19 pockes , and measels , whereof they proceede , fol. 38 : pockes , and measels how to cure them , fol. 40 : pockes , why they are infectious , fol. 39. pockes , how to maturate them , fol. 44. pockes , or measels , that are slowe in comming forth to helpe it , fol. 42. pocks and measels , how to vse them when they are come forth , fol. 43. pockes vlcerated how to cure it , fol. 44. purgation for a strong body : fol. 24 purgation for a plethoricke body , fol. 24. purgation for a weake body , fol. 25. purging , when it is tollerable , fol. 24 q quilte , against the plague , fol. 5. quilte , for the harte after sweate , fol. 22. r rauing and raging , to helpe it , fol. 26. raysins laxatiue how to make them , fol. 8 : s signs to know whē one is infected with the plague , f , 15 signes of recouerie in the plague , fol. 15 signes of death in the plague , fol. 15. signes to know whē one is infected with the smal pox , f. 39. signes laudable , and ill signes in the small pockes , f. 39. scabes which chance to come after the pockes are gone to helpe them , fol. 48. sleepe when it is tollerable , fol. 23. sleepe , an oyntment to prouoke it , fol. 26. sounding how to helpe it , fol. 23. suppository , how to make it , fol. 8. t thirst , a iulep to quench it , fol. 23.24.43 . throte botch therein , to helpe it , fol. 17 , throte how to preserue it from the pockes , fol , 41. throte vlceration therein to helpe it , fol. 45. v ventoses , when and where to applie them , fol. 18. vessicatorie , how to make it , fol. 32. vesicatorie of the sicke , fol. 14. vnguent , defensatiue against the plague fol. 21. vlceration of the small pockes , to helpe it , fol. 44. vnguent , for spots , and rednes of the face , fol. 47. vomiting extreamely , to helpe it , fol. 28. w water , good against the plague , fol. 20 water , for spots and rednes of the face , after the small pockes are gone , fol. 46. y yexing , or yoxe , how to helpe it , fol. 28 , the arke of noah for the londoners that remaine in the cittie to enter in, with their families, to be preserued from the deluge of the plague. item, an exercise for the londoners that are departed out of the cittie into the coutnrey, to spend their time till they returne. whereunto is annexed an epistle sent out of the countrey, to the afflicted cittie of london. made and written by iames godskall the yonger, preacher of the word. godskall, james. 1604 approx. 153 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01800 stc 11935 estc s120518 99855714 99855714 21216 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01800) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21216) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 774:14) the arke of noah for the londoners that remaine in the cittie to enter in, with their families, to be preserued from the deluge of the plague. item, an exercise for the londoners that are departed out of the cittie into the coutnrey, to spend their time till they returne. whereunto is annexed an epistle sent out of the countrey, to the afflicted cittie of london. made and written by iames godskall the yonger, preacher of the word. godskall, james. [132] p. printed by thomas creede, london : [1604] publication date from stc. signatures: a-h i² . imperfect; date obliterated. reproduction of the original in the guildhall library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to 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review (qc) and xml conversion the arke of noah , for the londoners that remaine in the cittie to enter in , with their families , to be preserued from the deluge of the plague . item , an exercise for the londoners that are departed out of the citie into the countrey , to spend their time till they returne . wherevnto is annexed an epistle sent out of the countrey , to the afflicted citie of london . made and written by iames godskall the yonger , preacher of the word . psal . 50. 15. call vpon me in the day of trouble and i will deliuer thee , and thou shalt glorifie me . dan. 9. 18. o my god , encline thine eare , and heare : open thine eyes , and behold our desolations , and the citie wherevpon thy name is called . london printed by thomas creede an epistle to the afflicted citie of london . to all you that be at london , beloued of god , called to be saints . grace be with you , and peace from god our father , and the lord iesus christ , rom. 1. 7. with all that call on the name of our lord iesus christ in euery place , both their lord , and ours . 1. cor. 1. 2. as naomi ( dearely beloued in the lord ) the title of honourable at this time i do omit ) spake vnto the people which sawe her ; call mee not naomi , ( which soundeth beautifull or pleasant ) but call me mara , for the almightie hath giuen me much bitternesse , the lord hath humbled me , & the almightie hath brought me vnto aduersitie . so likewise thou afflicted london , mayest answere to them that see , and heare of thee : call me not naomi , but mara , for the almightie hath brought thee now vnto aduersitie . in which affliction i may speake with the apostle , wee are mindfull of your teares . and although as paul speaketh , we be absent in the flesh , yet are wee with you in the spirit , coll. 2. 5. kept from you for a season , concerning sight , but not in the heart . 1. thess . 2. 17. for we haue you in perfect memorie . phil. 1. 3. hauing you in our hearts . 2. cor. 7. 3. and thus being affectioned toward you , 1. thess . 2 ▪ 8. without ceasing , god is my witnesse , ( with the apostle wee may protest ) we make mention of you alwaies in our prayers . rom. 9. 1. 10. of thee ô london , with the leuites of ierusalem , vnfeignedly i may speake , psal . 137. 5. if i forget thee ô ierusalem , let my right hand forget to play : if i doo not remember thee , let my tongue cleaue to the roofe of my mouth . true it is , by the riuers of babel as it were wee sit in a pleasant countrey ; but neuerthelesse , here we weepe , when we remember thee ô london ; we hang vp our harpes , and the pleasantnesse of the countrey cannot stay our teares , remembring you that are afflicted , as if we were afflicted our selues , weeping for the citie , as christ did for ierusalem , luk. 19. and not onely for you , but for our selues . luk ▪ 23. 28. how could we feast , while the yron enters iosephs soule in the citie ? we are not nero , singing and triumphing when rome is on fire , but as abraham prayed for sodome , and the prophet for the peace of ierusalem , so we for the peace of london . as for the romish edomites , the superstitious papists , who reioyce at this ours and your present calamitie , insulting ouer vs in this land , and in others , preaching it vnto theirs publikely , and muttering it priuately , that this deluge of the plague is iustly broken through among vs , because we haue ( as they speake ) forsaken the religion and profession of our forefathers ; iustly we doo acknowledge , although it is falsely imputed to that pretended cause . what is this their accusation else , but that old song of the superstitious israelits , ier. 44. 18. 19 ▪ since wee left off to burne incense to the queene of heauen , we haue had scarcenesse of things , and haue beene consumed by the sword and famine . were not also the good christians in the time of tertullian , cyprian , arnobius , and others , in this manner vpbrayed by the heathens , who imputed to them the cause of pestilence , warre , invndations , earthquakes , and other troubles ? but o yee blind sonnes of men , what was the cause of the flood in the time of noah ? was it the religion of that time , or was it noah the preacher of righteousnesse ? the lord himselfe sheweth the cause , gene. 6. and 7. chap. the sinnes of that age , and the flood of iniquitie . for which like sinnes , both we , and their professors also , as well as we at diuers times haue felt this rod , and also at this present time in flanders they doo taste of this smart-whip : which giueth vs iust occasion to speake vnto them that of the prophet , thine inuentions haue procured thee these things . remember o lord the children of edom ( these superstitious romanists ) which speake , rase it , rase it to the foundation thereof . o daughter of babel worthie to be destroyed . but from whence am i digressed ? to returne to the head of the race , where i first began , i returne to you my brethren with sighes , to whome , i may vse the apostles words , in anguish of heart i write vnto you with many teares . of prayer , of which this treatise following doeth intreate : i may speake that which martha said vnto christ , if thou hadst beene here , my brother should not haue died . so likewise , if feruent and humble prayer had beene amongst vs , we should not haue suffered these things . but seeing wee are in the flood , and that the waters are entred euen to our soules , psal . 69. 1. therefore behold , against this deluge i send to you a delineation of the true arke of noah , whereunto yee and we ought to flie to be preserued , which is the name of iehouah , prou. 18. 10. the little zoar , and the sanctuarie to hide and safegard our selues . two things beloued , may put you in minde this yeere of two things . first , of noah : secondly , of ionas withered gourd , vnto which your present calamitie for diuers respects fitly may be compared . the first is , your great ioyes , preparations and stately buildings in the beginning of the yeere , like vnto the ioy , feasting , marrying , and building of those who liued in the dayes of noah , matth. 24. luke 17. the second is , the suddaine alteration which ensued thereupon , like vnto the vnexpected flood and deluge which came vpon the securitie of the olde world . we liued before as in the dayes of noah , wee are now as it were in the flood ( the afflictions and troubles of the sonnes of men being not vnfitly compared vnto waters by the kingly prophet dauid ) which prayer at this time london thou mayest make , saue me o god , for the waters are entred euen to my soule . seeing therefore , that thou with ionas mayest say , lord , the floods compasse me about , what remaineth but that we enter into the arke to be preserued ? giue me leaue beloued , by a comparison to shew you two things , the flood wherewith ye are compassed about , and the arke which yee ought to enter . in the flood of noah the holy ghost noteth foure things ; first , the cause for which it was sent . secondly the time when it began . thirdly , the cōtinuance of it . fourthly , his decreasing . the cause of which , was the sinne of that age , which was growen vp as a mightie tree , producing diuers sower and deadly fruites . the first was , the great securitie of the sonnes of god , that is of those which made profession of the true religion , eating and drinking , marrying and building , luke 17. 27. the second , their disobedience and contemning of noah , the preacher of righteousnesse , and of the long suffering of god , 1. pet. 3. 20. the third , their fornications , and vngodly alliances with the infidels , and with that damnable race of cain , without respect either of family or religion . the fourth , their crueltie and oppression of their neighbours , gene. 6. 11. and 13. lastly , the corruption of their wayes , gen. 6. 12. and because their wickednesse was great vpon the earth . 2. sam. this is also the cause ( to applie the first to our selues ) which hath mooued the lord to send this deluge of the plague into the land , because the selfe same sinnes did raigne among vs : and as it was in the dayes of noah , so hath it beene in these last dayes of the sonne of man : and therefore seeing a flood of iniquitie hath ouerwhelmed vs , hath not this flood of the plague iustly and suddenly ouertaken vs ? from the first let me leade you to the second , the circumstance of the time , when the flood began , noted in the 7. chap. of gene. ver . 11. in the second moneth , the seuenteenth day of the moneth , which was about the beginning of may , or as others say in april , when all things did most flourish , and when it was lesse expected , which suddennesse hath changed their ioy into sorow . so likewise , to applie the second to vs , this deluge of the plague began to encrease about the beginning of may ( as i haue noted ) when all things did flourish in the countrey , and in the citie , when we were merrie as the sonnes of the old world , marrying , feasting , building , and erecting our armes trivmphants , when we lesse expected it , which hath turned also our ioy into sorrow . and as noahs flood caused them to flie vpon high mountaines and trees that the waters should not reach vnto them : so this deluge hath it not caused thousands to depart into the countrey farre and neere to be preserued ? from the second i come to the third , the continuance of the flood , noted gen. 7. 24. the waters couered , and preuailed vpon the earth an hundreth and fiftie dayes ( which is about halfe a yeere ) and then , in the end of an hundreth and fiftie dayes the waters abated , gene. 8. 3. which was in nouember , reckning from the beginning of them . to applie the third , our deluge hath not yet preuailed an hundreth and fiftie dayes , and i hope through the mercie of god , that it wil not so long encrease and bee in his full strength and force , ( and yet o lord , by the great flood of our iniquitie we haue deserued a longer encreasing , but haue mercie vpon vs o lord according to the multitude of thy compassions , psal . 51. 1. ) let mee applie the fourth thing , which is the decreasing of noahs flood , noted gen. 8. 5 ▪ and they decreased vntil the tenth moneth ( which was the moneth of december ) this decreasing beginning from nouember , after the hundreth and fiftie dayes . our flood the lord bee thanked , hath begun reasonably to decrease in the moneth of september , and the lord graunt that these waters from henceforward may not bee going and comming , but that they may altogether decrease vntill the tenth month . and as the tops of the mountaines which were couered because of the flood , were seene in the tenth moneth , gene. 8. 5. which was in december : so the lord graunt , that the heads of the citie , the merchants , and principall citizens , which because of this deluge haue beene couered , may be seene againe in the citie , the tenth moneth . further , as on the first day of the first moneth , gene. 8. 13. the vpper part of the ground was wholly drie , which was in march and part of aprill . so the lord graunt that this deluge may in that moneth wholly bee dried vp , and that there remaine not any reliques therof : if it please him to remember vs in his mercie as hee did noah , gene. 8. 1. now that he may remember vs in his mercie , let vs forsake the sinnes of the olde world , let the flood of iniquitie which is broken through among vs decrease , and wholly be dried vp . great hath beene , and extraordinarie ( i doo confesse ) the invndation of the plague this present yeere , and therefore let our repentance bee great and extraordinarie . it is reported of many of the aegyptians by sozom , lib. 7. cap. 20. that being terrified by the strange invndation of nilus , higher then the wonted maner thereof was , immediatly they condemned their ancient idolatry , and applied themselues to the worship of the liuing god : so likewise , seeing that this deluge of the plague hath beene higher then the wonted maner , as the weekly bils doo shewe vnto vs , let vs bee terrified , and remooue our ancient iniquities , let vs applie our selues to humble and feruent prayer , a principall part of the worship of god. and as the arke in the flood rested vpon the high mountaines of ararat , gene. 8. 4. so let vs in this flood rest vpon the lord , and vpon the holy mountaine of heauen ; the power and mercie of our god , are the mountaines whereupon the arke may finde rest ; those are the holy hils whereon sion hath her euerlasting foundation . hauing shewed to you the flood , i come to the arke . the holy ghost in the description of the arke into which noah entred , gene. 6. and 7. noteth these fiue things . the arke it selfe . the persons entring . the cause why . the time when . the end wherefore . as for the arke , into which wee must enter , it is not an arke made of corruptible wood , nor an arke heere beneath sloating and tossing in the sea of this world , but the true arke of noah , and of the righteous , the name of the lord , that strong tower wherevnto the righteous runneth by the feete of prayer , prou. 18. 10. an immortall , eternall , and incorruptible arke . i know no surer refuge from the tempest , as esai speaketh , no safer harbour , and receptacle , wherin to repose your wearied soules . the persons entring , were noah and his family . noah the righteous , or the preacher of righteousnesse as he is called , 2. pet. 2. 5. noah and his little family , the remnant of the earth , as the sonne of syrach termeth them . let vs with our families enter into the aforesaid arke , and although they consist more then of eightie and eight soules , yea of infinite , they cannot fill this arke , neither hinder one another , as it happeneth in the bulwarkes and fortresses of mortall men ; but let vs be righteous noahs : for how can wee be else preserued ? if wee enter as an impious cham , perhaps we shall escape a temporall flood , but not the deluge of gods eternall wrath . the cause moouing noah to enter , was the commandement of god , gene. 7. 1. enter , &c. the same cause ought to mooue vs to enter , it is the commandement of the most high , the proclamation of the king of heauen , psal . 50. 15. cal vpon me , &c. and as in the time of the olde world hee ordained himselfe an arke for noah , so he hath himselfe prepared , appointed and ordained himselfe as an arke and refuge for the righteous noahs . the time when , was in the flood , gene. 7. 7. so noah entred , because of the waters of the flood : are not we in the flood ? are not the waters entred euen to our soules ? and is it not therefore high time to keepe our selues within this arke ? the end wherefore , ( that he might bee preserued , gen. 6. 18 , 19. ) for the same ende let vs enter beloued , to bee preserued from a threefold deluge , from the flood of iniquitie wherewith our soules haue beene ouerwhelmed ; from the deluge of the plague , that calling vpon the name of the lord , and seeking his pesence the land may be healed , 2. chron. 7. 14. thirdly , from the deluge of gods eternall wrath . follow therefore the obedience of noah , gene. 7. 6. who did according vnto all that the lord commanded him , and was also remembred , gene. 8. 1. enter therefore o yee righteous soules , let your miserie speake for audience . the waues doo now smite and tosse your ship ; and as the tempest arose , matth. 8. when they were a sleepe : so likewise this present tempest wherewith we are tossed , did arise when wee are a sleepe , but arise , arise from the sleepe of securitie , call vnto christ with the disciples , maister saue vs , or else wee perish . cast your eyes on high ( as the marriner in the tempest ) ad stellam polarem , on the right north starre christ iesus , who is also the bright morning starre , apoc. 22. 16. and in the sea of these afflictions , quite you like men , and be strong , ( t is the apostles precept ) begin you to the ores of the spirit , inuocations , intercessions to the liuing god , praying as the apostle exhorteth , ephe. 6. 18. with all maner of prayer and supplication in the spirit , with all perseuerance . the arme of flesh is too weake to beare vs out , and if our strength were brasse , it could not helpe vs : these are my brethren , the onely ores which are able to row our ship through all the stormes of the sea , ( these vessels of our bodies and soules i meane ) and if the bankes of the land doo faile vs , that is temporall health , they will land vs in the hauen of eternall felicitie . giue mee leaue brethren in the second place , to amplifie vnto you another comparison , not vnfit for this time , for the suddaine alteration and estate of this yeere , doth put me in minde not onely of the flood of noah , but also of ionas gourd . to enter therein , first our citie ( as yee all know ) hath long bene , and principally in the beginning of the yeere for diuers respects a flourishing gourd , and as a greene laurell tree , wee had builded a tabernacle of pleasures , yea arches , and theaters , and some of the workes like babel . prosperitie as a gourd was come ouer vs , we were sitting vnder the shadow of it , euery one as the prophet speaketh vnder his vine , and vnder his figge tree , none making vs afraide ; and perhaps , ( what doo i adde perhaps ? ) without doubt many of vs in this our prosperitie haue spoken with dauid , i said in my prosperitie , i shall neuer be mooued . secondly , as ionas reioyced exceedingly for the gourd : so likewise haue we reioyced exceedingly for this our prosperitie , witnesse our feastes , our braueries , preparations , and triumphs , ( would to god that it had beene in the lord. ) and as peter was reioyced to be vpon the mountaine , saying , maister it is good to bee here , let vs make here three tabernacles : whereas hee was but a stranger , and knew that there was not the permanent citie , heb. 13. 14. so although we know we are but strangers in this life , yet we haue said to our flesh , as peter vnto christ , let vs make here tabernacles . and therefore as the gourd of ionas suddenly withered , and his exceeding ioy was changed into sorrow : so our ioyfull songs haue beene changed into lamentations , and our pleasure hath beene quite dasht ; the lord hath made vs to say with ieremie , for these things i weepe , and mine eye casteth out water . hee hath made others to say of thee , o london , as ieremie of ierusalem , how doth the citie remaine solitarie that was full of people , shee is a widow , shee that was great among the nations , her priests sigh , her virgins are discomfited , and shee is in heauinesse , lam. 1. 1. and hereunto i may adde that in the fifth verse , it is for the multitude of her transgressions , for which her people is now in diuers places scattered , liuing as it were in exile and banishment , and sighing ( as the israelites did in babel ) when they remembred thee o london . but the lord hath giuen , and the lord hath taken away , and hee that had power ouer the blessings , hath also had power ouer the plagues , apoc. 6. as ionas little thought of so speedie an alteration ; so did we little expect such a sudden change ; but it was feared and also prophecied of many ( as i my selfe haue heard ) and behold the trueth of their prophecie . nullum violentem perpetuum . some haue died through immoderate ioy , as diagoras of rhodes , and others , and we ( i may say ) haue beene sicke through immoderate ioy , and some dead . the sonnes and daughters of england in this their exceeding ioy , did little thinke of this sorrow , as the sonnes and daughters of iob , when they were banquetting , did not once dreame of the wind that came from the wildernesse and smote the foure corners of the house . babylon which was called tender and delicate , and the lady of kingdomes , ephe. 4. 7. which assumed to her selfe , i am , and there is none else : i shall not sit a widow , nor know the losse of children ; did not imagine how neere they were , that came with a contrarie newes ( thine ende is come , iere. 51. ) neither london tender and delicate which hath vsed the same voice , did expect to bee a widow for a time , and to see the losse of her children by thousands . you the edomites and epicures of these dayes , yee that haue mocked your prophets and watchmen , as they did , ephe. 21. saying to them , ( yee speake of iudgement ) haue yee not a time of sorrow and darknesse , as yee haue had a time of light and delights ? the time when the gourd withered , was when the morning , or the sunne did arise , in the comming foorth of the sunne , when the shadow of it should most haue pleasured him : so in the rising as it were of the citie ( which by the death of our late soueraigne had beene as it were laide downe in the bed of sorrow ) and in the comming foorth of a new sunne , whose beames were comfortable to the whole land ( and the lord graunt that he may long shine ouer vs ) euen then , when prosperitie could not haue pleasured the citie , and all her inhabitants , then the gourd withered , and the worme of gods iudgement came . and as christ wept ouer ierusalem in the midst of his triumph , when the people cried , blessed is the king that commeth in the name of the lord , when the multitudes did reioyce , and spred their cloathes in the way : so the lord hath giuen vs cause to weepe ouer the citie , when we were almost in the midst of our ioyes and triumphes , when euery one was reioycing , and made preparations for the triumph , against the entire of him , of whom we may say , as the israelites of dauid , psal . 118. 26. blessed be hee that commeth in the name of the lord. let the conclusion of this point be , all thy iudgements o lord are number and measure , thou knowed best the time when it is most conuenient to inflict them . the meanes or the instrument ( which is the fifth thing to bee considered ) which the lord vsed to afflict ionas , and which hee sent as a messenger from heauen , to smite the gourd , was first ( a worme ) secondly , the wind and the sunne . the worme , a little and a base messenger , with weapons of no power , and yet giueth a mortall blow , he that could haue sent a great wind to turne it vpside-downe , a lightning to haue blasted it , or a whole armie of wormes , sendeth but one little contemptible worme to execute that businesse : so the lord to beate downe the pride and immoderate ioy of our citie , the flourishing gourd of our prosperitie , hath not sent whole armies , deuouring beasts , earthquakes , fire or brimstone from heauen , he sendeth only a pestilence , litle carbuncles , spots , and tokens in our flesh , which seeme to bee nothing , or to haue no force , and yet suddainely they beate downe the proudest and the strongest . i st not strange that a little botch or carbuncle hath such admirable force ? well may they be called gods tokens , for thereby he sheweth his strength . let this serue on the one side , to make vs to stand in awe of the mightie power of god , and on the other side , adoring this his power , to humble our selues before his maiestie ; for how darest thou o sonne of adam lift vp thy selfe against that lord , who can cast thee downe with a little carbuncle ? let not the pleasures of this life make vs secure , and sitting vnder the couert of them ; let vs not say , we shal neuer be mooued , for they are but gourds , and the lord hath a worme of iudgement . and what is the freedom from the rod of god , our dauncing to the tabert & harpe , but a gourd for a time ? i call to witnesse young men , yee lustie gallants , some of you haue had your gourd to reioyce in , eccle. 11. the dayes of your youth , the cheerfulnesse of your hearts , the lustes of your owne eyes ; but the lords worme , the pestilence , hath smitten downe some of you . rich men , some of you , haue had your gourd , your purple and fine linnen your delicious fare euery day , luk. 16. but this is withered with your selues , and some of you lie in the graue . the worme then which the lord had prepared for this yeare , to change our ioy into sorow , is as now experience teacheth , the pestilence , the king of heauens pursiphant ; and therefore wee may crie with the angels , apoc. 14. with a lowde voice , feare god , and giue glorie to him , for the houre of his iudgement is come . the second instrument which the lord vsed , was the wind and the sunne , good creatures , created both for an other ende , to gouerne the day , to giue light to the world , to purifie the ayre , &c. and yet they receiue a commandement to beate vpon the head of ionas , the principall part of the body , wherein is the gouernement of the whole creature : the seate of the minde , from whence the senses and neerenesse take their beginning . so the lord hath commanded his angel to infect the ayre , to hunt & annoy vs , both good creatures , erected to another end , to preserue and comfort vs , and yet behold he hath commanded them to beate the very head , the principall part of the body of his kingdome , our citie i meane beloued , the seate and imperiall chamber of the realme , from whence the other members receiue their maintenance , which redoundeth to the danger of the whole body , for which the members and the daughters haue smarted , and yet doo sigh for ; which argueth that our sinnes make the good creatures of god to become our enemies . seeing therfore the lord hath smitten you that are the head , let not the effects which it wrought in ionas , bee seene in you . first , faint not , although the force of heate is great , be steadfast , and aboundant alwayes in the worke of the lord , 1. cor. 15. 58. and i would not brethren haue you ignorant , concerning them that are a sleepe , that ye sorrow not euen as they which haue no hope , 1. thes . 4. 13. be not ashamed of the testimonie of our lord , 2. tim. 1. 8. but suffer as good souldiers of christ , 2. tim. 2. 3. the lord hath not cast thee downe without reuocation of his fact , he afflicteth thee not in his furie , but in his mercie , to doo thee greater honour and fauour in the time to come , if this in iudgement mooue thee . let this heate inflame your hearts with the fire of gods loue , that the lord say not of vs , amos 4. i haue smitten you with blasting and burning , and you returned not . secondly , be not angrie and impatient , wish not desperately to die , grudge not , nor repine at the lord , but let your patient mind be knowen vnto all men , phil. 4. 5. to whom doo yee rather owe the quietnesse and subiection of your spirits , then vnto him , who giueth both his benefites vnto vs , to teach how easily hee can bestow them , and taketh them away , that we may know how little wee deserue them : with ionas out of the waters which did compasse him , call rather vpon the name of the lord , follow him not in his anger , but in his prayer . i haue brethren ( to vse the apostles words ) somwhat boldly after a sort written vnto you , as one that putteth you in remembrance thereof , through the grace which is giuen me of god : but yet as paul speaketh , wee write none other things vnto you , then that yee reade , or else that yee acknowledge . for this i say not by commandement , 2. cor. 8. 8. but this say we vnto you by the word of the lord , 1. thes . 4. 15. you haue already entred this arke , for wee haue heard of your fasting , prayer , and liberalitie to the poore , how that yee haue charged them that are rich in the world to doo good , and to be readie to distribute , 1. tim. 6. 17 , 18. and therfore , although we are absent in the flesh , yet are we with you in the spirit , reioycing and beholding ( t is the apostles saying ) your order , and your steadfast faith in christ , waiting for his appearing , 1. cor. 1. 7. so continue in the lord , phi. 4. 1. and be not weary in well doing , 2. thes . 3. 13. and i am perswaded of this same thing , that hee that hath begun this good worke in you , will performe it , phil. 1. 6. follow the zeale of abraham in his prayer for sodome ; the longer hee talked with god , the more he gained . and as abraham although he had begun to speake once , twise , & thrice vnto the lord , yet he continued : behold i haue begun to speake vnto my lord , and am but dust & ashes , let not my lord bee angrie and i will speake againe : so although yee haue begun to speake vnto the lord for london , that the fire might be quenched ( yee that may speake with abraham , we are but dust and ashes ) yet speake againe , pray continually , rom. 12. for the lord will not bee angrie , as hee was not angrie with abrahams instant request , but as he gaue him a patient eare and a gracious answere , ver. 32. so the same god will heare our prayers . it pleaseth the eares of his maiestie to be long intreated ; he that hath twise and tentimes together ingeminated the riches of his mercie , exod. 34. the lord , the lord is mercifull , gracious , slow to anger , aboundant in goodnesse and trueth , reseruing mercy for thousands , forgetting iniquitie and sinne : what did he meane thereby , but that twise and tentimes together we should crie for his mercie . and as abraham by his continuance , and ingeminating prayer , brought the lord from fiftie to fortie fiue : from fortie fiue to fortie : from fortie to thirtie : from thirtie to twentie : and lastly from twentie to ten : so continue and ingeminate your prayer , endeuour by your continuance to diminish the number , and to bring it from thirtie foure hundreth to thirtie : from thirtie to two hundreth : from twentie to ten : from ten hundreth to ten persons : and yet not then cease to speake vnto the lords as abraham did : and what shall not your prayer obtaine ? i may speake vnto you that which zedekias said to the princes of his land ; the king can denie you nothing . so the king of heauen will denie you nothing . zedekias spake it in a seruile and popular affection that hee bare to the princes of his land , but god speaketh it out of the aboundance and riches of his mercie . and therefore o lord let thy mercie triumph against iustice , that both great and small , the infant and dumbe beast , may sing of thy louing kindnesse . with this wish i will end beseeching brethren for our lord iesus christs sake , and for the loue of the spirit , that ye would striue with vs by praiers to god , rom. 15. 13. praying also for vs , col. 4. 3. finally beloued , fare yee well ( it is the apostles farewell to the corinthians ) bee of good comfort and of one minde : the grace of our lord iesus christ , and the loue of god , and the comming of the holy ghost be with you all , amen . written at springfield , the 28. of september , 1603. your wel-wisher in the lord , iames godskal the yonger . the arke of noah . collected out of the 18. chapter of the prouerbs , verse 10. the name of the lord is a strong tower : the righteous runneth vnto it , and is preserued . confirmed by the practise of king dauid , 1. chron. chap. 21. ver . 17. and 26. and he called vpon the lord , and hee answered him by fire from heauen . the whole colledge of the bodily physitians , and the prince of them , that wise and learned galen , prescribe for the time of plague , that of all remedies , to preuent the contagion , the best is , to flie and shunne the infected and corrupted ayre , and to depart vnto a wholesome and purer ayre : and that with these three rules , citò , longè , tradè . depart speedily , farre off , and returne slowly . as this is physically prescribed , so it is diligently practised , as daily experience teacheth , of all sorts of men , yea of the physitians themselues ; i will not contradict the prescription of the physitian , nor disprooue the diligence of the sonnes of men , if they vse departure lawfully , therein not sinning , ( contra patriam , charitatem , vecationem , ) against their countrey , their calling , and christian charitie . but because , by the corruption of our nature , we suffer our selues as with maine sayle to be carried away from the creator to the creature ; fixing all our senses more vpon the aeriall corruption , then vpon the inward cause of the contagion , the rottennesse of our bones , which we carrie within our selues , and are more carefull to depart into the countrey then vnto the lord ; as if by the swiftnesse of our feete we could out-runne him who rideth vpon the wings of the cherubims , which causeth that the lord hath a pursiphant , which hee sendeth to arrest some in the pure ayre , ( namely the plague it selfe ) which hath arrested some in the countrey , as the experience of this yeere sheweth vnto vs all , verifying the threatning of the lord , deut. 28. 22. this is the reason why the whole colledge of the spirituall physition of our soules haue prescribed for the time of plague , a better flight and departure , then that which is prescribed by galen and the rest ; namely ( to the name of iehouah ) by the feete of prayer , mentioned and storied by that wise salomon in the words prefixed . and as it is prescribed , so it hath beene practised of the saints of god : among the rest , of king dauid in the time of plague , as the second place adioyning vnto the first doth witnesse . of this place then , which is the right arke , and the little zoar , whereunto our first care ought to bee in the time of plague to depart , and which is also the trustie friend and seruant to aide the sicke , and the exercise for them that are departed , to spend the time till they returne , giue me leaue christian readers to discourse out of the harmonie of these two places here prefixed . to pray well saith chrysostome , is an excellent art , which doth adorne a christian , but it is not sufficient to know that we must pray , but also in what manner : and therefore that we might the better be instructed in the going to this place , and become skilfull in this art , i will braunch the description of this place into these three seuerall parts , which will store vs with a cluster of singular meditations . the first is , the name of the place , it is ( the name of the lord. ) the second is , the qualitie , condition , propertie , and the safenesse of it , expressed in two things : first , because it is ( a strong towre ) : secondly , by the successe of those that runne vnto it ( and is exalted ) or deliuered : which is the thing which they receiue that run to it . the third thing is , what maner of persons they must be that flie to it , and what househould stuffe they must carrie thither with them to be receiued , noted in these words ( the rightious runneth vnto it . ) as for the place , let me obserue 〈◊〉 things . for as in the time of plague , for our departure , first it is necessarie , that we know the name of the place whereunto we go : secondly , that we haue feet to beare & carie vs thither : thirdly , that we haue a directiō that we might not erre : fourthly , that wee haue some right & interest there , or some acquaintance , that we may be receiued . so likewise these foure things are necessarie to be knowne of vs , in our spirituall departure . touching the name of the place whereunto dauid fled in the time of plague , as it hath diuers names , so in this place it is called the name of iehouah . heere i pertermit the fiue seueral significations of the name of the lord vsed in the book of god , taking it in this place , first for the lord himself : secondly , for his attributes by which hee doth manifest himselfe . of which moses , num 14. bringeth in a perfect catalogue : & the lord hath deliuered this his name by proclamation , exo. 34. 5. 6. the lord , the lord , strong , merciful , & gratious , slow to anger , & aboundant in goodnes and truth , &c. god then the almightie , eternall , immortall inuisible lord , the iudge of the world , psal 94. 2. god , merciful & gratious , the supreme phisition of our soules , who healeth all our iniquities , psal . 103. god to whom power belongeth , and whose is saluation alone , psal . 62. is the place it selfe whereunto dauid , and wee ought to flie from the contagion . the name of a place if it be known , famous and renowned , hath often much force to perswade vs rather to goe vnto such a place , then vnto such or such : surely there was neuer name of place more worthy to goe vnto , then the name of iehouah . o ye righteous soules that thirst by reason of the heate of the plague vpon your beddes , flie vnto this place , to the waters of comfort : here are wels enough to be drawne at : this is the name which god hath proclaimed to the world , and whereby he would be knowne to men , that if euer they come to him , they may speake their mindes in the confidence and trust of this amiable name . esteeme it not strange beloued , that the name of a place is attributed to the lord : for that he is a place of refuge , three things are able to prooue : first , the witnes of god himselfe : second , the confession of the righteous : third , the word ( running ) here vsed by king salomon . as for the lord he doth attribute vnto himselfe this name by the pen of the holy ghost , calling himselfe a secret place , psal 91. 1. a throne of grace , hebr. 4. 16. a refuge psal . 9. 9. a fortresse , psal . 18. 2. a strong towre , and such lyke more . secondly this is the confession of the righteous : of dauid the father in diuers places , psal . 18. 2. the lord is my fortresse and my refuge : and in the 32. 7. thou art my secret place ▪ & compas●est me about with ioyfull deliuerance : and so psal 94. 22. this is also the confession of the sonne in this place : and of all the saints of god , vnto whose confessions i referre you , as they are set downe by the holy ghost in the booke of god. thirdly , the word ( runneth ) implieth as much , which giueth me entrance to the second point , opening vnto vs the feete which we neede to goe vnto this place , the which if ye are desirous to know , they are two in number ( faith and praier ) . faith the first , for if by faith we stand . 2. cor. 1. 24. by faith we may also goe to the lord who is faithful . now how could we go vnto him by the feete of prayer , if we did not , beleeue in him ? rom 10. 14. the second , is prayer , a spirituall legge to beare vs thither , noted by salomon , making mention of running : by ionas , speaking of comming . iohn . 2. ver . 7. and my prayer come vnto thee in thine holy temple by the apostle , whē he speaketh of going , let vs therfore goe vnto the throne of grace , heb. 4. 16. lastly , by the holy ghost , vsing this word climbing . apoc. 8. 4. both the name of the place which is appointed for vs to goe vnto , and the spirituall legs which the lord hath giuen vs to carrie vs thither , doe preach vnto the sonnes of men the admirable goodnes and mercie of the lord toward them . in this world wee are as pilgrims , psal . 119. hauing here no continuing citie , heb 13. 14 and while we are at home in the body , we are absent from the lord , 2. cor. 5. 6. in which pilgrimage many are the troubles of the righteous , psal . 34. o the great goodnesse of the lord then , that hee hath giuen vs feete to come vnto him , and made himselfe a place of refuge for vs in all our troubles ! which goodnesse is comfortable vnto the faithfull : for as it is a comfort vnto the pilgrim , shepheard , or souldier , to haue in the heate of the day a place of refuge to refresh their wearied members : so likewise what a comfort is it for you o afflicted soules in the heate of your afflictions , to haue the name of iehouah for a sacred sanctuarie ! the lord is not like vnto the princes of the earth , who desire not to be molested with the requests of their distressed subiects . it is a ioy to the wearied student , that he may sometime come home to his fathers house and recreate himselfe : into this world the lord hath sent vs as in an vniuersitie , which although it is farre off from our fathers house , yet the lord hath giuen vs spirituall feete , by which in a moment we can ascend vnto our fathers house , and recreate there our wearied spirits . this world is a waste desart , if wee neede any thing , here are the legges by which speedily wee may runne to this place , and prouide our selues . if the lord hath cast vs downe vpon our beds , and that wee can not vse the feete of our bodies , behold , hee hath giuen vs other feete , to vse in steade of these . king ezekias visited with the plague , could not vse the feete of the flesh , but with the feete of the spirit , went vnto this place , knowen vnto him by the name of iehouah . ionas is locked vp in a prison , in the belly of the whale , ( the lords prison ) and can not stirre himselfe , and yet by the vertue of these feete , out of the depth , he ascendeth to the holy temple of iehouah . now that these feete may be able to beare vs thither , and that they may not faile vs in our voyage , they must put on the hose of faith : and as the apostle speaketh , our feete must be shod with the preparation of the gospell of peace . and as the feete to that image of daniel were part of yron , part of clay , which the prophet expoundeth partly strong , partly weake or broken : so the feete of our prayers are , according to the hosen wherewith they are couered ; if they put on feare and distrustfulnesse , they will bee shiuering and sinking downeward , of clay , weake , and impotent ; if they put on faith and confidence in the mercies of god , they will be feete of yron , strong , stable and firme , keeping vs vpright , and wil carrie vs to the very throne of grace . further , as they that depart into the countrey , if they know not the way to the place whereunto they goe , must haue a guide , or a direction , because they should not erre ; so in the going to this place , because there are so many false guides and directions , the lord himselfe hath giuen vs a carde of direction to leade vs thereunto , the witnesse of his holy word , written and sealed , that can neuer deceiue vs. as the fierie pillar in the desart , shewed he way vnto the israelites : so this word of the lord is a fierie pillar vnto vs in the darke desart of this world , to shew vs the way to that heauenly canaan ; it is the lanthorne vnto our feete , and a light to our pathes , psal . 105. and therefore , according to the direction of our sauiour , let our loynes be girded , and let vs beare in our hands this shining light . fourthly , to goe to this place , it is necessarie to know what right or interest we haue in it . in the places wherevnto men betake their selues in the terme of plague , either they haue some right or interest there , because they are their own , or because they haue some friends or acquaintance there that will receiue them ; or lastly , because they haue either hired or purchased a house . so likewise vnto the name of iehouah , the place where we ought to goe in the time of plague , as also at all other times , we haue a speciall right and interrest . first , because it is our owne , for hee is our god and our lord , not by nature , but by gift and donation . secondly , there we haue acquaintance and our best friends ; god our father , christ our brother , the holy ghost our comforter . thirdly , because we haue purchased it ; not we our selues , by corruptible gold , or by our merites , but christ for vs by his precious blood , hath obtained this place of refuge for vs in our troubles . dauid , 1. chron. 21. 17. in his prayer , sheweth vpon what right and encouragement in the time of plague hee went to this place , ( o lord my god i beseech thee , &c. ) it was then , because the lord was his god ; he had a particular feeling of the loue of god toward him , and knew him to be his god for he had had some experience of deliuerance . the reason why wee must haue this right , is because being infected with the plague of sinne , we should not be receiued . in the countrie , they will not receiue those that are infected with the plague : neither can they also , in whose soules the plague of sinne doth reigne , be admitted to this place , and therfore the lord hath giuen vs christ the righteous , to couer our vnrighteousnesse , that thus as pure and cleane wee might come vnto him . i know by mine owne experience , that in the countrie this yeere , they would not admit some that came from the citie , vnlesse they had put on new apparrell . to come vnto that heauenly ierusalem by the feete of prayer , we cannot be admitted , except we put off the olde man , and put on the new man which is created in righteousnesse , and therefore , that we should not be hindered to goe thither , he hath put on vs , the lord iesus christ , rom. 13. 14. that being adorned with his righteousnesse and holinesse , as iacob was with the garment of his brother esau , we might with confidence approach to the throne of grace , heb. 4. it is onely then in the name of christ that we must goe to the name of iehouah , ioh. 14. 14. ioh. 5. 7. mat. 21. 22. ioh. 16. 14. 1. tim. 2. 5. 1. ioh. 2. 1. in his name , the poore lazarus hath as much right to goe vnto it , as king salomon : the infected as the sound : the learned as the vnlearned : for christ prayeth for them all : and as augustine speaketh , christ prayeth with vs all as our brother ; he prayeth in vs all as our head , hee is prayed vnto by vs all , as our lord , but hee prayeth for vs all , as our high priest . let then the romanists in the time of plague , runne vnto the name of iehouah , in the name of saint sebastian ; alas , they shall not be admitted : for christ alone , as ambrose speaketh , is the eye wherewith wee see the father , the hand to offer vp our prayers , and the mouth to speake vnto him . but as for vs , with dauid let vs goe vnto him by force of this right , saying with him , o lord our god , we beseech thee , &c. hauing vnderstood the name of the place , with other circumstances , let vs now examine the practise of king dauid ; vnto this place , with these feete , by the same right , following the true direction , he runned in the time of the plague with his family , the elders of israel . for hee fled not to his castle , neither departed hee out of iewrie , nor transported his family into another place , but as it is storied , 1. chron. 21. 26. ( he called vpon the lord. ) here is a foundation wherevpon some prodigall of their liues , vncharitable to others , proude in their conceites , build the vnlawfulnesse of departing out of the contagious places in the time of plague , condemning it by the example of king dauid in generall , without any exception , in all manner of persons ; which their vncharitable conceit i will not heere refute , i referre the reader to that learned treatise of that reuerend father ▪ theodorus beza , written touching this matter , wherein he learnedly , soundly and religiously refuteth their grosse opinion ; onely let me destroy their building which they erect vpon the example of king dauid . foure particulars can hinder them to make a generall conclusion out of this example : first , the short continuance of that plague , for the space of three dayes , or of a halfe of a day , as some of the learned are of opinion ; whose reasons i will not alleadge , which left him no time to deliberate vpon departure . secondly , the generalitie of the pestilence , being spred from dan to beershebah , which left him no place free to go vnto : for whither should he flie seeing that the pestilence was spread all ouer the land : 2. sam. 24. thirdly , his owne guiltinesse , that plague being caused by his sinne , the numbring of the people , which caused such a sorrow in dauid , that he was readie by his owne death to redeeme the publike calamitie , praying vnto the lord , 1. chro. 21. 17. o lord my god i beseech thee , let thine hand be on mee , and on my fathers house , and not on thy people for their destruction . fourthly , the soundnesse of ierusalem , the place where hee was , the angel hauing not yet , or very sparingly touched the head citie , 1. chron. 21. 15. the lord repenting of the euill , when the angel came to ierusalem : these foure particulars are able to cast downe their building , and to disprooue their consequence : dauid fled not , ergo , it is vnlawfull for any man to depart : the true consequence , if we would argue out of this place , might be this : dauid and the elders departed not : ergo , let not magistrate forsake his citie , nor the minister his flocke . hauing pluckt out the weedes and the thistles , let vs as the good husbandman sow the good seede . as this then prooueth not the vnlawfulnesse of departure ; so on the other side , it doth commend vnto vs king dauids praying , and his spiritual departure , teaching vs that in the time of plague , our first and principall care ought to bee , as well before our departure , as in our departure if wee are so minded , ( for i vrge no necessitie of it ) to flie and runne by the feete of faith and prayer to the name of the lord , which being forgotten , omitted , or negligently practised , maketh our departure vnlawfull . imitate the king then o yee righteous soules in this tempest of the plague , let your soules take ( the wings of a doue ) the motion and agility of the spirit of god , and let them flie by the strength of their prayers to the bosome of gods mercies where they shall bee at rest . dauid in this his going to the name of the lord , hath showen and manifested foure things : his conscience , humilitie , memorie , wisedome . his conscience , that it was good : his humilitie great : his memorie holy : his wisedome right . touching the first , the spirit of prayer is a signe of a good conscience ; for as tertullian speaketh , lib. de cast . oratio de conscientia procedit , si conscientia erubescat , erubescet oratio . prayer doeth proceede from the conscience : if the conscience blush , prayer will also bee ashamed . o it is an excellent thing that we can giue our selues to this holy exercise : let one haue riches , honour , pleasures , let him bee adored as a little god , if hee haue not the spirit of prayer to push him forward with dauid , in the midst of his felicitie , hee is most miserable . secondly , his miserie and humilitie , for a king is become a begger , and at the gate of the king of heauen he vseth speeches of submission . ( i beseech thee o lord ) loe here , o proud sonne of adam , of thy selfe thou hast nothing , but like a poore suppliant begger thou are constrained to goe before the gate of that right god , aswel the king that sitteth vpon his throne , as poore laxarus that siteth before the doore of the rich man. thirdly his memory , the subiect wherof was the lord , o holy remembrance ! although he had as it were forgotten him by his sinne in his prosperitie , yet he remembreth him by his praier in his affliction : o the excellencie of praier , it is a remembring of our best friend , whose remembrance is comfortable to our distressed soules . the subiect of our memories , haue beene along time commodities , pleasures riches , honor , triumphs , and therfore ô england behold another subiect to exercise the art of thy memorie : if then we haue forgotten him in our prosperitie by our sinne , let vs now remember him by our feruent praier in our affliction . many haue practised the art of memorie according to the memoratiue art , and preceptes of memorie , which appoint places and their furniture , for the helpe of such as are vnexperienced ; but let vs practise the art of this holy memorie , let god be the subiect , and in this our affliction , let these be our helpes : first let vs remember in our praier the commandement of god , psal . 50. secondly the name of him , whom we call vpon , that it is iehouoh , lord , our god , a god not in shew , but in substance and performance : a strong god , a towre of defence , they that knowe this name wil trust in him , psal . 9. 10. thirdly what he is by nature , how sweete and amiable , how rich in mercie , ephe. 2. fourthly , what he is by promise , how faithfull and true , 2. tim. 1. 3. lastly what he is by couenant , made vnto abrahams seede , not in the blood of bulles , but in the blood of the seede of abraham . further , dauid hath shewen his wisdome , and that in the choice of the place , taking his marke aright , and directing his petition to the true and proper periode . imitate the wisdome of king dauid in his choice , he that goeth to a place , runneth aright and wisely , i● he be wise , and not by crooked and erroneous waies : dauid sheweth vs the right way , for to what place should we goe but to this , when our sorrowes are multiplied ? shall we follow the waies of the wicked , and say with them , malac. 3. it is in vaine , that i haue serued him , and what profit is it , that i haue kept his commandements ? or shall wee runne vpon the way of impatience , adding griefe to griefe , liuing the life of caine , or dying the death of iudas , drowning our soules in a gulfe of desperation ? shall wee spend the time in bannings , execrations , cursing the day and night , the earth that beareth vs , the ayre that inspireth vs ? not so o christian soules , call vpon the name of the lord with dauid , there was neuer name so worthie to be called vpon , in heauen or earth , so mightie for deliuerance , so sure for protection , so gainefull for successe , so compendious to cut off vnnecessarie labours as the name of iehouah . hauing vnderstood the conscience , humilitie , memorie , and wisedome of dauid , let me open to you the reasons to mooue and perswade vs to goe to this place . fiue things mooue the sonnes of men in the time of plague to depart from contagious places , vnto a purer ayre . first the counsel of the physitians . secondly , the practise of others . thirdly , the danger or perill which they are like to fall in . fourthly , desire of health and life . fifthly , the experience of successe . let the same bee motiues vnto vs in this infection , to perswade vs to runne speedily vnto this arke of noah . first , it is prescribed by the whole colledge of the spirituall physitians , by god the father , psal . 50. 15. king dauids physitian ; by god the sonne , who prescribing the remedies which men ought to vse in the last dayes , in which the trinitie of punishments , famine , warres , and pestilence should raigne , giueth this counsell , luk. 21. 36. watch and pray continually ; by prophets , apostles , and wise men , iam. 5. 13. eccle. 38. 9. and 17 , 23. secondly , the practise of the spirituall physitians , as they haue prescribed it , so they haue also practised it , and haue fled vnto this place ; to this sanctuarie went the renowned patriarkes , the godly princes , the holy prophets , the blessed apostles , the prince of glorie , the sonne of the immortall god , the constant martyrs : whose examples yee shall finde in the store-house of the scriptures . the example of the bodily physitians , of which some depart in the time of plague , hath much force to make vs hasten our departure ; how much more ought the practise of the spirituall physitions spurre vs forward vpon our spirituall voyage . thirdly , the danger , which is threefold , ( in nobis , circa nos , contra nos ) in vs , round about vs , against vs. in vs , the plague of sinne : round about vs , the fire of the present plague : against vs , sathan who seeketh to make vs curse the lord , and the fire of gods wrath and anger : to auoide this threefold danger , runne to the arke and to this blessed zoar. the fourth motiue , is the desire of life and health ; we neede at this time a double health , the health of the soule and body : let vs therefore goe boldly vnto the throne of grace , that wee may receiue mercie , and finde grace to helpe in time of neede , heb. 4. 16. why went that woman which was diseased with an issue of blood twelue yeares vnto christ , but that shee might receiue her health : vers . 12. the sicknesse of the plague is an issue of blood , which being once opened , will euer runne , and keepe a course if it bee not stanched by the power and mercie of god : which mercie is onely obtained , by going vnto his sacred name : to obtaine this double health , dauid went vnto this place , 1. chron. 21. that the plague of his soule might be healed , and the bodily plague bee remooued . if we are as it were dead for sorrow , prayer will reuiue vs , for it is vita animae , the life of the soule : and as chrysostome termeth it , est anima ipsius animae . it is the soule of the soule . if we goe into the countrey which cannot saue vs ; how much more ought we to flie to this name , which hath the power to doe it : this his power , being acompanied with mercie and kindnesse , for thou o lord , art good and gracious , and of great compassion , psal . 86. fiftly , experience of good successe , is the last motiue , they which haue fled to this place , haue not beene stopped by the way , but haue had good speede . goe vnto king eezekias , iob , dauid , and the rest , and they will preach vnto you by experience , the experience of this successe . this successe is grounded vpon three things , as vpon three firme pillars , the power , the will and promise , the goodnesse and mercie of god. his power , i haue heard it that power belongeth vnto god , psal . 62 , 11. there was neuer affliction or sore so great , but the hand of that physitian hath beene able to master it , the least finger of his right hand being of more puissance , then the whole arme of flesh . his will and promise , psal 91. 1. ioel 2. 32. iam. 5. 15. eccle. 31. 9. matth. 77. ioh. 14. 13. the king of heauen is not like vnto the princes of the earth , or vnto that philip of macedon , who answered vnto the widow comming in his court to him , to be heard , i am not at leisure , ( vnto which also shee answered iustly , then bee not a king any longer ) for seeing that he hath promised it , he is also willing , his promise being signed with the finger of the holy ghost , and sealed with the blood of his beloued and annoynted . neither is he like vnto him , matth. 7. who answered , trouble mee not , my doores are shut ; the gate of heauen is alwayes open for vs. god reuoketh not his promise as king salomon , 1. reg. 2. 20. 21. 23. aske my mother , for i will not say thee nay ; and yet behold how this time is changed , adoniah hath spoken this word against his owne life ; of the lords promise wee neede not doubt , but with dauid boldly we may speake , psal . 86. 7. in the day of my trouble i will call vpon thee , for thou wilt heare me . thirdly , his goodnesse , mercie , and liberalitie , which is so great that he giueth meate to the yong rauens which call vpon him , psal . 147. 9. doubt not then , but that hee will heare the supplications of men , whom he hath made a little lower then the angels , to crowne them with glorie aboue other creatures , psal . 8. 5 ▪ 6. let therefore , saith augustine , thy prayer ascend , and gods mercie will descend ; shall wee distrust his goodnesse , who is rich to all that call vpon him ? rom. 10. 12. or shall we suspect his bountifulnesse , which powreth out plentifully his blessings vpon all flesh ? rom. 8. 32. and although wee haue offended him , yet our offences will not stop his mercies . men , when they haue done any good turne to any , if they bee neuer so little offended , they cast men in the teeth with the benefits they haue done them , and vpbraide them with the good turnes they haue shewed ; wherefore men are loath to make request to such for any thing : if wee goe vnto the lord , we shal not meete with one that is of such a disposition and nature : he , as the apostle speaketh , reproacheth no man ; nor keepeth his anger for euer , psal 103 ▪ 9. the willingnesse , mercie , and goodnesse of the prince to haue vs , maketh vs also willing to goe to him ; who more willing , then he that is our father , our sauiour , then he that hath suffered for vs , scoffings , spittings , bands , stripes , and death it selfe ? neuer lap of the mother hath beene so open to her babes , as the bowels of gods compassions are open to the righteous . harken to this , yee faint spirits , be strengthened yee weake hands and feeble knees , receiue this comfort , that he hath deliuered , he doth deliuer , hee yet will and can deliuer . i ende this point with the 13. 14 ▪ and 15. verses of the 10. chapter of the epistle to the romanes : wherein behold a singular and compendious gradation . as they that would come to king salomon sitting vpon his throne , were faine to runne vp sixe staires ( for his throne was mounted vnto by sixe staires ) so the perfection and consummation of man going to the throne of the true salomon iesus christ ascendeth and ariseth by sixe degrees : the highest and the happiest staires being , inuocating and sauing , prayer and deliuerance . these are then the fiue reasons , by which wise christians ought to bee guided . i imitate king dauid , onely resorting to the wings of the lords fauour . and herein we should be wise , if we leuell our hearts and affections at the very right center and marke of prayer ( which is the name of iehouah alone ) and the period or scope in whom our requests must end . but alas , there are fiue sortes of men , which make choice of other places , reiecting the wisedome of dauid , the counsell of the spirituall physitions , and the practise of the saints of god , going a crooked , a circular , and endlesse way , not towards the marke , nor with a right foote as the apostle speaketh , gal. 2. the first kind , flie first to the helpe of mortall man , and with asa make speede to the bodily physitian , to the confections of arte , or to the purer ayre , not once mindfull of this place ; but when all helpes faile them , and that the lord sendeth his sergiant and heauenly pursiphant to arrest them , then they returne to runne to this place . what name shall wee giue you ( o yee of little faith ) but the name of weake christians ? put not your trust in the sonne of man , for there is no helpe in him , psal . 146. there is a second sort , which runne onely to the ordinarie creatures , deriding the name of iehouah , yea denying that there euer hath beene , or is yet at this present , such a place to be found , wherevnto the righteous is preserued , such as dauid describeth in the 10. psalme , 3. 4. which seeke not god , but contemne him , and thinke they shall neuer be mooued . o yee meere atheists , what name deserue you , but that name , which the lord himselfe giueth you , psal . 14. 1. the name of fooles . if cain hath bene reiected , because he offered an vnworthie sacrifice , what deserue they that offer none at all ? the third sort runne to a place , whose name is hell , seeking to sathan and his artes , gadding to the woman of endor , or to the idoll of ekron , a saul , a nero , a iulian : returne , returne , o yee wretched and bewitched sonnes of men , with the name of diuellish idolaters . the fourth sort , seeketh to dwell vnder the protection and assurance of their merites and good workes : but these alas , as bernard writeth on the 91. psalme , are ill lodged and haue a poore tabernacle , the diuell hath soone blowen that away . the last sort , are the superstitious papists , who in the time of plague runne to the house of the spider to bee preserued , to stickes and stones , mettals and papers , angels and saints , and principally to saint sebastian , for as euery sicknesse and disease hath his apothecarie and physitian among them : so the plague hath saint sebastian , vnto whome with their families they runne to bee preserued . that execrable psalter of the virgine marie , compiled by them , maketh her to be this secret place wherevnto wee ought to runne : the prayer of dauid which hee made being visited with the plague , psal . 38. is abused in this maner . o lady rebuke me not in thine anger , neither chastise me in thy wrath : the 91. psalme is in like maner abused , who so dwelleth in the secret of the blessed virgin , &c. but o ye blind seducers of soules , it may be first a challenge vnto you all , that neither dauid , iob or ezechias visited with the plague went to cherub or seraphin , gabriel or raphael , abraham or moses : whome haue i in heauen but thee , saith dauid : he saith not , that hee had a moses or a samuel : haue all these erred ? euen so will wee with them . secondly , yee goe to them that cannot helpe you , let them arise , if they can helpe you in the time of your miserie , iere. 2. in the famine of samaria , 2. reg. 6. a woman crying to the king , helpe me o king , hee answered , seeing the lord doeth not succour thee , how should i helpe thee ? concluding secondly , that if the lord withdraw his helping hand , it lieth not in the power of mortall man to helpe . so wee may answere the papists crying in the time of plague to their sebastian , helpe and aide vs saint sebastian . if it lieth not in the power of mortall men that are liuing with vs to helpe , how much lesse can they that are dead ? and farre lesse , one that perhaps hath neuer beene ? as for the angels , they are displeased that yee come to them , to thrust vpon them such a dangerous honour : they may say as dauid , psal . 115. not vnto vs o lord , not vnto vs , &c. they that refused a farre smaller offer vpon the earth , the onely bowing of the knee vnto them ( see thou doo it not ) will bee much more discontented , to see the knees of the heart to stoupe to them for the ceasing of the plague : for although an angel smote seuentie thousand in the time of dauid , yet he was but the instrument , god onely the agent , and therefore he onely to bee prayed vnto . if the papists reply that they intreate onely saint sebastian to speake vnto god for them ; the answere is , that god needeth not a sebastian , nor any saint so euer , to be his maister of requests : this is a seruice not vnmeete for the gouernours of the earth , the lord is not like vnto earthly princes , vnto the which may be said , that which iethro said , exod. 18. to moses , the things is too heauie for thee , thou art not able to doo it thy selfe alone : for the almightie is able to doo it alone , neither is there any defect in his hearing , whose eares are open to the prayers of the poore . let vs therefore hold christ iesus alone for the maister of requests , it is he onely that can present our requests which wee make vnto the lord for the ceasing of the plague : let others runne where they will , to stickes and stones from the name of the lord : i doo you no iniurie to impute this to you , for as hillarie writet vpon the first psalme , it is as great an offence to make a new , as to denie the true god. the lord annoynt your eyes with his eye-sal●● , that ye may returne to flie to the name of iehouah . as for vs , wee will follow the holy canon , and leaue the broad way , whose end is destruction , saying with dauid , psal . 11. 1. in the lord put i my trust , how say yee then to my soule , flie to your mountaine as a bird . i ende the first braunch of this discourse with that holy epiphoneme of king dauid , psal . 146 5. blessed is hee that hath the god of iacob for his helpe , whose hope is in the lord his god. after the name of the place , and other circumstances , there followeth in the two places , the condition , properties , qualitie and safenesse of the place whereunto we must runne in the time of the plague . the sonnes of men in the time of infection , before their departure , haue a speciall regard of the place where they will goe , of the situation , nature , and such like , and being led by the prescription of the physitian : secondly , by their owne minde , they make choyse commonly of a place in which they perceiue these seuen properties following : and although salomon here maketh mention but of one , namely of a safe place , yet giue me leaue to discourse of the rest . first , they goe where there is a good , wholesome and pure ayre , not subiect to stinking euaporations , and it is the prescription of the physitians , that wee should goe vnto places where the ayre is not corrupted , farre from the infection . dauid fled to such a place , for such is the name of iehouah , a pure place , farre from the corruptions of this world , for hee is a pure , and incorruptible god , in whom there is no infection of sinne : the lord , holy , holy , holy , not admitting those in whose mortall bodies the plague of sinne doeth raigne : to pray then and to repent , is to returne and go to a wholesome light , eccle. 17. 24. the places wherevnto the sonnes of men flie , although they are for a time vncorrupted , yet they are not warranted still so to remaine , diuers alterations by sundrie meanes may befall , as by the resort of persons infected , and such like : but the name of iehouah , this place of refuge , shall neuer be altered , for he is the immutable and vnchangeable god , and in the gates of that citie no vncleane person shall enter , apoc. 22. 14 , 15. secondly , men make choyse of a pleasant and delectable place , both for their bodies and soules , where there is good companie to recreate themselues in their sorrow and exile , foode and necessaries for their bodies , further by the riuer side , or where there is good water : lastly , where they may also haue foode for their soules , the word of god preached . this place of refuge , the name of iehouah , is a pleasant and delectable place , where canst thou better recreate thy selfe , then by thy father and brother iesus christ in this thy exile and miserie ? comfortable is the bosome of the mother to the yong infant , but more comfortable is the name of the lord to the righteous which are called little babes by the apostle . paul maketh mention in his voyage toward rome , of a certaine place which was called ( the faire hauens ) act. 27. this place of refuge better deserueth this name , let vs goe thither , for it is a harbour and rode for those which are tossed in the sea and deluge of the pestilence : happie is the soule that landeth at these hauens . if we desire water , there is the fountaine of life : iere. 2. the water of grace , psal . 51. if wee desire the word ; there is the word it self iesus christ , ioh. 1. the truth , ioh. 14. there is the best , the first , the ancientest preacher , god himselfe that preached in paradise . thirdly , in our choyse we seeke out a safe place , whither we may goe without danger , and where wee may abide safe , and dwell without danger . the name of iehouah is a safe harbour , the secret place and shadow of the most high , psal . 91. 1. vnder whose wings we shal abide safe and harmelesse . three things prooue the safenes of this place : first , the name of the place , it is a strong t●wre , prou. 18. 10. a secret place , psal . 32. 7. a rocke and fortresse , psal . 18. which is inuincible . such are not the fortresses of mortall men , which they are constrained to render vp , being driuen therevnto either by famine , or force , as seba in the time of dauid hereof is a witnesse . secondly , the lord of the soyle , which inhabiteth that place , his name is iehouah : the almightie , psal . 91. 1. the strong and inuincible god , who will and is able to preserue vs. thirdly , it is prooued by the successe of those who runne to it , and by that which they receiue , they are ( exalted , preserued or deliuered , saith salomon ) which dauid acknowledgeth , psal 32. 7. and is confirmed by the successe of dauids prayer , 2. sam 24. 25. and the plague ceased from israel . comfortable is the saying of dauid , psal . 91 ▪ 3. 15 , 16. in which , sixe things prooue the happie successe of the righteous that runneth vnto it . first , gods ready answere : secondly , his presence : thirdly , his deliuerance : fourthly , his aduancement to honour : fiftly , length of dayes : sixtly , fruition of saluation : o the excellent riches , pleasures , and ioyes which the righteous there shall enioy . as lot there sled vnto little zoar to bee preserued from the fire of sodome : so let vs flie to the name of iehouah , to be safe from the fire of the plague . the earthly places wherevnto men runne , do want this propertie : they are not warranted to be safe there , either from danger or from the plague , and the experience of this yeere doeth declare it vnto vs all . some haue returned , and some haue died there , but as for the name of iehouah , thy soule is certaine to be preserued , if thither shee taketh her recourse ; and as they onely escaped the flood , that entred into the arke of noah : so likewise , they that enter into this incorruptible and immortall arke , shall onely bee safegarded from the deluge of afflictions . the doue of noah at her first flight from the arke , although shee mounted aloft , and fetched many retires , yet shee could finde no resting place , vntill shee returned againe to the arke : so the poore soule may flie where shee will , but yet shee shall not haue any sure footing to rest , except shee returne to the heauenly arke : let vs therefore bee wise as serpents , and simple as doues , for as they being persecuted , flie vnto the rockes ; so let vs in our calamities take our recourse to the rocke of dauid , psal . 18. 2. neuer haue there beene holes in the rockes so open for the doues , as the name of iehouah for the righteous soules . there are two renowned places mentioned by plinie , locris , and crotone , where the plague was neuer , as he writeth lib 1. cap. 96. and without doubt many resorted thither : but although we should flie at this day to locris and crotone , if we carrie within vs the plague of sinne , the inward cause of the bodilie contagion , we haue no warrant to bee safegarded . but me thinkes i heare a controuersie : many righteous haue fled to the name of the lord , and yet haue not beene safe from the deluge of the pestilence , or from the snare of the hunter : but thousands , and thousands are fallen , yea some of the chosen of israel . the answere is , that they haue first obtained , either that which they prayed for ; secondly , or that which is better ; or thirdly , that which is sufficient and the lord heareth vs alwayes , although alwaies he granteth not our petition : this seemeth a paradoxe , and yet the trueth thereof is manifest : for in steed of that we asked , he giueth vs a better thing , and a better place : thou askest the earth , saith augustine , and the lord giueth thee heauen : temporall life , and he giueth thee the eternal . the surgion that saweth off the arme or legge of the patient , who crieth for impatience and apprehension ; heareth him , non secundum voluntatem sed sanitatem , not according to his will , but according to his health : and so the lord dealeth with his patients . fourthly , to proceede , men make choice of places where they haue their friends : the children resort to their parents , the parents to their children , brethren to their brethren , and one friend to another . the name of the lord is a place of refuge where we haue our best friends , there we haue our father , our eldest brother christ iesus , the holy ghost our comforter : and therefore dauid in the time of plague went to this comfortable place . in earthly places vnto which the sonnes of men resort , either we haue no friends , or they are farre off , and therfore wee seeke other : or sometimes although we haue friends , yet they will not receiue vs for feare of infection : but in this holy temple , and vpon this holy mountaine , we are sure to finde at all times the aforesaid friends . fiftly , we haue regard to choose a place which is lawful for all men to come vnto , which is not prohibited or forbidden by the lord of the soyle & magistrate of the place , and where we knowe we shall be receiued . this place of refuge is such , accessible for all men , for whosoeuer shall call on the name of the lord , shall be saued , ioel. 2. 32. neuer a cittie of refuge so free for all manner of transgressions : hither may come the king and the subiect , the rich and the poore , the learned and the vnlearned , the merchant and the tradesman : the sound and the sicke , yea the infected with the plague . in the time of infection , it is not lawfull for them that dwell where the contagion raigneth , to come vnto the princes court , they are forbidden by proclamation to resort thither . but the court of heauen is open for all men , yea for the infected , for they cannot infect the court of heauen : the king of heauen hath made a proclamation in the 50. psal . that we should resort thither , and the prince of glorie iesus christ who keepeth his residence there , will not keepe vs backe . if the prince had made a proclamation that the infected should resort to his court to be healed , who would not hasten thither ? it was not lawfull for all men to come to the inner court of king assuerus ; none might approach but they to whome he held out his golden scepter , except he would die the death that was appointed for such as durst come neere : no such kind of punishment is appointed for those that goe vnto the courte of the king of heauen , we may approach boldely to the throne of grace , the scepter of our king ( i meane not that yron scepter of his iustice , ) but the golden of his mercie , is euer held forth to man , woman , children , bond or free , stranger or citizen , infected or not infected , whether they be called , or not called : and they all may safely approach : i name not neither inward or outward court , but euen to the throne of grace , where the king himselfe sitteth : and if there we craue of him , i say not to the halfe of his kingdome ( as assuerus spake vnto ester ) but to the whole , it shall not be denied vs. feare of punishment keepeth vs from the princes court . let not feare keep vs from the court of heauen . nehemias although he held the cup to the king , yet how fearefull he was to make a request vnto him : but as for you o ye righteous soules , feare ye not o you litle flocke , for it is your fathers pleasure to giue you a kingdom . luc. 12. further in time of contagion , not only the court , but also the other citties , townes and villages , will not often lodge them that come from contagious places , either the lord of the soile , or the magistrate of those places forbidding it ; but as for that heauenly ierusalem , and the lord of the liuing , thervnto euery one may resorte , the lord and magistrate of heauen doeth not interdict it . dauid cried vnto the lord , and said , thou art my portion in the land of the liuing . psal . 142. 5. at roome the housen of the aediles , were alwaies open for all men , that they might resort thither , to haue their causes heard : and so is the house of the lord for the afflicted soules . in some places there are appointed ( as i my selfe haue seene ) watchmenwith halbards , to aske the passengers from whence they come , and sometimes to keepe out those that come from infected places , but in our going to this place , we neede not to haue such feare , for as chrysostome saith , hic non est miles assistens qui expellat , here there is no sergiant or soldier to keepe thee out . if the citties of the earth shut their gates before thee , thou canst not enter . as for that heauenly ierusalem , it is not lockt , and although it were , prayer as augustine speaketh is a key to open heauen , and to bring thee to the presence of god. serm. 226. de temp . the towne and villages in times of infection although they receiue some , yet they will not harbour manie : and often there is no place for multitudes : but so is it not with the name of iehouah , with this strong tower , it is not like vnto the bulwarkes of mortall men , into the which if too manie enter , they will hinder one another ; this fortresse can receiue millions and millions without any impediment . further the temple is also interdicted to the infected , for they are commanded by the magistrate to keepe their housen for a time , or if they come , they are entreated to sitte aside : but the lords holy temple aboue in heauen , is not forbidden vnto the infected , nor to any man : it is lawfull for them to goe thither and pray , and that with the successe of dauid , psal . 18. in my trouble i did call vpon the lord and cried vnto my god , and he heard my voice out of his temple . sixtly , some make a choyse in the plague time , of a place which is neere , wherevnto they may easily goe without any great trouble or cost : the name of the lord is such a place , compendious to cut off vnnecessarie labours , yee neede not to runne farre , the lord is neere as the prophet speaketh to all them that call vpon him : neither will it cost vs any thing , money or merites , intercession of friends or gifts : poore men , yee that want friendes or money , and therefore cannot prouide your selues a place , bee not dismaide , behold , here is a place which will cost you nothing . it is a place wherevnto we may goe at all times , at dinner time , and at supper , as crysostome speaketh , in the day time , and at mid-night , in thy health , and in thy sicknesse : the sicke man may lye downe vpon his bed and goe vnto it , and when with king ezekias he cannot vse the feete of the flesh , yet may he vse the feete of the spirit . in a moment we can flie thither , for as soone as we haue finished our prayer , we are alreadie come to this place , and to the lord of this soyle , our prayer and god meeting one another in heauen , as iesus christ and the woman at the well , ioh ▪ 4. as for earthly places wherevnto men resort , either they are far off , vneasie to goe vnto , and that with trouble and cost , or expences , sometimes we are stopped , we must haue warrants and certificates of the parish & church wardens , that our house is not infected , before we can be admitted : all this trouble we neede not in the time of plague in our going to the name of the lord : nothing will stop vs , the bodily plague shall be no impediment , for wee haue a warrant that we may passe , the king of heauen his warrant in the 50. psalme ; call vpon me , &c. and therefore this place is better then the earthly , where the fearefull sonnes of men dwell which feare the apparrell , houshold-stuffe , and thy letters : i know nothing then to stop our passage , but the plague of the soule , as the lord of this soyle telleth vs in the ; 2 cor ▪ 6. 17. touch none vncleane thing , and i will receiue you . but i heare the weake conscience obiect , i am infected with the plague of the soule , and therefore it is not lawfull for me to call vpon the name of the lord : it is for the righteous as salomon speaketh : but alas , i am vnrighteous , and how can i therefore goe vnto this strong tower ? the answere is , for thy comfort o weake conscience , that salomon speaketh not of them that are righteous by their owne righteousnesse , but by the righteousnes of christ iesus : such are all the faithful in whose mortal bodies the plague of sinne doth not remaine , their infirmities being healed by dauids physitian , psal . 103. if yee desire a certificate thereof , you haue the gospel , subscribed and sealed by god the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost . if yee desire a witnesse , ye haue a threefold witnesse , the spirit , the water , and the blood , 1. ioh. 58. lastly , wee make choyse of such places , where if neede be , we may haue good physitians ; for wee esteeme it a great miserie , to bee destitute of a good physitian , and of meanes to helpe vs in our neede . the place of refuge wherevnto dauid fled , and wee also ought to flie , following his direction , hath the best physitian which is both in heauen or earth , god the father , king dauids physitian , who hath both health and sicknesse , life and death in his power , to dispose of them for our good and saluation : knocke therefore boldly with the hand of prayer and repentance at the gate of his mercie , and thrust in his hands , both thy life and health . and thus much for the qualities and properties of the place . further , wee haue to obserue that dauid went not to this place of refuge alone , but with his whole family , for he prayed with the elders of the people , for the people , and for the deliuerance of his whole kingdome . herein imitate king dauid , remember in thy prayer thy whole family , and the state of the whole kingdome , the tribe of iudah , and the tribe of leui. there are foure sorts for which we must pray : first , for those which are supra nos , aboue vs : secondly , for those which are equall vnto vs : thirdly , for those which are sub nobis , vnder vs : fourthly , for those which are comra nos , against vs. in the going to the name of the lord , wee must not imitate the negligence of many , who depart into the countrey , and care onely for themselues ; as for their families , or at least their seruants , they are not once mindfull of them : but wee must as well carrie with vs in our prayers , the seruants which are vnder vs , as shee that lieth in our bosome : and the oliue plants which are round about our tables , psal . 108. 3. the athenians would offer sacrifice , but onely for their owne citie , and their neighbours of chios : but wee christians must pray , not onely for the mother citie , but for all the daughters : christ teaching vs to say , our father , &c. as if we all came from one wombe . it is a principle both of nature and policie , vis vnita fortior , srength vnited , receiueth more strength . it holdeth likewise in diuinitie . if the prayer of one righteous person auaileth much , the prayer of many righteous shall auile more . if the syrophenician obtained for her daughter the sute shee made , much more the whole church of england shal obtaine for all her daughters : where two or three be gathered together in his name , he is in the midst of them : much rather in the midst of a people , in the midst of thousands , in whom there is anima vna , cor vnum : one soule , one heart , one tongue , as if they were all but one man. lord , heale the sores of our land , for behold , both the mother and the daughters , the head and the members doo prostrate our selues before his maiestie . yee of the sect of rome , diuide not at this time of the plague in your prayers , the soule , the voice and language of the countrey into two places : elias and his companie , praying in one place and with one stile : o lord god of abraham , and yee in another : o baal heale vs : some praying for the life of dauid , and some for the life of iabin . as for vs , we will pray for the lords annoynted , that god may hide him vnder the shadow of his wings from the noysome pestilence , knowing that this is one of the parts of our obedience towards him , that we ( as constantine the great taught his souldiers to shew their allegiance in nothing more then this ) should pray for him , his children and posteritie . i end this point , with the saying of an ancient father : that there is no better garde , or halbards to safegard a prince , then the prayers of the righteous . before i come to the third branch of this discourse , giue leaue christan readers to the spirituall physitians , to lay downe three rules , which are to be obserued in this our spiritual departure to the name of the lord. the bodily phisitians touching departure prescribe three rules , longè , cuò , tardè : goe farre off , depart speedily , returne slowly . the same rules are to be obserued by the righteous : first , we must flie farre , not with the prodigall and forlorne sonne in a farre countrey , farre from the feare of god and thought of death , or with ionas from the presence of the lord , who rideth vpon the cherubims and can ouertake vs : for whither shall i goe saith dauid , from thy spirit ? or whither shall i flee from thy presence ? but farre from this world and the earth , vnto the holy temple and mountaine , vnto heauen which is high aboue the earth , as dauid speaketh , psal 103. 11 ▪ vnto that place which is called the land of the liuing . secondly ▪ flie farre from the plague of sinne , and the infected ayre of this world , and being come vnto that farre countrey , the lord of the soyle will receiue you . the second rule is , flie speedily , and deferre not your departure : which rule is not in any maner to be omitted , it is the counsell of the wise man , iesus syrach , eccle. 38 ▪ 9 ▪ my sonne faile not in thy sicknesse but prays vnto the lord , and he will make thee whole . t is the commandement of the lord to call vpon him in the time of neede , psal . 50. which must be performed with speede , according to the example of dauid , psal 119. i will runne the wayes of thy commandements . if we make haste to flie into the countrey , and forget to goe speedily vnto this sanctuarie : it is as augustine speaketh of another matter , cursus celerrimus praeter viam : a swift race besides the way . haste in this matter is prayse worthie , and a man can neuer run too fast that runneth to this place . the delay that elizeus made , let mee goe kisse my father ; and those shifts in the gospel : let me first goe burie my mother , or take leaue of my friends , are not admitted in this businesse : commune not therefore with flesh and blood . if in the time of plague , we make such haste to depart , before we haue ordained our businesse aright , or bad our friends farewell : how much more ought wee to hasten our spirituall voyage ? while the fal-bridge is let downe , let vs make speede to enter . many , because they went not farre , not made speed to depart , haue endangered their bodies , but many more , because they fled not from the contagion of sinne with speede , haue endangered their soules : and therefore as the apostle speaketh , 1. cor. 9. of another matter , so i may say of this going : so runne that yee may obtaine . the third rule is , returne slowly : that is , continue where thou art : a necessarie rule to bee obserued in the going to the the name of the lord. it is the rule of the spirituall physitians , ephe. 6. 18. rom. 12. 1. thes . 5. pray continually , &c. as it is prescribed , so it hath beene practised : the woman of canaan continued in her prayer , and returned not in haste . they which are in the countrey , although there bee many things which might mooue them to returne , yet for the safetie of their bodies , they continue till the plague be ceased : so continue in thy prayer by the lord , and be not wearie of wel doing . although three things might haue mooued thy syrophenician to returne , the silence of christ , her back-friends , and the odious names giuen vnto her : yet these discouragements her poore soule digested , obtaining both a cure for her daughters infirmitie , and a commendation for her faith . o woman thou hast wrought a myracle by the perseuerance of thy prayer , and hast giuen to thy sauiour occasion to doo a memorable act , conuenient to his nature : glorious to his holy name . let vs at this time follow her perseuerance , and although the lord should seeme to be silent for a time , yet let vs not draw backe , that wee may receiue a cure both for our soules and bodies , and deserue a commendation both by god and other nations , and thereby giue occasion vnto the lord to shew his omnipotent power in the ceasing of the plague : and to doo an act in england conuenient to his nature , and glorious to his holy name . and as iacob wrastled with the angel and would not let him goe vntill hee had receiued the blessing : so let vs as it were striue with the lord by our prayers , and let him not goe vntill he haue heard vs , in that which we aske of him in this afflicted time . let our prayers be now as the showers of the raine , if the first showre faileth of watering the earth sufficiently : the second , the third or the fourth , wil fulfill the thirst thereof . let vs be like vnto the widow , luk. 18. and our importunitie will draw him vnto audience : but yet let vs hold a better opinion of the iudge of the world , then of a common vulgar friend . it delighted his eares to heare our redoubled obsecrations , and he suspendeth our desires in expectation , that we should be importunate to craue . the bodily physitians cannot away with the importunate patient : but god , king dauids physitian , loueth the importunate prayer , and more acceptable is to him the ende of our prayer then the beginning . i would the children of light were as wise in their generation , as the wodden priests , 1. reg. 18. who cried long to baal : yea cut themselues with kniues that they might be heard : and what ought not wee then doo to obtaine our suite ? let nothing then mooue vs to returne : but as the king of the philistines , 1. sam 6. though they had calues at home , yet they kept the straight way to bethshemesh , and held one path : turning neither to the right , nor to the left hand ; neither euer stood still , till they came into the field of iosuah . so in our going to the name of iehouah , the affection of our soules bearing the arke and coffer of our suites , though it hath worldly allurements to draw it backe , as the kine had calues : yet let it in the way to the house of god , as they to bethshemesh , hold one path of perseuerance , turning neither to the right or left hand with wandring cogitations , till it commeth into the field and garden of god , and there let it remaine . many hauing not continued in the countrey , in their hastie returning are fallen sicke , and died : so many hauing not continued in this strong bulwarke , haue endangered both body and soule . and thus much hitherto of the second part . there followeth now the third and the last , which openeth vnto vs the houshold-stuffe which we must carrie with vs thither noted in the word ( righteous . ) as they which go in the country in the time of plague , carie with them their houshold-stuffe , their furniture , & those things which are necessarie for their bodies , and as noah entring the arke carried with him necessaries ; so likwise in our going to this place , we must carrie with vs those things which are necessarie for our soules , that we may be receiued by the lord of that soyle , and without which wee can not goe thither . there are fiue peeces of spiritual houshold-stuffe which are necessary for vs , noted in the word righteous . the first is repentance and holines of life , for he that is righteous giueth himselfe to righteousnes . and this furniture carried with him dauid , 2. sam. 24. 11. as they which goe in the countrey haue their reasons why they carrie with them such and such necessaries : so giue me leaue in the opening of this furniture , to shew you also the reasons which must moue vs to carie them with vs. as for this first , the first reason is , the prescription of the spirituall phisitions , it is the apostles precept : let euery one that calleth on the name of christ depart from iniquitie . the second is , that we may be receiued , for the righteous lord , loueth righteousnesse : his countenance doeth behold the iust . psal . 11. 7. his eies are vpon the righteous , and his eares open to their crye , but his face is against them that doe euill , to cut off their remembrance from the earth , psal . 34. 15. 16. if i regarde wickednes in my heart saith dauid , the lord will not heare me . for as salomon testifieth , the lord is farre off from the wicked , but he heareth the prayer of the righteous . prou. 15. 29. drawe therefore neere to god , and he will drawe neere to you : cleanse your handes ye sinners , and purge your hearts ye wauering minded . iam. 4. 8. 9. the third is , that the bodily plague may cease , for how dare we approach vnto the lord , to craue that it might be remooued , and yet carie with vs the inward cause thereof : let the physitions maxime heere preuaile , remooue the cause , that the effect may cease . let vs not as the sonnes of iacob , bring into the presence of our father , the garment of ioseph which we our selues haue beblooded . as aaron could not come before the lord before he was washed , so let vs not goe vnto him before we haue cleansed our selues from infection of the soule . and as iacob gen. 43. exhorted his sonnes , when they were going to ioseph , carrie with you the best fruites of the land and giue them him : so let vs in our going to to the true ioseph iesus christ , carrie with vs the best fruites of our hearts to offer vp the sacrifice of our prayers , our corrupt affections , as abraham left behinde him at the foote of the hill his asses i conclude this first point with the saying of chrysostome , as in a garland , it is not enough that the flowers bee pure and cleane , but the hand also which handleth them : so it is not sufficient that the words of our prayers be holy , but the heart also which conceiueth them . the second piece of houshold-stuffe is ( faith ) for the righteous is also hee that beleeueth in christ , and is righteous through the righteousnes of christ the righteous . this furniture carried dauid with him , for as he had a desire of health and remission of his sinne , so he had also a stedfast faith and confidence that it should be forgiuen him . this persuasion of deliuerance , and hope of obtaining , we must haue with vs entertaining it in our hearts . the reasons , are first the prescription of the spiritual phisitions , it is the apostles precept , iam 1. 6. let him aske in faith and wauer not . and in the fourth to the hebr. 16. that we should goe boldely to the throne of grace : drawing neere vnto him with a true heart in assurance of faith , heb. 10. 22. casting not away that confidence which hath great recompence of reward , t is the counsaile of christ , mar. 11. 24. secondly , carrie it with thee , that thou maist receiue that , for which thou goest vnto him faithfully . psal 145. 18 ▪ and whatsoeuer yee shall aske in prayer , if yee beleeue ye shall receiue it . math. 21. 22. without this , there is no going thither . rom. 10. 14. but as righteousnes and trueth kisse each other , so must prayer and faith , which is the ground of prayer : first beleeue , and then speake , this was the order of dauid , psal . 116. this faith will make vs acceptable to the lord of that soile , and make vs finde fauour at his hands . faith is a beautifull queene , as highly fauored of the king of kings , as euer esther was of king assuerus : she shall not be stayed without at the gate , but with an humble presumption , may approach into the inner court , and shall receiue her request : for if we shall receiue a kingdome , luc. 12. how much more that which is lesse , being asked by faith ? come not then without this aduocate . cyprian , in his treatise de idol vanit , sayeth , ( speaking how hee and his brethren did much good in the visitation of the sicke ) prout fides patientis adiuuat , aut gratia curantis aspirat , that he prospered according as they and the patient had faith to speake vnto god : the greatest enemie to the efficacie of our prayer is distrustfulnes . and therefore god forbid saith augustine that what we desire god to doe for vs with our mouthes we should deny him to be able to doe in our hearts . a heathen man seneca could say , he that asketh fearefully and doubtfully , teacheth him to denie of whom he asketh : and men doubting they shall not obtaine , make god vnwilling to heare them . as vnbeleefe did shut the doore vnto the iewes that some of them enter not into canaan , a tipe of heauenly ierusalem ; so distrustfulnes is able to shut our praier out of that heauenly canaan . and therefore as iacob going to his father isaac , to receiue the blessing , put on the garment of his eldest brother , so let vs going to our heauenly father to obtaine our request , be cloathed with faith through the righteousne●●e of our eldest brother iesus christ . further , this confidence giueth vs entrie into that place . open the gates saith the prophet , es . 26. 2. that the righteous nation which keepeth faith , may enter in . faith is as a key that openeth vnto vs the gates of the cittie . thirdly , this furniture is necessarie for the feete which must beare vs thither , that they may be firme , stedfast , and faile vs not in the way : the moisture and iuice whereby the spiritual feet of our prayers are nourished , is faith . by faith yee stand , saith the apostle , 2. cor. 1. it is the roote that beareth vs , the legges and supporters , and the strong men that hold vs vp that we fall not . as the doues nest is the cleftes of rockes that cannot be assaulted , so faith resteth it selfe in the wounds of christ , it casteth an anchor in knowledge of the true god , and standeth as firme , as mount sion that cannot be remooued . fourthly , we must carrie it with vs , that we may liue : why doe wee with our houshold-stuffe goe into the countrey , but because we are desirous of life ? if in the going to the name of iehouah for remission of sinne and spirituall life , and for the remoouing of the effect of sinne the bodily contagion , we are desirous of it , we must not forget this furniture , for by faith we liue , abac. 2. it is the life of the soule , and the soule and spirit of the new man. wee may haue a name that wee liue , but indeede wee are dead to god-ward , if wee beleeue not : doubting then neither of might , mercie , or of his promise , because they are passed by couenant , oath , before vnmooueable witnesses , the best in heauen , and the best in earth , and because they are signed with the finger of the holy ghost , and sealed with the blood of his annoynted and beloued , let vs with a holy confidence runne to this place in this afflicted time of the contagion , that we may receiue mercie . the third peece necessarie for our voyage , is ( humilitie ) which excludeth all opinion of our owne worthinesse and righteousnesse . dauid carried his furniture with him , yea this royall ornament : as appeareth out of two things . first , out of the tearme and phrase of obseruation ( i besech you ) a proper terme of submission , and the poore surers phrase . secondly , out of his bodily prostrating of himselfe in sacke-cloath with the elders of israel , 1. chron. 21. herein let vs in this time of plague imitate king dauid in our going to the name of the lord , carrying with vs this ornament , this submission and lowlynesse : let vs vse the poore suters phrase , and not pride of speech : saying , we are worthie o lord : let vs not goe thither to bragge , as many runne into the countrey to dominire ; but let vs pray that the lord will giue vs with vs this submission , that we may bow not only the knees of our bodies , but of our hearts : yea , that wee may euen bow the very phrase of our words with dauid , that wee may vtter them as if the smallest grashopper of the earth were to speake with feare and reuerence before that dreadfull maiestie . three things must mooue vs to carrie it with vs in this our voyage : first , the person to whome we goe , his greatnesse , excellencie , maiestie , his glorious name which is ieuouah . it was the counsel that aesope gaue to solon , enquiring what speech he should vse before craesus : either very little , or very sweete , said he . if when we goe to the princes of the earth , who are but smoake and vanitie , wee speake with humilitie much more doth the presence of the most high god require it . secondly , the consideration of our owne persons which doe goe thither : the conscience of our owne vnworthinesse , and deformitie of sinne wherwith we are spotted : let vs then with abraham speaking to the lord , confesse that we are but dust and ashes . let vs as lazarus with all our vlcers ( which are many in the time of plague ) and withall our sores detected and laide open : he before the gates of him who is rich in mercie , lamenting , crauing , and beseeching to be refreshed . christians , learne of christ to pray , who although there was no vnworthinesse in him , yet hee kneeled , fell vpon the ground , the footestoole of his owne maiestie , and lay vpon his face , which neuer angel beheld without reuerence . the third is , that our comming to him , may bee acceptable , and that we may receiue the health we sue for . to him looketh the lord , that is poore , and of a contrite spirit , esa 66. 2. which hee will not despise , psal . 51. 17. for hee is neere vnto them that are of a contrite heart , and will saue such as bee afflicted in spirit , psal . 34. 18. the prayer of him that humbleth himselfe , goeth through the clouds : the lords mercie can onely giue vs the twofold health which we sue for at this time : now this mercie to whome doth hee giue it , but to the humble ? 1. pet. 5. humilitie is both grace it selfe , and a vessel to comprehend other graces : and shee emptying her selfe by a modest estimation of her owne gifts , is filled againe by the lord. let vs now beloued as it were striue by humilitie with the lord , according to the policie of iacob : let vs winne by yeelding , and the lower wee stoupe towards the ground , the more aduantage wee shall get to obtaine . the lord to whom we goe , if this humilitie bee in vs , will both dwell with vs and in vs. o lord , saith austine , how high art thou , and yet the humble of heart , are thine houses to dwell in : i he proude pharisie , luk. 18 ▪ went vnto the lord without his furniture , praying with pride and with a skornefull demonstration , and therefore returned not iustified as the publican . o that we had not for the most part of vs all such pharisaicall eye-browes , whether wee talke with god or man , that we might heare that comfortable voice which was spoken vnto daniel , feare not , for from the first day that thou didest humble thy selfe before thy god , thy words were heard . let vs therefore vse to conclude this point : this humble stile of dauid , it hath beene the stile of a king : and although it seemeth inglorious , yet it hath beene the stile of the glorious saints of god : it will giue vs the honour of saints , and raise vs from the dust , set vs vpon the thrones , and if it please the lord to take vs away by the plague , it will place vs with angels : let vs not then brethren forget it , that the anger of the lord may cease , and that with ioy hereafter wee may sing with marie in her canticle , luk. 2. he hath regarded the lowlinesse of his handmaide . the fourth peece of houshold-stuffe , is reuerence , deuotion , zeale and feruencie . for the noyse of our lips , if it bee as the ringing of basans : a vocall modulation , without cordiall meditation , it cannot procure vs audience : for it is as the offering of the halt and the lame , a body without a soule : it is the counsell of the wise man. eccle 5. 1. bee not rash with thy mouth , nor let thine heart bee hastie to vtter a thing before god. our prayers must not bee a formall seruice onely , but the sighes of our soules must bee sent with an earnest message to the eares of god : they must not bee perfunctorie and cold , rather of custome then of deuotion : for a prayer from fained lips , wil returne emptie into the bosome that sent it vp . when wee goe to this place , let vs not goe , as if our soules and tongues were strangers , the one not knowing what the other doth : our lips babling without , and our heart not pricked with any inward compunction , for else it is as the altar without fire : a perfunctorie prayer , is as the prayer of the parret . iohannes fridericus the prince of saxonia , had a parret who could rehearse the latine pater noster . cardinall ascanius had another , who reiected the creede , representing perhaps the faith and praying of his maister . what are the carelesse deuotions of those , who leaue their spirits as is were in a slumber while they are a praying ▪ but like vnto those two parrets babbling : as they must bee deuote , so must they bee feruent , kindled by a burning zeale , inflamed with feruent loue : and as the harts bray after the water brookes , so must our soules after the liuing god : for the prayer of a righteous man auaileth much , &c. if it bee feruent , iam 5. 16. if wee are desirous to know the necessitie of this zeale and feruencie , receiue these directions following . first , the example of christ biddeth vs goe thither with this zeale : christians receiue directions for the framing of this holy exercise from christ , who offered vp prayers with strong crying and teares , heb. 5. he that was the mightie lyon of the tribe of iudah hath roared in his supplications . secondly , the spirit of god biddeth vs goe thither with zeale , for he maketh requests in our names with grones not to be expressed , rom. 8. thirdly , the maiestie of the sacred lord of hosts , to whom we flie : the royaltie of his nature sublimitie of his place , dominion ouer angels , biddeth vs goe thither with zeale . fourthly , the view of our moralitie and of our sinne , by which wee haue caused the lords destroying angel , biddeth vs to goe thither with zeale . lastly , the hope and expectation of successe , the delicacie and tendernesse of the eares of god , and the precious fauour of his countenance , which must bee wisely intreated and carefully sought for : biddeth vs to goe thither with zeale , vnlesse we will sowe , and not reape : plant vines and not drinke the wine thereof . the fift and last peece of houshold-stuffe , is christian patience , a submission vnto his holy will and pleasure , a vertue proper vnto the righteous . dauid carried it with him thither , and wee must not leaue it behinde vs , following the streames of our foolish appetites : we must limit our prayer in god and his holy will , asking absolutely his glorie , and our saluation : but remitting the meanes vnto his wisedome and pleasure . the fountaine of our heart must not powre foorth sweete and sowre together , praying , but with impatience : let vs set him no time as the disciples did about the kingdome of israel , but let vs come to the resolution of dauid , 2. sam. 15. behold , here am i , let him doe to me as it seemeth good in his eyes . worthy is the oration of iudith which shee made to her people of bethutia , who would deliuer vp the citie into the hands of the enemie , vnlesse within few dayes the lord should helpe them : who are you that haue tempted the lord , and set your selues in the place of god ? let vs waite for saluation from him , and call vpon him to helpe vs , and he will heare our voice if it please him : thus should wee exhort our selues in our prayers , when impatience doeth besiege our hearts . it is safe for vs to cast the ankers of all our purposes , and to stay our wils vpon his will. the reasons to perswade vs to bring it with vs , are three : the first is the prescription of the spirituall physitians of christ , luk. 21. and in the prayer which he hath taught vs : of dauid , psal 37. 7. and of the rest . the second is , the lords equitie in all his actions : he gouerneth not by lust , but by law : he draweth thee not to obedience by a violent chaine of his vnchangeable purpose , but by reason and iustice : esteeme not his will in the moderating of the world as immoderate : hee hath a will , but not as inordinate princes , who hauing the raines of dominion giuen into their hands , doo many things inordinately without law , reason , iustice , equitie : proclayming with nero , that they may doo all things , and that no bodie may controll them . no , no , beloued , his will is alwayes holy , alwayes iust and equitable , although it seemeth vnto thee vniust . the third is the example of christ ; christians , the wisdome of god it selfe , in whom the deitie dwelt bodily , was content to forsake his wisedome , and to be ordered and rectified by this squire of his fathers will : father , not my will , but thine be fulfilled . this is then the spirituall furniture which we must carrie with vs , if wee will goe to the name of iehouah . prayer with these companions will returne laden with the sheaues of comfort and blisse from the plentifullest fieldes . and by these it is manifested , that the righteous onely goe to this place : the name of iehouah is not like vnto the earthly places , vnto which in the time of infection resort both good and bad . the vngodly may make a shew to goe vnto it , but yet they can not come thither , for there is the spirit of prayer , zach. 12. which is giuen onely to them that bring with them this spirituall furniture . as for weapons to safegarde our selues , we neede none , for this houshold-stuffe are spirituall weapons , ephes . 6. this shall suffise for the arke of noah . now because the ciuill magistrate appointeth in euery parish trustie men to aide the infected , and to prouide them with necessaries : giue mee also leaue to shew vnto you beloued , a trustie friend and seruant to ayde the sicke , appointed by the magistrate of heauen . if yee are desirous to know who it is , prayer is his name , psal . 50 ▪ call vpon mee , &c. dauid hath vsed this faithfull friend in the time of the plague , he hath sent it as an embassadour into the court of heauen to sue for peace : he sent not merites , distrustfulnesse , impatience , or blasphemies : but prayer the surest and effectuallest embassadour , happie for successe . wee are all desirous if the lord visite vs with the rod of dauid , to haue some trustie and faithfull friend or seruant to keepe and ayde vs , to dispatch our businesse , to send here and there , and to prouide vs , with necessaries : and wee make much of such that will assist vs in such a fearefull sicknesse . wee can haue no better seruant then king dauids friend , who hath many good qualities : we desire in the time of plague a seruant or friend , in whom wee finde these good qualities : first , faithfulnesse , for many haue beene robd by their keepers , as experience teacheth . prayer is a messenger of especiall trust , it wil trauaile with vs by day : awake with vs by night : it will not forsake vs by land , by water , in weale , in woe , liuing nor dying , it is our last friend and indissolublest companion . secondly , wee desire one quicke of speede : prayer is able in a minute to mount aboue the eagles of the skie , into the heauen of heauens , and is a chariot of fire bearing vs aloft into the presence of god to seeke his assistance ; hee knoweth to addresse himselfe in waies vnknowne in the stillest silence of the night , till he come to the secrets and chamber of the lord , king dauids phisition . thirdly , we seeke one who is willing , and is not afraid , ( for they are scarce to be found ) prayer is such a friend , he is not afraid to be with thee : neither the tediousnesse of the way , or difficultie of the passage can hinder him from his purpose . fourthly , we are desirous to haue one that can speake language which the physition can vnderstand , if neede were to send him thither , and who can prouide vs of necessaries , such one is prayer : for what language soeuer it speaketh , the phisition of heauen can vnderstand it . fiftly , one that is able to comfort vs in our distresse , such a comforter is praier , it is the life of the soule : if thou art perplexed with such greefe of heart , as neither wine ( according to the aduise of salomon ) nor strong drink can bring ease vnto , thy spirit melting like waxe , finding no comfort at all either in light or darknes , pleasures or riches , kinsfolkes or friends , wishing with iob. 4. o that thou wouldest hide me in the graue , and keepe me secret vntill thy wrath is past : yet then this friend is our comfort , he will speake for vs vnto the lord , king dauids phisition , by this we may flie into the bosome of gods mercies . if any then be afflicted amongst you , let him pray ▪ iam. 5. the reason why we desire a friend with all these qualities , is that he might both aide , and prouide vs with all necessaries : praier is a friend who is able to dispatch all our businesse . desirest thou a phisition in thy sicknes to cure thee , send this friend praier to king dauids phisitian dwelling in heauen , and he will bring him with him . if thou needest phisick to heale thee , and which is good for thy disease , send praier into heauen to fetch the hearbe of patience , which groweth not in our owne garden . if thou desirest necessaries for thy soule , send him to the lord , he will fetch for thee , all that thou wantest , the bread of life , that heauenly manna , the blood of christ ; the waters of mercie . needest thou a comforter , send praier vnto the lord , and he wil bring with him the best comforter of the sicke , the holy ghost , it is his name ; iohn . 14. he will not feare to come to thee , as often the bodily phisitian . lastly , if we desire our friends to come and visite vs , send prayer for them , and they will come : god the father , god the sonne , god the holy ghost . no friend then better then prayer . there are some bad seruants of which we must take heeede , and as in the time of plague there are some bad seruants who robbe and bereaue the sicke of that he hath : so there are some wicked friends who will depriue vs of spirituall comforts , if we be not ware of them . first if we should vse the aide of merits and send them vp , the starres in heauen would disdaine it , that we which dwell at the footestoole of god dare to presume so farre , when the purest creatures in heauen are impure in his sight . secondly , if we send vp feare and distrustfulnes , the length of the way will tire them out , they are as heauy and lumpish as gaddes of yron , they will sinke to the ground , before they come halfe way to the throne of saluation . thirdly , if we send vp blasphemies and curses , all the creatures betwixt heauen and earth will band themselues against vs. the sunne and the moone wil raine down blood , the fire , hote burning coales , and the ayre thunderbolts vpon our heades . and therefore let vs not vse the ayde of these three bad seruants . as prayer is a seruant to ayde the sicke , so it is a trustie friend or seruant to keepe your housen , and families . ( o ye londoners that are departed ) in the citie yee vse the ayde and trust of others , but they are not the best , for they are mortall and corruptible : exhort them therfore to vse this friend towards the lord , both for you & for themselues : for except the lord build the house , they labour in vaine that build it : except the lord keepe the citie , the keeper waiteth in vaine saith dauid . thus i haue shewen you that be at london , beloued of god , called to be saintes , the arke of noah , to enter in with your families . i come now to you beloued that haue left your mother citie for a time , which hope to returne : your departure i will not disprooue , nor wiser then i , if ye haue vsed it lawfully , remembring in your exile the affliction of ioseph . and spending the time in those things which make for the peace of your cittie . to refesh your mindes , and spend your time there because the workes of your vocation you cannot exercise : diuers other exercises i knowe haue beene vsed , perhaps not so well as ye might : al of them i do not condemne : but it is to be feared , that the exercises of some haue beene friuolous , and game some quarrellers , and that carding , dicing , and that cup challenging profession , by which many drinking to health , drinke theirselues out of health , haue beene to others as vsuall pastimes , as the fieldes to walke in . giue me leaue beloued to shew you a better exercise , and another pastime , the pastime of king dauid , a roiall exercise , which he vsed in the time of plague , his prayer and inuocation with the elders of israel : spend heerin your time beloued till ye returne : when your mother mourneth , will you sport ? when the head smarteth , shall the members be senselesse ? pray with the prophet for the peace of your ierusalem . it is the apostles precept , to pray continually , which if it euer was time to practise , it is at this present . suffer me to enter into the prayse of this exercise , diuers things doe adde commendation to it , which ought to presuade you to the vse thereof . the first argument of prayse may be taken from the author thereof . not moses or samuel , prophet or apostle , patriarke or martyr , but god the father , god the sonne , god the holy ghost , the blessed trinitie haue bene the authors , which make it a diuine and heauenly exercise . the second argument from the persons which haue vsed it ▪ we delight in exercises which are accounted honorable , & which men of credite and good account doe commonly vse ; this exercise is honorable , yea royall : not base and contemptible onely haue spent their time with it , but kings and princes , king dauid , manasses , exechiat , and the rest . the blessed prophets , patriarks , yea the prince of glorie , the sonne of the immortall god christ iesus : it is so heauenly and honourable , that by prayer we doe approach neere vnto god , and doe as it were conioyne our selues with him : while we are in the bodie , we are absent from home : but by prayer we do ascend into heauen , prayer being as it were the band of our internall coniunction with god. further , it is honorable , not onely in regarde of the persons which haue vsed it ; but also , to god and vs. to god , for thereby we honor and glorifie him , psal . 50 acknowledging that all might , glorie , felicitie , health and saluation belongeth to him , and that from him alone we must receiue it . to vs , for thereby we are familiar with the lord : if it be an honor for vs to be familiar with earthly princes , which are but dust and ashes , o what an honour is it then to be familiar with the king of kings , and monarke of the world ! it is the cheefest honour wherevnto he can aduance vs , when hee giueth vs the spirit of prayer . if we desire the valor of knighthoode , by prayer we may stand in place where gods hand hath made a breach , and doe as much as all the chariots and horsemen in a kingdom . if you esteeme it an honour to be in the seruice of the prince , giue your selfe to prayer , it is one of the chiefest parts of gods seruice . yea it is so excellent , that the sacrifice of prayer is offered alone to him , whom salomon calleth excellent and glorious . it is an honor to be a christian , let vs therefore vse the christian exercise : two things doe admonish vs , our name , and the example of christ : christians we are called , annointed also to be priests and prophets , and that royall priesthood in christ iesus . as the priests offered the sacrifices of bullocks and rammes , so let vs offer the sacrifice of prayer , which hath also beene christs exercise . mercie hath prayed , and shall not miserie ? charitie hath prayed , and shall not iniquitie pray ? the physition prostrated vpon the ground prayeth , and shall not the sicke and the patient call vpon the lord ? the innocent , and he in whose mouth there is no fraude prayeth , and shall not the sinner ? the iudge prayeth , and desireth that the lord would be mercifull and spare his people , and shall not the guiltie bee suppleant to receiue mercie ? the pleasure of it , may bee the third argument of commendation : this exercise is pleasant and delectable . to spend the time in the countrey , diuers vse pleasant and delectable exercise : this is both acceptable to god , & pleasant to man : to god , for the sweete odours of our prayers ascend into heauen , apoc. 8. and as the sent of incense and odoriferus things is pleasant to the nostrels of mortall man : so the prayer of the righteous , saith chrysostome , is pleasant to the immortall god. it is not then , the lamentation of men , eiulation of women and children , mingling heauen and earth together with a confusion of out-cries , that is acceptable to god , and which can enforce him to giue vs audience : but it is humble prayer , the voyce of repentance : which as iesus syrach speaketh , eccl. 35. 16. shall bee accepted with fauour , and reach vnto the cloudes . secondly to vs all that our heart desireth is in this exercise . some being in the countrey , spend their time in discourses , prayer is a discourse with our beloued . if it was a pleasure to iacob to speake vnto rachel , and to ionathan with dauid : o what a recreation is it for our soules that they may familiarly speake with him , whose loue vnto vs is better then gold or pearle . if we delight to speake languages , by prayer wee may speake the excellentest language which hath euer beene , the language of canaan : let vs not feare to discourse with the lord by our prayers , for hee is not like vnto the spruce and finical sonnes of men : feare not , saith chrysostome , he seeketh not at thy hands painted eloquence , an angelicall tongue , filed phrases : but beholdeth only the beautie of thy soule . others take their pleasure while they are in the countrey , to ride vp and downe in their coches and chariots , being carried therein betwixt heauen and earth . let prayer bee your coache beloued : it is as one saith , as a chariot of fire , bearing vs aloft in the presence of god , able to mount vs aboue the eagles of the skie to seeke the lords assistance . in the time of plague , there is appointed a waggon or coache to carrie the sicke to the pest-house , and there to be healed : there is no better chariot to carrie our soules vnto the house of heauen to bee healed by that heauenly physitian , then humble prayer . some delight to goe vp and downe and see their friends ; our best friends at this time , and at all times who can do vs the most good : are god the father , the sonne and the holy ghost : let vs visite them therefore continually by our prayers . others in writing letters , what is prayer else , but as it were a letter sent to god in which wee declare our neede : and as a letter is an amiable discourse and conference of one friend with another , as if they were both present : so is our prayer , as a friendly letter or discourse of vs which are absent from home : with our best friend the lord , as if wee were present with him in heauen . send this letter , and letter vpon letter : yee that are now exiled , shew vnto the lord your neede : pray vnto him that hee will bring you home againe , and remooue that in his mercie which keepeth you backe . lastly , some in running of races , or in hunting ; but yee beloued in this afflicted time , runne the way of gods commandements : as dauid , psal . 119. runne to the name of iehouah with the righteous , prou 18. runne the race which is set before you , and that with patience , looking vnto christ iesus , hebr. 12. 1. and so runne that yee may obtaine that which you sue for . hunt not after the pleasures of this life , but after the liuing god : and as the hart brayeth for the ryuers of waters , so let your soules pant after the liuing god , psal . 42. 1. that the lords hunter , psal . 91. hunt vs not , but that the lord may deliuer vs from the snare of the hunter , and from the noysome pestilence , psal . 91. 3. vse therefore this comfortable exercise : the childe is neuer better but when it is in his fathers and mothers lap : so shal you neuer be better , but when by prayer you creepe as it were in your heauenly fathers bosome : it will kindle your loue toward him , as the loue of louers is kindled , the more they come together : and if yee remaine there this winter , feruent prayer will bee in steade of fire , to kindle in your hearts the loue of god. fourthly , the profit of this exercise commendeth it much , it is not onely delectable , but also profitable . some which are in the countrey at this time spend their time i doo confesse profitably , riding vp and downe to buy commodities against the future : but prayer is a farre profitabler exercise for this time , for it is not onely profitable to our selues , but also vnto others : yea , to the whole realme . and as the apostle speaketh of godlines , that it is profitable for al things ; so i may say of prayer , that it can obtaine any thing : profitable for vs in two respects : first , to obtaine that we haue not : secondly , to keepe that we haue obtained . first , if thou lackest knowledge and wisedome , prayer is the meanes to obtaine it , iam. 1. if thy vnderstanding bee darke , pray with dauid , psal . 119. open mine eyes o lord , that i may see the mysteries of thy law. if thou lackest zeale , pray with dauid , psal . 119. lord incline my heart vnto thy law , &c. and because this world is a desart where we may easily erre , pray with dauid , psal . 50. leade me in thy pathes , &c. if our soules be infected with the plague of vanitie and couetousnesse , the meanes to remooue it , is prayer , psal 119. o lord remooue farre from me vanitie , and encline not my heart to couetousnesse . the meanes to obtaine a contented minde , is also prayer , prou 30. pouertie nor riches giue me not , &c. if thou desirest to thinke vpon thy mortalitie , by the subiect whic● now is presented to thee , pray with dauid , psa . 90. teach vs o lord to number our dayes , that we may applie our hearts to wisedome . if yee desire to returne , it is not your sports or delightes , but your prayers that must bring you backe . if yee desire the ceasing of the plague , it is your prayer that must remooue the cause , that the effect may cease . as prayer obtaineth , so it keepeth that you haue already obtained : such are not your exercises , which ye your selues haue inuented o sonnes of adam : for by them you often loose that which you had purchased ryotously ( which alexander blamed in his friends ) wasting and consuming your whole abilitie . there is another thing which ought to perswade you to this exercise : which is , that it is profitable to others : prayer doeth more good then almes : for by our almes we can helpe but a fewe ; but by our prayers wee can helpe thousands and thousands : yea those which are farre off . prayers , are the almes of the rich as well as of the poore : for pharao did as well begge for prayers , as poore lazarus for crummes . yee rich men that are in the countrey , bestowe these almes vpon the poore , as well as the almes of your purses : and in this afflicted time , seeke more to profite the whole realme by your prayers , then by your commodities . i ende this point with the saying of augustine : plus profeci orando quā legendo , i haue more profited by praying , then by reading . fiftly , this exercise is commendable , because it is able to to strengthen vs. some in the countrey doo spend their time in exercises , by which they may maintaine their health , and strengthen their bodies , that they may bee able to doo any thing : the exercise of prayer is good to make vs recouer the health of our soules , which was waxen weake : as this present plague , and your present exile both doo witnesse . yea , it is able to make vs doo admirable things . was it euer heard that mightie potentates , as there haue beene many : alexander the great , iulius caesar and the rest could make the sunne or the moone to stand still in the firmament ? and yet this hath done the prayer of iosua . haue there euer beene any armies so great and mightie , which could make the earth to tremble vnder their feete ? no beloued : the mightie armie of xerxes could not doo it , and yet this hath done the prayer of the apostles , act. 4. who hath euer heard that it hath beene possible to mortall man , to raise the dead and to giue life to the deceased ? the physitians doo acknowledge their impotencie , and yet this hath done the prayer of elizaeur . as the apostle then in the commendation of faith , rehearseth the wonders which they haue wrought by faith : so it may bee said of prayer which is done in faith : by prayer moses diuided the red sea : by prayer iosua beat down thewals of iericho : by prayer sidrach and abednago quenched the fire : daniel stopped the lyons greedie and deuouring throates : the apostles opened the prisons and brake their bands . and i will yet adde one thing , by prayer brethren you shall be able to ouercome him , who is inuincible . the lord hath besieged and taken in your citie by his destroying angel , the only meanes to resist him , and to make him retire , are your humble prayers : o the admirable force of prayer , which ouercommeth him who ouercommeth al things ! i may compare the prayers of the righteous to the haires of sampson : as long as his head was adorned and couered with them , hee was in a maner inuincible , hee brake the cordes and roapes wherewith he was bound : his strength lying in his haire ; but being shauen , his strength went from him , he waxed weake and like other men . all your strength beloued lieth in your prayer , as long as you exercise your selues therein , you shall be able to resist , i say not the tyrants & the diuel , but the lords angel himselfe . you haue another enemie , the which to resist , it is necessarie that you learne to handle the sword of prayer , this enemie is cruell , malicious , mightie , subtile and industrious , his name bewrayeth his nature ; sathan by name , who is not onely in the citie , but followeth you in the country ( for as a deuouring lion he compasseth the earth ) and there he seeketh to make you forget the lord , and the affliction of ioseph : to sticke to the creature , and forget the creator ; to withstand this enemie and his fierie darts , let this be your continuall exercise : imitate the industrious wrastlers , who to cast downe another , first fall downe themselues : so to ouerthrow this enemie who seeketh in the countrey to ouerthrow you , cast downe your selues by humble prayer and fasting , that in that place you may triumph ouer him who thought to triumph ouer you . to end beloued , to you all i speake togither , you that are in the cittie , enter this arke : you that are cast downe vpon your beddes , vse the aide of this friend : you that are departed , let this be your pastime , that we altogether may bee preserued from the deluge , and the waters may decrease more and more , till they bee dried vp , that beeing decreased wee may offer the sacrifice of thankesgiuing ; as noah offered vnto the lord after the flood . but let vs not bee like vnto the sea-sicke , who onely are weake , lament and crie as long as they are in the tempest , and when they begin to smell the ayre , and are gone out of the ship , they forget both their sicknes and their deliuerance . but rather as iacob ( ye that are departed ) flying to heauen , the remembrance of his countrey being sweete , made an excellent vow and prayer , that if he came againe to his fathers house in safetie , the lord should be his god , and that he would giue vnto the lord the tenth of all he had : so likewise ye that are departed from your mother citie , as iacob from his fathers house , the remembrance thereof being sweete to you , as i know it is , make the vow and prayer of iacob , that when the lord bring you home againe in safetie , that he shall be your god , and that ye will serue him with more zeale and feruencie then ye haue done before : further , that ye will ( if not the tenth ) yet some part of your goods , bestow vpon the lord in his poore members . let the apostles words be the conclusion , ye therfore beloued , seeing ye know these things before , beware lest ye be also plucked away with the errour of the wicked , but grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and sauiour iesus christ , to him be glory both now and for euermore , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01800-e130 ruth . 1. 20. 2. tim. 1. 4. ps . 137. heb 13. 3. iere. p 18. psal 137. 7 ▪ 8. 2. cor. 2 , 4. psal . 69. 1. gene. 6. 1 , 2. luke 27. 26. psal . 6. 9. 1. matth 8. 1. cor. 16. 13. ion. 4. mic. 4. 4. psal . 30. 6. matth. 17. psal . 119. lam. 1. 16. luk. 19. 38. iob. 12. rom. 15. 15. 2. cor. 1 13. col. 2. 4. gene. 18. iere. 38. 5. 2. cor. 13. 11. notes for div a01800-e2500 psal . 10. 4. the name of the place . the feet to carry vs thither . the hose to put on . ephe. 6. 15. dan. 2. 42. a direction to know the way . luk. 12. 35. 4. the right or interest which the faithfull haue to this place . ephe. 4. 24. the practise ▪ of king dauid ▪ obiection . answere . the true vse of the example the causes to mooue vs to goe to this place . math. 9. 20. iam. 1. 5. fiue sorts of men erring in the going to this place . apoc. 22. 9. obiection . answere . matth. 7. the second part , the properties of the place . 1. a pure place . 2. a pleasant place . 3. a safe place . gene. 18. obiection . answere . a place where they haue friends . 5. a place accessible for all men the king of heauen his proclamation . esth 4. heb. 4. 16. neh ●● . 2 . 6. a place neere vnto the citie . the warrant of the infected ▪ obiection . answere . 7. a place where we may haue a physitian . to pray for others is also requisite . three rules to be obserued in our going to this place . longè . psal ▪ 139. 9. citò . tardè . lukk ▪ 2● . 36. hbak . 2. ● . the third part containing the houshold stuffe which we must carrie vnto that place . 1. repentance . 2. tim. 2 19. psal . 66. 18. prou. 28. 9. psal ▪ 59. faith. 1. sam. 24. ver. 35. in hipolito . humilitie . 2. sam. 24. gene. 18. eccle. 35. 17. cap. 10. 12. ferfencie and zeale . psal . 42. patience . 2. sam. 24. iud. 8. a trusty friend and seruant appointed by the magistrate of heauen , to aide the sicke in the time of plague . the qualities of this friend ▪ faithful . quicke . willing . learned . a comforter . 1. bad seruants . merites . ephe. 6. 4. feare . blasphemies . psal . 127. 1. an exercise for the londoners that are in the countrey . the prayse of prayer . it is diuine . honourable . christian . delectable to god. to man. profitable . to vs. 2. sam. 24. 2. to others . 5. to strengthen vs. heb. 11. gene. 28. 2. pet. 3. 17. 18. loimotomia, or, the pest anatomized in these following particulars, viz. 1. the material cause of the pest, 2. the efficient cause of the pest, 3. the subject part of the pest, 4. the signs of the pest, 5. an historical account of the dissections of a pestilential body by the author, and the consequences thereof, 6. reflections and observations on the fore-said dissection, 7. directions preservative and curative against the pest : together with the authors apology against the calumnies of the galenists, and a word to mr. nath. hodges, concerning his late vindiciae medicinae / by george thomson. thomson, george, 17th cent. 1666 approx. 196 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 105 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62436 wing t1027 estc r1148 12075699 ocm 12075699 53574 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62436) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53574) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 582:19) loimotomia, or, the pest anatomized in these following particulars, viz. 1. the material cause of the pest, 2. the efficient cause of the pest, 3. the subject part of the pest, 4. the signs of the pest, 5. an historical account of the dissections of a pestilential body by the author, and the consequences thereof, 6. reflections and observations on the fore-said dissection, 7. directions preservative and curative against the pest : together with the authors apology against the calumnies of the galenists, and a word to mr. nath. hodges, concerning his late vindiciae medicinae / by george thomson. thomson, george, 17th cent. [17], 189, [3] p., 1 leaf of plates. printed for nath. crouch ..., london : 1666. errata: prelim. p. [17]. advertisement: p. [1]-[3] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hodges, nathaniel, 1629-1688. -vindiciae medicinae et medicorum. plague. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the manner of dissecting the pestilentiall body . printed for nath : crouch at the rose and crowne in exchang ally λοιμοτομια : or the pest anatomized in these following particulars , viz. 1. the material cause of the pest . 2. the efficient cause of the pest . 3. the subject part of the pest . 4. the signs of the pest . 5. an historical account of the dissection of a pestilential body by the author ; and the consequents thereof . 6. reflections and observations on the foresaid dissection . 7. directions preservative and curative against the pest. together with the authors apology against the calumnies of the galenists : and a word to mr. nath : hodges , concerning his late vindiciae medicinae . by george thomson , m. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dii talem terris avertite pestem . london , printed for nath : crouch , at the rose and crown in exchange-alley near lombard-street , 1666. imprimatur , 1666. to the truly honourable , william earl of craven , vicount of ovington , and baron of hampsted marshall . my lord , you have so obliged this whole nation to love and honour you , for those many eminent graces and virtues conspicuous in you , especially that transcendent charity towards your neighbour in time of extremity ; that should i , conscious of your noble actions , having so fit an opportunity , neglect to render you thanks , and to celebrate your praises , for your bounty and liberality to this miserable city , when the contagion was grassant to the depopulating and depauperating of it , i might deservedly be reckoned among ungratefull men ; augustam animam augusto in pectore gestas ; you have a soul like the image of the great creator , of a vast extent , diffusive , communicative , beneficial to good and bad . sir , you have given such example of charity upon this late exigent , as more powerful to convert this hard-hearted age , than the tongue of men and angels . certainly , the presence of your person , hath been a means to counterpoise the evil effects of fugitive physicians ; so that many probably have evaded the fury of the late pest , through a strong imagination that it was not so contagious and mortal ( as was conceived ) because a person of your dignity did dare to tarry here when it was most outragious . blessed be the wise disposer of all things , who hath preserved you to be an instrument for his further glory , the benefit of your countrey , and the maintenance of fundamental truths against all opposers . and now i draw a little nigher your lordship , offering to you the first-fruits of my difficult labours , collected in the time of the raging pest. the substance of this discourse is practical , no idle dogmatical fancy of a non ens , no necessary directions from hearsaid ; but i have here laid open what i visibly and experimentally have found to be true , what i have handled with these hands , and seen with these eyes . really , noble sir , all that i begg of your honour is , that you would be pleased to favour me so far , as i speak , write , and act according to truth : which i know is so prevalent , that maugre all adversaries , it will at length be triumphant , and bestow upon all honest endeavours an immortal crown of glory . your lordships most humble , and affectionate servant , geo : thomson . to the reader . courteous reader , i know thou art cloy'd with multitude of books that this scribling age is fertil in : thou must needs nauseate cramben millies coctam , the same homely service a thousand times set before thee , the same things still repeated , perhaps false , or little for thy satisfactory instruction : so that it is enough to make thee look askew , and scorn what i have here offered to thy perusal , expecting no other from me than cuculi cantum ; sed siste gradum : if you please to make a halt awhile , i may deliver something thou may'st not repent to spend time to hear , & take pains to read , tending to thy health ; that goddess salus , without which no temporal felicity can be enjoyed , by means of which so long as it favours us , nothing but may be purchased . i have ventured my own life to save thine , passing through a way little trodden , full of bryars and thorns ; and finding a shorter cut , i have given thee such directions , which if thou strictly follow , may make thy passage through this vally of miseries more happy . i have declared in this following treatise , how we are begirt on every side with infinite occasional causes that seek to ruine us ; and what a domestick enemy we carry about us , ready to betray us to the violent power of preternatural things infesting us . i have been above this twenty years sollicitous and sedulous to find out the genuine proper causes and cures of all diseases malignant , but especially the pest ; for which end i visited all sorts of people , the poor as well as the rich , administring to them medicines of my own preparation ; observing from one , what might be useful to another ; yea , i was so eager in the pursuit of therapeutical truth , that i was restless till i had the full view of the inward parts of a pestilential body , whereby my iudgment was confirmed in some things , and my intellectuals instructed in others . i have acted many years formerly , but especially now of late , when there was most need , the part of a physitian , chyrurgion , and apothecary , as becomes every honest able man lawfully called to this noble faculty . take it for an infallible verity ( and i assert it without the least rancour and malice to any person ) that it is impossible , without miraculous inspiration , for a physitian to discharge his duty in this honourable profession , unless he bring to unity that which of late hath been made a trinity , through the laziness , pride and covetousness of a company of dogmatists . i speak not this to disparage or discourage any able professed apothecary or chyrurgion , that is laborious , ingenious , honest , and furnished with competent learning ( as for those that are otherwise qualified , i look upon them as so many iack-alls or lurchers , that hunt up and down for a prey for their masters , that they may have a share and snip with them ) with some of whom i am acquainted , who are an honour to their society , for whom i have no small respect and kindness ; and so much , that i prefer them , without partiality , before many titular prescribers , grandia gradientes , that carry a fair outside , make a great noise in the world ( admired of a company of idiots , that gaze and dote upon them , ut pueri junonis avem ) and yet are grosly ignorant in materia medica , and the right preparation of the same my iudgment is , that it is no such preposterous thing ( as some philo-galenists account it who are as it were riveted into a fond opinion and applause of that sect ) for a physitian that intends to acquire excellency in his science , to begin with pharmacopoea and chyrurgia supposed , that he have some considerable knowledge in the tongues . neither should i have thought it any disparagement to me , if i had been ( as they falsly alledge ) at first professedly instructed and initiated in these manual operations , as doctor bugs , and some others have been had i ( when the distressed patient cryed out for speedy help in the most acute disease ) been to seek to an apothecary or chyrurgion for the preparation and dispensation of my medicines ; or either of them to have made their address to a doctor , many a sick man had in the mean time perished , or at least had suffered much damage . a true physitian alwayes carries an apothecaries shop about him , having in procinctu at hand , what is fitting to pessundate any potent disease suddenly sallying out upon nature . he is unworthy the title of a doctor , the name of a physitian , that labours not with his own hands to attain such remedies sufficient to save his patients life . i question not but the time is at hand , that whosoever is wilfully ignorant in this kind , will be exploded by all understanding men ; for what madness can there be greater , than for an infirm person that truly values health , to pin his life upon the sleeve of such a doctor , that prescribes a composition , the ingredients whereof he knows not , whether they be taken in right , the proportion just ; when , nor perhaps how it was made ; nay , i go farther ( upon good grounds ) that shall not tell you the name of those concretes , and judge of them , laid before his eyes jointly ordained for a medicine ! be wise at length ye mortals , and suffer not a dogmatist to cheat you any longer with a formal recipe , sent i know not whether , to be made up i know not how , nor by whom ; but be ascertain'd , before you meddle with a physitian , that he have an intuitive knowledge of animals , vegetals and minerals ; that he is well versed in the separation of their pure crasis with his own hands , and then thou needest not doubt of a happy event . wishing thou may'st accept of my advice for thy own welfare , i remain thine , whil'st i am , iune 15. 1666 from my house in dukes place nigh aldgate . g. t. the contents of the chapters contained in this treatise . chap. 1. concerning the name , essence , and material cause of the pest. pag. 7. chap. 2. of the formal and efficient cause of the pest. 26 chap. 3. of the subject part , where the pest doth principally reside , and act these tragical scenes in mans body . 39 chap. 4. signs of the pest. 52 chap. 5. an historical account of the dissection of a pestilential body ; and the consequents thereof . 69 chap. 6. some medicinal reflections , and useful observations made upon this pestilential dissection . 107 chap. 7. directions preservative and curative against the pest. 144 the author's apology against the calumnies of the galenists . 172 courteous reader , here are a few material faults escaped by the printer , which i would have thee to mend with a pen as thou readest ; 't is possible thou may'st meet with some literal ones too , which i have here omitted , that may be past by . in the prologue , page 5. line 17. for orial read trial. p. 23. l. ult . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 54. l. ult . for amphilogical , read amphibological . p. 63. l. ult . for perspication , read perspiration , p. 64. l. 7. for diapuoick , read diapnoick . p. 84. l. 20. for dee , read dey . p. 88. l. 7. for senserint , read senserit . p. 105. l. 16. for pseudiatori , read pseudiatri . p. 107. l. 4. for labore , read labor . λοιμοτομια : or , the pest anatomized . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what that vertuous lady , once afflicted with the leprosie , wrote upon the frontispiece of an hospital , which she erected for the relief of leprous persons : haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco . that she had learnt experimentally to pity and assist others in the like condition , i do heartily endeavour to put in practice . and certainly none can truly condole anothers unhappy fate , that hath not savourly and feelingly been made sensible of the vexation of the same himself . methinks it should be no small encouragement to a sick man to take down freely that bitter potion for his recovery , which hath often been swallowed by that physitian who hath been himself a patient labouring under the like grief . when i look back , and seriously ponder with my self what an army of diseases have laid siege to this my frail mud-wall , assailing , undermining and battering it with great and small shot , sent flying from hereditary and outward occasional causes ; i stand in admiration , that i have not ere this been laid flat on the ground , insulted over by worms ! i may confidently affirm , that i have felt more or less in my minority , the smart of most diseases that have an existence either traduced from my parents , or contracted by some exorbitancy and irregularity in my course of life . three several times have i been wounded by the venemous arrow of the direful pest , from which i have recovered , being despaired of by my friends . the first arrow stuck deep and long in my groin , even four months , for want of application of appropriate medicaments ( which the galenists alwayes want ) for indeed at that time i conceived nothing could act beyond the usual dispensatory to which i did then too pertinaciously adhere , to my sorrow : but the two last arrows were quickly extracted , and the wounds healed without extraordinary labour and dolour by chymical means : and though i am certain the second scene of this contagious sickness did much transcend the former , in respect of the ingress and egress thereof ; the magnitude of the cause , the atrocity of the symptoms , with the sad signs prognosticating ruine : yet such favour received i from the donor of every good and perfect gift , that those purified remedies which he was pleased to bestow upon me , did in the space of ten dayes , from the time i was taken , enable me to visit some of my patients abroad . certainly had i been so well acquainted about ten years pa● . with those arcana's in my art as now , it is impossible that i should ( being at that time surprized with a malignant feaver ) have been cloystered up seven weeks in my chamber ; extenuated to a sceleton , by no less than six large cruciating vesicatories prescribed by no inferiour galenist , who , as it were , extorted me out of the hands of an able chymist , for the intended repute of his own method ; which ( as soon as i was restored to my right understanding ) i declined , absolutely declaring against bleeding in the arm , which he gave order should be put in execution the next day ; and had i not prevented it by an unmoveable resolution to the contrary , the thread of my life had undoubtedly been cut off ; for i have positively set down , and can make it good by practice , that phlebotomy in the arm in any malignant disease , is absolutely destructive . give ye ear then all that desire to preserve sanity , to be healed of languors and infirmities , to live a long and comfortable life , to one ' that experimentally knows it for a truth , and can verifie it by fact , with sufficient reasons to back it , that the very foundation of the galenical doctrine for the radical cure of any disease , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in general , and in particular this that is called malignant , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pest , is sandy and tottering , not able to stand before a spirituous and fierce orial of that subtile all-searching spagyrick power , which like lightning , penetrates to the center of things , dissolving them into their first principles , destroying what is superfluous in them , and extraneous , keeping entire and untouched that which is pure and defaecate . had i not been passive as well as active to find out the truth of curing , i might have remained to this day in the cimmerian darkness of dogmatical vanities , to which i confess i was too much wedded at first . at length , wholly resigning my self to be led freely by the thred of nature through the manifold tortuosities and meanders of its wonderful operations , i am throughly informed , and shall endeavour to instruct others concerning the being , cause , cure , and event of this late pest , as real experience in my self and others hath taught me , without deviating one tittle wilfully from the truth of things as they are in themselves . chap. i. concerning the name , essence , and material cause of the pest. i very well know the curious linguist will expect the nomenclature of the pest in various terms ; wherefore to satisfie his desire , i shall deliver them thus . the hebrews call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à radice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 locutus est vel ( ut sumitur in sensu malo ) perdidit , quod sit res à deo edicta vel decreta , vel quasi sit perditio . the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , corrumpo , to corrupt or spoil ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , percutio , vulnero , to smite , or wound . the latins , pestis , quasi perestis , à peredo , to eat up , or devour , vel plaga . the english , the plague , the pest , the sickness , or disease , per excellentiam , vulgarly the infection , contagion , or distemper . from the name , i pass to the essence and quiddity of the pest ; which is a contagious disease , for the most part very acute , arising from a certain peculiar venemous gas , or subtile poyson , generated within , or entering into us from without : at the access , or bare apprehension of which , the archeus is put into a terror , and forthwith submitting to the aforesaid poyson , invests it with part of its own substance , delineating therein the perfect idea or image of this special kind of sickness distinct from any other . touching the material cause , it is a venemous gas , or wild spirit , produced either inwardly from some degenerate matter conceived within the body , or outwardly received from some fracedinous noisom exhalations contained in the pores of the air , taking their original from several putrid bodies excited to fermentation , rarified and opened by the ambient , altered and moved by celestial influences , and so disposed to this or that condition , whereby an expiration is made of virulent atoms , which sometimes close pent up , and drawn in by the lungs , do by their deletery power put to flight , confound , suffocate and mortifie the archeus , or vital spirits , in as short a times as the strong fume of burning brimstone doth destroy any small living insect held over it . i suppose i may well compare this mortiferous odour to the gas or fume of brimstone , called by the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , forasmuch as hippocrates calleth that abstruse malignity of which a manifest prompt reason is not to be given , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is something above the elements , difficult for humane capacity to render a cause thereof . to say truth , 't is not for a galenist that is clogged with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of temperaments and humors , to understand the sublime mystery of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for none can apprehend this , but he that is divinitùs doctus , able to soar aloft by virtue of the nimble wings of mercury , which will by degrees carry him up to a high pitch of the true philosophical knowledge of natural things . this material virulent substance endued with exceeding leptomery , or subtilty of parts , hath free passage through the pores of mans body , which are patent both for admission and emission of minute particles , either friendly and agreeable to nature , or hostile and pernicious , which the vigilant custos , the innate spirit of every part can easily distinguish and judge of , detesting and abhorring the one with a perfect hatred , terror , consternation and confusion ; but embracing and hugging the other with confidence , complacency , and sweet delight . now the concordance and sympathy , the discord and antipathy of all things in the creation is plainly visible ; for natura natura gaudet : whatsoever is symbolical and congruous with another , doth easily unite and shake hands with the same ; what is antibolical and disproportionable to it , is rejected , loathed , and nauseated . thus there is a continual syndrom and concourse with like matter to like ; and naturae bellum inferre , is odious both to the macrocosm and microcosm . water in an instant is conjoined with water , not so easily with that which is heterogeneous : how quickly do the many globes of mercury coincide and couple into one , making a larger spherical body ? how extraordinary fertile do some lands shew themselves by an injection or superaspersion of some matter agreeable and consentaneous to their condition , nature , and inherent property ? behold how greedily the air imbibes and swallows up any body attenuated to a high degree , seeming as it were to be converted into an identity with it ! this doubtless deceived the ancients , supposing from this affinity and parity between each , an absolute essential transmutation of one into the other , which cannot be , sith the primogenial , simple and virgin elements are stable , never capable to undergo an alternate vicissitude of one into another ; so that according to mechanick demonstration , it may be made good , that there is not one grain more or less either of air or water , since the very first moment of the creation of both . 't is certain the air is not only separator aquarum , but likewise a disparter and segregator of all tangible bodies whatsoever , insomuch that the more it appropinquates any thing , the more it breaks it into atomical parts according to its own constitution , and the disposition of that matter it doth surround . now the air being ready , according as it is qualified to admit dilatation and contraction ; and as it is thus modified , so it penetrates , insinuating it self so far as there is the least passage for it , suffurating , and insensibly carrying off whatsoever is capable to be volatilized ; hence all concretes that have the least humidity do continually expire , sending out various emanations sutable to their grosser matter whence they arise , which acquiring an inward ferment , or torn into invisible parts by violent torture of the fire , are all greedily suckt up into the spongy spaces , or magnale of the air , which obnoxious to many changes , from the blas alterativum & motivum of the heavenly bodies , doth accordingly produce different meteors , thick or thin , hot or cold , serene or cloudy constitutions , and consequently healthy or sickly times , diseases malignant or well conditioned , acute or long , gentle or fierce . now when the ambient air shall be crowded full of infinite small particles disagreeing to our nature , in their figure , crasis , power , texture and proportion , making uncessantly a strong impulse upon the vital aura how is it possible but it must needs be affected , altered , and at length subjugated to the dominion of an exotick tyrant , with which it conspires to the subversion of a goodly frame , the obscuration and extinction of this bright and shining light of life , which makes us beautiful , effulgent and radiant , so long as it continues clear and vigorous , but once obscured , or put out , the body becomes dark , deformed , lucid and ghastly to behold ? now the venemous antecedent matter which occasions the pest , takes its original immediately either from within the body , or without ; within the circumference of the skin , an absolute pestiferous poyson is sometimes engendred , which being incubated by the archeus , and fomented by several outward accidents , undergoing manifold alterations , is at last maturated and specified to this hoc aliquid pestilentiale , this kind of virulent matter that occasions the pest ; for without controversie , were a man separated from all society , and lived in never so wholsom air , yet such a pestiferous seed may spring up in the body that may produce the same effect , which an extraneous matter occurring doth frequently introduce . neither ought this to seem strange , sith whatsoever within us degenerates from its native goodness , becoming stagnant and excommunicated from the commonwealth of life , is either in some short time extruded and banished , or rectified , reformed and reduced , if possible , to its pristine goodness ; and if nature cannot perform this , then is it by little and little insensibly graduated to what it is capable of , and disposed unto ; hence by the power of different ferments ariseth such a distinct poyson congruous to that seminal power it was first endued withall . thus the apoplexy , epilepsie , vertigo , lethargy , madness , &c. take their original cause from such a matter that never fails ( where there is a sutable agent to mould it ) to explicate it self in this or that manner , and at last to come to this or that determinate , individual thing it was at first destinated , so certain as a hen-egg , turky , or goose-egg , if not interrupted by some accident , do constantly afford what is appropriated inherently to each kind . for diseases in mans body have as certain a seed , as any mineral , vegetal or animal , and make their beginning , progress , state , declination , period , regularly and uniformly , whatsoever the galenists say to the contrary , asserting , that a disease is only aliquid privativum ; non positivum ; excluding it all the predicaments , when in truth it is contained in all . the outward antecedent occasional matter ariseth from some minute venemous particles , aporrhaeas , or effluviums of several bodies either taken into our stomack , or immediately entering in through the small pores of the skin ; else darted into the ambient air , and there skipping up and down , are ready to be admitted through the large patulous passages of the body , where they play more or less a sad tragedy , according to the capacity of the receiver ; for it falleth out that sometimes a pestilential matter is taken in , and by vertue of a robust innate archeus , is forthwith excluded or tamed , and brought under the laws of nature ; so that what would prove great damage and detriment to one mans health , doth little impair another . now the usual common broad way through which this poyson is conveyed , is for the most part the mouth and nostrils , places obvious for the reception of these virulent atoms ; and needs must it be so , forasmuch as respiration , which consists of inspiration and expiration , being uncessantly performed for the preservation of life , must needs draw in together with the air whatever is therein intermixt . now there is in some topical air a fermenting venom , equivalent , and every way as active as the poyson of a scorpion , phalangium , or viper , which though small in quantity , yet operates stupendiously . this invisible gas , this fracedinous aura lethifera , that fluctuates here and there , once taken into these living houses of clay , bears such a discord and hostility to them , that if it be not in a short time extruded , a certain ruine of the whole fabrick must needs follow ; for there is such an absolute disproportion and disagreement between these opacons , dark and spiss atoms , and the bright luminous beams of life , that this must necessarily be extinguished , if those once take firm possession in us , in the very same manner as subterranean damps , and mephitical exhalations , cause the clear flame of a burning lamp to become dim and dusky , and at length to be annihilated . considering that we are thus beset on every side with such an allogeneous , pernicions matter , that doth frequently infest us , it is almost miraculous , that the thread of our lives is drawn out to any length considerable , sith every thing hath spinas & tribulos in it , somewhat disagreeable to our nature ; yea , certain things are so deletery , that they dispatch us like the basilisk , smiting us down we know not when , or how . what strangely offensive particles are in some places , is well known to any that have often changed their region , and gone out of one climate into another . it is remarkable what iosephus acosta relates of the grievous effects that the air causes in those that ascend the hill pariacaca in america , what violent vomitings even to blood , defection of the spirits , and faintings almost to death do continually disturb them , till such time they have passed over the perolede , or valve of the air about that hill , which without doubt conteins in it those corpuscles , which are altogether incongruous with our spirits . it is reported that such a noxious breathing arises from a certain lake in hungary , that birds that flie over are suddenly surprized with death . notable are the stories of the petrification of tender bodies , by certain corpuscles in the air , endued with such a saxifying power . some tracts of air offend the eyes , some the teeth . some places are scorbutical , others dysenterical , these febriculous , those arthritical , and here and there some are pestilential , which are observed to produce the pest periodically ( as in gran cairo in aegypt ) where the beginning and end of raging plagues may punctually be foretold , the reason of the cause whereof seems very abstruse , only in the general we may probably conclude , that there arises some eminent alteration in the air , and those infinite emanations it hath received into the pores thereof , from a blas or influence of the heavenly bodies : which , although as i have formerly delivered , are of themselves innocent , free from any malignity , venom , or pestiferous property : yet they cause various alterations and motions in the air , whereby it is disposed to be wholsom or unwholsom to us ; for we find experimentally , that the pest is most outragious , when the pores of tangible bodies are most ready to expire by the ambient air , which the nearer the sun approacheth , the hotter it is , and thereby a rarefaction and subtiliation made of those parts which otherwise lie constringed , dormant , benummed as it were , and mortified by extream cold ; for it is the nature of cold to destroy the seminal power of all concretes as moderate heat on the contrary excites the seed of all things , and provokes them to act . we commonly see , that a most putrid and putid substance congeled by violent frost , desists to send forth that horrid ill odour , which the warmth would quickly extract from it ; questionless had not divine providence ordered , that the middle region of the air should be extraordinary cold , on purpose to spoil various exhalations of their ferments and seeds , it were impossible but that all things should have been long ago reduced to their first chaos : so efficacious do we find cold seasons , through the distance of the sun from us , in powerfully restraining this feral disease , the pest , that in this part of the world there hath seldom any great mortality reigned amongst us in a very sharp winter . and i have observed that the late contagion , although it had taken deep root in mans body , and endeavoured to pullulate , and shoot out fresh ; yet was it so curbed and tamed by the autumnal frost , that it could never rise up to any height , or get head , its fermenting power being still kept under by the surrounding cold air ; which is changed according to the remotion , appropinquation , interception , and obscuration of the solar beams ; which though innocuous ; lovely and glorious of themselves , yet shining upon a stinking dunghil or kennel , and opening the body of any putrilaginous substance , do accidentally cause a fermentation in its parts , and thereby an expiration of unsavoury and noysom atoms prejudicial to mans life . hereby not only inanimate things induce a detriment to our health , through a multiplicity of their copious exhalations continually altering , and making impression upon our spirits , weakning their tone , debilitating their vigour , dissipating , confounding , and destroying them by their deletery property ; but likewise the respiration , emanations or effluviums of divers sorts of animals do often prove hurtful to our natures ; especially one mans body doth easily affect and infect another , by reason of a symbolical affinity that is between one mumial ferment and another ; for there is an easie transmigration of virulent particles from body to body , where there is a magnetism , & a capable reception thereof ; and under the guise of a friendly guest , a mortal enemy is sometimes entertained : and doubtless there are some men and women seemingly healthful , whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , breathings , aporrhaea's , or effluviums , are very pernicious to others , causing great inconvenience and disturbance in the archeus , yet perhaps not sensibly to be discovered : sith then we are thus beset on every side with an invisible fracedinous gas , how is it possible that materials should be wanting for the framing the pest , and other innumerable diseases ! thus much concerning the antecedent occasional matter : that which is next to be enquired , is materia conjuncta , or conttnens of the pest , which is part of the archeus contaminated by the pestilential miasm , which primarily seats it self in the privy chamber of the vital spirit , which becomes one , and joins with the occasional , antecedent matter , to dissolve the goodly structure of this microcosm ; for the antecedent matter could do us no harm , were not the continent united to it , so as to become capable to receive the true figure , character or impression of this determinate disease , the pest ; where it remains , till such time the foresaid matter be profligated or proscribed by the strength of the residue of the archeus , as yet untouched and free from contagion , or the image of the pest expunged , and thereby a manumission and redemption of the captivated spirit , from that slavery it was before kept under by a domineering idea . neither ought it to seem strange , that i reckon part of the archeus for the conjunct matter of the pest , contrary to the doctrine of the schools , who never dreamed of any such thing , till that great deliverer of philosophical verity , helmont brought it to light ; forasmuch as nothing exotick or venemous could do us any hurt , did not the archeus , the vital spirit cowardly first yield it self prisoner to the assailing poyson ; and then afterward become confederate to act with it , to the demolition and devastation of that fabrick which otherwise might stand unmoved . chap ii. of the formal and efficient cause of the pest. matter of it self is effete , languid and dead , if it be not quickned and actuated by some spirit , which contrives , moulds and fashions it into such a form , that doth specifie and make it distinct from another by its essential properties , and inseparable accidents . this spirit , archeus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of all things is chiefly seated in the seed ; for without a seminal power nothing can have production . every thing that acts is furnished with some portion of the universal spirit ; and even those things that seem to be vapid , dull and torpid to our senses have in them latitant a spirit dormant , which gave them , and maintains their being . now there are many different kind of seeds , ferments and spirits ( all derived from the universal ) as there are things in the world which act according to the disposition of the matter , and capacity of the subject : for unumquodque recipitur secundum captum recipientis ; and ex quovis non fit quodlibet : which is to be understood of a secondary , concrete matter , not primary simple elementary ; sith according to helmont , and the best philosophers , all things take their original from water , which transmuted to this or that , according as topical ferments , and innate seeds lead it . however all compound bodies , perfect and imperfect , are confined , and stinted only to bring forth their like , and to act within the sphere of their activity , without interfering , grating , incroaching and intrenching upon anothers commonwealth ; and within these bounds of their monarchy do they still continue , till they have acted the last scene , and taken their exit , and are so resolved again into their first aqueous element , from which daily arise new actors in several dresses . to this do many philosophers subscribe as truth , as it relates to minerals , vegetals and animals , that have a manifest principle of generation ; but they will not allow diseases to be taken into this catalogue , sith they arise from a depravation and distortion of nature , through the fall of the first prevaricator , who by his lapse put the creature in arms against himself and all mankind : so that a disease with them , is only a privation or mutilation of our health , a defection from sanity , proceeding from divers accidents that daily affect us preternaturally . for they think they have spoken enough , in telling us , that some good is exclusively taken from us , but are silent concerning that positive , real evil that infests us , having an absolute entity in it , consisting of a seminal power , a fermental transmutation , an operative spirit , and a lively idea . all which endowments make a disease to be ens reale verum , something in reality . that maladies have in them a spermatick power , is evidently known by some hereditary diseases that are propagated and traduced from the father to the son , and from the grandfather to the grandchild , which lie a long time unseen , unfelt , closely couched in the blood , and at length break forth into act upon some irritating occasion . how is it possible that the small pox should lie above twenty years in our bodies , before it shoot out , if it were not contained in a seed , which according to the disposition of each individual , when the fulness of time comes , breaks forth sooner or later , into buds and branches ? the gowt and stone are sometimes so concorporated with our seminal principles , that it may be thought as difficult to separate light from fire , as to part two such companions fundamentally conjoined in our conception . moreover , as it is the nature of every seed , whether vegetal or animal , in the very moment of breaking forth into act to ferment , that thereby its vertues may be diffused readily into all parts , and likewise an equal distribution of spirits made : in like manner morbos seeds have their fermentation , which though invisible at first , yet at length are plainly apparent by effects . so requisite is fermentation for the production of all things , that without it the spirit remains drowned and overwhelmed in untractable and indisposed matter . did not the poyson of the pest , most contemptible for quantity , ferment and season the whole mass of blood , by altering the position and texture thereof , by coagulating and changing it into a tartarous substance , it could never cause such a tragical catastrophe in mans body , quite subverting its well composed frame . for it is grand ignorance to think that bare qualities , which are transient and momentany , depending upon the influence of substantial forms , which cause a flux and reflux of the heat , cold , moisture , and siccity , according to the motion , collision , exaltation , degradation , indigence and abundance of spirits in the body , should on a sudden cause such a stupendious metamorphôsis in this little admirable world ; wherefore nothing but that which causes a zumôsis , an effervescence , and leavens the whole lump of blood by its deletery , diffusive property , can turn all topsie turvy in this manner , and bring a speedy ruine to this magnificent structure . neither is there wanting in diseases an architectonical spirit , which is the faber and vulcan that hammers out and forges every kind of malady , observing an exact copy , rule and canon which was at first imprinted in it by a vigorous imagination : as this stamp , figure , idea or character doth direct the archeus , so it begins , proceeds , and at last concludes , according as the impression lasteth . this pure , restless spirit , that at first moved upon the waters , is ordained by the great creator of all things to be an exact fabricator of whatsoever hath a being , which alwayes at first pourtrayes and delineates the scheam and fashion of whatsoever is afterwards to be done by it . and although it was never intended by that fountain of this universal spirit , that any thing hurtful or destructive to man should be produced , yet ever since there was brought an ataxy , irregularity and inconformity upon the spirit of man through the disobedience and rebellion of the protoplastes it hath minted and coined exorbitant , monstrous , exotick images , by direction of which it acts to its own calamity and ruine , consuming , spoiling , making havock of that ( through foolish , vain terrours , inquietudes , anxieties and fury ) which ought to be preserved and cherished by regular and peaceable operations . now no sooner is it touched by any thing that is disagreeing and disproportionable to its natural constitution , but it is affrighted , perplexed , fretted , raged and disturbed , and put quite besides it self , if it cannot presently be rid of it ; yea , the very thoughts of an approaching mischief , doth sometimes cause the archeus from a groundless fright to bring that really to an existence , which otherwise would never have been ; as is apparent , when a timerous person hearing a relation of the pest , and the terrible symptoms accompanying it , doth through the power of strong imagination , making somewhat of nothing , sowe a pestilential seed in the blood , which fermenting and swelling up , doth forthwith entertain the vital spirit that makes in it self a perfect idea of that disease which never ceases , as long as it continues , to diminish , and at length to extinguish the bright shining lamp of life . did not the vital spirit at first running away , afterward entertain treacherously , as it were , into its privy chamber , shaking hands , and hugging in its bosom that which is virulent , poysonous and deletery , and thereby appropriate the same to it self , entering into a firm league with that which is tristissima mortis imago , the lurid and dismal picture of lethiferous dissolution , conspiring and co-operating with an irreconcilable enemy to mans health ; neither the venom of any mineral , vegetable or animal , nor the heteroclite poyson of the pest could injure us , or any way damnifie us . but as the case stands , perditio nostra à nobis ; and that which was in the beginning ordained for a sole preservative to us , doth often become our bane and destruction . and spiritus ille vitalis qui actiones sanas etiam morbosas edit : that archeus which is the instrument of sanity , is likewise the author of maladies ; and that saying is too true to our sad experience , nemo laeditur nisi à se ipsa . we are indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . self destroyers , and do exactly patrize , daily putting in practice what the first of men taught us . 't is not the outside that simply defiles us , but all our misery flows from within ; 't is this domestick enemy that doth infest us , our familiar friend , with whom we continually converse , that lies in our own bosom , that betrayes us , and delivers us up for a spoil , to the ambient air , diet , and other necessary things we are forced to make use of for a subsistence to support this brittle and friable clod of earth . these poysonous atoms that lurk in the pores of the air , and are wasted up and down with every blast , slighly entering into our bodies unfelt , unseen , cannot of themselves make the pest , unless our archeus become an efficient and formal cause of its quiddity ; so that it hath its immediate being from our vital spirit , which comes to pass in this manner . so soon as these loathsom particles enter in , either through the larger or smaller passages of the skin , the custos or centinel of that part where it first makes an impulse , perceiving that its territories is invaded by a cruel potent adversary , a destroyer of nature , being surprized with horror and confusion , forthwith flies , giving advantage to its foe to take possession of that part , and giving all over for lost : it suffers the fermenting poyson to alter the natural well disposed mumial ferment in our bodies , and to change it into the same condition with it self ; upon this the archeus , the forenamed custos , that keeps guard , & always watches and wards night and day for the preservation of the whole , being full of consternation and terror , throws away the reins of orderly government , and yields it self up captive to the imperious placits of a truculent tyrant , uniting it self intimately with full consent to demolish this beautiful edifice ; and to that end doth immediately frame a seminal idea , and an absolute draught of what it intends to accomplish . then is the first beginning of the pest , and is as it were in ovo , acquiring maturity by degrees , sometimes quickly , sometimes slowly , according to the strength or weakness of imagination , vigorous power , or feebleness of mumial ferments , the subtlety , or dulness of the poyson , the activity or drowsiness of the archeus . so long as the pestiferous occasional cause , whither it arise from within or without , continues not actuated , and as it were not animated by our archeus , it can do us no harm ; but remains like an unpolished mishapen piece of timber , which was never yet brought into a form by a dextrous mechanick . so soon as the architectonical spirit enters into this deletery matter , it informs the same , and brings that into an actual being , of which otherwise it would have been deprived ; once quickned , it never leaves to play a sad tragedy ( unless the venemous matter be suddenly excluded , the idea obliterated , and the archeus highly fortified ) upon the theatre of this microcosm , with variety of dismal scenes , as several individual constitutions admit from the prologue of its birth to the epilogue of its death . chap. iii. of the subject part , where the pest doth principally reside , and act these tragical scenes in mans body . i have not been a little anxious ( but not presumptuous , as the galenists have falsely aspersed me ) to find out the chief palace , or chair of state , where this mortiferous tyrant the pest doth principally sit enthroned ; where by its beck and insolent frowns , it makes this little world , and all that inhabit in it , to crowch , creep , and tremble ! that this poyson doth enter in , and ride in the triumphant chariot of the vital spirit , both innate and influent , is an undoubted truth : for , as i said , by means of it , the pest moves , and hath a being ; and without the same , it is as nothing ; for the pestilential matter whether generated within , or hath an ingress from without , through the hand , the foot , the eye , the nostril , mouth , or any other place ; still the custos , the vital spirit of that part gives it entertainment , by cowardly running from the poyson , and so betraying that trust that was reposed in it , by yielding up treacherously it self , and a strong hold to the fury of a potent enemy , to which the archeus becomes a vassal to perpetrate those things that tend to ruine and desolation . notwithstanding this particular damage and nocument ( that arises from a dedition and timorous submission of the archeus to this pestiferous gas , making an incursion and invasion upon the borders and confines of this flourishing kingdom , mans living body ) were far more tolerable , were not this venom conducted to the very center and metropolis thereof , the stomack , where the soul it self keeps court , which incircled with all necessary officers , sends forth wholsom edicts for the preservation of the body natural . in the bed-chamber of this noble membrane , the stomack , doth this usurping disease take its lodging , darting basilisk-like , his virulent beams into all parts circumjacent in a heteroclite , and anomolous manner , sometimes causing a stupor , and lethargical drowsiness , like opium , sometimes a phtenzy or fury like hemlock , or nuces insanae ; at one time a numness , or paralytical disposition , like the fish torpedo . at another time an inquietude or incessant motion , like the poyson of a tarantula . now an insatiable thirst , and a scorching flaming heat , like one bit by the serpent dypsas ; then again a coldness , rigour and shivering , like the venom of a scorpion ! provoking in one man a hungry appetite a little before death , in another an aversation and loathing of all food ; producing a manifest feaver in this man , and in that none at all , or hardly any sensible ; striking down one , as if he were syderated , or apoplectical , and tenderly handling another , as it were , in a dallying , flattering and sporting way , curiously spinning out the thread of his life for some dayes , yea , weeks , and then at length cutting it off ! thus this raging venom being once ushered by the desponding archeus , into the innermost recesses and closet of life , is by this means become master of the whole , vacua dominatur in aula ; and having quite confounded the eutaxy and good government that was before in the vital ingenite spirit of the stomack , quietly and sedulously working , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , causes the same to be irregular , exorbitant , hair-brain'd , foolish and furious , careless what becomes of itself , and what belongs to its tuition . for the confirmation of what i have delivered , that the region of the hypocondries , especially the stomack , is the principal place where the pest taketh up its abode . we are to take special notice what strange alteration is made in the region epigastrick by violent passions , and how the oeconomy of the whole body thereby is put into a disorder ( perhaps upon an imagination sometimes of that which is not at all real ) as it happens when a panick fear , extraordinary anger , an excessive joy , some sad and dreadful news brought to us doth in a trice distract us , making the first impulse upon the stomack ; and us helmont excellently observes , spoiling an eager appetite to our food in an instant , quite taking off the edge of the stomack , which before was sharp set : and although the galenists are plensed erroneously to separate the irascible and concupiscible appetite , so that they divide them into two distinct stalls , placing the one , i. e. the irascible in the heart , and the other , the concupiscible , in the stomack , the lower adjacent parts ; yet if they weigh the truth of things seriously , they may be better informed , that the orgiastick , as well as the epithymetick are chiefly lodged in the mouth of the ventricle , which the ancients for that excellency they conceived of it , adorned with the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being of that power and soveraignty , that according to its benigne or maligne aspect , it causes a serenity or obscurity in this little horizon . here is the bench , where the sensitive soul sits as judge , which if rightly tuned , and well composed , censures , and strait puts to an end the manifold conflicts , tumults , broils , and uproars in the body natural ; but if out of order , and have an atony , it embroils all in wars , being the ring-leader , promoter , and efficient cause of all disorder and confusion . now as from this fountain the stomack , and its co-partner , the spleen ( which make according to helmont , a duumvirate ) springs our health , the greatest felicity in this world ; so from the same root arises sickness and infirmity , the bitter ingredient , that marrs all that delicious mess which either nature hath provided , or mans ingenious cookery can invent . in hac olla continentur mors & vita : this is that pandora's box , which adam , to please his brutish appetite , ventured to open for the reception of the forbidden fruit , which was no sooner ingested , but out flew infinite calamitous maladies that vexed him , and torture us his posterity to this day . in this little membranous field was first sown the rebellious seed of all diseases , which ever since never ceased to propagate and multiply it self over the universal face of the globe of mankind in a direful manner . here is the plantation and nursery of all sort of feavers ; for never did i know any afflicted in this kind , but still the digestive ferment of the stomack became impaired , and degenerate from its native goodness ; hence come those multiplicity of sad symptoms which appear , as nauseousness , anorexy , extream thirst , bad sapour , sopour , tedious watchings , dotage , melancholy , madness and the like . here is the mine where the stone and gowt have their ens primum ; are first embrionated , and lie in their rude principles . in this duumvirate is the nest where the asthma , sqinsie , pleurisie , vertigo , epilepsie , apoplexy , lethargy , phrensie , diarrhaea , lienteria , dysuria , stranguria , ischuria , scorbute , and this terrible blow , plaga excellens , the pest are first brooded , hatched , fed , and at length perfected , and able to subsist of themselves . in this admirable cavity is erected the mint royal , where the lively image of sanity and infirmity are stamped , and the lineaments of every languor drawn out as it were with a pencil , that it may act uniformly in one continued series and tenour , according to its kind and various constitution it meets with . for even a vulgar head knows how to distinguish a quartan ague from a quotidian , and both from a tertian ; a continual , from an intermitting feaver ; the spasm or cramp , from a palsie ; the dropsie , from an atrophie , or a macilent consumption ; and several other diseases one from another : and this is deduced from the parts affected , the certain symptoms , accidents and products that inseparably accompany each of them . the silly old women called searchers , can report upon the bare aspect of a pestilential corps , when thy see tumors of the emunctories , cauterizing carbuncles , blains , pustles , and those stigmata nigra , they call the tokens , in the superficies of the skin , that this or that person dyed of the sickness , wherein although they are sometimes mistaken by reason of some intervening outward accidents , which may hinder the eruption of these pestilential blossoms ; yet an expert physitian , that hath a more intuitive knowledge into these things than the common people , will hardly ever be mistaken in the diagnôsis of the disease : and certainly this could never be discovered aright , were not the idea and platform of every grief , as it were shadowed out , limmed and sigillated in the ingenite archeus of the tender , tractable stomack and spleen . neither ought it to seem strange , that the ventricle being a membrane , should have such admirable properties , and rare effects bestowed upon it by power of the sensitive soul , there taking its principal habitation ; sith the womb of the same texture doth sometimes act stupendiously , even to the seeming imitation of a new creation out of nothing , as when the idea of a cherry , mulberry , or the like , is impressed by the uterine imagination upon that part of the infant , according as the hand of the mother shall be directed at that time of her earnest longing ; which fictitious fruit shall afterward flourish sooner or later , as the native soil and climate of that place doth bring real fruit to a speedy or late maturity . now forasmuch as the stomack and its compeer the spleen , the duumvirate of this commonwealth , have such power committed to them , that they are as the key to open the door to health and sickness ; and as it were , the helm that turns and winds this vessel at pleasure : in what ought a true physitian to be more sollicitous , than in preserving them in eutonie , eucrasie , eumetrie , and to have special care of this excellent organ , lest any thing assumed may injure the ferment of these parts , disturb , disquiet and annoy the archeus thereof ? away then with the seculent and dirty medicaments of the galenists , which i can demonstrate to their faces , if they dare to stand a tryal , are not fitting to be received into such a noble part for the cure of any deep rooted disease whatsoever . and were not their patients grosly ignorant in that which concerns their own life , did they but understand the notable damage both present and future that attends those that enter into this wire-drawing galenical course of physick , they would utterly abominate such dreggy stuffe , if more pure and defecate chymical remedies could be obtained . never let any lover of learning harbour a thought , that such an elephant like , gigantical disease the pest , is like to be detruncated and overcome by a galenist , who ( i 'le make it appear , ipso facto ) knows not how to remove a trivial ordinary feaver radically and fundamentally ! and all this proceeds for want of a clear understanding of the right use of the stomack ; the powerful influence it hath upon all parts ; the nature of its ferment , and the tender respect that is to be given to the archeus , the diligent custos , and watchful janitor of the orifice and pylorus . suffer not then any that pretends to cure thee , to exhaust the innocent blood profusely , by opening a vein in the arm for the cure of that malady , whose cause doth only centrally depend upon an exorbitancy , discord , dearticulation , and apostasie of the vital spirit in the duumvirate , from the genuine well-disposed constitution that ought to be in it . chap. iv. signs of the pest. judiciously to dicsern the pest from other diseases , is sometimes a task of no small difficulty , in that it hath no certain , peculiar , proper , pathognomonical inseparable sign emergent with it , not common to others : so that an able physitian may sometimes be puzled at first access positively and absolutely to determine , whether the patient be smitten by this superlative stroke , or afflicted with some other inferiour sickness . he alone that is omniscious , can infallibly tell in what instant time this pestilential poyson is conceived , or enters into mans body ; so closely doth it lie for the most part , that none but he that knows things à priori , can punctually discover that such an one carries about him a mortal arrow shot into his praecordia . to see a man eat and drink liberally , to be jocund , frolick , seemingly enjoying a jubilee , to exercise venery , and several disports , as at other times , and yet to carry about him the very picture of death within , is a plague of the plague . to be undermined by a clandestine enemy little dream't of , digging like a company of pioners into the very bowels of this microcosm , and on a sudden tearing in pieces unawares this strong fortress of life , is that which heightens the malice of this truculent calamity . for had an able physitian opportunity granted him to encounter with this horrid monster upon its first approach , i make no doubt but that by means of the artillery of powerful remedies , it might quickly be overcome , dispossessed and mortified . wherefore the case standing thus with us , it is prudent providence to stand upon our guard , and discreetly suspecting the worst , to fortifie our selves as well as possibly may be , vim vi repellere , and to get such a panoplie of arcanas , that we may not easily be vulnerable , or at least may speedily heal those wounds that are made by its intoxicated arrows : sith we are ignorant a priori , when we are first assaulted with this fermenting poyson , let us strictly observe what may be useful to us à posteriori . yet ought we not to despair ; for some antecedent signs may coniecturally lead us to a fore knowledge and prevision of this venemous arrow that is let flown at us , that thereby we may make the better provision , defending our selves , pro re nara , and thereby take off by art the virulency that attends it ; for praevisa spicuia levius feriunt . how significant the stars are to forewarn us of this grievous wound to be inflicted upon mankind , is best known to astrologers , whose predictions i have always found very uncertain and amphilogical , for want of that syderal knowledge which adam once enjoyed . indeed i am bound to believe that the heavenly bodies were ordained in signa , tempora , dies & annos ; and the reason why we do not foretell what they often preindicate , is to be attributed to the dimness and imbecility of our understanding , which since our lapse is become uncapable of such celestial mysteries . it is confessed , some general obscure notions we may collect from above , yet we for the most part square them , as that crooked line of our own interest guides us ; not according to the strait rule of verity , for every one is willing to put from himself the evil day , and shift it upon another . that comets , or blazing stars do portend some evil to come upon mortals , is confirmed by long observation and sad experience , as likewise phaenomena of a parelios , parasolene , apparitions of draconos volantes & trabes , scintillae , now stars , battles fought , and coffins carried through the air , howlings , screechings , and groans heard about church-yards ; also raining of blood , unwonted matter , &c. all of which having something extra naturam , are portentous and prodigious , ordained by that good philanthropos to advertise us to a timely resipiscence , and prevention of those evils that hang over our heads . moreover , when unseasonable weather , as extream drought , or superfluity of moisture infest us , when waters contract a fracedinous odour and corruption ; when multitude of insects , as toads , froggs , flies , cimires , and divers poysonous creatures appear ; when cattle perish in great numbers by some contagious lues ; when malignant diseases , as small pox , spotted feavers ; scurvy , or the like , are frequent among us , which gave me occasion ( perceiving how grassant the scorbute was in this nation ) to deliver a prediction , that in some short time it would break forth into some terrible symptoms , degenerating into this late acute sickness . let this suffice in general , to give a premonition and caveat of a future ●est for our premunition . touching the signs that attend the pest , that it is present , they are manifold all or most of which are maturely to be considered , that we may attain a perfect diagnôsis of this heteroclite calamity , and withall make a prognôsis for a discovery what is like to be the event thereof . and here i must take notice what a promiscuous complication , contexture and mutual entercourse there is of the signs belonging to the pest , and other maladies , especially the scorbute ; so that he ought to be very quick-sighted , that can sometimes rightly distinguish between one and the other : wherefore in delivering judgment concerning a doubtful matter , all circumstances are strictly to be observed , and a syndrom of symptoms to be mustered together , that what a single cannot , a collective enumeration of signs may instruct us in the nature and essence of that kind of languor which hath seized upon the patient . when therefore an oppression about the praecordia , a loathing , vomiting , a vertigo , great pain of the head , a notable redness in the veins of the conjunctive tunicle , difficult or irregular respiration , a great asperity of the tongue , extream thirst , or no thirst considerable ; a soporous , or lethargical disposition , agrypnie , restlessness and inquietude , a misapprehension , false conception of things ; a delirium or raving , a faintness , palpitation of the heart , and lipothymie ; a stupor and numness in several parts , spontaneous trembling , lassitude , alternate changes of heat and cold , shooting pains especially in the emunctories , eruption of blanes , vesicles , spots , botches , carbuncles , an obscure or manifest feaver , sometimes violent , sometimes gentle , the pulse weak , unequal , intermitting , formicant , or vermiculant ; a laudable well-coloured urine , not at all discovering any evil affect , when many , or most of these signs appear , especially when the disease is dominant , an able physitian may confidently assert , that the sick man hath a pestilential poyson within him . happy is he that meets with such a physitian , that can detect in a seasonable time this subtle serpent that lieth hid in the bosom , that he may bruise his head , before it infect by his noysom breath the greatest part of the vital spirits , hindring a free circulation of the blood , by causing a restagnation , and coagulation of the same ; for while the pest is in fieri , potent remedies being duly administred , do seldom miss or their right scope of curing ; but when it comes to be in facto esse , the recovery becomes very hazardous . for this reason i have urged some persons that would listen to me , whom i have suspected to have received the infection , for 〈◊〉 to take what might give a check to its full career , stopping it in limine , before it entred into the bedchamber of life ; and so successful have i been this way , that in a few hours there hath been by vertue of some active remedies , an epiphany and efflorescence of some spot , tubercule , vesicle , bubo , or the like on the skin , which hath both satisfied the patient , by a timely prevention of future mischief , and confirmed my judgment with credit . in some i have at first so taken off the force of the venom , by the frequent use of purified sulphurs , that it could never so seize upon the blood , as to put any considerable stop to its motion ; so that hereby , not the least cutaneous emersion could be discovered , as it happened to my brother , who had the pest twice , with a feaver , vertigo , oppression at the stomack , and other evident symptoms belonging thereto ; and yet had neither botch , carbuncle , blane , vesicle , pimple , or spot apparent in his whole body : and though , as he told me , he felt about a hundred times for a bubo in his groin , the virulent , tartarous blood tending that way , notwithstanding it could never gather to make any tumor ; forasmuch as it was still ferretted , subtiliated , and dissipated by medicines that were volatile , and capable to be circulated with the blood , and to be carried as far as the sixth digestion ; and there to execute the office of discussing any gross leutous matter , without leaving a caput mort behind . certainly the advice of the poet , principiis obsta , is to be embraced in any disease , but especially this , which being morbus per peracutus , quickly finishes its course , ( when it once sets forth ) and hastens to a period oftentimes in a few hours . seeing therefore it treads so softly within us , that it cannot be heard to walk ; remains sometimes so silent , that it speaks little or nothing that we can understand for our instruction , 't is wisdom to send out some exploratores perspicaces , subtle scouts , i mean , exquisite medicines , that by their leptomery and specifick dowry implanted in them , may search out and discover whatsoever is hostile in our territories , heating up the quarters of that close enemy which lies in perdu to destroy us ex improviso . wherefore if any notable errour be committed by any in diet or any outward thing that is ordained no support our life , let there be a timely prevention of the ill effects thereof . and although 't is true , that there is no sign in the pest which may not appear in another sickness , yet when such a contagion is grassant , and many of the forenamed symptoms shew themselves , though very obscurely , we have just cause to censure it to be of this kind , and to withstand the same with curatives sutable to the magnitude and activity thereof . much likewise is to be gathered from some adjuncts and circumstances annexed to virulent symptoms and products that may specifie their nature from what root they spring , and shew that they are not of the classis of those that are mild and gentle ; for pestilential bubo's , parotites , carbuncles and blanes often break forth before any considerable feaver on a sudden , and are far more painful than others that are well-conditioned . any small cutaneous phaenomenon as a vesicle , or some vexatious pimple , somewhat unusual to us in time of mortal contamination , though no feaver , nor any other bad symptoms shew themselves , ought to dictate to us what may be the worse , that nothing may be neglected conducing to the breaking this cockatrice egg in the beginning . in short , any sudden alteration arising in us in time of contagion , and no solid reason to be given for it , may very well inform us , that we are intoxicated , and our spirits infected by this atrocious arrow . a defect of a customary diaphoresis , and a kindly perspication of the whole body , especially towards morning , ought to make us suspitious , and to move us to use all means to open the pores by diaphoretical and diapuoick alexiteries . whether this poyson entered into us from without by contact or respiration ? and whether it took its original from an inward principle of malignity , is often hard to deem ? yet sometimes there ariseth a manifest change , punction and dolour in that part where it had the first ingress , and some remarkable impression made topically , as it happened in an obscure manner to my hand , which was for some time demerged and souzed in the poysonous liquamen of a pestilent carkass , that had at that time retained a heat in the bowels . expedite and vehement is that pest which is framed by a strong imagination of a fright in the individual , for it often absolves a fatal history in a very short time , but what proceeds from a terrour of the archeus , ingenite in every particular part , although it have more danger in it , yet it begins and makes it progress a little more leisurely for the most part , giving fairer warning , which i ought to have taken more notice of , when those destructive atoms entered into my hand at the time of the dissection of such an infecting cadaver . touching the event of the pest that hath seized upon any person as to make a prognôsis thereof forthwith infallible , is scarce granted to any physician , it being a meer proteus , turning chamaeleon like , into all shapes of life and death ; for where there seems most security , there is most danger ; and when the symptoms are most direful to behold , a happy conclusion of sanity sometimes follows . thus much i have frequently observed , that a very laudable urine , like to one healthy , is oftentimes the worse ; and the more mild the accidents appear to us , in the greater hazard is that mans life ! that which i alwayes principally depend upon , to give a solid judgment what may be the conclusion of this scene , for better or worse , is the strength or weakness of the patient , the maturity or tardity of my access to him ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is highly to be prized above all , if he be able and honest . from hence i take my indication to perform my duty , being ascertain'd , that nature sunt morborum medicatrices , nothing where the vital spirits do altogether fail can be done ; wherefore in this case of making a prediction , a good physitian ought to be guided chiefly by the effects of some potent arcana's , which if they be rightly ordered , and seasonably given , will inform him how long , and with what success this universal archeus , governor of this fortress , is able to hold out , and by what wayes sallying forth upon the enemy it can rout , profligate , and cut it off . whosoever is not furnished with extraordinary remedies , shall find that aphorism of hippocrates true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , in acute diseases there is no infallible prediction whether the sick man will live or dye ; which i confess trusting to a galenical crisis i have experimentally found to be true : but he that by premature medicines doth anticipate the same , shall seldom err in his prenotion for the honour and credit of this divine art , and confirmation of the faith of the stander by in him that undertakes the cure. i know my countreymen will expect my judgment , what i think concerning the state and condition of this approaching summer , whether the pest be like to break forth in this city in a raging manner again ? to which i answer negatively : so far as i can conjecture by natural reasons , taken from the ordinary course of all things , which i observe have their first rise , an ascent , an utmost height , a descent , and then a setting . i have perceived the late pest to be ambulatory , to make a progress from place to place ; and having made havock in one topical quarter , after some abatement it removed to another ; which signifies plainly , that there are local seminal dispositions prone to produce this peculiar poyson at such a time above others , which as it ripens sooner or later , and finds our bodies inclined to receive an impression , so according to our capacity it breaks forth into act , speedily or slowly , mildly or fiercely . now the pestilent matter being in great part exhausted and spent , the scorbutical malignity somewhat tamed , and the archeus fortified , daring , becomes as it were an old souldier , not ready as formerly to give back upon every terrifying occasion ; i may confidently conclude , that london is like to enjoy this summer the company of the galenists , when there is least need of them ; which will i fear be an ill omen to some , so long as they continue bleeding , and deletery purgation , more destructive to poor mortals , than all the pests that ever reigned since the creation ! an historical account of the dissection of a pestilential body ; and the consequents thereof . chap. v. in the year 1665. a most ruefull lamentable time as ever london suffered in this kinde , when the sickness swept away many thousands in a week in the moneth of august , i visited a lusty proper man , by name mr. wil : pick , living in peticoat-lane , grievously wounded with one of those poisonous arrows that flew thick about poor mortalls : so that his condition seemed to be almost desperate , and finding no relief at all from those frivolous and vain preparations a galenist had exhibited to him usque ad nauseam : was in some short space preserved by chimical remedies : the poison being therewith excluded , and the archeus of the stomack redeemed from captivity . at the same time there lay a servant of mr. picks , a youth about 15 yeares of age , labouring under most horrid symptomes , raving as it were extimulated by some fury ; which tragical interlude was quickly terminated by a mortal catastrophe . upon this , i took occasion to request my then recovering patient his master , to grant me liberty to open this defunct body ; for my own instruction , and the satisfaction of all inquisitive persons , to which , having given him some perswasive reasons to that purpose , he strait condescended , yet not without some jealousie and kind fear least i should do my self injury ; upon his concession i being much exhilarated in my spirits , having obtained that desire which was often denyed me by those who pretended several slight excuses , i girt up my self with all expedition , getting in readiness what instruments were fitting , with a porringer containing sulphur to burn under the corps , which was at that time placed in the open air in a yard there adjacent , which for several respects was very convenient ; and for my better accommodation , a servant by the permission of the foresaid master was ready to afford me his service , in opening the coffin nailed up , and administring some other things necessary for my design . the head of the coffin being taken off , and the linnen cleared away , i could not but admire , to behold a skin so beset with spots black and blew , more remarkable for multitude and magnitude than any that i have yet seen ; some of which being opened , conteined a congealed matter , in one more shallow , and in another more deep . here i conceived something more than of ordinary rarity might be discovered ; wherefore perforating the membrane that involved all the rest , i made entrance into the lowest venter or region , where appeared a virulent ichor , or thin liquor variously coloured , as yellow , greenish , &c. the small guts being much distended with a venemous flatus , did contain a great quantity of a foul scoria or dross in them ; but they were not , as some apprehended , outwardly spotted as the skin ; only some obscure large markes were made in their inward parts , as likewise in the stomach , arising from the poisonous liquamen therein lodged . the vena porta and arteria caeliaca being divided , afforded only a serous liquor , no rubified juice at all ; that which was inclosed in these vessels , was a firmly congealed substance of a very dark colour ; the parenchyma of the liver being separated was very pallid , and did straight weep and send out a thin yellowish excrement . the spleen dissected , appeared more then ordinary obscure , a livid ichorous matter following the incision : the kidneys laid open abounded with a citrine water , but altogether exanguine , as likewise the other viscera ; at length i came to that most excellent usefull part , the stomack , whose tender membranes when i had divided , a black matter like ink did shew it self , to the quantity ( as nigh as i could guess ) of a wine pint , somewhat tenacious and slimy : the inward membrane of the ventricle was much discoloured , but the bottom thereof not perforated , as helmont found in the like case : in such a manner ( sayes he ) as if a potential cautery had been applied therto . having sufficiently lustrated and viewed the lower venter , i ascended to the middle , and making a divulsion of the sterne from the mediastinum , i intentively beheld the superficies of the lungs , stigmatized with several large ill favoured marks much tumified and distended : the inward part of which being pertunded with my knife , a sanious dreggy corruption issued forth , and a pale ichor destitute of any blood , for which i searched by cutting this organ of respiraion into various particles , but could finde none but a dirty coagulation , which hipocrates calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the branches of vena and arteria pulmonica . after this i disparted the descending trunck of the cava , and the artery called aorta , expecting some considerable emanation of blood there , if any where , that might make a little inundation , but no such thing succeeded , for only some very few spoonfulls of a thin liquor of a pale hew came forth , which might easily be licked up by a small handkerchief . diffecting these pipes secundum rectitudinem , i found them stuffed with a thick curdled blackish substance , which once laid hold on might be drawn out to some length . next i seperated the pericardium , that robust coat that circumvolves the heart , replenished with a deeply tinged yellow liquor : then having opened the right cavity of the heart , i therein found a white congealed matter , extracting which with my fingers , and narrowly viewing it , i could not compare it to any thing more like , than a lamb-stone cut in twain , which the servant beholding , standing nigh , easily assented to in his judgement . to render a sound reason of this albified coagulation in this right ventricle of the heart , may perhaps puzzle a good physiologist . for in all those cadavers i ever saw dissected , this hollow receptacle did still contain a blackish blood condensed , arising from a stopping of the circulation of it first in that place . now the most probable cause ( as i conceive , with submission ) of this unwonted white substance , may come from a sumption of meer crude milk , which an indiscreet nurse had given this youth not long before he died , part of which passing out of the stomach little altered , might be conveyed , upon a pinch and stress to preserve life , through the venae lacteae in the mesenterie , or some shorter passages , into the subclavian vessels , and there entring the right cavity of the heart , be ( for want of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that sanguifying power , and that material transmuting ferment attending it ) changed according to the capacity of the matter by a virulent preternatural ferment , into this seeming glandulous flesh . 't was strange to behold instead of candid , a black fuiiginous matter ; fitting only for the infernal stomach of the dogg cerberus inclosed in one ventricle , that publike shop and treasury of life , that ought to be furnished with all manner of utensils requisite for the sustentation of this little world : and in another a white innocent lamb-like juice lodged , instead of a duskie concreted clot of gore , and all this proceeding from the deletery ferment of this heteroclite poison ; which , that i may give you a further account , had so altered the substance , texture , consistence , and colour of that solar nectar contained in those curiously contrived pipes , veins , and arteries , that i may truly say not one spoonfull of that ruddy liquor properly called blood could be obtained in this pestilential body , being partly congealed , and partly colliquated into a tabum or filthy matter : which i have experimentally found to be the usual effects of those poisons i have given to some creatures , whose carcasses i have afterward dissected . having finished the dissection of this loathsom body , i presently found some little sensible alteration tending to a stiffness and numness in my hand , which had been soaking and dabling in the bowels and entrals then warm , though it was ten or twelve hours after the youth expired ; whereupon having cleansed away that foulness it was besmeared with , i held it for some time over a dish of burning brimstone , and so received the gas thereof , but in vain . seriùs ejicitur , quam non admittitur ; i might better ( had i foreseen what i do now ) kept it out , than thrust it out ; for those slie , insinuating , venemous atoms , excited by the heat of the body , opening the pores of my skin , had quickly free ingress ; the archeus , the porter of my hand , that should have better guarded it , forthwith tergiversating , and taking its flight , being extreamly terrified at the alarum of so fierce and potent an enemy , and afterward in an abject manner conducted it to the principal place of the souls residence , the stomack ; where after this lately entered poyson had dressed and habited it self with that spirit that had the perfect idea and image of this sickness , it was to act a tragical part ( the archeus being obliged to be executioner to bring to pass its own ruine ) and now do i carry about me the very pest , closely spreading like a gangrene , diffusing its malignity into all my members , covered over for some short space as it were in the ashes of silence , while i in the mean time visited , visit others visited , administring that help to them , which i ( then more perplexed at my neighbours calamity , than sollicitous for my own ) suffer my self to want , relating with joy what an inquest i had made into that subject which had made a conquest of me . thus i walked up and down from patient to patient , dum hoc virus membra mea depascitur . i ate , i drank , and slept well till about two of the clock the next morning being saturday , at which hour i waked to sleep for ever , had not divine goodness given me an antidote to rouze and raise me up , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no sooner had i recollected myself , but i perceived such a kind of stupor in my thighs and legs that was at first in my hand , then i began to ponder what i had done the day before ; and still those large and manifold spots were too lively represented to my eye against my will : without further delay , i forthwith called up my servant , a stripling , nigh fourteen years old , whom i commanded ( having lighted a candle ) strictly to observe those directions i gave him , appointing such remedies to be produced with all speed that i knew were very sufficient and valid by multiplicity of experiments to resist this feral disease . and when i had delivered to him such rules i thought necessary for life ; having taken a large quantity of my best medicaments , i charged him to follow me close , doubling and trebling the ordinary dose i usually gave ; which he so faithfully and sedulously performed with advantage , that i dare assert that five of my patients joined altogether , never did through my whole practice high these twenty years , take so great a portion of such like remedies , as it appeared by his own , and others reports , compared with that great expence of those preparations i had in store ; for i knew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where nature was so prostrate , and the disease so strong , it was to be supported by extraordinary help ; which course , had it not been vigorously taken , i question ( had there been delay of what was needful for my recovery but two hours ) whether any medicine in nature could have been of any efficacy and validity for my restauration , such was the magnitude , activity and celerity ( pardon my expression , good mr. captious logomachus , and let not one single term without any true saving knowledge breed a quarrel between us ) i say properly , the celerity ( in despight of any self-conceited cavilling galenist ) of the disease that then invaded me , that would admit of no truce or respite : for so soon as i was throughly awakened , i felt a grievous oppression about the midriff , especially in the pit of the stomack ; and such a sudden defection of the spirits , that i had much ado to hold out to advertise my servant how he should menage his business . my head also began to be much out of order , exceedingly dozed ; and whereas three or four ounces of a cordial liquor i took formerly , did commonly put me into a breathing sweat , now ten times so much of the same did hardly cause a heat in the lower parts . perspicuous also was the coagulation of part of my blood , as many small stigmata , spots scattered about my breast and arms , did plainly testifie ; but one above the rest was most remarkable in the bending of my right arm , where there appeared a very large spot of an obscure colour , of the bigness of a single half-penny , which i often took a view of . well , after some hours tedious inquietude , and despondency of spirit , with much reluctancy , and many an agony , a gentle mador at length bedewed my skin , with which i was somewhat relieved ; and persevering in the frequent repetition of polyacaea and some other noble remedies , i began to be much refreshed , sweating liberally cum emphoriâ & dysphoriâ by turnes ; for i frequently sustained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ah alternate vicissrtude of desperate and hopefull symptomes : there being sometimes an eclampfis , a seeming serenity and clarity in the archeus : then again nothing but cloudiness , storms and tempests . thus i passed over that dolefull morning , inter spemque metumque , earnestly longing for the presence of that excellent expert chymist and legitimate physician , dr. starkey , whom i sent to , being verily perswaded , that he , if any , under god , would be a comforter to me , ( for i knew certainly that the best galenist was a miserable one , and that spiritus antiloimoides was a meer cheat ) sed heu lachrymabile ! ambo morbo laboramus eodem , he was stricken , and had as much need of mine , as i of his succour , and so we might condole , but not conserve each other . however this worthy gentleman came to me , whose very aspect exhilarated and solaced my drooping spirits ; of whom when i had taken something , i was wonderfully composed for some time . this brave man , ( that did , i dare maintain it , more good than all the galenists in england put together ) was that night after he had been with me , forced to yeeld himself prisoner to that insolent conqueror , which did then make spoil of many thousands ; and so i was left destitute of two of my dearest friends in my saddest condition ; for honest and learned dr. d ee , of whom i shall speak further hereafter , could not afford me his assistance , being much afflicted and oppressed ( after a former deliverance ) with the same venemous sickness . wherefore , i resolved to make use of that reason i was then master of , and that outward aid i had then at hand , uniting and mustering up all supplies that i conceived were proper for me , laying aside all peevishness and foolish averseness to take what was fitting ; which fault i often found incident to most of my patients , to their own prejudice . the remedies that i took in a quintuple quantity for what others took , was tinctura polyacaea , and no small portion of pulvis pestifugus . touching the diet i observed , it was good spirituous liquors , as the best wine , and strong beer sweetned with a little sugar , also now and then i drank a draught of white-wine posset : as for galenical juleps , small beer , barly water , muccaginous decoctions , broths , satiated with the crude juice of ingredients , i detested ; for i knew they would annoy my stomach , and so hinder the archeus from conquering the poyson , which upon every irritating occasion was ready to ferment . my whole scope was to keep up the strength of the vital spirits , without which i am sure no maladie can be cured . neither was i wanting to make use of helmonts xenexton , a toad , the powder of which my dear friend dr. starkey gave me , made up in the form of a trochisk of his own ordering : i likewise hung about my neck a large toad dried , prepared not long before in as exquisite a manner as possibly i could , with my own fingers : this toad sowed up in a linnen cloth was placed about the region of my stomach , where after it had remained some hours , became so tumefied , distended , ( as it were blown up ) to that bignesse , that it was an object of wonder to those that beheld it . had i not felt and seen this swollen dead body of the toad , i should very much have doubted by relation the truth thereof ; forasmuch as that great scholar in reality , van helmont , ( who shines with such a bright lustre in his orb , that the galenical bats and owls are not able to look him in the face ) delivers these words ; nam buso exsiccatus utut sex horis maceretur , semper tamen tumefactionis incapax , i. e. a dried toad , though it be steeped in water for six hours together , will not for all that be swollen or puffed up . this he speaks for the confutation of paracelsus , who tells us , that a dried toad macerated and softened in rose-water for six hours together , doth draw the pestilential poyson so into its body , that five or six bufo's laid on one after another upon a botch , will all be wonderfully tumefied : this , saith van helmont , can never be , quod intumescere sit proprietas archei vitalis , quod non nisi occasionaliter tumor à venenis procedat . where the vital archeus is wanting , there can be no swelling from any poyson , quatenus a poyson : for every tumour from poyson happens occasionalitèr , or excitativè , in as much as it excites , exasperates , and causes an indignation in the archesus , which being thus irritated and quite disordered , frets , rages , storms , and in this distracted mad fit produces such or such accidents and symptomes , as the natural idea of the specifick venom shall direct and inform it . again , non tumet ( sayes the acute author ) cadaver ictum à serpente : cadaver namque si non senserint nec tumefaciendi energiam retinuit ; a carckasse for as much as it is deprived of all sense , is uncapable of tumefaction from poyson : which doubtlesse is sound philosophy , never read or heard of from a galenist , for medicinal instruction , till this privy counsellor of nature discovered it . this rightly understood , might serve as a good argument to convince these dogmatists , that poysonous vesicatories do but disturb nature , and take it off from performing a sanative office , ( if rightly assisted by art ) and divert it from that intended scope of profligating the pestilential poyson , to spend it self in opposing another , contrived by a company of impostors , to delude ignorant persons , under a notion of drawing out the disease by these blisters , which are raised in all living bodies , healthfull as well as sick , from a colliquating venome that cantharides have inherent in them , vexing and galling the archeus of the membranous parts , that it even changes the harmlesse and mild blood into such a sharp mischievous ichor , that a dysuria or ischuria , a great pain or stopping of the urine frequently follows ; but this obiter . i shall hereafter make a larger discovery of this daubing with untempered mortar , and those palliating deceitfull courses that are daily imposed upon credulous weak persons . to proceed : when i contemplate the foresaid words of this great philosopher , a man of that transcendent reason , and that clear bright understanding ; i am not a little puzled to find out the efficient & material cause of the vast tumefaction of this bufo incumbent on my breast . that simple water of it self will not puff up a dried bufo to that bulk ready to burst , is plain , by the experiment of the noble author , and my own knowledge : also a dead bufo for want of a vital archeus , cannot suffer such an expansion of parts from a venome never so active and pernicious to it , ( as a spider is reported to be ) considering meer poysons are little considerable in quanto , but in quali : neither is mans pest poysonous to a bufo , no more than it is to a dogg or catt , to whom it is innocuous ; wherefore i suppose ; till i be better informed , that some virulent emanations ( either expelled by nature , strengthened with the presence of the bufo , or attracted by magnetism ) carrying with them a transmutative putrefactive ferment imbibed by the cadaver , might attenuate , rarifie , and hove up the easily dilatable particles of the bufo , and might ( the ambient heat of the bed being coadjuvant ) cause this kind of flatuous extension : which aporrhaa's being afterwards spent , the succeeding application of another bufo of the same magnitude , prepared after the same manner , menaged with the like circumstances , suffered no such tumefied alteration , which doubtlesse could never be , had there been the same adaequate cause present which was before . well , be the cause never so abstruse , i am sufficiently perswaded , that the adjunction of this bufo nigh my stomack , was of wonderful force to master and tame this venom then domineering in me , and thereby subjugate it to the dictates of the vital spirit , somewhat more pacified and freed by degrees from that hotrid , deformed , pestilential idea imprinted in it ; so that it was enabled to proscribe part of that tartarous excrement through a place most opportune ( but not often frequented by such an evacuation ) the fundament , where appeared in some few dayes a very great bubo of the bigness of a tennis-ball , quite stopping up the passage of the anus . my head being now pretty well setled , i was better able than before to reflect upon my self , and to consult more rationally for my own safety ; wherefore after some serious considerations of my present condition , i thought it fitting to give vent to this tumor , and to let out immediately the foul gore conteined therein . for this end i sent to an honest industrious young man ( a great lover of chimistry , one who was lately convinced by fact of the truth therein ) desiring him to apply leeches to this swelling , which he performed with much dexterity , three sanguisugae having filled themselves usque ad nauseam , a filthy , corrupt , blackish , ichorous , staining recrement issued forth , much like that i found in the cadaverous dissection . by this excretion i was exceedingly recreated ; nature discharging every day a great quantity of virulent moisture for the space of nigh three weeks . thus continuing the frequent use of tinctura polyacaea , and good spirituous liquors , i lay in a perpetual large sweat six dayes compleat , sometimes dejected , almost lipothymical , and as it were dead in the nest upon a reflux of the venom to the central parts ; and then again upon its efflux to the peripheria , the circumference of the skin forth-with elevated , chearful and lively . upon the sixth day i arose , and walked about the chamber with so firm a foot , that my brother and others wondred at the strength of my progressive motion ; that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impetum faciens , the vital spirit being kept up with good liquors , and pure chymical circulated spirits , agreeable to our nature : and i am perswaded , upon the first setting my foot upon the floor after this sickness ( had not that painful swelling in the fundament hindred ) i could firmly have walked a mile out-right ; which thing ( considering the atrocity and outragiousness of the disease , and other circumstances ) if ever it was , or will be performed by meer galenical physick , i will be bound to undergo martyrdom for the approbation and testimony of their way as best . upon the eighth day i went down stairs to visit my landlady mrs. ladyman , most dangerously ill ; who , notwithstanding her abortion , miscarrying , was saved from the grave , by an almighty hand , working by chymical remedies . no sooner was i got up , but my maid-servant , and my apprentice , about thirteen years old , fell down , being wounded with the same arrow , both of which escaped through a blessing upon the means . that four in one house should have the pest about the same time , and all escape when it raged most mortally , is a mercy never to be forgotten by us ! having recovered the ferment of my stomack in great part , enioying a sharp appetite , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having lost my flesh suddenly , i thought i might according to hippocrates advice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , get it again as speedily . sed difficile est modum tenere ; i went beyond the bounds of sobriety , eating and drinking too liberally , presuming i could correct a small errour at my pleasure , forgetting hippocrates aphorism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and going abroad too soon , out of a zeal to visit my patients , being not throughly rid of a relique of malignity that lay lurking within me , and something more perhaps added by those loathsom expirations of the sick i was conversant with ( a scald head being soon broken ) i fell into a most desperate relapse with great oppression at my stomack , a loosness , difficulty of respiration , exceeding weakness , restlessness , fruitless sweating , &c. so that i thought it not possible to hold out that night ; but this wanzing , and ready to go out spark of life was once more blown up to a flame by that comfortable refreshing blast of former chymical remedies , repeated in great quantity , and so in four dayes i made another evasion from my tedious bed , resolving to be more cautious for the future ; i was fully confirmed in my health , for which benefit i hope i shall be grateful to the most high , dum spiritus hos regit artus . at that very time , whil'st i did undergo many a sad brunt , many a trepidation of the heart , and conflict of spirit , two of my most esteemed consorts , dr. ioseph dey , and dr. george starkey , two pillars of chymical physick , were both reposed in their graves , before i knew of their deaths , concealed on purpose from me , lest upon the apprehension of so great a loss , my calamity should be aggravated , and i swallowed up in the gulph of despair . they are gone , and at rest free from persecution , slanders and obloquies of their enemies , and have left me behind to deal with those that are alwayes supplanting and contradicting the truth . well , i must be content , considering , quicquid patimur venit ab alto : this came not out of the dust , but from the hand of him above , who for our abominable crimes , and our ingratitude , the grand sin of this nation , was pleased to deprive us of two such eminent lights , of which this wicked world is not worthy , unless they could have prized them better . 't is not for my own so much , though great , as for the publick interest , that i heartily lament the translation of these two brave souls into a better place , whose praises all candid and ingenuous men will , i dare say , celebrate ; and none but sordid , envious , ignorant spirits , will ever detract from them . it was , i confess , a most unhappy malevolent juncture of things at that instant , that we should all three fall sick at the same time , neither of us being able to relieve each other ; for , i am perswaded , had divine providence been pleased to have spared any one of us from the severe stroke of his indignation , we might have been at this day all three alive ; for 't is the nature of this fly venome to strike so unawares at the brain , and to cause such an adiathesis , a discomposure , and disturbance in that organ , that a man hath not free libetty of his reason , to act what may be convenient for the securing his own life ; as it was too apparent in these physicians of singular parts . one of whom , i. e. dr. dey i visited in the evening , a little after i had anatomized the body , relating to him what i had done , which he was much delighted to hear . at my departure from him ( that night i was surprized with the pest ) he seemed chearfull , having felt about a fortnight before the smart of this piercing stroak , of which he was healed , and so had likewise upon this second encounter , had he not been too ventrous to save others , rather than his own life : such was the true charity of this worthy honest gentleman towards his neighbour ; for he eviscerated and spent himself in toylsom manual operations , leaving the way of riches , honour , pleasure and ease his colleagues trod in , ( having been admitted one of the colledge of london about twenty years ) whom he deserted , to his prejudice in this world , for conscience-sake , abominating their indirect and destructive manner of practice , knowing the professors thereof ( as he often told me ) to be quite out of the way of curing diseases . he was a learned scholar in deed as well as word ; a pious , modest , charitable , humble man , so farr free from ostentation and vain-glory , that he hid his excellent parts , when other of his brethren , farr inferiour to him , made ten times the glittering shew . he took such laborious pains night and day in his faculty , that i am certain he exhausted his spirits , and thereby disenabled the archeaus to resist the contagion . carendo non fruendo agnoscimus ; he hath his exit with applause , and is wanted by many , that better value him now , than when they enjoyed him . dr. starkey one of the triumvirate , that was then infected when he came to me , having his imagination dislocated , yeelded himself prisoner to this cruel enemy that very night , being wounded in his groin , a bubo appearing there , which i conceive , if rightly ordered , might have been a meanes to have saved him , had he not poured in an unreasonable quantity of small beer . after which understanding what he had done , he told those then present , that all the medicines that he had in possession were of no force to do him any good ; for the natural ferment of the stomach was by this immoderate ingurgitation of dull flat small beer totally subverted , the poyson exalted , the archeus debilitated , the blood made restagnant and congealed , and the pores thereby obstructed , that no considerable diaphaeresis could be made . i have reason to beleeve , that had dr. starkey made use of his own noble chymical preparations in the beginning , and followed them close , as i did , it had been no difficult thing for himself to have escaped , that had an extraordinary gift bestowed on him of curing others in a far worse condition then he was reported to be . but for my part i am perswaded , that being very sensible of the impiety , hypocrisie , dishonesty , the imposture , subtile frauds , disrespect of real worth , odious ingratitude , and other notorious crimes of the times , he was willing to resign himself to death , so that he was not much sollicitous to live . 't is a thousand pitties , that a man of those excellent parts had no better entertainment , and more kind usage here , that he might have composed and setled himself to a further investigation of those chymical mysteries , into which hardly any in this nation had a greater inspection . the spagyrical republike and the professors thereof are not a little obliged to him , and have reason ( if they be not ungracious and ungratefull ) to speak of his memorable name , with respect and honour ; and he that shall do the contrary , will savour of a galenical spirit ; and ought to be reckoned among those his unworthy seeming friends , whom out of a sweet flexible nature , and a hearty desire to do good for mankinde , he taught many philosophical arcana's : for which they rewarded him with persecution , calumnies , and base detracting language . it was his fate , as likewise dr. deys , to be evill entreated , and slighted , because they could not cogg , lye , and flatter ; & haec est ars quâ quivis possit ditescere : and he that cannot do so in this leprous age of the world , wherein mens minds have the greatest plague and miasm , is like to fare no better than they . they scorned that reward which the world could give them , and now enjoy perpetual bliss , while their innocent ashes lie digesting in their urnes , till they attain that maturity of perfection of comming forth diaphanous , splendid , and glorious bodies . there is one thing , the truth whereof i cannot omit to give the world satisfaction in , in reference to these heroes of chymistry . whereas there was a confident report ( the broachers of which it is no difficulty to conjecture ) that dr. dey , and dr. starkey , were both present at the dissection of this pestilent body : it is an absolute untruth , contrived on purpose to represent them presumptuous rash persons , in undertaking such a desperate businesse , which cost them both their lives , as they would have it , that thereby the good estimation and fame of chymical preparations may be eclipsed : and the miscarriage of one of their own sect ( who upon the like occasion lost his life , as i have told them in galeno-pale , for want of a remedie which an helmontist could have given him ) the better excused . i question not , as i have it from their own mouthes , but either of those gentlemen would willingly have joyned with me in this anatomy , had not the opportunity offered to me occured so unexpectedly , that i could not conveniently gain any leisure to send to them . moreover they were both seized upon by this truculent disease , before i entred upon this dissection : so that dr. dey was not capable to assist me therein , being infirm ; and dr. starkey went to and fro with this mortal arrow sticking in his side unfelt : and withall , so great was his employment , and medicinal negotiation at that time , that it was both hard to finde him out , and likewise to divert him from those engagements of visiting his patients he had taken upon him . wherefore i thought good to lay hold alone , of that seasonable sudden occasion then presented of prying into this dead body , which i often sought for , but was still frustrated in obtaining so usefull a discovery , through the peevishnesse and crossenesse of some , and fond foolish fears of others : and now mr. pick my patient then recovering , a rational person , easily condescending to my desires , gave order that his servant should attend me , who was the only man that stood by and looked on ( while i handled this horrid object ) and can at this day testifie the verity of several remarques therein obvious to his eye . thus have i delivered to you the very plain truth of the anatomical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , transaction of this pestilent cadaver , that the reader may be prevented from those mistakes which malevolent forgers will impose upon him if he be not very cautious . these pseudiatori are prone to corrupt the text , and to de●●●ve the genuine sense of any physical experiment , which through fear , and want of appropriate remedies , they dare not venture upon for the benefit of their distressed countrey . for they enter in at the back-door , and run away at the fore-door , on whom the gift of healing was never bestowed , because they never sought aright ; for that reason they could never obtain such a favour from heaven , to be protected by divine preservatives from the stinking noysom breath of this mortiferous basilisk : wherefore they maliciously backbite those that perform any thing above themselves , calling that a presumption , that tends to the preventing a consumption and devastation of a whole nation . chap. vi. some medicinal reflexions and useful observations made upon this pestilential dissection . stultus est ineptiarum labore ; to take pains , and not to improve it for the benefit of our selves , or our neighbours , may , i confess , be justly termed presumption , folly , vain-glory , and an affection of singularity : but to undertake any dangerous and difficult design , that a particular countrey , nation , yea , the whole world may be meliorated in its condition , and enjoy some comfort therefrom , deserves to be encouraged , promoted , rewarded , and to have better appellations given than some spiteful persons commonly fasten upon it i acknowledge that i cannot acquit my self wholly of philautie , kenodoxie , ostentation , &c. and i cannot help it , for it is inherent and ingenite in me ; homo sum , nihil humanum à me alienum puto . i am as prone as any other , sine gratia dei anticipante , to run into many enormous crimes ; yet if i can judge any thing of my self , and my conscience doth not very much delude me , i have alwayes set before my eyes in my function ( next gods glory ) chiefly , and in the first place , the preservation and sanity of my dear distressed neighbour , endeavouring to make my own by respects to follow in the rear . wherefore i have often abhorred to take those indirect and oblique courses that would advance my own private interest , but debellate and overthrow the publick prosperity of a people . how sollicitous i have been to keep poor afflicted man from falling into the pit of destruction , is only known to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the searcher of all hearts . duram suscepi provinciam , i underwent a very difficult task these late contagious times , performing it not perfunctorily , by fits and girds , by halves , in a trifling manner , expressing ( as some that i know ) such a fear in looks and gestures that was enough to bring the plague into a house free from it : but i followed what i took in hand vigorously , to a purpose not ready to take my flight as soon as i was entered the doors , like the statue of mercury on tiptoe , leaving behind a pitiful recipe of ellec : diascor : methrid : theria : aq : theriar : syr aceto : citri , and such like trash and trumpery ; but i continued oftentimes half an hour , and sometimes an hour , conversing with my patients , and giving them effectual remedies , prepared with my own fingers , opening their bubo's , and cutting out eschars of carbuncles , by the operation of my own hand . all this while , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beholding my upright intentions , preserved me in health , even in the height when the pest was most grassant , till such time being desirous to learn what might instruct me farther in the nature and cure of this abstruse sickness , after that i had conversed with the living about it , i entered into more than ordinary familiarity with a dead body ; itum est in viscera , i searched many dark corners thereof to be taught something , but i bought my learning at a dear rate ; and what the cadaver could not teach me of it self , was infused into me to my sad experience : experto credite . i shall now deliver to you the physical observations i made , resulting from both dead , and my own living body . observation i. in the first place , i observe that the punctilio's , pulicar-like spots , those stigmatick marks on the skin with a feaver , do alwayes signifie a stop more or less put to the circulation of the blood , some coagulation or grumosity therein caused , through a malignity , and gorgonian venom that depredates , sacks , and confunds the vital spirits that are the chief instrument of motion ; so that when they become torpid and stupified , part of the blood remains like standing pool , prone in some short time to contract an evil odour . now if this tartarous concretion be dissolved , discussed , or thrown out , and lodged in an emunctory , or some by-place ignoble , through the strength of nature assisted by art , then all things succeed well ; but if this spissitude of the blood increase , that the channels are exceedingly clogged , and nothing is difflated , ventilated , and carried off by universal breathing sweats , nor any morbifique matter discharged into any glandulous or external carnous diverticle ; conclamatum est , that person may be judged in all likelihood to be lost . observation ii. whensoever these cutaneous spots appear , they always signify an endeavor in the archeus to extrude that which is noxious : but failing in the very act by reason of its own impotence , & the force of the virulent untameable matter carried out of the capillary vessels , as far as the skin , it is there condensed by a preternatural coagulative ferment , promoted by the ambient air into this round figure , according as the sperical small drop is capable . the annitence of nature to make an expulsion from the center to the circumference may instruct the physician to use all means to imitate her , to assist her , to keep the blood in continual motion , to weaken the strength of the poison to kill an exotick ferment , to rarifie and attenuate whatsoever is grosse and lentous : and to keep the pores open , that there may be free perspiration of the whole body . observation iii. when the natural ferment of the stomack in the pest is so far lost , that instead of white , a black juice is engendered , it is a certain sign of the abolition of the vital spirit , and consequently of approaching death . for i never knew any afflicted in this kinde , whose strength failed , that vomited an excrement tinged black , did escape : where this blackness is , there must needs be a privation of light , with which our spirits symbolize , they being luminous , if so darkness , the shadow of death must needs follow ; and doubtlesse great is that darknesse that seats it self in the spirit of light and life . observation iv. that which did first occurr most remarkable to my eye in this dissection , was the great alteration i found made principally in the stomack , in respect of the part continent and that which was contained therein : in the continent , certain vibices , stigms , stroaks , of an obscure colour imprinted ; ( the inward coat being stained with colours different from the natural ) and a fluid matter conteined fuliginous , pitch-like , did sufficiently indicate to me , that there the pestilential poyson did take up its chief residence . observation v. when i contemplate what a pure white substance was taken into this youths stomack not long before he died , and how strangely it was transmuted into another hue , as black almost as ink , i cannot but smile to think on the vain conceits of the galenists , that tell us of atra bilis , adusta , & retorrida , black choller made by a meer torrefaction or violent burning heat and adustion , according to their definition of a feaver , as if there were a fire no whit different from a culinary in our bodyes , converting that which is white into black , and black into white , by a strong reverberating heat . suck like fond and foolish opinions have they harboured these sixteen hundred years and upward , for want of the knowledge of the doctrine of ferments ; which can never be so well illustrated , as by chymical experiments ; which those pseudo-chymists boast they are acquainted with ( only ( i am certain ) in a formal manner sufficient to delude the world , otherwise they would not deny the power thereof in their actions . ) if they did really understand how a little leaven doth infect the whole lump , they would forthwith leave their bare beggarly qualities in curing diseases , as hot , cold , &c. ( relollea , as paracelsus calls them ) things transient and momentany , ebbing and flowing every minute , according to the disposition of the subject , and insist more upon substances , whose intrinsecal transmutation depends upon powerfull ferments . observation vi. what a soveraignty and influence the stomack hath over the whole body may be proved by multitude of instances and examples that i could produce ; but this was eminently conspicuous , that when any thing was taken in that disturbed the innate archeus , and required some difficulty to digest , many horrid symptoms did strait break forth , as vertigo , cephalalgie , delicium , phrensie , inquietude , dyspuoea , sopor , defection of the spirits , a cohibition of sweat , and other cutaneous fxcretions , &c. this was plainly apparent in this stripling , who having an indiscreet nurse attending him , suffered much damage , when she offered him that which was by no means to be admitted as tolerable , the natural ferment of the stomack being perverted by the pestilent poyson : and i doubt not but the period of his life was accelerated by the unwitting dose of milk , which though it be the best nutriment where it is well altered , yet it often proves the worse corrupted . hereby we may learn not to ingest any thing into this noble vessel , but what may agree with the innate archeus , may increase the vital spirit , rectifie the enormous ferment , cherishing that which is genuine ; may be quickly altered , and leave very little dross and recrement behind , and such are those things that abound with noble spirits , as good wine , and strong beer or ale well brewed ; as for flesh , broths , gellies , watergruel , ptisans , barley water , and such like dull vapid things , &c. they are all to be abandoned and excluded from entering ( into this palace , where the sensitive soul sits ) so long as such a grand enemy stands in defiance of it , and seeks to destroy it . observation vii . in all parts i took notice of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a great coagulation , and some small colliquation of juyces , except in the stomack , where this negro liquor did flote without any concretion or coaction ; whereby i gather , that the kindly and familiar ferment of the stomack , made to dissolve and open any hard tough food , and to change it into a fluxible white chile , that the nutritive and excrementitious parts may be the better separated , being now degenerate and hostile , did still retain a property like the former , though tending to ruine , tabefying and colliquating what it touched , and changing it into a black , instead of a white juyce . on the other side , the ferments of the fourth and fifth digestions , ordained lightly to incrassate , thicken , and to bring one portion of the blood to a moderate fibrous consistence , and to subtiliate , another becoming exorbitant , and losing that primitive gift with which they were endued , and acquiring a virulent nature , transcending their former bounds of mediocrity and modification of this red balsom to be afterward assimilated , doth now compinge and closely streighten the part thereof , depriving it of that continual circulation which is necessary for the generation of vital spirits , the immediate instrument of the sense and motion of every animal , and turns another small part into a venemous , variegated ichor or serosity . observation viii . that whereas there is a power inherent in the veins and arteries to preserve the blood from congelation even when the body is dead , so great is the concretive force of the pestilential poyson , that the blood is suddenly put to a stop , and becomes grumified , turning into glotts in a living body , with nigh as much expedition as the spirit of urine changes spirit of wine into a white thick lump . observation ix . that a kind of glandulous substance like a lambs stone should be found in the right ventricle of the heart , instead of an obscure clot of blood , doth shew how sollicitous nature ( though violently hurried away by a contrary idea ) is to save it self from destruction ; sith that when the haimopoietick power was lost , she carries out of the stomack a small quantity of a rude chyle , passing a short way through some of the sanguineous vessels , without receiving a rubicund tincture , into this noble cavity , and not able to give it the stamp and signature belonging to this vital nectar , was forced to yield it up to that impression which the exotick ferment did make upon it . observation x. it being granted , that blood doth make blood , as i can demonstrate , that it is in being before the conformation of the liver ; and that when the sanguis , this pure defaecate sublimely graduated crimson juyce stands still , and loses its virtue , then the milky chyle cannot receive a vital character , and be tinged as it ought . how cautious should we be to exhaust and spend prodigally this treasure of life , as the galenists , who to satisfie their erroneous documents , without any solid reason , or approved experiments , rashly let it out in many trivial diseases , which might easily be cured by proper medicaments . observation xi . any artificial evacuation of blood ( except that which is performed by immediate derivation , being degenerate ) in the pest , spotted feaver , small pox , meazils , or any malignant disease whatsoever , that hath alwayes in it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aliquid sanguinis congelativum , somthing in it that doth condense and fix the blood , is absolutely pernicious , and brings certain perdition , or at least great calamity , if thee be not present extraordinary vigour of nature whatsoever the perverse galenists pretend to the contrary , that they empty an athletick , full habit of body , and thereby cause motion in the blood , and so hinder the coagulation of it : which opinion ( if rightly cavassed ) is notoriously false ; for they take a meer contrary course that diminish the good blood in this case , which cannot be avoided when vent is given to a large vessell , for out flies the best as well as the worst together , indistinctly , and hereby the archeus must needs be disenabled to resist the poyson , to attenuate , profligate , and tame any pertinacious , viscous , and noxious matter ; for i am sure , if hippocrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or helmonts archeus , i.e. the vital spirit , the principal author and efficient cause of sanity be wanting , nothing benevalent can be expected . that phlebotomy in the foresaid sense doth cause this inconvenience , i can make appear both logically and optically ; for the more good blood , the more good spirits , and consequently in reason all vital actions must needs be performed the more successively , and a stronger expulsion made of what is offensiue : as on the contrary , defect of blood and spirits causes all manner of mischief . experimentally also and visibly 't is true : for i never saw any deprived of any great quantity of blood , 〈◊〉 with that alacrity , stability , celerity , and safety , as he that was cured dextrously à phlebotomos , without emission of blood and spirits . and through this indirect course i frequently observe , that those that are ordered after the galenical method , fall from acute diseases into chronick , and tedious languors , meerly because their physicians either exhaust their blood , consume their spirits by deletery uncorrected catharticks , torture , crucifie and gaul them with blisterings , cuppings , and scarifyings ; or keep them at a low ebb with their sluggish , flat and spiritlesse julips and potions ; so that hereby the archeus becomes weak and feeble , the blood must necessarily move slowly , and for want of active spirits be retarded in its current , and in many places subsist like a standing pool , clottering and causing great obstructions . whosoever therefore that intends to keep the blood , sine remora , fluent in its channels , free from curdling , let him studie to the utmost to exhibit those specificks that may mortifie and annihilate the inspissative torpedinous poyson , and advance the impulsive spirits by those things that symbolize with , and directly match them . observation xii . those variety of several coloured juices coagulated and colliquated apparent in this body , were not ( as the dogmatists affirm ) so many distinct humours , as choller , phlegm , &c. analagous to the elements , fallen off from their native temperament , ( as they would have it ) but they all arose from the chile and blood disguised and masked in divers forms , according as the protean ferments altered the texture and position of their parts , and so marked them with this or that colour . believe it , there is no real existence of those humours , as choller , phlegm , melancholly , that the galenists frequently mention in most of their writings ; but there is one only primigenious rivulet , i. e. blood , that irrigates all parts of this microcosm , which as it meets with different ferments , so it is subject to divers alterations , and manifold colours . observation xiii . the usual effect of most poysons commonly known to us , is to coagulate the blood , as i have found evident , dissecting divers bodies destroyed by things deletery , which i observed made a stigmatick impression in the stomack , and so condensed the vital red balsom in the vessels , that clodders of four or five inches in length might be extracted . observation xiv . whensoever there is any great concretion of the blood in the pest , no kindly beneficial sweat is to be expected , till such time the constringent venome be overcome , the grosse matter attenuated , rarified , and an apersion made of the pores of the skin . and this was manifest in this youth , who could by no means be brought into a breathing sweat , durable , with allevation , the juices of his body being as it were frozen , made torpid , and indisposed to stir from a narcotick poyson . observation xv. i finde such an indissoluble league , connexion , and coherence between the vital spirit and sanguis pure blood in all perfect animals , insomuch that if they be separated from each other , they both lose their essence and proper denomination ; for this most highly defaecated liquor doth maintain the spirit , and the spirit doth move , agitate , and purifie this liquor , that it may be fit to be changed ▪ into it self . i look upon the chyme or cruor , as upon the sweet juice of grapes , which hath little sensible spirit in it at first , till it comes to be fermented , depurated , and segregated from its lees and foul faeces , and then it explicates its activity in an admirable manner ; likewise this crude juice rubefied , is by long circulation and fermentation of the fourth and fifth digestions so cleansed and rid of all dross and filth , that it attains an homogeneous nature , easily convertible into a gas vitale capable to receive the bright shining beams of the soul , as highly rectified spirit of wine doth the lucid flame . if the blood harbour any thing extraneous , acrimonious , austere , acide , malignant , venemous matter , &c. it forthwith titubates and deviates from its integrity and accomplishment : then the spirit , its individual companion , falls into discontent , peevishnesse , frowardnesse , fury , and rage , and an ilias of diseases follow , and all is brought into confusion : as likewise if the spirits be consumed , disturbed , suffocated , extinguished , by reason of perturbations of the mind , pernicious fumes and odours , great dolours , or the occurse of any thing very violent , altogether disagreeing with them , the blood missing that archeus that should hold the reins of right government , and carry it about in a direct road , where it may receive a just alteration by natural ferments , doth become degenerate , relapsed , colliquated or coagulated , as was visible in this cadaver . observation xvi . sith it is so , ( as it is intuitively conspicuous ) that the pestilential poyson doth principally strike at and deprave the stomack and fistulary vessels , by colliquating the lacteous juice contained in that , and by coagulating the blood in these , what intollerable , non-sensical practice is it , to prescribe any thing either dieterical , or pharmaceutick , that is so far from hindring , that it furthers these sad effects . observation xvii . the extraordinary warmth that was in this body at twelve hours end , from the time it expired , doth sufficiently testifie what a phlogôsis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and combustion was about the viscera , arising from a fermentation and impetuous collision of exardent atomes , which the fretting and furious archeus had agitated , being exstimulated , and at length enraged , that it had entertained into its very penetralls , such a mortal enemy ; and now the fewell being consumed , the spirits exanclated , and fire extinct , there remains an empyreuma , a relique of heat in the parts defunct , as a sufficient testimony of that notable ebullition and fermentation which was precedent in the living . observation xviii . i am commonly censured by the galenists presumptuous , in venturing to open this contagious body , for no other reason ( as i can conceive ) but that i escaped so great a danger contrary to their expectation ; i confess i was a little careless , in that i did not before fortifie my self as i might have done , being extream eager in the pursuit of knowledge for the publick good . i am perswaded , had i strengthned the archeus of my hand with some appropriate balsamick spirit , and filled up the pores with an oleaginous odorous matter , the pestilential poyson could never have had so free an ingress , and so easily have put to flight the vital spirit , making an inroad into all parts . that the intoxicating atoms did first invade my hand imbrued with that foul gore , i may without doubt conclude from long malaxing and steeping it in the body , and from the perceptible alteration succeeding . for it is very unlikely that i who had sustained so long time before such abominable , loathsom , noysom smells , from sores , carbuncles , the tainting respiration , and faetide expiration of numerous living bodies , and all this while suffered no great detriment in my health , should now receive an infection by a ten times less occasion in that respect , the emanations being little comparatively , and those much weakned by a pan of brimstone burning under the corps . observation xix . the pest that arises from a contrectation of entrals warm , is more active , and breaks out more violently than that which proceeds from the light touch of the same cold ; & either of these are more contagious , than a bare contact of the skin of a carkass . if the skin of a living body suffer discontinity , the contagion of the dead enters more forcibly , as i found once experimentally to my prejudice , in anatomizing one that dyed of a spotted feaver ; for having accidentally cut my finger , and often washed it in that malignant juyce , i was more troubled to cure it than any wound ever inflicted upon me all my life-time . the space that this venom lay cryptick within me , closely and silently working in this subterranean microcosm before it acted publickly was eight hours , and then after a very sound sleep from eleven till two in the morning , a grievous oppression at the stomack , with deep and difficult sighs , seized upon me , which doth still confirm me in this judgment , that the pest never falls to acting a tragical scene openly , till such time it hath taken up its lodging place in the stomack . observation xx. i have very good reason and experiment on my side to believe , that had i forthwith , after the dissection , be taken my self to bed , and liberally made use of those remedies the good creator bestowed upon me , much of the atrocity of this sickness might have been allayed , and perhaps the poyson made effete and feeble ; for i look upon this pestilential virulence , though ( otherwise declined than commonly ) yet to hold such a proportion with ordinary poysons , that they both agree in many circumstances . we find that if an alexiterium , a proper antidote be ready at hand in the very nick of time , and strait be offered to one that hath suffered hurt from any animal , vegetal or mineral that is deletery , there forthwith follows a frustration and annihilation of that pernicious property in it , and the mortiferous effect thereof : but if there be a dilation or procrastination , and no check given to its furious and violent power ( opportunity once slipped ) all the art of man is at a loss to discover any thing medicable as a counterpoyson in such a case . he that expects help from a physitian , when the fermenting poyson hath had its full career without any stop , and hath plaid a game almost to the last period without any bar , having put out the light of the vital spirits , that no foundation is left for their reparation or relumination ; and hath choaked up all the passages of the blood to be circulated as long as there is life , may with as much reason require one without a miracle to raise a dead body from the grave . observation xxi . vis unita fortior ; had i not kept up my spirits with high cordials , and strong liquors ; had i not used specificks , diaphoreticks , those things that lenified and pacified the archeus , the topical application of the bufo , &c. had i not lain in a large sweat continually seven dayes together , sometimes dropping down my skin , had not an extraordinary great botch been thrust out in the fundament , and upon an apertion made by leeches , many ounces of a virulent quitture issued forth . had any of these forementioned been wanting , i could not at this day have sucked in the air , and conversing among the living , have set forth to the world the history of this narrow evasion from the jaws of all devouring fate . observation xxii . for any one to assert that the pest is not contagious or catching , argues either sottish , stupid ignorance , or a perverse obstinate contradiction of truth , out of peevishness , and singularity of opinion . the best reason that these men have to maintain their gross paradox repugnant to sense , is , that some conversant among the sick , have lain in the same bed with them , have held there noses over their running bubo's and carbuncles , yet have escaped the infection . all this while these captious disputants forget the true axiom in philosophy , unumquodque recipitur secundum captum recipientis : there is no man affected like another in every respect , but still every patient hath some disparity , though not discrepable and sensible to us in the reception of the agent . in one the imagination of the whole man is strongly fortified against the infection , and can vigorously resist it , expressing an undaunted resolution ; but the imagination of the archeus may be weak in the same person , and not able to make any resistance or renitence , when it is assaulted by anothers contagious munial ferment , but easily yields to it . on the other side , the phantasie of the archeus , or vital spirit of every part may be couragious and bold , not ready to give way to the occurse of any outward evil : yet the imagination of fear and horrour in the man may be so great , that upon every slight occasion a pestilential impression may be made upon him . if the phantasie of man and the archeus be magnanimous , stout , free from any idea , vain conceit of fear and terrour , having a strong and valiant perswasion that neither can suffer injury in this kind : then the contagious effluviums cannot take place in such a body to offend it , because they are altogether disowned ; and so being not appropriated , are in a short time expulsed and dissipated , before they can settle themselves to produce any act of hostility against nature . now because few have this ingenite gift bestowed upon them so as to be exempted from some pusillaminity and distrustful thoughts either of the mind or the archeus , it is very rare when the pest is very grassant and outragious , that one coming within the sphere of the activity of this poyson , depart without some stain and spot , which sometimes is wiped off by strength of nature , helped by art , without any blemish to the health ; and i am confident many thousands in this city have had a light infection , which passed away per diap●aeam , a transpiration of the whole body , without the least cognizance of it . for my own part , i can avouch by several signs , being very curious and exact in the consideration of my own state , that i often received the scent or tincture of the pest , but quickly washed it off by some balsamical odour , causing a profluence of a kindly sweat. and had i not out of a little too forward zeal thrust my hand without due preparation into the mouth of this cruel tyger , i might have continued invulnerable to this day ; yet none but an unwitting , mad , self-conceited person will deny , that the pest according to its etimon doth peredere , mordere , & devorare , doth bite , tear in pieces , pierce even to the very marrow with its sharp fangs ; though some clad like curassers , with armour of proof from top to toe , have escaped those wounds that were inflicted upon others . one may as well conclude , that the itch or leprosie is not contagious ( contrary to divine writ , and firm experience ) because some coming within the same reach of contaminating emanations with others that were infected , have evaded the pollution . observation xxiii . i have sometimes found the fermenting venom of the pest , especially furthered by large draughts of small beer after aestuation and effervescence of the spirits , so speedily congeal the blood , that the best remedies made use of at the first appearance of the feaver , were bauked , and of no effect ; and being followed close , could only indicate by driving out some stigmata , vibices , spots , and a suffusion of red or blew marks in the skin , what great malignity was within ; and that there was almost a total coagulation of the blood in facto esse , as i observed in divers , who having surfeited themselves , were dispatched in the space of a few hours . i have also seen some remedies made use of for seasonable prevention to keep down and strangle this still pullulating poyson , not suffering it to make any condensation of the vital juyce , insomuch as though a violent feaver did break out , continuing for the space of five or six dayes , yet the blood being kept in its due motion , no efflorescence or cuticular eruption did appear , no not the least pimple or spot ; but such a rarefaction and subtiliation was made by penetrative , active and specifick medicines , that if any coagulation was in fieri , it was immediately prevented from further progress ; or if the blood began to be restagnant , it was forthwith agitated ; if any grumous matter present , it was sent packing , per diapnaeam & diaphaeresin , through the pores of the skin , fine capite mortuo , without any faeces , or sediment left behind . observation xxiv . when i meditate seriously upon the extraordinary occasion that brought this truculent disease upon me , when i contemplate its magnitude , malignity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the swiftness of its motion , those direful symptoms and products that appeared ; when i consider that three besides my self were sick at the same time , of the same malady , in the same house , the landlady one of the three , being with child , miscarrying , and that all of us recovered by the same means blessed from heaven , i cannot but heartily magnifie the good creator of all things , that hath provided such potent medicines for the restauration of man fallen from his sanity , and withall be firmly resolved concerning the admirable efficacy of chymical preparations , abhorring the laziness , perversness , and ingratitude of those that still resist the truth , obstinately maintaining their own destructive principles , method and medicines . chap. vii . directions preservative and curative against the pest. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the candid , learned hippocrates ; time is pourtrayed , not without good reason , with a sithe in his hand as keen as any razour ; to signifie to us , that it cuts off those opportunities , which once offered , and neglected , can never afterwards be regained . therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an able physician that is present in the nick of time , is highly to be prized by the patient : likewise , he that asketh counsell for prevention , or sends for an able chymist , ( as for the galenist , or pseudo-chymist , it matters not much when they are sent for : sith in truth ( i am sure i can make it appear ) some of them are to be avoided as the pest it self ) at the very first onset of a disease , is to be attended with all diligence , and to be supplied with the best remedies possible . for my part i had rather be altogether absent , than be called upon , when all that i can do , is to discover to the standers by , that the disease is mortal . what good can be expected , when nature is extream feeble and prostrate , not able to rise up to make the least conflict with a forcible disease , when the fundamental strength is altogether wanting , 't is impossible to make a reparation and redintegration of that which is abolished , without a miracle . of all diseases , there is none that finishes its course with more expedition than the pest , nor any insinuates more slily , treads more softly , flatters more subtilly , and kills more treacherously ; the more cautelous therefore ought we to be how we give any harbour to it , and through a careless supinity neglect means fitting to expell it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an undoubted truth delivered by hippocrates . he that desires to live comfortably , prolong his dayes , and defend himself from the pest , and other grievous infirmities incident to mankinde , next to powerfull medicines , let him embrace temperance in his diet , yet let him rather drink more , so it be spirituos , than eat ; let him rather exceed in sleeping than watching , in motion rather than a sedentary course of life , still discharging any excrementitious superfluity , chiefly through the universal emunctory , the skin , without any notable debilitation of the vital spirits : but above all , let him endeavour after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , magnanimity , brave resolution , and an undaunted firmnesse of minde to resist any vain conceits of infection . let the air , the principal vehiculum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a nimble conveyer and translater of the fermental poyson from one to another , be defaecated , purified , and ventilated from thsoe diversity of effluviums , and noxious exhalations that conspurcate its magnale , and fill up the pores thereof with soul corrupt hoary atoms that annoy the archeus . for this purpose nothing is more efficacious ( not only to segregate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whatsoever is unclean , but also to consume and mortify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any thing malignant and repugnant to our nature ) then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sulphur , brimstone , which may fitly be so called , both from the giver of it , and likewise from its divine effects . the use hereof i have in short set down in loimologia de elogio sulphuris . for sulphurs highly mundified , made terse and polite , are as it were archei speculum , the looking-glasse wherein the archeus beholds it self with delectation and complacency , being both reflected and illuminated by them ; for whatsoever is luminous and splendid , doth by an emission of socillating beams exhilarate and dilate the vital spirits , and dispose them to audacity , but that which is dark , misty , and opacous , doth cloud them , causing fear and terrour , the harbingers of this unwelcome guest . for this reason anima auri , the clear sulphur of gold , extracted by a friendly menstruum , being of a solar property , doth wonderfully chear up the vital 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from an implanted congruity , and a symbolical affinity between each other . the same is likewise performed by the defaecated sulphur of mars , antimony , vitriol , blood-stone , native cinnabar , without castration of their virtue , which taken into this microcosm , do by their rutilation and glistering rayes , strongly fortifie the spirits against any imminent danger of the pest , and enable them to profligate and protrude by sweat the intoxicating particles generated within , or taken into us from without . whosoever then desires to possesse these arcana's , must labour with his own hands , not thinking it inferiour for him to take pains and toil for a publick good . it is a most infallible truth , that he can never be an absolute philosopher , and an able physitian , that seeketh not after this spagyrical sophy by his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this chirurgia , manual operation must make him compleat , otherwise he is lame , maimed and detruncated in the knowledge of his profession . for i expresly assert ( as i have declared in galeno-pale ) and can prove it , that it is an egregious shame , and an unsufferable abuse in a nation , that a company of drones that can do little but make a humming noise to please the ear , should neglect to gather with their own fingers that aetherial , essential part of every concrete , which hath a soveraign vertue to preserve from , and cure infirmities . he that desires to attain an insight into these mysteries , let him compose himself without wavering , to try what the fire can discover that true philosophical light , which prometheus , i.e. every prudent circumspect physitian endeavours to purchase from heaven , that he may be able to correct and mitigate those many calamities that epimetheus , i. e. an improvident indiscreet man brings upon himself , ever since that once divinely gifted pandora offered to him that box , which he out of a curiosity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , opening , brought innumerable griess of body and mind into the world : let him make use of his own eyes and hands , which are bestowed upon him for speculation and practice . let him intuitively examine the sulphurs , salts , and spirits of animals , vegetables , and minerals , in which he shall finde abscondite most powerfull remedies against the pest , and other stubborn diseases . the saline spirit of blood , bones , and urine well rectified , are of admirable use against the pest ; likewise the spirit of harts-horn , ( the stinking flegm being well separated ) doth powerfully hinder coagulations of the blood , and sweeten the acidity thereof . the sulphures or oyls of any of these forenamed , well mundefied and digested with a very clean fixed alkali , are so united thereto , that they lose their nauseous unctuousity and become saline , volatilizing the fixed alkali . i have often found the spirit of tartar of singular virtue in the pest ; but above all the pure salt of tartar made volatile by a combination of its oyl and spirit , and tinged with the golden sulphur of some minerals , doth effectually resist the pestilential poyson , cleanse away the drosse , and any tartarous tenacious matter , by urine , sweat , expectoration , exhilarates the archeus , pacifying the fury and exorbitance thereof . elixir proprietatis prepared by a menstruum free from corrosion , not with the common oyl of vitriol or brimston , &c. is a very noble medicine to prevent contagion . the legitimate spirit of sulphur and vitriol endued with that leptomerie , that there is a manifest avolation of its parts , gratefull to the smell , pleasant to the taste , friendly to the membranes , leaving no evil impression , where it touches , is none of the inferiour remedies ; to prevent and cure this infection . spirit of salt well deflegm'd , and its much acidity allayed by a benigne spirit familiar to our nature , is highly to be commended in this case . likewise spirit of sal armoniack , well corrected with salt of tartar , is of noble efficacy . common sulphur often sublimed with bay-salt decrepitated , affords an admirable diaphoretick , promoting the circulation of the blood , as i have experimentally found . antimonium diaphoreticum ( whose exquisite preparation is neglected by the galenists , and the approved use thereof much more unknown to them ) is a remedy ( though ordinary in comparison of some chymical elaborate medicines ) far to be preferred before all dreggy obtuse electuaries , opiates , and confactions , as mithridat . theria . elect. de ovo , &c. i dare avouch that any physician throughly acquainted with the due preparation , application , and appropriation of this innocent thing ( for if it be hurtfull , it is because unskilfull men touch it ) may do more service for his king and countrey , toward the cure of any endemical sicknesse , then any meer dogmatist in europe . opium corrected in such a manner , and menaged with that method and discretion , as that pract cally learned dr. starkey hath taught the world , ought to be highly esteemed for the quieting and mitigating the rage of the archeus , and the carrying of malignity diaphoretically . the best oyl of amber , and the pure salt thereof spiritualized , that the archeus may the better hold correspondence with it , strengthens the stomack , womb , all the other membranes and sinews , seasoning the vital spirits with such a specifique odour , that they are not easily affected with a fracide , putrid , pestiferous scent . concerning prevention ; i know not any one thing for inward use , as a more sure staff to lean upon , under god , then the best flowers of ♀ , quite bereaved of their vomitive faculty , and converted into a diaphoretick and a little purgative property ( where the first and second digestions abound with soul and fluid excrements ) without circumcising and robbing them of their virtue by acide violent corrosives , or the torture of the fire . mercury sublimed five or six times , and afterward dissolved in a mild menstruum , gratefull to the smell , and pleasant to the taste , wherein the polite blade of a knife dipped is not denigrated , or sullied with an obscure colour , may safely be taken into the body without the least prejudice , for the dulcifying the latex become eager , acide , or austere , the impulse of the blood in its proper ducts , the prevention of its concretion , and for the protrusion of the venemous atoms from the center to the circumference , as i have tryed with constant desired success . crude mercury well clarified , and clean lune without any alloy , brought to an amalgama , powdered , then cast into coinimon sulphur , liquified in a vessel of mars , and afterward this mass being often sublimed in a very strong close body , with a firm head to it , is at length reduced to a brownish powder , fixed , of extraordinary effect in all ill-conditioned feavers , causing no disturbance at all either by vomit or stool , but by its emicant blas doth animate the archeus , to profligate any thing that is hostile to nature . whosoever purchaseth some of these noble remedies , need not doubt to cure , prevent , and so far as art will permit , that stubborn , chronick disease , the scorbute , which according to my judgment in loimologia , hath furthered and fomented the late pest. and since i wrote that little tract , i have been much confirmed in my opinion therein , by several experiments and instances . for this reason , all those things that resist the malignity of the scurvey , are approved of use also to prevent this acute sickness . wherefore in general the vital strength is to be augmented , the ambient air clarified , an adaptation of mumial ferments prevented , the archeus of the stomack carefully cherished and fortified , the blood purified , and kept freely running in its pipes , the venom mortified , the morbifique idea expunged , and the whole body disposed to a continual transpiration , by that means the good god of nature hath bountifully provided for us ; for this purpose nothing is to be preferred before the richly endowed juyce of that vegetable ( which liber planted to free poor melancholly man in some measure from care and sorrow ) separated into various parts by a skilful analysis of them , each being exalted , mundified , and afterwards united again . in this one concrete lies hid an infinite treasury of secrets , the true value of which for sanation of languors , the pseudochymists do no more understand , than a dunghil cock , the worth of a precious pearl ; if they did , they would never thus prescribe small beer , barley water , posset-drink made with water and ale , and such like poor faint liquors in such a case , when the spirits ( without whose vigour nothing can be done aright ) are subjugated and depauperated by a predominant sickness . among specificks ordained against the pest , i find the viper rightly prepared , discreetly menaged and applied , to be deservedly worthy of praise , as the experiment on my self , as well as others , taught me . now the best way that i always discovered it most effectual , was to dissolve the flesh by digestion in a delectable liquor , conspiring with , and advancing the balsamical alexiterial virtue thereof , likewise ushering it into remote parts , that they might be the better seasoned with its odour , and the terrifying imagination of the archeus the sooner abolished . the more subtile and spiritual part of amber , is endued with incomparable power , both to prevent , and also cure the pest , as i can practically attest : for i must needs subscribe ( being sufficiently instructed by fact ) to that just commendation the profound philosopher van helmont gives of amber : nil sanè ( saith he ) stomachos , intestinis , nervis , imo & cerebro est gratius succino in spiritu vini resoluto : there is not any thing that doth more gratifie the stomack , intestines , sinews , and brain , than amber dissolved in the pure spirit of wine . camphire free from dross , and married to pure spirit of wine tartarized , is , as i can judge of it by some little experience , very beneficial to keep off and destroy by its eminent odoriferous crasis , the poysonous odour of the pest. horse-radish fresh cut into thin slices , and steeped in white-wine , or malago sulphurated in that manner as i have described in loimologia , is very sanative of the scorbute , and a great defensive against the pest. the proper urine of him that hath drank wine , either taken by it self , or made into a clear posset , is without question an excellent defensive , especially taken with confidence , for it attenuates the tartarous blood , and carries it off by sweat and urine . juniper , ivy-berries , ginger bruised , and english saffran steeped in well rectified spirit of wine , that it may be impregnated with the virtue of the foresaid ingredients , is a powerful preservative , if a spoonful be taken thereof morning , noon and night with any other spriteful liquor . some things outwardly applied and worn are much commended , as the emerald and saphire and other precious stones , which often drawn in a circle about a bubo or carbuncle placed directly against the sun-beams or light , as ( helmont advises ) do magnetically extract the virulence and malignity in the body , as is evident by a blackness arising from those fuliginous cauterizing atoms that exhale . as for periapta , amulets , a verse out of david , solomon , or any prophet , superstitious words , characters , signatures , sculptures framed according to the conjunction and aspects of the heavenly bodies , talismanical gamaheus , and such like inventions , they are by no means to be trusted to . neither do i approve of those appendances of quick-silver sublimate auripigment , arsnick uncorrected , &c. which i have observed are very uncertain in answering the expectation of him that hangs them about his neck , or applies them to the pulses as an zenexton . i confess ( what helmont saith ) that the strong conceit of the person that uses the foresaid things , may be of some force to prevent infection for a little while , yet the terrour of the archeus is not taken off , or so much as mitigated by them ; and all that is hereby performed by them , is , that there is for some short time a privative exclusion of any notable perswasion , that an evil effect of contagion can seize upon the person . the forenamed author affirms , that many thousands dyed of the sickness at the siege of ostend , notwithstanding these supposed defensive amulets which they so trusted to , and those blisters which were raised by trochiscks of arsnick , and the like : and , illae sunt ( saith he ) tragoediae medicae , italicae imposturae , sinales periodi iudaei porr● & ethnici . this is the cheating galenical doctrine fetched from padua . sweet smelling spices , perfumes , and several odoriferous things made up into a pomander , a powder quilted in a bag , or contained in a spongy body , continually held at the nose ; when our dogmatists feel the pulse , aversa facie , looking westward , when their hands point eastward , as if conscious of their own guilt , they were ashamed to look their infected patients in the face . these are most ridiculous shifts , under which none but unwitting physitians will ever shelter themselves , as helmont hath it , quasi venenum desineret esse , aromate saturatum ! & non intraret penitius comite grati odoris ! ac quasi ipsa aromata non contagio essent subnoxia ! quasi arsenicum napellus ambari grys●o maritata cessarent nocere ! quasi adoratissimum vinum non statim contaminaretur fracido cado ! i.e. as if that lost its poysonous property , that had good store of spices mixt with it , and was not rather conveyed farther into all parts by the conduct a grateful odour ! as if spices were not liable to be infected ! as if arsnick or woolfsbane copulated with ambergreese , gave over their hurtful nature ! as if the most fragrant wine was not in an instant polluted by a musty vessel ! these are naeniae , pitiful things to put any confidence in . a true zenexton , or outward preservative is quite of another nature ( as the philosopher decides it ) for it depends not upon the meer phantasie excited , or unmoveable belief of the person ; but its ground-work is laid in nature , which hath bestowed upon it this active gift to do so and so . a true zenexton , according to helmont , ought to be no way capable of infection , if any expect it should keep him from the same . and here we may take notice that mans pest differs from brutes , so that theirs is not mortally infectious to us , nor ours to them , by reason of the disproportion of mumial ferments that is between each ; however their skins or flesh may be so contaminated by our pestiferous emanations , that they may be a means to convey it from one man to another . our noble chymical philosopher doth very much commend amber for a zenexton or preservative , from the testimony and experience of gordiola a spanish chyrurgion , master of the pest-house at ostend , who , as he relates , was preserved the space of three years , during the plague there , by means of a piece of red amber his zenexton , which he chafed , till it grew warm upon the seven principal pulses ; to wit , the temples , the wrists , the ankles , and left pap ( i wonder he omitted the strongest beating pulses in the groin ) he , as helmont was an eye-witness , alwayes continued in health , when the rest of his mates miscarried ; and the same author backs this experimental effect with prevalent reasons , taken first from its powerful attractive force manifested and stirred up by frication , next from its first transparency , gummosity , porosity , and rarity of parts , which make it more susceptible of our warmth and mumial odor ; lastly ▪ from the universality of its traction , being not limited as the loadstone to iron , but generally drawing any thing , so it be light and tractable , whereupon he infers , it may abundantly be able to draw the pestilent virulent air to it , sith it attracts light things , especially when it shall acquire an appropriation and adaptation by a mumial ferment . questionless most admirable is the radiant influence of precious stones , and other translucent scintillating bodies ( rightly applied ) upon our spirits , even like the stars of heaven : wherefore it ought not to seem strange , if such a shining concrete as amber , have such an extraordinary gift of preserving from the pest bestowed upon it , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the good father of lights , for the relief of the poor distressed man , that is not able to purchase costly gems . another most effectual zenexton that he highly extolls , is a creature called by the greeks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , flatu distendo tumefaceo , from its swelling property in latine , bufo , à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod bobus mortifera est ; à rubeta quod in rubis vivat , vel à rubro colore , in english a toad . it seems to be marked out , and to have a stigmatical signature impressed upon it , to denote what a dotal excellency is contained in it against a disease that is often conspersed with variety of spots . the great difficulty to bring this animal to a true zenexton , lies in an exquisite preparation of it , the manner whereof , that great investigator of verity , van helmont , hath thus delivered , as he received instructions from butler an irish man , who ( to helmonts knowledge ) had cured some thousands of the pest at london . he gave directions that a large bufo taken in the afternoon in the month of iune , should be hung up by the legs nigh the fire over a vessel of yellow wax made into the fashion of a dish or platter : after three dayes that the bufo had hung in this manner , it vomited up a terrene matter , and certain insects ; flies of a greenish colour , with wings shining like gold , then the bufo forthwith dyed . this butler told our philosopher , that a bufo ordered aright , was a sufficient remedy for forty thousand persons . but unhappily the right knack of this business was not yet fully discovered to helmont , which he promised he would perform , had he not been suddenly banished , and sent packing away . however , perspicacious helmont proceeded thus with great success ; he took the cadaverous bufo dried and beaten in to powder with that filth it had vomited , and so made it up into trochisks with tragacanth , which he used with good event both for precaution and sanation of the pest. after this he made a further progress thus ; he got in the month of iuly ( the moon decreasing ) a bufo , the oldest he could find , whose eyes standing out , were full of white worms with black heads , insomuch that both the inward parts of the eyes were changed into worms closely joined together in each corner , their heads appearing outward ; and if any attempted to get away , the bufo presently suppressed it with its paw . these he disposed and menaged in the same manner as is set down before , and found them a most incomparable zenexton . gestati autem trochisci , saith he , ad mammam sinistram arcebant contagium & loco infecto alligati statim virus extrahebant . trochisks made of a bufo thus prepared , and applied to the left pap , kept away contagion , and fastened to any place infected , did immediately extract the poyson ; moreover , that which is remarkable , erant trochisci promptiores & validiores si in usum aliquoties recidissent quam recentiores : the oftner they were used , the more speedily and powerfully did they perform their business , beyond those that were fresh , and never used . now adepti gives this philosophical reason of the rare operation of the bufo in this kind ; for being a creature naturally very timorous , that bears a perfect hatred against man , and augmenting the same by an extraordinary fear it conceives at the presence of man ; when it dyes , the whole body is seasoned and distained with such an idea of fear , that even the cadaver retains the impression thereof after death . qui terror ab homine , saith helmont , naturalem energiam sibi acquirit & imprimit , contra imagines territi archei in homine ; siquidem terror bufonis interimit & annihilat ideas territi archei humani : this terrour in the bufo arising from the aspect of man , acquires an energy against the imagination of the terrour of the archeus ; that which is natural , mortifying this which is accidental : and forasmuch as no poyson exerts its violent power without the ferment of mans mumie ( which being different from a brutes , is the reason that our pest doth not annoy them ) neither can the pest infect any , unless there be a symbolical congruity and participation of the ferment ; wherefore it is the nature of this zenexton to hinder the mumial ferment from receiving and appropriating the pestilent poyson to it self , and so disturbs it , that it cannot roost in that immediate subject , or be fitted to it . hence it falls out , that that venemous idea of hatred and terror in the bufo , annihilates the image of the pestilent poyson in the archeus , which strait is corroborated , perceiving not only an extinction of the virulent idea , but also finding an appropinquation of something more desponding and timorous than it self ; for it is observed that the bufo is a creature so extreamly fearful , that if you take the advantage to look upon it with a firmly fixed intentive eye for a quarter of an hour , there being no avoidance of your countenance , it will shortly dye with very terrour , as i have tryed . thus mans archeus beholds as it were in a glass , the picture of the bufo's pusillanimity , with a delectable reflection by means of this applicated zenexton , which by divine institution procures his sanity . divers good topical remedies may be made use of with good success , as water-cresses , garden-cresses , bank-cresses , horse-radish , dittander , napellus , aconitum , figgs stamped and boiled in vinegar , which applied to bubo's and carbuncles , have an excellent faculty to extract the venom , and dissolve any tartarous matter in the part . that which i have found most laudable , and of approved experience in botches and carbuncles , is a plaister made of the balsom of antimony , of the balsom of brimstone , bals. fuliginis , and burgundy pitch , which may be trusted to above any thing i have met with . the authors apology against the calumnies of the galenists . what some men cannot obtain by fair honest upright means they will try to purchase by indirect , unjust , foul courses , by slanders , obloquies , scurrilities , forgeries and detractions . one comfort is , i never knew the contrivers thereof long to prosper , but still at length they drew upon themselves the greater odium from those credulous persons , whose unhappy fate it was to be seduced by them ; and however they might for a while set a good face upon their unhandsome actions , deceiving some indiscreet eyes ; yet in conclusion , when they were discovered in their genuine colours , they alwayes came off with deserved disgrace . certain scurrilous , lying pamphlets have been vented abroad against me , under disguised names , which some subtill slie wits made use of to shelter themselves , being conscious , that if they should come to a chymical tryal , they would be found most dross . now how far this is from candour and integrity , let any impartial man judge . if i have spoken , writ , or done any thing amisse in physick , i am forthwith ready to clear my self ; if i do not , let me suffer any condign punishment . the principal design of the galenists , is to weaken the sinews of truth , by scandalously and falsly disparaging my person , calling me fanatick , one of an anarchical principle ; who have always ( as my friends can testifie ) been loyal to my soveraign . they whisper behind my back , that i am no schollar ; because that i have not spent my time altogether like themselves , a company of pedants , cavillers about lana caprina , captious sophisters , great disputers , or rather wranglers pro & con about quidlibets , and quodlibets , such as study cicero to confute helmont ; who stand more upon a word mis-placed , a grammatical errour , than upon the loss of a mans life . if any of these false impeachers dare appear to my face , i should easily make it out , that the galenists are a company of grand talkative impostors , ignorant in the main thing that belongs to their art , the radical cure of diseases , and this i will maintain , expressing my self in congruous latine , greek , and hebrew terms , not as a parrot or daw , that hath only learnt verba , praeterea nihil ; but intellectually , fruitfully , for the benefit of mankind . as for their endeavours to vilifie my reputation , by making the world believe , that i was at first a practitioner in chirurgery , before i applied my self to physick ( although an untruth ) yet it conduces much to my credit , though otherwise intended by them : for let me tell these men , that are little else but smooth orators , polyglossi , multiloquous doctors , that if they were but truly chirurgi , operators with their own hands , they would have attained ere this a farre greater excellency in that art , in which i am sure they are extreamly deficient , to their remarkable shame . withall i would have my enemies know , that i was so well-grounded , principled , and had acquired such theorems in the profession of physick before i entered upon the practical part , that i was able to give a fair rational account of that fraudulent way , improperly called methodical , as well ( i suppose ) as the best of them : yea directly aiming at this and no other faculty , i made all inquisition possible , that i might be throughly instructed , before i entred upon medicinal action ; and for that end , after long study , i sought for , and by good providence found out a faithfull friend , at first an apothecary , omnibus suis numeris & partibus expletus , every way accomplished in his faculty , afterward an expert knowing physician , one that was persecuted maliciously and wrongfully , to his overthrow , by the dogmatists , for preparing lac sulphuris , an innocent usefull chymical medicine ; for which act doubtlesse divine nemesis will at length bring them to shame . this gentleman conducting me to his patients , and informing me concerning several remarkable things in physick : gave me much light both in galenical and spagyrical practice ; the last whereof , according as i could judge then , above twenty years past , seemed to be most effectual : yet unwilling to forsake the old beaten road of the antients , i did not presently subscribe rashly to that , to which i was forced afterwards by degrees to grant ipso facto to be truth , much inconsistent at that time with my profit . then desiring to do all things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , decently , and in order , i purchased a doctoral diplôma to justifie my practice legally in any place of the world ; which i would rather burn , than not be worthy . indeed it is an unsufferable shame , and a lamentable calamity to this nation , that idiots , meer dunces in philosophy should take their degrees modo tot annos ( as learned , honest mr. burton saith ) in academia insumpserint ; if they have been of so long standing in the university , it matters not a rush whether they be literatores an litorati , modò pingues , nitidi , ad aspectum speciosi , & pecuniosi : and as he proceeds , philosophastri licentiantur in artibus , artem qui non habent : eosque sapientes esse jubent , qui nulla praediti sunt sapientia , & nihil ad gradum praeterquam velle adferunt . many such kind of medicasters we have , who ought to be degraded , that deserving men , that have a just title and right to this honourable profession , might be better esteemed , and not be so vilified by a company of illiterate pseudo-chymists , who seeing the weakness of these titular doctors in their art , take occasion to slight those that have according to their due merit been thus dignified . thus much for the wiping off those aspersions that they have wrongfully cast upon my own person , next , i shall answer in short to some things thrown in my teeth , and often charged upon me in reference to others , and the noble spagyrick science . they upbraid me , that i frequently meet and join with an illiterate rabble , gunsmiths , heel-makers and botchers , that rail against the universities , and all learning in general . this i confess ingenuously is the worst they can say of me : that once i did for a time associate my self ( for the promotion of that useful chymical art , some learned chymists , as dr. dey , dr. manwaring , &c. true disciples of helmont , being likewise present ) with several unlearned , unexperimented pretenders thereto ; who , not invited , but intruded themselves impudently among us : but perceiving in a short space my self defiled by their heady , high-minded , rude boasting , insolent , preposterous carriage , i strait withdrew , and washed my hands of such dirty companions : and when ever after it was my chance to come into any of their company singly , i sharply reproved them for their bitter invectives against learning . when a pragmatical stickler not long ago did speak in contempt of learning , asserting , that a man might be a sufficient chymist , without the languages ; i replied , that the same person would be far better , had he been qualified with literature as he ought . so much respect have i for some professors of physick , though great oppugners of true chymistry , yet otherwise very well endowed , that did they not abuse the gift of tongues , to maintain the idleness of their hands , that pernicious course of bleeding , colliquating uncorrected purgatives ; did they not defend too obstinately ( against all demonstrative conviction ) fruitless , feculent , dull , nastie medicaments , blisterings , issues , cuppings , and scarifications , &c. and did not mans life stand in competition with these tenents , i should honour , reverence , and admire them above others . but as they have ordered the matter , i may in verity affirm , that it had been happier that they had never known how to have worded it so well , unless they had been more skilful to have worked better for the preservation and cure of mankind ; for so far as i can understand , their knowledge of words , which ought to be an introduction to the right understanding of things , is become a remora , a pull-back to themselves , that they cannot make an effectual progress in what is most necessarily scientifick in physick , and withall , not a little scandalous to others , who have harboured but mean conceits of verbal notions , seeing so few salutary actions proceeding therefrom . i confesse i am not a little ashamed , when i hear of , and am twitted with the great abuses in chymistry , committed by some of those , who have been thought stout defenders of the same . when i am told of an illiterate , impudent fellow , a very shame to the art , that is in fee with midwifes , nurses , busie , prating , wandering women , that cry him up for a brave doctor , who cannot , as the proverb is , say boh to a goose ; being neither truly acquainted with the theory or practick , hath only got a fabrick of fair beautifull furnaces , which speaks more for him , ten to one , than he can for the art , or himself . when , i say , this is objected to me , as undeniable , i cannot but break forth into indignation , that such a divine science should be thus polluted , by every profane idiot . when a sad relation comes to my ear , at length confirmed without further doubt , that an upstart chymist , taking upon him to be a champion of hermes , and writing a copious tract for the defence of this way , ( containing much truth ) should take into his hand a patient , a gentleman of quality , enjoying his health at that time ( according to his friends testimony , better than he had a long space before ) should sequester him into a by-corner , mure him up in a quacks house , separate him from his entire friends , should for prevention of the gout , without the least tincture ( as some knowing physicians affirm ) of the venereal lues , salivate him , ( or , as that gang hath found a new term , nod him ) to the one and twentieth day with mercurius dulcis , often repeated , ( a medicine unworthy to be used by a free-born son of art , if he knew better ) and that against his own judgement , led , as he pretends , by the importunity of his patient into this course : that he should after the exhibition of prepared pearl ( whether galenical or chymical they best know ) prescribe a diet-drink on the 17th day , and then afterward slop him with syrrup of violets , rose-water , and milk , distilled with spotted lungwort , coltsfoot , sage , wood-sorrell , plantain , succory , ( o brave chymist ! i am perswaded he will write ere long for the galenists ) and then in the conclusion to suffer this distressed gentleman , dying on the 24th day , to be concealed 9. dayes after his death , from his dear brothers , ( without admission of other advice ) who at length inquiring of his physician for his corps , was denyed by him the discovery thereof ; and having at length with much ado found it out , summoned the physician and others together , that the body ( pretended to be embalmed , but otherwise manifest upon the inspection ) might fairly be opened for their own satisfaction , and the acquittance of those that were about him : which reasonable desire was denyed by the physician , and afterwards prevented by him ; that this supposed chymist should ( to excuse this foul businesse , ) afterward impeach an honest laborious chymist ( who had given physick to this person the aforesaid pseudo-chymist his patient two years before , and not since ) that he had a hand in this gentlemans death . whereas i heard it attested by one of credit , that there was a gratefull acknowledgement of the patient at that time both by word and deed , that he had received very great benefit by the foresaid falsely accused physician . when , i say such an ugly story comes to my ear , often repeated to me as one concerned , by persons of credit , confirmed by the brothers of this gentleman deceased , men of integrity and good report , who had most of what i deliver here from the pseudo chymists own mouth ; when being upbraided , i am made sensible how this base filthy action ( not to be excused by any , unlesse one of a superlative impudence ) reflects upon the chymical profession , and the honest able professors of this illustrious art , to the diminution of its repute among , those that have not altogether a clear understanding in these things , i cannot conceive otherwise , but some evil spirit of darknesse is changed into an angel of light , and and is become on a sudden a galeno-chymist , a pseudo-chymist , a meer logo-chymist , and a plano chymist , on purpose to bring an infamy upon truth , to delude the world , and to frustrate it of that happinesse it might enjoy by pious , honest , modest , learned , or lovers of learning truly expert laborious spagyrists . but enough of this : i shall leave this antesignanus of confusion and deformity , with some of his complices , to be further examined by justice , that there may be a full discussion of this foul oblique business . i shall return once more to the galenists , at whose doors most of these grand mischiefs in physick may justly be laid . 't is through their idleness , pride , covetousness , negligence , ignorance , egregious insufficiency in their art , that such disguised stentors in chymistry , such scandalous persons , omnium horarum homunciones , nebulones , viles scurrae , idiotae , fungi merum pocus ; such as will sell a mans life , rush into this divine art , and prostitute their souls for gain ! i say , the dogmatists are exceeding culpable herein , that might in due time have prevented most of these iatrical calamities ; for had they followed their function as they ought , candidly , conscientiously , and laboriously , these things had never been . notwithstanding all this , they still persevere in their indirect way , as obstinate as any jew ; whereas if they would ( laying aside their present secular interest ) be so ingenuous to submit to chymical truth , and that no farther than i , with some others , are able to demonstrate visibly the certainty thereof . these meteors in chymistry , these inflated bubbles would come to nothing . but instead of this candor and ingenuity , they still stand upon the justification of their mortiferous principles ; for that end , one of that fraternity , mr. n. h. hath divulged a sophistical treatise , for vindication and assertion of galenical opinions . some little cursory view i chanced to have of it , enough to satisfie me what this juggler and his assistants aim at . in his epistle , i took notice how he importunes his grace to promote the speedy enacting of convenient lawes , whereby illegal practisers may be restrained and punished . i wish with all my soul that this mr. n. h. might have his request : supposed he and his fellows might likewise be forced to undergo a chymical trial , that their foul d●osse in physick might be discovered , and their cut-throat bleeding in the small pox , and other malignant feavers , to the losse of the life of some heroes , might be made apparent ; then i am certain they , as illegal practisers , would be the first that the law would lay hold on to restrain and punish , according to their demerits . to conclude , had leisure been granted me to have strictly perused mr. n. h. his garrulous tract , ( contrived by one of his sophistical wily brethren , lying couched in time of the pest , and garnished with many polite , trimm words , and back'd by specious authority of writers , but mis-applyed , mis-interpreted , nihil ad rhombum , nothing pertinent to the main thing , which every honest able physician is bound to take in hand , i. e. to cure man as he ought . ) i should , perhaps , have given some answer to his egregious folly ; but it is enough that i have challenged this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in galeno-proclosis , to make it appear that he is grosly ignorant in the fundamental cure of any malignant feaver . and once more i propose to him this undeniably equal determination of our controversies by fact , that he would vouchsafe to meet me in any hospital , with competent arbitratours agreed upon by us both ; and according as they shall judge of our actions , so let them proclaim us to the world. if he deny to accept of this , i am resolved to publish him , no other than a meer sounding peece of vacuity . finis . books sold by nathaniel crouch , at the rose and crown in exchange alley , near lombard-street . the compleat bone-setter enlarged , being the method of curing bones , dislocated joints , and ruptures , commonly called broken bellies : to which is added , the perfect oculist , mirrour of health , judgment of urines . treating of the pestilence , and all other diseases , by robert turner med. the history of the life and actions of st. athanasius , together with the rise , growth , and downfall of the arrian heresie . collected from primitive writers , by n. b. p. c. euclids elements , the whole fifteen books , compendiously demonstrated by isaac barrow , in octavo . an exposition , with useful observations , upon the prophesie of ezekiel , delivered at several lectures in london , by william greenhill . the knowledge of christ indispensably required of all men that would be saved ; or demonstrative proofs from scripture , that crucified jesus is the christ , wherein the types , prophesies , genealogies , miracles , humiliation , exaltation , and meditorial office of christ are opened and applied , in sundry sermons on acts 2. 36. by iohn davenport of newhaven in new england . the mystery of the marriage song , and mutual spiritual embraces between christ and his spouse : opened in an exposition , with practical notes and observations on the whole forty fifth psalm , by william troughton minister of the gospel , with an epistle commendatory , by ioseph caryl . a treatise of the person of christ , and therein a discourse about the knowledge , 1. of god , who , and what a one he is . 2. of the son of god , who , and what a one he is . 3. of the first promise of christ , and first publication of the mystery of him . 4. of the times and years of the first fathers . 5. of the account of years from the creation to the flood , and from both to the first coming of christ , and probably to his second coming . 6 of election . the abrogation of the jewish sabbath , or sabbath of the seventh day of the week , by william aspinwall . an improvement of the sea , upon the nine nautical verses of the 107th psalm , discovering the great and many hazards mariners meet with in tempestuous seas , and their deliverances . together with a full description of many various objects they behold on sea and land , viz. all sorts of fish , fowl , beasts wild and tame ; all sorts of trees , fruits , peoples , cities , towns and countries . by daniel pell . finis . a treatise concerning the plague and the pox discovering as well the meanes how to preserve from the danger of these infectious contagions, as also how to cure those which are infected with either of them. edwards, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37944 of text r207034 in the english short title catalog (wing e190). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 224 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37944 wing e190 estc r207034 09808406 ocm 09808406 44138 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37944) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44138) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1355:21) a treatise concerning the plague and the pox discovering as well the meanes how to preserve from the danger of these infectious contagions, as also how to cure those which are infected with either of them. edwards, 17th cent. [4], 66 [i.e. 146] p. printed by gartrude dawson, london : 1652. attributed to edwards (forename unknown)--nuc pre-1956 imprints and wing. imperfect: p. 66-96 lacking. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng plague. medicine -early works to 1800. a37944 r207034 (wing e190). civilwar no a rich closet of physical secrets, collected by the elaborate paines of four severall students in physick, and digested together; viz. the c a. m 1652 42964 113 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-12 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise concerning the plague and the pox , discovering as well the meanes how to preserve from the danger of these infectious contagions , as also how to cure those which are infected with either of them . london , printed by gartrude dawson , 1652. the printer to the reader . this treatise hath pass'd the view and approbation , both of juditious phisitians and chirurgians , and hath been judged worthy to have a new vesture put upon him , and to be vindicated from the obscurity and darknesse it hath lain involved and eclipsed in this many yeares ; being collected out of the authorities of the most excellent , both former and later writers , and confirmed , strengthened , and approved , by the late experiences of many well practitioned chirurgians ; being formerly commended to publick view , by the approbation of a late famous servant , and chirurgian to king iames deceased ; who seriously considering the facilenesse of providing the medicines , with their approvednesse in a necessitous time , and in places remote , both from able phisitians and chirurgians , the danger of the present infection requiring speedy help , to such as might have occasion to make use of these medicines ; not doubting , but the charitable intentions of the carefull authour , publishing it on purpose for the publick good , shall find the acceptance of so necessitous a work , as is wished by a. m. the author to the reader . whereas there are divers receits set down in this book , which are written in latine , in characters used by phisitians and apothecaries , which cannot so fitly be brought into our english phrase ; and because their quantities are set down according to the latine order observed in the making up their receits prescribed , i have , for the better ease and understanding of the reader , set down the signification of their weights and measures , according to their characters . a handfull is written thus m. 1. half a handfull thus m. ss. a little small handfull thus p. 1. a scruple thus ℈ . 1. half a scruple , x. graines , or thus ℈ . ss. a drachm thus ʒ . 1. an ounce thus . ℥ . 1. half an ounce , or half a drachm ℥ . ss. ʒ . ss. a grain thus gra. 1. a drop thus gut. 1. the number of any thing thus nu. 1. &c. half of any thing thus ss. a pound , or pint , thus lib. 1. twenty graines make a scruple . three scruples make a drachm . eight drachms make an ounce twelve ounces a physick pound . ana. is , of either of them so much . p. ae . is , equall parts , or parts alike . s. a. secundum artem , according to art . so much as shall suffice is marked thus q. s a defensative against the plague . the first treatise chap. i. what the plague is . the antient phisitians in times past have greatly doubted , what the essentiall cause of this disease , which we commonly call the plague or pestilence , should be ; yet all doe agree , that it is a pernitious and contagious fever , and reckoned to be one of the number of those which are called epidemia , chiefly proceeding of adusted and melancholy bloud , which may be easily perceived , by the extream heat and inflammation , which inwardly they doe feel , that are infected therewith ; first assaulting the heart , and astonishing the vitall spirits , as also by the exteriour carbunkles and botches which it produceth ; whose malignity is such , both in young and old , rich and poor , noble and ignoble , that using all the meanes , which by art can , or may be devised , yet in some it will in no sort give place , untill it hath by death conquered the party infected therewith . chap. ii. cause of the plague . there are divers causes whereof this disease may proceed , as sundry writers doe alledge , as by over great and unnaturall heat and drought , by great rain and inundations of waters , or by great store of rotten and stinking bodies , both of men and beasts , lying upon the face of the earth unburied , as in the time of warres hath been seen , which doth so corrupt the air , as that thereby our corn , fruits , hearbs , and waters , which we daily use for our food and sustenance , are infected : also it may come by some stinking dunghils , filthy and standing pooles of water , and unsavory smels which are near the places where we dwell , or by thrusting a great company of people into a close , narrow , or streight room , as most commonly we see in ships , common gaoles , and in narrow and close lanes and streets , where many people doe dwell together , and the places not orderly kept clean and sweet . but most commonly , in this our time , it is dispersed amongst us , by accompanying our selves with such as either have , or lately have had the disease themselves , or at least have been conversant with such as have been infected therewith : but for the most part it doth come by receiving into our custody some clothes , or such like things , that have been used about some infected body , wherein the infection may lie hidden a long time , as hath been too too often experimented , with repentance too late in many places , it may also come by dogs , cats , pigs , and weasels , which are prone and apt to receive and carry the infection from place to place . but howsoever it doth come , let us assure our selves , that it is a just punishment of god , laid upon us for our manifold sins and transgressions against his divine majesty : for as seneca saith , quicquid patimur ab alto venit , what crosses or afflictions soever we suffer , it cometh from the lord , either for a triall of our faith , or a punishment for our sins . wherefore to distinguish any farther thereof i think it needlesse , for my intent is in breif sort , so exactly as i can , to shew the meanes how to prevent the same , as also how to cure it when we are infected . but before i enter to treat thereof , i think it not amisse , to shew what forewarnings and tokens are given us before hand of the coming thereof , thereby the better to prevent the same by prayer and repentance . chap. iii. warnings of the plague to come . avicen , a noble physitian saith , that when wee see the naturall course of the ayre , and seasons of the year to be altered , as when the spring time is cold , clowdy , and dry , the harvest time stormy , and tempestuous , the mornings and evenings to be very cold , and at noon extream hot , these do foreshew the plague to come . also when we see fiery impressions in the firmament , especially in the end of summer , as comets and such like , and that in the begining of harvest we see great store of little frogs , red to ades , and myse on the earth abounding extraordinarily : or when in summer we see great store of toades creeping on the earth having long tailes , of an ashy color on their backs , and their bellies spotted and of divers colours , and when we see great store of gnats swiming on the waters , or flying in great companies together , or when our trees and hearbs do abound with caterpillars , spiders , moaths &c. which devoure the leaves on the trees and hearbs on the earth , it sheweth the ayre to be corrupt , and the plague shortly after to follow . also by the beasts of the field we may perceive it ( especially sheep ) which will go mourning with their heads hanging down towards the ground , and divers of them dying without any manifest cause known unto us . also when we see young children flock themselves together in companies , and then will faine some one of their company to be dead amongs them , and so will solemnize the buriall in a mournfull sort , this is a token which hath been well observed in our age to foreshew great mortality at hand . also when we see rivers of water to overflow without any manifest cause , or suddenly vanish away and become dry : and when clear well-springs do suddenly become foule and troubled . also when the small-pox doth generally abound both in young and old people , all these do foreshew the plague to come . chap. iiii. sheweth how to prevent the plague . there are three principall meanes how to prevent this contagious disease : the first and chiefest is to acknowledge our manifold sins and wickedness unto almighty god our heavenly father , with a hearty repentance and amendment of our former sins committed against his divine majestie . the second means is to fly far off from the place infected , and as rondoletius saith , not over hastily to return thither again for fear of an after-clap : which saying is confirmed by valetius in these words , non enim morietur in bello , qui non est in illo : and the farther from it , the safer shall we be , yet were it a very uncharitable course that all which are of abillity should do so , for then how should the poor be relieved , and good orders observed : but for children it were best to send them far off from the place , because their bodies are most apt to receive the infection , as also for that they cannot so continually use antidots and preservatives , which by their great heat may indanger them almost so much as the disease it self . the third meanes consisteth chiefly in three points , which are these : order , diet , and physicall helps . for the first you shall have a care that your houses be kept clean and sweet , not suffering any foule and filthy clothes or stinking things to remain in or about the same : and in summer season to deck your windowes , and strow your floors with sweet and wholsom hearbs , floures , and leaves , of mints , balme , penniroyall , lavender , time , majoram , red-roses , carnations , gelliflowers and such like for your windowes , your floors to be strowed with green rushes , and mints , oaken and willow leaves , vine leaves and such like : your windowes which stand towards the north and east , do you alwaies keep open in the day time , if the ayre be clear , and that no infected and unsavory smell be near the same , as fogs , dunghils , &c. and every morning before you open either your doors , or windowes , as also in the evening when you go to bed , cause a good fire to be made in your chamber , and burn some odoriferous o●… sweet perfumes in the middest thereof , as hereafter i will shew you , or in stead thereof some juniper , frankincense , bay leaves , rosemary , lavender , majoram , or such like , which you must alwaies have dried in a readinesse , and so in the fume or smoke thereof to breath and perfume the clothes which you are to weare . a good perfume in summer season . ℞ . rose water and vinegar , of either six spoonfulls : rinds of sower citrons and lemons , bay-leaves , of either the weight of two pence which is ℈ . i. camphire , the weight of three pence , which is ʒ . ss. the hearbs and rinds must be dried and put alltogether in a perfuming pan , or instead thereof a peuter dish , set on a chafer of coles , will serve the turn . another good perfume in winter . ℞ . red-roses majoram and myrtles , of either a little handfull : callamint , juniper berries , laudanum , benjamin , frankincense , of either ʒ . i. which is the weight of seven pence . the hearbs , berries , and roses being dried , must be made in grosse powder , as also the gumms , and so mixed together , and when yee list , cast some part thereof on a chafer of coales , and receive the fume thereof . chap. v. now having received the fume as aforesaid , before you go forth of your chamber , eat some cordial electuary or preservative , as hereafter you shall find choise , which i have alwais used with good and happy success , after taking of the cordial wash your face and hands with clean water , wherein you must put a little vinegar , and then if you list , you may break your fast with some good bread and butter , and in winter season a potch'd egg is good eaten with some vinegar , and for plethorick and melanchole bodies , it were good to drink a draught of wormewood wine , in the morning fasting , because it resisteth putrefaction in the plethorick , and purgeth bilous matter in the melancholie . an excellent good preservative which i have alwaies used with good successe . ℞ . conserve of roses and borrage floures , of either two ounces : minardus mithridate , andromachus triacle , of either half an ounce : dioscordium , two drachms , dialkermes one drachme , powder of the seed of citrons pilled , one drachme , sirrup of lemons and sower citrons , of either halfe an ounce . compound all these together in the form of an opiat , you may eat hereof every morning the quantity of three beanes , and drink a draught of rennish wine , beer , or ale after it : but for children and such as are of tender years , so much as a bean thereof is sufficient , and give them onely beer or ale after it : the taking hereof every second or third day will suffice , if you go not into any suspected company . another excellent good preservative . ℞ . kernils of wallnuts and figs , of either four ounces : leaves of rue , one ounce and half , tormentill roots , four drachms , rind of sowr citrons , one drachme , right bolarmoniak , six drachms , fine myrrh , two scruples , saffron , one scruple , salt , half a drachm : sirrup of citrons and lemons , four ounces . the hearbs , roots , and rinds must be dried , the nuts must be blanched , and the bolarmoniack must be made in fine powder , and then wash'd in the water of scabios , and dried againe , you must pound the figgs and wallnuts in a stone morter severally by themselves very small , all the rest must be made in fine powder , and so mix them altogether in the morter , and then add thereto sirrup by little and little , and so incorporate them altogether : you may give this in the same quantity , and in like sort as the other before . another very good . ℞ . of the confection aforesaid made with nutts ℥ . iiii . minardus mithridate , four drachms , andromachus triacle , ʒ ii . fine terra sigillata , four scruples , sirrup of limons , ℥ . i. compound all these together in the morter , as the other before , you may give hereof the weight of a groat or six pence , every second or third day , and drink a draught of rennish or white wine after it in winter season , but in the heat of the yeer , sorrel water is best , and in the spring scabios or carduus benedictus water . also , so much triacle of andromachus description eaten every morning as a bean , with a little conserve of roses , is a very excellent good preservative . valetius doth greatly commend the taking of three or four grains of the bezar stone every morning , in a spoonfull of scabios water . i cannot here sufficiently commend the electuarie called dioscordium , which is not onely good to resist the infection , but doth also expell the venemous matter of those which are infected , being taken every morning and evening the quantity of a bean , and drinke a draught of rennish or white wine after it in winter season , but in summer a draught of beer or ale is best . in strong and rusticall bodies , and such as are dayly labourers , garlick onely eaten in the morning with some butter and salt at breakfast , drinking a cup of beer or ale after it , hath been found to be very good , which is greatly commended by galen , who calleth it the poor mans triacle , but in the sanguine , daintie , and idle bodies it may not be used , because it over-heateth the bloud , causeth head-ach , and universally inflameth the whole body . chap. vi . now when you have taken any of the foresaid preservatives , it were good and necessary to wear upon the region of the heart , some sweet bag or quilt that hath power to resist venome , and also to carry in your hand some sweet pomander , nodule , or nosegay , that will comfort the heart , resist venom , and recreate the vitall spirits , as here following is specified and set down . an excellent quilt or bag . ℞ . arsenike cristaline , ℥ . i. diamargaritum frigidum , ℈ ii . diambrae , ℈ i. you must grinde the arsenike in small powder , and then with some of the infusion of gum dragagant in rose water , you must make a paste , then spread it on a cloth which must be six inches long , and five inches broad , and spread it thick : then cover it with another cloth , and so quilt it together , which being done , fasten it in another bag of crimson taffetie or sarse●…et , and so wear it against the heart all the day time , but at night leave it off : and here you must take heed , that when you sweat , you doe take it away , for otherwise it will cause the skin to amper a little . there are some writers which doe utterly forbid the wearing of arsenike , but thus much i can say , that i have given this bag unto divers to wear , with most happie and good successe , for never did i yet know any one that hath worn this bag , and used any of the electuaries aforesaid , that hath been infected with the plague , but for any inconvenience or accident that hath happened thereby , i never found any hitherto , other then the ampring of the skin as aforesaid . another bag . ℞ . ireos , ℥ ss. calamus aromat. ciperus , ana . ʒ . i. ss. storax calam. root of angelica , ana . ʒ . iii , cloves , mace , anaʒ . i. red roses dried , ʒ . iii . pellemountain , penniroyall , calamint , elder floures , ana . ʒ . i ss. nutmegs , cinnamon , yellow sanders , anaʒ . i. nardi italicae , ʒ . i. amber greece and musk , ana . six grains . you must pound all these in powder , and then quilt them in a bag of crimson ●…affatie as aforesaid . a pomander good in the summer time . ℞ . the rind of citrons , red roses , nenuphare roses , yellow sanders , anaʒ . ss. storax liquid , benjamin , ana . ʒ . i. myrrh , ℈ . ii . ladanum , ʒ . i. ss. musk and amber , ana . six grains . powder all that is to be powdered , and then work them together in a hot morter with a hot pestell , adding unto it in the working some of the musselage of dragagant dissolved in sweet rose water , or rose vinegar , and so make your pomander . another good one for the winter time . ℞ . storax liquid , benjamin , storax calamint , ladanum , and myrrh , ana , half a drachm , cloves one scruple , nutmegs , cinnamon , of each half a scruple . red roses , yellow sanders , lignum aloes , and ireos , of each half a dram . calamus aromaticus , rind of a citron , ana . four grains , amber greece , musk and civet , of each six grains . you may make up this as the other before with some musselage of the infusion of gum dragagant , infused in rosewater . a good nodule for the summer season . ℞ . floures of violets , red roses , and nenuphare , of each one drachm , red , white , and yellow sanders , of each half a drachm . camphire , xii graines . cause all these to be beaten in grosse powder , then knit them all together in a peece of taffetie , and when you will use it , then wet it in rose water and a little vinegar , and so smell to it . another nodule for the winter season . ℞ . the dried leaves of mints , majoram , time , penniroyall , lavender , pellemountain and balm , of each a little handfull . nutmegs , cloves , cinnamon , angelica roots , lignum aloes , of each one drachm . saffron , two scruples . cause all these to be infused in rose-water and vinegar one whole night , then wet a spunge in the liquor thereof , and knit it in a peece of taffaty , or your handkerchief , whereunto you must smell oftentimes . a nosegay for the same purpose . ℞ . hearb grace , three branches : rosemary , majoram , mints , and thime , of either one branch : red-rose buds and carnations , of either three or four . make your nosegay herewith , then sprinkle him over with rose-water , and some rose-vinegar , and smell often unto it . also when you suspect to go into any dangerous or infected company , do you alwaies carry in your mouth a peice of the root of angelica , the rind of a citron dried , or a great clove , which must be first infused or steeped one whole night in rose-water and vinegar . chap. vii . for that there is not a greater enemy to the health of our bodies then costiveness , both in the time of the plague and otherwise , i have here set down how and by what meanes you may keep your self soluble , which you must use once four and twenty hours , if otherwise you have not the benefit of nature by custome . a suppository . take two spoonfulls of honey , and one spoonfull of bay-salt small pounded , boyle them together untill it grow thick , alwaies stirring it in the boyling , then take it from the fire , and if you list you may add one drachm of ihera picra simplex unto it , and so stirre them well together , and when it is almost cold , make up your suppositories of what length and bignesse you list : and when you minister any , you must first annoint it with butter or sallet oyle : you may keep these a whole year if you put them in barrowes mort or grease , and so cover them up close therein . a good glister . ℞ . mallowes , mercury , beets , violets , red-fennell , of either one handfull : seeds of fennell , annis , coriander , of either one drachm . boyle all these in a sufficient quantity of water , untill half the water be consumed , then straine it , and keep it in a glasse close stopt untill you need , for it will keep a whole week . take of the same decoction , a pint . ℞ . mel rosarum , or common honey , one spoonfull : oyle of violets or oyle of olives , three ounces , salt , one drachm , the yolk of an egg or two . mixe all these together in a morter and so give it warm in the morning , or two hours before supper : and if you add unto this one ounce of diacatholicon it will be the better . raisins laxative how to make them . ℞ . white-wine , three pints and a half , senuae , half a pound , fine white sugar , one pound , currants , two pound . you must infuse the senuae in the wine in a pot close stopt , and let it stand in a warm place four and twenty hours , then strein it and add to the straining the currants , being clean pickt and washt , and lastly the sugar , boyle all together on an easie fire , untill the wine be consumed , having care that you do alwaies stirr it about in the boyling for feare of burning , then take them from the fire , and put them up into a clean galley pot , you may eat one spoonfull or two of them a little before dinner , at any time . a good oyntment to keep one sollible . the gaule of an oxe , oyle of violets , of either one ounce : sheeps ●…allow , six draehms . boyle them together on a soft fire untill they be incorporated , then take it from the fire and adde thereto alloes cica●…ine , one ounce . bay-salt half an ounce . the alloes and salt must be both made into fine powder before you put them into the oyle , then stirr them together untill it be cold , and when you are disposed to have a stoole , then annoint your fundament therewith , both within side and without , and if you annoint your navell therewith , it will work the better . good pills to keep one soluble , and they do also resist the pestilence . ℞ . alloes cicatrine , one ounce , chosen myrrh , three drachms , saffron , one drachm and half , amber greece , six graines : sirrup of lemons or citrons , so much as shall be sufficient to make the masse . you must grinde the aloes , myrrhe , and saffron into small powder severally by themselves , then incorporate them together with the sirrup : you may give half a drachme or two scruples thereof in the evening half an hour before supper twise or thrise in a week : rases would have you to take half a drachme or two scruples of these pills every day , without using any other preservative at all , and he hath great reason so to esteem of them , for galen , avicen , and all ancient writers in physick do hold opinion , that aloes doth not onely comfort , but purge the stomack from all raw and chollerick humors , and doth also purge and open the veines called miserayick , and resisteth putrefact on : myrrh doth altogether resist , neither will it suffer putrefaction in the stomack : saffron doth comfort the heart , and hath also a propriety in it to carry any medicine that is given therewith unto the heart , but to conclude , these pills will purge all superfluous humors in the stomack , and principall members , and preserveth the bloud from corruption . chap. viii . i must here give you to understand that the infection doth oftentimes lie hidden within us , without any manifest sign or knowledge thereof at the first , and therefore were it good for sanguine bodies , and such as do abound with bloud , in the summer season to draw six or eight ounces of bloud out of the basilica vein in the right arme , which is a good meanes to prevent a further danger , ( as avicen witnesseth ) but for full and plethorick bodies , it were best to purge themselves once in seven or eight daies with some easie and gentle purgation , as hereafter ●… will shew you : but for leane and spare bodies , once in fourteen dayes will be enough at most : for wisely saith rondoletius , that it is not onely the venemous and contagious ayre which we receive that doth kill us , but it is the present communicating of that contagion with some superfluous humours in our bodies , as in his treatise de peste appeareth : therfore now will i shew you how to purge the body . pills good to purge . ℞ . alloes cicatrine , ten drachms , agarick of the whitest , ℥ . iiii . myrrh , mastick , of either two drachms : saffron two scruples . make these into fine powder , then compound them together in a morter , with so much oximell simplex , sirrup of lemons , or of staecados , as shall be sufficient , you may give one drachm , or a drachm and half of these pills , half an hour before supper : but for a cholerick body , you must leave out two drachms of the agarick in making of the receipt , and in place thereof add two drachms of rubarb , and for the melancholie , two drachms of epithimum , and give the same quantity in weight . a good purging potion . ℞ raisins , the stones being pickt out and washt , of either one ounce : polipode of the oak , elecampane root dried , roots of wild small sorrel , succory roots cleansed , of either half an ounce : leaves of burrage , bugloss , burnet , scabios , morsus diaboli , of either a little handfull : floures of burrage , bugloss , rosemary , violets , broom , of either a little handfull : seeds of fennell , sowr citrons , of either two scruples : shaving of harts horn , half a drachm . boyle all these in a sufficient quantity of faire water untill half be consumed , then strain it . take of the decoction aforesaid , three ounces . rubarb , two drachms and half , cinnamon , half a drachm . slice them both , and put them with the liquor in a close cup , and so let it stand to infuse in a warm place twelve hours , then strain it out strongly , and add thereto one ounce of the sirrup of maiden-haire , and so drink it warm in the morning about six of the clock , and refrain from meat , drink , or sleep two hours after it , this is good in lean and spare bodies : you may for the phlegmatick body , add in the infusion , one drachm of aggarick trosciscated . a purging powder for such as cannot take pills . ℞ . alloes ciccatrine , one ounce , myrrh , cinnamon , of either two drachms , saffron , one scruple . make them all in fine powder , and give one drachm in a draught of white-wine . floures stopt , how to provok them . for that women which have not their naturall course o●… them , are most prone to receive and take the infection , i have here set down good pills , which i have alwaies found excellent not onely for that purpose , but will also resist the danger of infection . ℞ . alloes ciccatirne , one ounce , roots of gentian , aristolochia rotunda , dittander , saffron , of either half a drachm : roots of garden madder , methridate , of either one drachm . cause them all to be ground in small powder , then mix it with the methridate and some sirrup of artemesia , or mugwort , give one drachm of these pills every morning twelve dayes togerher , or untill her tearms break . issues commended against the plague . in plethorick and full bodies , i have found nothing more safer in the time of the plague , then to make them an artificial issue , either in the leg or arm , for never hitherto have i known any one which hath had an issue , or ulcer running on him that hath been infected with the plague . palmarius and forestus , doe both affirm it to be true and certain , but here some ignorant people doe hold opinion that having once an issue , he must be constrained to keep it alwaies , which is most erronious , for then those which have had ulcers running upon them , some six , ten , yea sixteen yeers , may not be cured without some issue to be made in some other place , but therein they deceive themselves , for my self by good proof have often found the contrary in divers people which i have cured , some six , some ten , yea sixteen yeers past , and yet to this day doe remain in perfect good health without any issues . chap. ix . what diet we ought to keep . for our diet as hippocrates teacheth us , we must have a care not to exceed in eating and drinking but to keep a mean therein , and in any case to beware of surfeting and drunkenness , which are enemies both to the body and soule , but as we may not exceed in eating and drinking , so to endure great hunger and thirst is most dangerous , our meat ought to be of a facile and easie digestion , partly tending to a drying qualitie ; as cocks , capons , hens , pullets , partridge , pheasants , quailes , pigeons , rabbets , kid , veal , mutton , birds of the mountains , and such like ; but beef , pork , venison , hare and goats flesh is to be refused , and so are all water fowls , as duck , swan , goose , widgen , teal , and such like , because they are hard to digest , and do increase ill blood , and naughtie juyce in the bodie : lambs flesh , because of his exceeding moisture is also to be refused , eggs in the summer not good , but in winter tolerable : all fishes which are of a hard flesh , whether they be of the sea , or fresh rivers are to be allowed . in fresh rivers the perch , barble , gudgeon , loch , cool , trout , and pike are good ; and for sea fish , the gilthed , turbet , sole , rochet , gurnard , lobster , crab , praunes , shrimps , whiting , and such like eaten with vinegar . there are some authors which hold opinion , that fish is better to be eaten then flesh in the great fervent heat of the year , because they doe make a more cold bloud in the body then flesh ; another reason is , because they doe live under the water , they are not infected with any contagion of the aire , as beasts and birds may be , and therefore more wholsome , but in my judgement flesh is more wholsome , because it doth-breed a more pure , and fine juyce in the body then any fish whatsoever ; your bread ought to be made of pure wheat , not too new , nor too old , but of one dayes baking , or two at most is best : rie bread is to be eschewed , because of his great moisture : your drink is best beer or ale , not too strong or new , but the staler and clearer it is the better , at your meals a draught or two of claret wine is tolerable , but in hot weather it were good to allay it with a little water , for wine doth warm the stomack , help digestion , and comfort the heart . for your pottage you may take in the summer . parsly , lettice , sorrell , endive , succorie , sperage , hopbuds , burnet , burrage , buglosse , thime , mints , hysop , but in winter , balm , bittanie , thime , marigold , hysop , majoram , mints and rue are good . for your sallets take pimpernell , purslane , mints , sorrell , hore-hound , yong cole , hop ▪ buds , sperage , thime , tops of fennell , tarregon , lettice , and water-cresses are good . capers are greatly commended being preserved in vinegar , and eaten with a little oyle and vinegar , and so are olives very good also . for your sauce , the juyce of a limon , citron , or orange is best , the juyce of sorrell and vinegar is also good . all raw fruits are to be refused , except those which tend to sour tast , as pomgranates , damask prunes , pippins , red and sour cherries , and wallnuts , quinces , and peares preserved are very good eaten after meals . all kind of pulse is to be refused , as beans , pease , and such like , because they increase winde , and make raw humours and ill juyce in the bodie . refrain from garlick , onyons , leeks , pepper , mustard , and rocket , because they doe over-heat the body , make adustion of the bloud , and cause fumes to ascend into the head . cheese is not good , because it doth ingender grosse and thick humors . milk is also to be refused , because it doth quickly corrupt in the stomack . chap. x. sheweth what exercise and order is to be kept . you must beware of all vehement and immoderate exercise , which doth provoke sweat , as is tennis , dancing , leaping , running , foot-ball , hurling , and such like , because they doe over-much heat the body , and open the pores of respiration , whereby the infected aire hath the more scope to enter our bodies , but moderate exercise is very convenient , the use of hot houses at this time i thinke very dangerous , because it doth too much open the pores . walk not into the open ayre in the morning before the sun hath had some power to cleanse and clear the same , and in any case goe not abroad when great fogs and mists are upon the earth , for it is dangerous : but if urgent occasions move you , then before you goeforth of your doors be sure to eat some preservative first , and then take some good and odoriferous pomander , nodule , or nosegay in your hand , as before is shewed you . the extream heat of the day is likewise to be refused to walk in , because it chafeth the bloud ; as also in the evening after the sun is set , for then unsavory and unwholsome fogs arise out of the earth , and in any case if you can avoid it come not neer any any place infected , but use to walk in the open aire and dry ground . use venus combates moderately , but none at all were better , the best time to use them is three or four hours after supper , before you sleep , and then rest upon them . beware of anger , fear , and pensiveness of the minde , for by their means the body is made more apt to receive the infection . use pleasant and merry recreations , either with musick , pleasant company to talke withall , or reading some good books . bewar of sleeping at noon , but specially in the winter season , but in summer to take after dinner a nap of half an hour or an hour is tollerable in elderly bodies . watch not long in the evenings but two or three hours after supper is a good time to take your rest . chap. xi . teacheth what orders magistrates , and rulers of cities and townes , should cause to be observed , first , to command that no stinking dunghills be suffered near the city . secondly , every evening and morning in hot weather to cause cold water to be cast in the streets , especially where the infection is , and every day to cause the streets to be kept clean and sweet , and cleansed from all filthy things which lye in the same . thirdly , and whereas the infection is entered , there to cause fires to be made in the streets every morning and evening , and if some frankincense , pitch , or some other sweet thing be burnt therein , it will be much the better . fourthly , suffer not any doggs , catts , or pigs to run about the streets , for they are very dangerous , and apt to carry the infection from place to place . fifthly , command that the excrements and filthy things which are voided from the infected places be not cast into the streets or rivers which are daily in use to make drink , or dresse meat . sixtly , that no chirurgians , or barbars which use to let bloud , do cast the same into the streets or rivers . seventhly , that no vauts or privies be then emptied , for it is a most dangerous thing . eighthly , that all ●…nholders do every day make clean their stables , and cause the dung and filth therein to be carried away out of the city : for by suffering it in their houses , as some do use to do , a whole week or a fortnight , it doth so putrifie that when it is removed , there is such a stinking and unwholsome smell , as is able to infect the whole street where it is . ninthly , to command that no hemp or ●…lax be kept in water near the city or town , for that will cause a very dangerous and infectious savour . tenthly to have a speciall care , that good and wholsome victuals and corn be sold in the markets , and so to provide , that no want thereof be in the city , and for such as have not wherewithall to buy necessary food , that there to extend their charitable and godly devotion : for there is nothing that will more increase the plague , then want and scarsity of necessary food . eleventhly , to command that all those which do visite and attend the sick , as also all those which have the sicknesse on them , and do walk abroad , that they do carry something in their hands , thereby to be known from other people . and here i must advertise you of one thing more which i had almost forgotten ( which is ) that when the infection is but in few places , there to keep the people in their houses , not suffering any one of them to go abroad , and so to provide , that all such necessaries as they shall need may be brought unto them during the time of their visitation : and when it is staied , then to cause all the clothes , bedding , and other such things as were used about the sick , to be all burnt , although at the charge of the rest of the inhabitants you buy them all new , for fear least the danger which may ensue thereby , do put you to a far greater charge and grief : all these aforesaid things are most dangerous , and may cause a generall infection , to the destroying of a whole city , and therefore i do wish that great care be had thereof . chap. xii . doth shew what you must do when you go to visit the sick . first before you enter into the house , command that a great fire be made in the chamber where the sick lieth , and that some odoriferous perfume be burnt in the midest of the chamber , and before you go to him , eat some cordiall preservative , and smother your clothes with some sweet perfume , then wet your temples , eares , nose , and mouth , with rose-water and vinegar mixt together , then take in your mouth a peice of the root of angelica , the rind of a sower citron , or a clove prepared as before is shewed , and have some nosegay , nodule , or pomander , appropriate in your hand , which you must alwaies smell unto , so may you the more bouldlier perform your intent : but herewithall you must have a speciall care , that during the time you are with the sick , you stand not betwixt the sick body and the fire , for that is dangerous ; because that the fire of his nature draweth all vapors unto it self ; but keep you alwaies on the contrary side , so that the sick may be betwixt you and the fire : and for such as are to let any sick infected body to bleed , it were good they did cause the keeper of the sick body to lay open that arme or legg which is to be let bloud before he approach near : the reason is , for that most commonly all that are sick in this contagious disease , are for the most part in a sweat , and therefore suddenly to receive the breath thereof , would be very dangerous . now when you have been with any one so infected , before you go into the company of any whole and sound people , it were necessary you do stand by a good fire , having all the clothes about you which you did wear when you were with the sick , and then turn and aire your selfe well thereby , so shall you be sure the lesse to endanger others by your company . thus have i as breefly as i can devise set down all the ordinary meanes which my self have used , and by others known to be used for preserving you from this contagious and dangerous disease , which in the most part of people will suffice , but for such as dwell whereas they may have the counsell of a learned physitian , i do wish them to take his advice , especially for purging and letting bloud , because none can so exactly set down in writing the perfect course thereof ( which may be understood rightly of the common sort ) so well as he which hath the sight of the body : for that many bodies are oftentimes troubled with some one humour abounding more then another , which here to treat of would be too tedious , neither can it profit the common people , for whose sakes i have taken this paines : and now will i shew the signes to know when one is infected therewith , as also which are the laudable signes , and which are the contrary , and lastly the meanes ( by god his assistance ) how for to cure the same . chap. xiii . sheweth the signes of infection . the signes and tokens hereof are divers , as first , it is perceived by the suddain weaknesse , loosing and overthrowing of our naturall strength , without any manifest cause thereof going before , and sometimes it doth begin with a gnawing and biting in the mouth of the stomack , the pulse will grow weak , feeble , and unequall , with a great streightnesse and heavinesse about the heart , as if some heavie burthen or weight were layd thereon , with shortness of breathing , vomiting , or at least a great desire to vomit , great pain in the head : insatiable thirst proceeding of their great interior heat : sluggishnes , and universal faintness of all the body , with a great desire to sleep , and an astonishment of the mind and vitall spirits : and for the most part they complain of a great paine which is felt in some one place or places of their bodies , where the botch or blain is by nature intended to be thrust forth , yet some at the first have them appearing : and for the most part , they are taken at the first with a sharp and rigorous feaver . good signes . when the botch or carbunkle cometh out in the beginning of the sicknesse with a red colour , and yellowish round about it , and that it doth quicklycome to maturation , the feaver to cease , and the party findeth himself eased of his grief , and quickned in his spirits , these are good and laudable signes of recovery . evill signes . when the botch at the first commeth out blackish , or black in colour , also when the botch is opened , the flesh within doth look blew , and that then there appear not any matter or quitture in the wound , but as it were a spume or froth issuing out thereof , are ill and deadly signes , when the botch waxeth so hard that by no means it will come to suppuration , but resisteth whatsoever is done unto it for the furthering thereof , and so returneth in againe into the inward parts suddenly , is a token of sudden death at hand , and so it is if either before or after it is broken it look of a blewish colour , or of divers colours , like the rainbow , round about it . when the carbunckle or blain doth suddenly dry up , as if it were scorcht with the fire , and that the place round about it doth shew to be of a wannish blew colour , is a deadly sign : if in the skin appear green or black spots , the excrements of divers colours with worms in it either dead or living , having a vile stinking savour , and spitteth stinking and bloudy matter , doth betoken death . when the sick complaines of great and extream heat in the inward parts , and yet cold outwardly , the eyes staring or weeping , the face terrible , the said excrements or urin passing away , and the party not knowing thereof , are evill signes . when in the fourth or seventh day they are taken with a frensie , or do fall into an extream bleeding at nose , or have a great flux with a continuall vomiting , or a desire to vomit and do it not , extream pain at the heart , watchfullness , and the strength clean gone , are deadly signes . when the party being very sick , yet saith he feeleth himself well , his eyes sunk deep in his head , and full of tears , when he thinks all things do stink , his nailes looking blew , the nose sharp , and as it were crooked , the breath thick and short with a cold sweat in the brest and face , and turning and playing with the clothes , the pulse creeping or scarcely to be felt , and greivous unto him to speak , these are infallible signes of death at hand . some , before any of these signes are perceived , do dy , and some likewise which have divers of them appearing , and yet do escape , such is the uncertainty of this disease : there are many other symptoms which do happen in this contagious disease , which would be too tedious to declare , but these as the chiefest may suffice . the end of the first treatise . the second treatise , shewing the meanes how to cure the plague . chap. i. when we perceive any to be infected with this contagious disease , we must with all possible speed seek all the meanes we can how to prevent the malignity thereof , whose property is at the first to assault the principall part , which is the heart , and therefore requires present help ; for unlesse something be done within eight or four and twenty houres , little will it then prevail to attempt it , for by that time nature is either subdued , and clean overthrown , or else hath thrust the same to the exterior parts , or otherwise digested it : yet may we not neglect at any time , to use all the meanes we can , in helping and furthering of nature to the uttermost of our indeavour , because we doe oftentimes see nature so wearied , and weakened in expelling of this venemous matter , that unlesse some help be added to assist and comfort her , the party , for lack thereof , dyeth , which otherwise might be saved : for i have oftentimes seen by diligent helping of nature , that to be effected and brought to good passe , which i have judged most desperate . there are foure intentions required for the curing thereof ; that is , by bloud-letting , cordials , sweat and purging : but the manner how to execute the same , hath bred great contention both amongst the old and later writers , which here to treat of were too tedious , for unto the learned it were needlesse , and for the commonalty little would it availe them , therefore in brief will i shew you what i have observed touching the cure . first , if it be in a plethorick , sanguine , and strong body , and hath pain in the head , great heat at the heart , thirstnesse , the pulse strong , and labouring , or beating strongly , and hath great and large veines appearing ; these ought presently to be let bloud in that side where yee perceive the greif doth proffer it selfe to come forth , and not visibly appearing , tending to maturation : for then we may not draw bloud , but use all other meanes we can devise , in helping nature to expell it , neither may you draw bloud , if the party have a flix or lask ( which is an evill sign ) in the beginning of the disease , for by that meanes you shall hinder nature greatly , but onely give the party cordials ; neither may you stop the flix in the beginning , but if it be extream , and that it stay not the second day , then must you give some purgation , which may leave an astringency behind it , as hereafter in the cure of the flix shall be shewed . for as hyppocrates , in his first book and one and twentieth aphorisme , doth admonish us , we must consider and mark , how nature doth incline her self , for that will teach us what we are to doe . now if you perceive the botch or carbunkle to appear underneath the chin about the throat , then presently draw bloud in both vein̄es under the tongue , and immediately after that apply a cupping glasse ; with scarification in one side of the neck next unto the fore , thereby to draw it from the throat , for fear least suddenly it choke him up , and then apply chickens rumps , or hens rumps to the botch , the feathers being first pluckt away from the rump , and a grain of salt put into the tewell , and so hold the bare place to the greif untill the chicken die , which will be within half an hour , and then apply another , and so continue in changing them so long as they doe die , and lastly apply a mollificative cataplasme or plaister to the same place , as in the fift chapter following is shewed , which is made with unguentum basillicon , and to the botch apply the epithemation and cataplasme in the seventh chapter following . but if it be in the neck , he doth complain , then let him bloud in the cephallica vein in the arm , of the same side where he complaineth . if in the groin or flanke he doth complain , then let him bloud in the foot on the same side , and open the vein called maleola , or saphena , the quantity must be according as the age and strength of the party requireth , but at most draw not above six or eight ounces : for avicen willeth us , to preserve bloud as the treasure of nature . but in a weak , spare , and cachochimious body ( as galen teacheth us ) we may not draw bloud at all , for thereby should you greatly indanger the patient , but help such by cordials and sweat . and here you shall understand , that unlesse phlebotomy be done at the first , that is , within six or eight houres atmost , it will be too late to attempt it , neither may you doe it if the sore doe appear up in height tending to suppuration , for then should you hinder nature , which like a diligent workman , hath discharged and thrust forth that venomous matter , which otherwise would have killed us . and here touching phlebotomy or bloud-letting , you must have this speciall care , that you draw not bloud on the opposite side , as if it be on the left side the sore appear , then draw not bloud on the right side ; if it appear in the flanke , then draw not bloud in the arme , but in the foot , for otherwise you shall draw that venomous matter from the ignoble unto the noble parts , and so kill the body . and although the party complain not more in the one side then the other , yet by the pulse shall you perceive on which side the venome lieth hidden , for on that side where nature is opprest , there shall you find the pulse more weak , feeble , and uneven , greatly differing from the other side . and here you shall understand , that in some it hath been seen , that nature of it self at the first , hath thrust out that venomous matter in some place of the body , with a botch appearing high , and tending to suppuration , or a carbunckle , or spots called purples . now here if you draw bloud , you doe then greatly indanger the body ; but in this case you must onely give cordials , and use all the meanes you can to bring it outward , either by maturation , or evaporation , as hereafter shall be shewed you . and here you shall further understand , that where the age , constitution , nor strength of the party will permit that phlebotomy be done , yet for the better help of nature you must apply ventoses , with reasonable deep scarification , unto the next place adjoyning , where the party complaineth , thereby the more speedily to draw the venomous matter unto the superficiall parts , and there to apply the rumps of chickens , as before is taught you , and so apply to the place some strong maturative , and atrractive plaister , or cataplasme , as hereafter shall be shewed you . if the greif be in the head or throte , then apply ventoses to the neck : if it be in the emunctuaries of the heart , then apply them to the shoulders : if in the emunctuaries of the liver , then apply them to the buttocks or thighs , now when this is done , either by phlebetomy , or ventoses , then within an hour or two at the most after it , you must give the sick some good cordiall medicine , which hath power to comfort the heart , resist the venomous matter , and also procure sweat , whereof out of the following you may make choice as you list . an excellent good powder to expell the plague , which also provoketh sweat . ℞ . roots of gentian , bittanie , petasitis , ana , ʒ . i. roots of tormentill , dittander , ana , ʒ iii . red sanders ʒ . ss. fine pearle of both sorts , ana , ℈ . i. fine bolarmoniack prepared , fine terra sigillata , ana , ʒ . vi . rindes of citrons , red corrall , roots of zedoiar , shaving of ebony , bone of a stags heart , ana , sixteen graines : fragments of the five pretious stones , ana , ℈ . ss. shaving of a unicorns horn , succini , ana , ℈ . ss. leaves of gold and silver , ana , one and half in number , make all these in fine powder , every one severall by himself , and then mix them all together , and give thereof ʒ . i. or ℈ . iiii . more or lesse as occasion requireth , either in sorrell , scabios , or carduus benedictus water two or three ounces , whereunto you must adde a little sirrup of lemons , or sour citrons , and give it warm , the bolarmoniack must be pounded small , then washed in scabios water , and so dryed . another good powder . ℞ . leaves of dittander , called dictami cretici , roots of tormentil , bittanie , pimpernell , gentian , zedoiar , ana , ʒ . i. terra lemnia , alloes cicatrina , fine myrrh , rinds of sour citrons , anaʒ i. mastick , saffron , ana , half a drachm . bolarmoniack prepared as beforesaid , ʒ ii . all these must be made in fine pouder , and so mixt together , you may give two scruples , or one drachm thereof with any of the aforesaid waters . a good opiat to expell venome , and provoke sweat . conserve of the floures of burrage , bugloss , violets , bittanie , ana , ℥ . ii . venus triacle ℥ . ii . red terra sigillata , terra lemnia , mithridate , ana ℥ . i. shaving of ebonie , and harts-horn , orient pearls , roots of tormentill , anaʒ i. shaving of unicorns horn , root of angelica , ana half a drachm . sirrup of the juice of small sorrell and bugloss , ana , so much as shall suffice . mix all these together in the form of an opiat , then take of the same opiat , one drachm and half . scabios water , balm water , ana ℥ ii . dissolve the opiat in the waters , and drink it warm , then walk a little upon it , and then goe to bed and sweat . another excellent good means to expell the venom , and procure sweat . take a great white onyon , and pick out the coar or middle of him , then fill the hole with good venus triacle , or andromachus triacle , and aqua vitae , then stop or cover the hole of the onyon again , and rost him in the hot ashes untill he be soft , then strein it strongly through a cloth , and give it the sick to drinke , and the rest that remains , pound it small , and apply it to the sore , and sweat upon it . now when he hath taken any of the aforesaid cordials , if he chance to vomit it up again , then wash his mouth with rosewater and vinegar , and then give him more of the same again , which must be proportioned according to the quantitie vomited , for if all were vomited , then give so much more : ( if lesse ) then according to the quantity vomited , and if he vomit that also , then give him more , and so continue it to the third or fourth time , if cause so require , but if at no time he doe retain it , then is there small hope of recovery ; i have known divers , which have vomited their cordials three or four times , and at last , giving the juyce of the onyon as aforesaid , hath kept that , and sweat upon it , and so recover their health . also minardus triacle , or andromachus triacle being taken two scruples with one scruple of dioscordium , and dissolved in two or three ounces of this water following , or carduus benedictus , sorrell , and scabios water , hath been found excellent good and available , both to procure sweat , and expell the venomous matter . an excellent good water against the plague , and divers other diseases , which is to be made in may or june . take angelica , dragons , scabios , ana three handfuls . wormwood , sage , salendine , mugwort , rue , rosemary , varvein , endive , mints , ana one handfull . tormentill , pimpernell , agrimonie , bittanie , ana two handfulls . st. johns wort , fetherfew , and pionie , ana a little handfull . you must mix all these hearbs together , then bruise them in a stone morter grosly , then put them into a clean vessell of glasse or earth , and add thereto a pottle of white wine , or three quarts , a pint of rose-water , and a pint of vinegar : then mixe them well together , and presse down the hearbs close together with your hands , then stop the pot close , and so let it stand to infuse two dayes and two nights , then distill it in a stillatorie , this water hath been found excellent good , both to preserve one from the plague , being drunk three or four spoonfuls of it in the morning fasting , as also to expell the disease , being drunk with any of the cordials aforesaid . chap. ii. sheweth what is to be done after taking of the cordiall . now so soon as the partie hath taken his cordiall , ( if he be able ) cause him to walke upon it in his chamber a prettie while , then lay him into his naked bed , being first warmed if it be in cold weather , and so procure him to sweat , but in any case have a speciall care to keep him from sleep all that day , because thereby the bloud and vitall spirits are drawn to the inward parts , and there doth hold in the venomous matter about the heart ; but if the sore appear , or be perceived to present it self in any place neer the heart , then to defend the malignity thereof before he sweat , it were good to annoint the place betwixt the region of the heart and the sore with triacle , or with this unguent following . a good defensative unguent . take triacle , ℥ . ss. terra lemnia , red n , anaʒ . i. mix them together with a little rose-water and vinegar in a morter , to the form of an unguent , and so use it as aforesaid . and unto the sore place apply chickens rumps , as before hath been told you , and then annoint the place grieved with oyle of lillies ; and then epithemate the heart with any one of these epithemations following . epithemation . take the powder of diamargaritum frigidum , ℈ i. triasandalum , ʒ . vi . ebeni , ʒ ii . saffron , ℈ . ss. lettice seed , ʒ i. waters of roses , bugloss , and sorrel , ana ℥ vi . vinegar ℥ . ii . boil them altogether a little . another . take the waters of roses , balm , bugloss , carduus benedictus and white wine , ana ℥ iiii . vinegar of roses ℥ ii . powder of red roses , cinnamon , triasandalum , diamargaritum , frigidum , anaʒ ss. mithridatum , ℥ i. triacle , ℥ ss. ●…oil them together a little , and being bloud warm , epithemate the heart therewith , which being done , then procure him to sweat , and after sweat , and the body dryed , then apply this quickly to the heart . a quilt for the heart . take the floures of nenuphare , burrage , bugloss , ana , a little handfull : floures of balm , rosemary , anaʒ iii . red n , red corall , lignum aloes , rinde of a citron , ana , ʒ i. seeds of basil , citrons , anaʒ i. leaves of dittander , berries of juniper , ana ℈ i. bone of a stags heart , half a scruple , saffron , four grains . mixe all these in grosse powder , and put them in a bag of crimson taffetie , or lincloth , and lay it to the heart , and there let it remain . all these things being done , then procure him to sweat , having a good fire in the chamber , and windowes close shut , and so let him sweat three or four houres more or lesse , or according as the strength of the sick body can endure , and then dry the body well with warm clothes , taking great care that the sick catch not cold in the doing thereof , and then give him some of this julep following , and apply the aforesaid quilt or bag to the heart . a cordiall iulep . take waters of endive , purslane , and roses , ana , ℥ . ii . sorrell water , half a pint , juyce of pomgranats , and for lack thereof vinegar , ℥ iiii . camphire ʒ iii , sugar , one pound . boil all these together in the form of a julep , and give three or four spoonfuls thereof at a time . another iulep . take sirrup of ribes , sorrell , nenuphare , ana ℥ . i. juice of limons , ℥ i. sorrell water , ℥ viii . mix all these together , and take two or three spoonfulls thereof oftentimes , which will both comfort the heart , and quench thirst . and if in the time of his sweat he be very thirstie , then may you give him to drink a tysane made with water , clean barly , and licorice scrapt clean and bruised , boil them together , then strein it , and unto a quart of the liquor add three ounces of sirrup of limons , and give thereof at any time ; small beer or ale is also tolerable , or you may give a spoonfull of this julep following at any time . a iulep to quench thirst . ℞ . sorrell-water , four ounces , burrage-water , scabios water , of either one ounce , sirrup of lemons and sowre citrons , of either one ounce . mix all these together and so use it as occasion requireth at any time : and give oftentimes a cake of manus christi , made with perls for him to eat . but if in the time of his sweat you see the sick to faint or swoun , then apply to his temples , and the region of the heart , this mixture following . ℞ . conserve of roses , burrage , bugloss , broom floures , of either one ounce : mithridate , four ounces , triacle , one ounce , floures of violets , pellamountaine , red roses , of either one drachme , roots of ireos , one drachm , musk , sivet , of either eight graines . mix all these together with a quantity of rose-vinegar in the form of an opiat , this must be spread on plaisters , and applied to the heart and temples , and to the soales of the feet apply this plaister following . take of the aforesaid opiat , ℥ ii . unto the which you must put so much more of an onyon , which must have the middle part thereof taken out , and the hole filled with mithridate ; and aqua vitae , and so rosted in the ashes , and then mix it with the opiat , and apply it to both soales of the feet . now when all this is done , and that one hour is past after his sweat and body dried as aforesaid : it were good you did give the sick some good comfortable broth , although he vomit it up againe , then let him rest two houres , and then offer him more , which you must do oftentimes , and but little at a time . and if after all this done he continue still weak and faint without any amendment , then give him another cordiall , as ye did at the first , and so caufe him to sweat again so long as his strength can well endure it , and after sweat give more of the julep aforesaid , for by this meanes you shall oftentimes see the sore , which did offer it self to come forth , will be clean discussed and consumed away : but if it do not by this means go away , then use all the means you can to bring it to suppuration , and then open it with some caustick or incision , as hereafter shall be shewed you at large . the next day after his sweat , you may tollerate him to sleep one hour or two in the forenoon , whereby to prevent pain or lightnesse of the head , which may chance through want thereof : and if after his sleep the party be sick and faint , then immediately give him some good cordiall , according as the state of his body requireth , either in temperate or extream heat , as before is shewed : and in one hour after that give him some comfortable broth made with veale , mutton , chicken , or such like , wherein some burrage , bugloss , pimpernell , and a little hysop , with some parsley roots , the inner pith being taken out , must be boiled , whereof he must take a little at a time , three or four times a day , and betwixt times in taking of his broth , give him three or four spoonfulls of this julep following , which doth resist venenosity from the heart , and also quench thirst . a iulep to quench thirst and resist venenosity . ℞ . water of scabios , burrage , sorrell , ana ℥ . ii . sirrup of lemons , sowre citrons , and the juice of sorrell , of either one ounce . mix all these together , and give thereof as cause requireth . then at night he may sleep three or four houres more , and the next day , being the third or fourth day of his accubet , you may purge him with one of the purgations here following , but in any case you must take heed that you do not purge with any strong or scammoniate medicine , because it may cause an extream flux , which will be most dangerous , because it will overmuch weaken the body , and hinder concoction , for most commonly in this disease the body of it self is subject to fluxes . a good purgation in a strong body . ℞ . rad. cichoriae , ʒ . iiii . rad. petasitis , ʒ . ss. fol. scabiosae , card. benedictus pimpinellae , acetosae , ana m. i. florum cord. p. i. prunorum dammas no . x. sem. coriandri , ʒ . ss. aquae font . ℥ . ix . boyle them untill a third part be consumed , then strain it . ℞ . decoct. col . ℥ . iiii . fol. senuae , ʒ . iii . rhab. elect . ʒ . iiii . spicae . g. iii . infuse them together twelve hours , then strain it strongly , and add thereto these things . sir . de cichoriae , cum rhab. ʒ vi . oxisacchari , simp. ʒ . ii . mix them altogether , and drink it in the morning refraining from meat , drink , and sleep three houres after , and then eat some good broth . another in a plethorick and full body . ℞ . fol. scabiosae , buglossae , card. b. ana m. i. florum cord. p. i. rad. tormentillae . ʒ . iii . rad. fenic . licho . anaʒ . iiii . passularum enucleat , ℥ . i. prunorum dammas . no . vi . sem anis . coriandri , oxialidis , ana ℈ . i. sennae , polipod . q. ana ℥ . i. boyle all these in a sufficient quantity of water untill half the water be consumed , then strain it , and keep it . ℞ . rhab. elect . ʒ . ii . agarici , tros . ʒ . i. croci . ℈ . ss. aquarum scabiosae , borraginis , card. b. anaʒ . iiii . infuse these together twelve hours in a warm place , then strain them strongly , and add thereto sir . ros. lax . mannae . calabriae ana ℥ . i. decoct. col . ℥ . ii . vel ℥ . iii . mix all these together , and take it as the other before . a good purgation for a weak body . ℞ . fol. sennae , ʒ . iii . rhab. elect , ʒ . i. sem. anis . ʒ . ss. schenanthi , ℈ . ss. aquae acetosae , ℥ . v. boyle them a little , then take it from the fire , and let them stand infused together twelve houres , then strain it out strongly , and add thereto sir . ros. lax . ℥ . i. and then drink it as the other before . another gentle purgation . ℞ . aquarum scabiosae , card. b. aquae ad pestem , ana ℥ . i. rhab elect , ʒ . ii . ss. cinamomi , ʒ . ss. infuse them together twelve hours , and strain them strongly ; then add to the straining sir . ros. lax . ℥ . i. sir . de limonibus , four ounces . mix them together , and so drink it as the other before , you may either add or diminish of the rubarb unto any of these potions as you list . now when you see the purgation hath done working , then give the sick some cordiall thing , as hereafter followeth , which he must also take the next morning following . a good cordiall to be taken after purging . ℞ . conserva burrag , bugloss , mali citri , anaʒ . iiii . confect . alkermis ▪ ʒ . i. boli veri , ʒ . ss. specierum diarhod abb . ℈ . ii . diamarga . frigid . ʒ . i. manus christi perlati , ℥ . i. sir . de lemon , ʒ . iiii . mix all these together , and give the sick thereof so much as a chestnut at a time , you must oftentimes eat thereof if the sick be in no great heat . another good cordiall to be given where great heat is . ℞ . conservae bor●…g , ʒ iiii . conservae fol. acetosae , ℥ i. bolarm . veri ▪ ʒ . i. manus christi cum perlis , ℥ . i. sir . de lemonibus , q. v. misce . you must oftentimes give of this where great heat is , so much as three beanes at a time . a good cordiall potion . ℞ . aquarum buglossae , acetosae , ana ℥ . i. pul. diamarga . frig. ʒ . ss. confectio alkermis , g. ii . sir . de aceto , citri , vel de lemon . ℥ . i. misce . all this you may take after purging as aforesaid , at any time . and here you must understand , that if it be in a plethorick body full of ill humors , it were good that you purge him again the next day . chap. iii. sheweth what symptoms often chance , and how to help them . for that in this contagious disease there are divers dangerous symptoms which do oftentimes chance , i will here shew you good meanes how to help the same . for lightnesse of the head through want of sleep . ℞ . hordei mundi . p. i. amigd . dul . depilatum ℥ . i. ss. sem. iiii . frigid . ma. mund. ana ℈ . i. aqua font . q. 5. fiat decoctio . decoct. col . l. i. sir . de lemonibus , de papa , ana ℥ . i. ss. sacchari perlati , ℥ . i. boyl them together a little , and then keep it to your use , you must often times give two or three spoonfulls thereof to drink , and anniont his temples with this ointment . oyntment to provoke sleep . ℞ . vnguent popillionis , ʒ . iiii . unguent . alabastrini , ol. nenuphariae misce , ana . ʒ ii . this oyntment is not onely good to provoke sleep but will also ease the pain of the head , if the place grieved be annointed therewith . for raveing and raging ▪ if the party rave , then give him one scruple of the powder of harts-horn burnt , with half an ounce of the sirrup of violets and lemons , and apply this sacculus following to the head . a good sacculus for raving and raging . ℞ . florum nenupharis , p. i. cort. pap. ʒ . ii . santali albi , rub. citri , ana . ʒ . i. florum ros. rub , p. i. florum viol . p. ss. florum camomil . betonicae , anaʒ . i. shread them all small , then pound them grosly , and quilt them in a bagg , and apply it to the head , and it will help you . aphtham , to help it . in this contagious disease , there doth chance an ulceration of the mouth , which is called aphtham , it cometh by means of the great interior heat which the sick is oppressed with in the time of his sicknesse , which if it be not well looked unto in time , it will greatly endanger the body , for remedy whereof use this gargarism . a good gargarism for the mouth . ℞ . clean barley , one handfull , wilde daysie leaves , plantalne leaves , strawberry leaves , violet leaves , of either one handfull : purslane seed , one scruple , quinse seed , one scruple and half . licorice bruised , four drachms . boyle all these in a sufficient quantity of water untill the water be half consumed , then strain it , and take one pint and half thereof , and add thereto sirrup of roses by infusion , and sirrup of dried roses of either four drachms : diamoron two ounces . mix these together , and gargarize and wash the mouth therewith oftentimes being warm , and it helpeth . vomiting extreamly , how to help it . if it come in the beginning of the disease , as most commonly it doth , there is no better means to stay it , then by giving of cordials and by sweating , by which meanes that venomous matter which is the cause thereof is expelled , and breathed out , but if after cordials given , and sweat , it doth not stay , it is a very ill and dangerous signe : yet what means i have used to stay the same , i will here shew you . a good bag for the stomack . ℞ . dried leaves of mints , elder , origanie , wormwood , calamint , mugwort , thime , balme , pellemountaine , tops of dill , of either a little handfull : seeds of carduus benedictus , fennell , annis , of either four drachms : roots of ciperus , calamus aromaticus , of either four drachms : nutmegs , cloves , mace , of either half a drachm . make all these in gross powder , then put it into a linnen bag , which must be made so broad and long , as will cover the stomack : then take rose-water and strong vinegar , of either ten spoonfulls , wherein do you dissolve one ounce of mithridate , then must you first wet the said bag in two parts of clean water and a third part of white or claret-wine , and let him soak therein a little while , the liquor being first warmed on a chafer and coales , and then wet him in the rose-water and and vinegar being warm , and so apply it to the stomack , and when he waxeth cold , warm him therein againe , and let him remain half an hour in all , and then take him away , and dry the stomack with a warm cloth , and then annoint it with this ointment following . ℞ . chymicall oyles of rosemary , sage , of either one drachm : vinegar , mithridate , of either one drachm . mix all these together , and so use it , and if the party be costive , then were it good to give him a glister , wherein dissolve two drachms of mithridate , it is also good to apply ventoses unto the buttocks and thighes . yoxe , or yexing , to stay it . ℞ . dill seed , two scruples and half : white poppy seed , purslane seed , of either one scruple and a half . bruise them a little , then knit them in a fine linnen cloth , and let it soak in the drink which he useth , and when you give him drink , wring out the bag therein , and let him drink it , and that will stay it , also the order aforesaid to help vomiting , is good to stay the yoxe , or yexing , but if neither of them prevaile , then will the sick hardly escape death . flix , how to stop it . you must first give the patient this purpation following , which doth not onely purge away those slimie humors which is the cause thereof , but doth also leave an astringencie behind it . ℞ . rhab. elect . ʒ . iii . cinamoni , ℈ . ii . aquarum endiviae , borraginis , ana ℥ . ii . infuse them together twelve houres , then strain it out strongly , and add thereto one ounce of sirrup of roses laxative , and so drink it warm , refraining from meat , and drink , and sleep three houres after it : and at night when it hath done working , give this confection following . ℞ . conservae ros. ʒ . iiii . dioscordii , ℈ . i. ss. pul. diatragag . frigid . ℈ . i , dialkermes , g. x. sir . de lemon . ʒ . ii . misce . when you have given this confection , then doe you epithemate the region of the heart with this epithemative following , epithemation for the heart . ℞ . aquarum buglossae , burrag , rosarum , oxialidis , ana ℥ . iiii . throchiscorum de camphera , ℈ . i. pul. diamargarit . frigid . ʒ . i. aceti alb. ℥ . i. offa de corde cervi , ℈ . ss. santal . rub. coral . rub. misce . ana ℈ . i. with this you must epithemate the region of the heart warm a quarter of an hour , and if by this meanes it stay not , then the next day give some of this confection following , which i have found excellent good for the stopping of any flix whatsoever . ℞ . conservae ros. siccae . ℥ . i. pul. rhab. troschiscat ℈ . i. térrae lemniaeʒ . ss. lap. hemattitis , sang. draco . bolarmoni . anaʒ . ii . mithridatii , misce , ʒ . i. you must every morning and evening give two drachm hereof , and drink some plantaine water after it . now here you must understand , that if the flix come in the beginning of the sicknesse , and that no botch , carbunkle , nor ▪ spots appear in the body , then in any case you may not goe about to stop it , but suffer nature to discharge it selfe , and onely help nature with cordials , and epithemations applyed to the heart , but if by the continuance thereof , the patient grow very weak and faint therewith , then is it to be repressed , as before is shewed , but it must be the third day before you attempt to doe it . but if this flix come when the botch or carbunkle doth appear , and tending to maturation , then is it very dangerous , for by that meanes the venomous matter is drawn back again into the principall parts , and so killeth the patient . chap. iiii. sheweth the generall cure of a botch when he appeares outwardly . first , give cordials , and use the defensive before taught you in the second chapter , thereby to keep it from the heart , and then bring it to maturation as followeth . a good maturative . take a great onyon and roast him in the ashes , then pound him with some powder of white mustard-seed , and for lack thereof some triacle , and pound them together , and so apply it to the greif warm , and renue it twice a day , which within three or four dayes at most will bring it to suppuration . another . take white lilly roots , enulacompane roots , scabios , and onyons , of either two ounces . roast all these together in a cole leafe , or a wet paper , then pound them with some sweet butter , and a little venice triacle , whereunto doe you adde some galbanum , and ammoniacum dissolved in vinegar , and strained from the fesses and dregs , and so mix them altogether , and apply it , renewing it twice a day . another , where no inflammation is . take unguentum basilicon ℥ . iiii . soure leaven ℥ . ii . oil of lilies , sweet butter , ana . ʒ . iiii . triacle ʒ . i. ss. yolks of two eggs . mix them together , and so apply it , and when it is come to suppuration , then open it in the lowest part , either with a potentiall caustick , or by inscition , but the caustick is best , and when you have opened it , if no matter flow out , then apply the rumps of chickens to the sore , as before hath been shewed : after that put into the wound a digestive as followeth . a digestive , take the yolk of an egge , clear turpentine ʒ . iiii . clarified honey ʒ . ii . mithridate , or triacle ʒ . ss. mix all these together , and use it in the wound untill it be well digested , which you may perceive by the great quantity of white and thick matter that will flow out of it , and upon the sore lay this cataplasme untill it be digested a digestive cataplasme . ℞ . fat figs , and raisins the stones pickt out , ana . ℥ . ii . sal nitrumʒ . iv . sour leaven ℥ . iii . honey ℥ . i. oil of cammomill ℥ . i. ss. you must shread and pound the figs and raisins very small , then commix it with the rest in a morter , in form of a pultis , and use it . and when it is digested , then you must mundifie it with a mundificative , to which purpose unguentum virid . or else apostolorum mixt with unguentum basilicon will serve , and when it is clean mundified , then to incarnate and heal it up , doe you onely annoint or strike it over with a feather wet in arceus linament , which must be molten in a saucer , and over all lay a plaister of diaculum , or a plaister of kellebackeron , which is excellent good in all imposthumes and tumours , and in this order doe you proceed , untill the greif be whole . chap. v. sheweth how to bring the botch out , that lieth deep within the body or flesh . first you must consider , that oftentimes the botch , or carbunkle doth offer it selfe to come forth in some place of the body , and yet no apparant sign thereof , but lieth deep hidden within , because nature is not of sufficient strength to thrust it forth ; which is easily perceived by the great and almost intolerable pain , that by some is felt in the place where nature intends to expell it , which in the most part of people , by bloud-letting , cordials , and sweat , is clean taken away and evacuated ; but if after all this is done it goe not away , then unto these you must use all the meanes you can to bring it to the outward parts . first , by giving to the sick oftentimes some cordiall electuary to keep it from the heart , then ( if no great pain be in the outward part ) you must apply a cupping-glasse with scarification , directly against the place where the greif is felt , and let it remain thereon a quarter or halfe an hour , then take it away , and presently apply the rumps of chickens , hens , or pigeons to the place ( as before hath been shewed ) that being done , then lay some attractive and maturative plaister or cataplasme to the place , which here following is shewed , and every sixth hour you must apply the cupping-glass , as also the rest , untill such time as you have brought the venomous matter to the outward parts , there to be visibly seen , or at least , by feeling to be perceived , which commonly is effected at the second time , then use no more cupping , but onely apply a maturative to the place . a good maturative cataplasme . ℞ . rad. simphyti , ma . liliorum , ceparum , allium , ana , ℥ . i. fol. oxialidis m. i. you must pound all these together a little , then wrap them in a cole leafe , and so roast them in the hot embers , then pound them in a morter , whereunto adde ol. liliorum , auxungiaepor●… . ana . ℥ . i. fermenti acrisʒ . vi . mithridatiiʒ . i. mix them altogether in form of a pultus , and so apply it warm , and renue it twise a day . another ℞ . galbani , apopanacis , ammoniaci , ana . ʒ . iiii . dissolve these in vinegar if the botch be hot and inflamed ( but if it be not ) then dissolve them in aqua vitae , and being dissolved , then strain it from the dregs , and adde thereto unguent . basillici , mithridat . fomenti acris , ana , ℥ . iiii . mix all these together , and apply it . another which is sooner made . take a great onyon , make a hole in the middle of him , then fill the place with mithridate or triacle , and some leaves of rue , then roast him in the hot embers , and when it is soft , then pound it with some barrowes greace , and apply it to the sore , and that will ripen it in short time , then open and cure it as in the chapter before , but if the pain and inflammation in the place be so great , that the party cannot indure cupping glasses to be used , then must you apply a vesicatory to the place , in the lowest part of the greife . a vesicatory . take cantharides bruised in grosse powder ʒ . ss. soure leaven ʒ . ii . mix them together in a morter with a little vinegar , and apply it , which within twelve houres will raise a blister , which you must open , and then lay an ivie or cole leafe to the place , and upon all apply any of the cataplasmes aforesaid , and dresse it twice , a day , and once a day at least , give the patient some cordiall , and when it is come to a sortnesse , and that you perceive it is imposthumated , then open it , and so proceed to the cure , as before is shewed . when the botch will not come to maturation , but continueth alwayes hard . sometime it is seen that the botch , although it appear outwardly , yet will it not come to maturation , which commonly is accomplished within three or four dayes , but will resist whatsoever you apply to it , and remain and continue alwayes hard ; now here you must presently open it , either with a caustick or by inscition , for fear least it strike in again , or at least grow to gangrena , but before you open it , you must epithemate the greif with this epithemation following , and every morning and evening give the sick some cordiall , and betwixt the sore and the heart annoint it with the defensive before in the second chapter . an epithemation . take leaves of mallowes , violets , cammomill , ana , m. i. floures of dill , mellilot , ana . ℥ . i. hollehock roots ℥ . iiii . linseed ℥ . ii . boil all these in a sufficient quantity of water untill halfe the water be consumed , and then wet some wooll or flax therein , being first well beaten and pickt clean , and lay it upon the sore warm , and as it cooleth , doe you take it away , and lay on another warm stewse , and so continue it half an hour together , and then open it as beforesaid , and immediately apply to the wound chickens or hens , as before in the first chapter hath been shewed you : and if you cannot get chickens nor hens , then a whelpe or a pigeon clov●…n asunder by the back , and so applyed warm will suffice , which must be renued so oftentimes as cause requireth , and when that is done , then apply unto the wound a digestive , made as followeth . a digestive . take turpentine ℥ . ss. honey ʒ . ii . mithridate , or triacle ʒ . ss. the yolk of a new laid egge . mix all these together and use it in the wound , and upon all lay the digestive cataplasme beforesaid , which is made of figs , or a plaister of kellebackeron , or of diaculum magnum , and dresse it twice a day , and every dressing epithemate the greif as beforesaid , when it is digested , then mundifie , incarnate , and sigillate it , as in the chapter before is shewed you . chap. vi . sheweth what is to be done when the botch strikes in again . sometimes you shall see the sore will appear outwardly , and suddenly vanish away again , which is a very dangerous and deadly sign ; now when this doth chance , then presently give some good cordiall that hath power to expell the venome , as in the first chapter of this treatise you may find choyce of , and immediately apply this pultus to both the soales of his feet , which must be made with culver-dung , and vinegar mixt together , and spread on a cole leafe , and so applyed ; you must give the cordiall every third hour , and immediately after the first giving of the cordiall , you must epithemate the heart with the epithemation before expressed , in the second chapter of this treatise ; and when that is done , then cause the sick to sweat , if you may , and after his sweat , and the body well dried , then give him an easie glister , the next day parge him with some gentle pargation , as before is shewed you . and if by these meanes you prevail not , then small hope of life is to be expected ; yet petrus forestus willeth you , first to give a glister , and then within two houres after it , to draw some bloud in the same side where the greif is , and to annoint the place greived with unguentum resumptivum , mixt with some oil of cammomill , and then two houres after it to give a cordiall , and procure sweat upon it , and so following the rest of the orders aforesaid , did recover divers . chap. vii . sheweth how to draw a botch from one place to another , and so to discusse him without breaking . first you must apply a cupping glasse next adjoyning to the lower part of the sore , on that side where you would have him to be brought , and next unto that glasse apply another , so neer the first as you can , and if that be not so farre as you would have the sore to be brought , then apply the third glasse , and let them all remain a quarter of an hour , then takeaway the last glasse , but suffer the first to remain , then presently apply him again , and let it remain a quarter of an hour more , and doe so three or four times together , but alwayes suffer the first glasse next the sore for to remain ; now when you have thus done , then take all the glasses away , and presently apply a vesicatory to the place where the last and uttermost glasse did stand , suffering it to remain there twelve houres , then open the blister , and lay an ivy or cole leafe to the place , and upon all lay a pla●…ster of kellebackeron , or diaculum magnum , and dresse it twice a day , the longer you keep it running , the better it will be , and at length ●…eal it up as other ulcers are cured . now so soon as you have applyed the vesicatory , you must presently epithemate the botch with this epithemation . epithemation . take mallowes , violets , cammomill , dill , and mellilot , ana , m. i. hollehock roots three ounces , lin-seed one ounce and a half . boile all these in a sufficient quantity of water untill halfe the water be consumed , in this decoction you must wet some unwashed wooll or flax made clean and well beaten , then being wrung out a little , apply it warm to the place , and renue it every hour , during the time that the vesicatory is in working , and when you have opened the blister that is made thereby , then onely apply this cataplasme to the botch it self . take mallowes , violets and cammomill floures , of either one handfull . boil ▪ them in water untill they be tender , then cut them very small with a shreading knife , and add thereto oil of cammomill and lillies , of either two ounces : barrowes mort two ounces , wax one ounce . m●…lt the wax in the oiles , and then put it to the hearbs , and boile them together a little , then take it from the fire , and adde thereto barly and bean flower , a handfull of either of them , and so mix them altogether , and apply it to the greif , renuing it twice a day , which within three or four dayes will resolve and discusse the botch ; but if it doe it not by that time , then use all the meanes you can to bring it to suppuration , as before is sufficiently shewed you . chap. viii . sheweth how to know a carbunkle or blain , as also the 〈◊〉 of the same . the carbunkle or blain doth first begin with a little pustula or wheal , and sometime with divers pustulaes or wheales together , with a great burning and pricking pain in the place , which pustulaes are like a scalding bladder , seeming to be full of water or matter , yet when you open it , little or nothing will come out of it , and when they are broken , will grow to a hard crust or scarre , as if it had been burnt with a hot iron or caustick , with a great ponderosity or heavinesse in the place . in some it comes in the beginning , without any pustula at all to be perceived , but with a hard black crust or a scarre ; sometimes it lyeth hidden in the inward parts without any outward appearance at all , as if it be in the lungs , then there is a difficulty of breathing , with a cough and foul spitting . if it be in the liver or spleen , then the party feeleth a great pain and pricking in the same side ; if in the kidneyes or bladder it doth chance , then is there suppression or stopping of the urine , or great pain in the making of water ; if it be in the brain , then a delirium followeth , but howsoever it chance to come , the party infected therewith hath a fever , with other accidents , as before in the 13. chapter of the first treatise is declared ; if it begin with a green , black , or blew colour , or of divers colours like the rainbow , then is it a deadly signe , and so is it , if once it appear and then suddenly vanish away ; but if it be red or yellowish , so it be not in any of the principall parts , or emunctuaries of the body , as the heart , stomack , armpit , flanke , jawes , or throat , then it is laudable , otherwise in any of these places very desperate and dangerous to be cured , but wheresoever it doth chance , unlesse it may be brought to suppuration , it is deadly . the cure of the carbunkle . first , the universall means must not be neglected , as bloud-letting , cordials , epithemations , sweet and gentle evacuation by purging , as the time and cause requireth , which before in the beginning of this treatise hath been shewed at large , and the same order which is used for the cure of a botch , is also to be kept in the cure of a carbunkle , and to rectifie the ayre of the house by strewing it with vine and willow leaves , red roses and such like , as also to sprinkle the floor with rose water and vinegar , and cause the sick oftentimes to smell unto a cloth wet in rosewater and vinegar is very good : these things being done , then use all the means you can to bring it to suppuration , for which purpose this cataplasm following is very good a maturative cataplasm . take fat figs ℥ iiii . mustard seed , ℥ i. ss. pound the seed small by it self , the figs must first be cut very small , and then pounded likewise , and then adde thereto so much oyle of lillies as will suffice to make it in the form of a stiffe pultis , and apply it warm , renuing it twice a day , this must be continued untill the scar begin to grow loose and moveable , and then apply this following to remove the scar . take unsalted butter , the yolk of an egg , and wheat flour , mix them together , and apply it untill the s●…ar doe fall away , then doe you mundifie it with this mundificative . mundificative annodine . take clear turpentine , ℥ iiii . sirrup of red roses , ℥ i. honie of roses , ʒ iiii . boil them altogether a little , then take it from the fire , and add there to barlie and wheat flour of each ʒ . vi . the yolk , of a new laid egg , and mix them altogether , and apply it three dayes , and then use this following . another mundificative . take clear turpentine , ℥ iii . honie of roses , ℥ ii . juice of smallege , ℥ ii . barlie flowre , ℥ i. ss. boil them altogether saving the barlie , untill the juice be consumed , then take it from the fire , and when it is almost cold , adde the barlie thereto , and mixe them together , and use thereof to the grief untill it be clean mundified , and then incarnate it with unguentum basilicon , and lastly sigillate it with unguentum de cerusa decocted . sometime you shall find a little pustule to appear , without any elevation of the parts adjoyning , or outward hardnesse . now here to bring it outwardly you must apply this cataplasm . take lillie roots , onyons , and sour leaven , of either one ounce . boil them in water untill the water be consumed , then bruise them in a morter , and add thereto mustard seed , culver-dung , white sope , anaʒ . i. ss. snails without shels , vi . in number . mithridate , triacle , ana , half a drachm , yolks of four eggs . mix all these together , and apply it warm to the grief , renuing it thrice a day , this order must be continued untill you see the place elevated tending to suppuration , then apply a maturative , and so proceed as next before this is shewed you , and during the whole time of the cure , i hold it better to use rather poultises then plaisters , because they do not so much stop the pores , but give more scope for the venemous matter to breath out . when the carbuncle doth come with great pain and inflammation , how to help it . you must first bath and soke the place well with this bag following , and then presently apply the cataplasm ensuing , for by this means you shall not onely ease the pain and abate the inflammation and fever , but also prevent the danger of gangrena which may chance thereby . the bag . take mallowes , violets , plantain , liblong , ana one handfull . fat figs , ℥ i. hollihock roots , lillie roots , ana ℥ . i. lin-seed ; ℥ i. you must shred the hearbs grosly , and cut the figgs and roots small , then bruise them in a morter , and mingle them altogether , then put them into two little bags of linnen cloth , and boil them in a sufficient quantitie of clean water , untill the water be half consumed , then take out one of the baggs , and wring out the water a little , and apply it to the grief warm , and when it is cold , take it away , and lay on the other , and doe so half an hour together every dressing , which must be twice a day at least . the cataplasm . take mallows , violets , sorrell , liblong , ana two handfuls , henbane , a little handfull . wrap them all in a ball together , and roast them in the ashes , then bruise them in a morter , and adde thereto , mel rosarum , ℥ iiii . triacle , ʒ i. ss. saffron in pouder , half a drachm , yolks of five eggs . mix them together with the rest , adding some barly flower thereto to thicken it , and apply it warm , renuing it alwaies before it grow dry and stiffe , and every dressing you must epithemate the grief first with the baggs aforesaid , and this order must be continued untill the pain and inflammation be gone , then to bring it unto suppuration , if you adde to the foresaid cataplasm some oyle of lillies , and sweet butter unsalted , it will be very good , or you may make this cataplasm following . take soot of the chimney , ℥ . iii . bay salt , ℥ . i. ss. yolks of two or three eggs . mix all these together in a morter , and apply it to the grief warm , which must be alwaies renewed and changed before it grow dry and stiffe , this order must be continued untill the ●…ore come to suppuration , then to remove the scar , and finish the cure , doe you follow the order prescribed in the beginning of this chapter . there are other dangerous accidents which doe sometimes chance in the botch or carbuncle , which here to treat of would little avail the unexpert people , because they know not the means how to execute the same , but if any such thing chance , then doe i wish you to seek the help of some learned physitian , or expert chirurgion , whose counsell i doe wish you to follow . the end of the second treatise . a short treatise of the small pox , shewing the means how for to govern and cure those which are infected therewith . chap. i. sheweth what the small pox and measels are , and whereof it proceedeth . for that oftentimes those that are infected with the plague , are in the end of the disease sometime troubled with the small pox or measels , as also by good observation it hath been seen , that they are fore-runners or warnings of the plague to come , as salius and divers other writers doe testifie : i have thought it good and as a matter pertinent to my former treatise , to shew the aids and helps which are required for the same . i need not greatly to stand upon the description of this disease , because it is a thing well known unto most people , proceeding of adusted bloud mixt with flegm , as avicen witnesseth , which according to both ancient and latter writers doth alwaies begin with a fever , then shortly after there ariseth small pustulaes upon the skin throughout all the body , which doe not suddenly come forth , but by intermission , in some more or lesse , according to the state and qualitie of the bodie infected therewith : for in some there ariseth many little pustulaes with elevation of the skin , which in one day doe increase and grow bigger , and after have a thick matter growing in them , which the greeks call exanthemata or exthymata : and after the latines variola , in our english tongue the small pox , and here some writers doe make a difference betwixt variola and exanthemata ; for say they , that is called variola when many of those pustules doe suddenly run into a clear bladder , as if it had been scalled , but the other doth not so , yet they are both one in the cure , they doe most commonly appear the fourth day , or before the eight day , as avicen witnesseth . what the measels or males are . avicen saith , that the measels or males is that which first cometh with a great swelling in the flesh , with many little pimples which are not to be seen , but onely by feeling with the hand are to be perceived , they have little elevation of the skin , neither doe they grow to maturation , or end with ulceration as the pox doth , neither doe they assault the eyes , or leave any deformity behind them as the pox doth , neither are they so swift in coming forth , but doe grow more slowly , they require the same cure which the pox have , they proceed of cholerick and melancholie bloud . the cause of the pox and measels . the primitive cause as valetius saith , is by alteration of the aire , in drawing some putrified and corrupt quality unto it , which doth cause an ebullition of our bloud . the cause antecedent is repletion of meats , which do easily corrupt in the stomack , as when we eat milk and fish together at one time , or by neglecting to draw bloud , in such as have accustomed to doe it every year , whereby the bloud doth abound . the conjunct cause is the menstruall bloud , which from the beginning in our mothers wombs wee received , the which mixing it self with the rest of our bloud ; doth cause an ebullition of the whole . the efficient cause is , nature or naturall heat , which by that menstruall matter mixing it self with the rest of our bloud , doth cause a continuall vexing and disquieting thereof , whereby an unnaturall heat is increased in all the body , causing an ebullition of bloud , by the which this filthy menstrual matter is seperated from our natural bloud , and the nature being offended and overwhelmed therewith , doth thrust it to the outward pores of the skin as the excrements of bloud , which matter if it be hot and slimie , then it produceth the pox , but if dry and subtil , then the measels or males . but mercurialis an excellent writer in physick , in his first book , de morbis puerorum , cap. 2. agreeing with fernelius in his book de is rerum causis , c. 12. doth hold opinion , that the immediate cause of this disease doth not proceed of menstrual bloud , but of some secret and unknown corruption , or defiled quality of the aire , causing an ebullition of bloud , which is also verified by valetius , and now doth reckon it to be one of the hereditable diseases , because few or none doe escape it , but that either in their youth , ripe age , or old age , they are infected therewith . the contention hereabout is great , and mighty reasons are oppugned on both sides , therefore i will leave the judgement thereof unto the better learned to define ; but mine opinion is , that now it proceedeth of the excrements of all the four humours in our bodies , which striving with the purest , doth cause a supernatural heat and ebullition of our bloud , alwaies beginning with a fever in the most part , and may well be reckoned in the number of those diseases which are called epidemia : as fracastorius in his first book , de morbis contag . cap. 13. witnesseth this disease is very contagious and infectious , as experience teacheth us : there are two speciall causes why this disease is infectious : the first is , because it proceedeth by ebullition of bloud , whose vapour being entred into another bodie , doth soon defile and infect the same , the second reason is , because it is a disease hereditable ; for we see when one is infected therewith , that so many as come neer him , ( especially those which are allyed in the same bloud ) doe assuredly for the most part , receive the infection also . chap. ii. sheweth to know the signs when one is infected , as also the good and ill signs in the disease . the signs when one is infected are these , first he is taken with a hot fever , and sometime with a delirium , great pain in the back , furring and stopping of the nose , beating of the heart , hoarsnesse , redness of the eyes , and full of tears with heavinesse and pain in the head , great beating in the forehead and temples , heaviness and pricking in all the body , dryness in the mouth , the face very red , pain in the throat and breast , difficulty in breathing , and shaking of the hands and feet with spitting thick matter . when they doe soon or in short time appear , and that in their coming out they doe look red , and that after they are come forth they doe look white , and speedily grow to maturation , that he draweth his breath easily , and doth find himself eased of his pain , and that his fever doth leave him , these are good and laudable signes of recovery . when the pox lye hidden within and not appearing outwardly , or if after they are come forth they doe suddenly strike in again and vanish away , or that they doe look of a black , blewish , and green colour , with a difficultie and straitnesse of drawing breath , and that he doe often swoun , if the sick have a flix or lask , when the pox were found double , that is , one growing within another , or when they run together in blisters like scalding bladders , and then on the sudden do sink down and grow dry with a hard black scar or crust , as if it had been burnt with a hot iron , all these are ill signs . avicen saith , there are two speciall causes which produce death unto those that have this disease : either for that they are choaked with great inflammation and swelling in the throat called angina , or having a flix or lask which doth so weaken and overthrow the vitall spirits , that thereby the disease is increased , and so death followeth . how to know of what humours this disease cometh . if it come of bloud , then they appear red , with generall pain , and great heat in all the body . if they come of choler , then will they appear of a yellowish red and clear colour , with a pricking pain in all the bodie . if they come of flegm , then will they appear of a whitish colour and scaly , or with scales . if they come of melancholie , then will they appear blackish with a pricking pain . chap. iii. sheweth the meanes to cure the pox or measels . there are two speciall meanes required for curing this disease , the first is to help nature to expell the same from the interior and principall parts unto the exterior : the second is to preserve both the interior and exterior parts , that they may not be hurt thereby . for the first intention , if the age and strength of the sick will permit , and that the pox or measels appear not , it were then good in the first , second , or third day to draw bloud out of the basilica veine in the right arme , if he be not under the age of fourteen years , but the quantity must be at the discretion of him that draweth it , either more or lesse as occasion is offered : but for children and such as are of tender years , and weak bodies , it were not good to draw bloud out of the arme , but out of the inferior parts , as the thighes , hams buttocks , and the emeroidall veines , especially if the party be melancholie , or else to apply ventoses to the loynes , buttocks , or hams , which may boldly be used both before and after they do appear , either with scarification , or without , as cause requireth , which is a speciall good meanes to draw that ichorous matter from the interior to the exterior parts ; but for sucking children , it were best to apply bloud-suckers unto any of the foresaid places , which is a thing that may be used with more ease then ventoses , neither do i wish either of them to be used unlesse necessity require it , which is , when the matter lieth lurking in the interior parts , not offering it self to appear outwardly : otherwise i hold it better to leave the whole work unto nature , specially in sucking children : for when we see that nature is ready , or doth endeavour to expell the malignity which is in the interior parts to the exterior , which may be perceived by reviving of the spirits , and mitigating of the fever : here we ought not to use any meanes at all , but leave the whole operation to nature , which we must onely help by keeping the sick body in a reasonable heat , being wrapt in a scarlet , stammell , or red cloth , which may not touch the skin , but to have a soft linnen cloth betwixt them both , and then cover him with clothes in reasonable sort , and keep him from the open ayre and the light , except a little , and also from anger , using all the meanes you can to keep the sick in quietnesse , and if the body be very costive , then to give an easie glister . a glister . ℞ . barley , two handfuls , violet leaves one handfull : boyle these in three pints of water untill half be consumed , and strein it : then take of the same decoction twelve ounces . oyle of violets three ounces , red sugar and butter , of either one ounce , mix them together and give it to the sick warm ; you may encrease or diminish the decoction or ingredients according as the age of the party requireth : but if the sick have great heat , then may you add one ounce or four drachms of cassia newly drawn unto it , and when he hath expelled the glister , then rub the armes , hands , legs , and feet , softly with a warm cloth , which is also a very good meanes to draw that chorous matter from the interior to the exterior parts , when all this is done , then if the body be inclined to sweat , you must further the same by covering him with warm clothes , having a care that you lay not more on him then he can well endure , for otherwise you may cause faintnesse and swouning , which are ill in this case , yet must you alwaies keep the sick warm , and suffer him not to sleep , or permit very little untill the pox or measels do appear : and here you must have a speciall care to preserve the eyes , eares , nostrels , throat and lungs , that they be not hurt or offended therewith , as hereafter shall be shewed you , which you must use before he sweat and also in the sweat if need be . eyes , how to preserve them . ℞ . rose-water , plantaine-water , of either two ounces , sumack , two drachms . let them boyle together a little , or stand infused a night , then mixe therewith half a spoonfull of the oyle made of the white of an egg , then wet two clothes five or six double therein , then lay them upon either eye , cold , which must bee alwaies kept upon the eyes untill the pox be all come forth , and as they grow dry , wet them in the same liquor againe , and apply them , but if there be great pain and burning within the eye , then must you also put a drop of this musselage following into the eye : take quinse-seed , half a drachm , bruise it a little , then let it stand infused in three ounces of rose-water a whole night , then strein it , and put one drop thereof into the eye three or four times a day at least , or take of this water . ℞ . rose-water , ℥ . ii . womans milk , ℥ . i. myrrh finely powdered six graines . mixe them together , and use it in the eye as before is shewed : this doth ease the paine , resisteth putrefication , and preserveth the sight . for the eares , you must put a drop of oyle of roses warm into them before he sweat . for the nostrels , cause him oftentimes to smell to the vapour of rose-vinegar , or else vinegar , red-roses and n boyled together . for the throate , let him alwaies hold a peice of white sugar-candy in the mouth , and as it melteth swallow it down . for the lunges give the sick oftenimes some sirrup of quinses , or conserve of roses , a little at a time . and for his drink , the decocted water of barley , boyled with a little licorice is best , being mixed with the juice of a lemon , citron , pomegranate , or rybes : which the sick best liketh , for either of them is very good . and for his diet , he must refrain from all salt , fat , thick and sharp meats : and from all sweet things either in meat or drink , his meat must be of a facile and easie digestion , and that hath a cooling property in it , as broth wherein burrage , bugloss , sorrell , and such like are boyled , and for ordinary drink , small beer or ale is best . chap iiii. teacheth what is to be done when the pox or measels are flow in coming forth . now when you perceive the pox or measels are slow and slack in comming forth , then must you help nature , with cordials , and by sweat to thrust it out from the interior and principall parts , unto which purpose i have alwaies found this drink to be excellent good here following . ℞ . hordei mund. m. i. lentium . excort . p. i. ficuum . no. x. fol. capil. . v. lactucae . ana m. ss. fol. acetosae . m. i. florum cord . p. i. semen fenic . ʒ . ii . semen . 4. frigid . ma. anaʒ . ss. aqua font , lb. iiii . boyle all these together untill a third part of the water be consumed , and then strein it . ℞ . decoct. col . lb. i. succus granatorum vel ribes , ℥ . iiii . mix all these together , and give the sick four or six ounces thereof to drink every morning and evening , which will provoke sweat , and expell the disease , and if you cannot get the juice of pomegranats , nor rybes , then you may take so much of the sirrup of either of them . another good drink to expell the pox or measels . take a quart of posset-ale , a handfull of fennell seed , boyle them together till a third part be consumed , then strein it , and add thereto one drachm of triacle , and one scruple of saffron in powder : mix them together , and give two , three , or four ounces thereof to drink every morning and evening as cause requireth . but if it be for a strong and elderly body , you may give any of the expelling electuaries which are used to expell the plague , as in the first chapter for the curing of the plague doth appear . but if the sick be so weak that he cannot expell the disease in convenient time , then it is good to epithemate the heart with this epithemation following . epithemation for the heart . ℞ . aquarum ros. melissae , card. b. buglos . morsus diaboli , vini alb. ana ℥ . iiii . aceti ros. ℥ . ii . ss. pul. ros. rub . trium santal-cinamoni , elect. diamarg. frigid . anaʒ . ss. mithridati , ℥ . i. theriacae , ʒ . iiii . mix all these together , and let them boyle a little , and so warm epithemate the heart : and when you have done it , then give some expulsive drink or electuary as cause requireth , and then cause him to sweat upon it , for by this meanes you shall obtaine your desire by gods permission . thirst , how to quench it . now if in the expelling of the pox , the sick be very thirsty and dry , then give this julep to drink morning and evening , which i have found very good . ℞ . sirrup of jujubes , nenuphare , and burrage , of either four drachms : water of burrage , cichore , and bugloss , of either two ounces . mix them together and give the sick one half thereof in the morning , and the rest at night , and cause him oftentimes to lick of this mixture following . take the conserves of nenuphare , violets , and burrage , of either six drachms : manus christi made with perles , four drachms : sirrup of nenuphare and ribes , of either one ounce and half . mix them together : and with a licorice stick clean scrap'd , and a little bruised in the end , let the sick lick thereof . chap. v. sheweth what is to be done when the pox are all come out in the skinne . for that oftentimes the face and hands , which is the beauty and delight of our bodies , are oftentimes disfigured thereby , i will shew you what meanes i have used with good and happy successe for preventing thereof : which is , you may not do any thing unto them untill they grow white , and that they are come to maturation , which when you perceive , then with a golden pinne , or needle , or for lack thereof a copper pinne will serve , do you open every pustulae in the top , and so thrust out the matter therein very softly and gently with a soft linnen cloth , and if you perceive the places do fill againe , then open them againe as you did first , for if you do suffer the matter which is in them to remain over long , then will it fret and corrode the flesh , which is the cause of those pitts which remaine after the pox are gone , as avicen witnesseth : now when you have thus done , then annoint the places with this oyntment following . take elder leaves , one handfull , marigolds , two handfulls , french mallowes , one handfull , barrowes morte or grease , six ounces . first bruise the hearb in a morter , and then boyle them with the grease in a pewter dish on a chafer and coales , untill the juice of the hearbs be consumed , then strein it , and keep it to your use , the best time to make it is in the middle or the latter end of may . you must with a feather annoint the places grieved , and as it drieth in , annoint it againe , and so continue it oftentimes , for this will soon dry them up , and keep the place from pitts and holes , which remain after the pox are gone . also if you annoint the pox with the oyle of sweet almonds newly drawn three or four times a day , which you must begin to do so soon as the pox are grown white and come to maturation , it will cure them without pitts or spotts , and easeth the pain and burning , and helpeth excoriation . some do onely oftentimes wet the places with the juice of marigolds in the summer season , and in winter the juice of the roots will serve : and by that onely have done well . mercuriales doth greatly commend this decoction following to be used after the pustulaes are opened . take barley , one little handfull , red roses , a handfull , red sanders , white sanders , of either one o●…nce : saffron , two scruples , salt , four drachms , clean water , three pound . boyle all together untill a third part be consumed , you must oftentimes touch the sores therewith , with a fine cloth wet therein , and as it drieth in , wet it againe , this in a short time will dry them up . i have heard of some , which having not used any thing at all , but suffering them to dry up and fall off themselves without any picking or scratching , have done very well , and not any pitts remained after it . when the pox , after they come out , do not grow to maturation , how you shall help it . sometimes you shall find that it will be a long time before those pustulaes will come to maturation , or grow white : now here you must help nature to bring it to passe , which you may well do with this decoction . take mallowes , one handfull , figgs , twelve in number , water , a quart . cut the figgs small , and boyle altogether , untill half and more be consumed , and then wet a fine soft linnen cloth therein , and touch the place therewith oftentimes , which will soone bring them to maturation , and also ease the paine , if any be . ulceration , to help it . if in the declining of the pox they chance to grow unto ulcerations , which is oftentimes seen : then for the curing thereof use this order here following . take tamarinds , leaves of ●…entils , mirtils , budds of oaken leaves , red roses dried , of either a l●…le handfull . boyle all these in a pottle of clean water untill half be consumed , then strein it , and with a fine cloth wet therein do you wash and soak the place well , then wipe it dry with a soft and fine linnen cloth , and then cast into the place some of this powder following . take frankincese , mastick , sarcocoll , and red roses , of either two drachms . make all these into fine powder severally by themselves , then mix them together , and so reserve it to thy use . a very good unguent for the same purpose . take oyle of roses , vi . ounces , white wax , one ounce , ceruse washt in rose and plantaine-water , one ounce and half , clear turpentine , iii . drachms , camphire , half a drachm . you must first melt the wax in the oyle , then put in the ceruse by little and little , alwaies stirring it with an iron spalter , and let it boyle on a gentle fire of charcoles untill it grow black , but stirr it continually in the boyling , for feare least it burn : then take it from the fire , and add thereto the camphire , and lastly the turpentine : this unguent is good both to mundifie , incarnate , and sigillate . for extream heat and burning in the soales of the feet , and palms of the hands . petrus forestus willeth to hold the hands and feet in warm water , and that will ease the pain and burning , and may boldly be used without any danger . for to help the sorenesse and ulceration of the mouth . sometime it chanceth in this disease , that there is a great ulceration or excoriation in the mouth and jawes , called aptham , which if it be not well looked unto in time , will grow to be cankers , : now to cure and prevent the same , this gargarisme is excellent good . take barley-water , a quart , red roses dried , a little handfull , sumach , and rybes , of either two ounces , juice of pomegranates , ℥ . iii . boyle them altogether , saving the juice of pomegranates , untill a third part be consumed , then strein it , and add thereto the juice of pomegranates , with this you must often wash and gargarise , as also hold some thereof in the mouth a pretty while . also to prevent the same , the kernel of a pomegranate held in the mouth is very good , and so it is excellent good to lick oftentimes some diamoron , or juice of a pomegranate . for inflammation and paine in the tonsils and throate . take plantaine-water , a pint , sirrup of pomegranates , two ounces . mix them together , and gargarise therewith oftentimes being warm . another . taste nightshade-water , a pint , seeds of quinces , four scruples . boyle them together a little , then strein it , and add thereto two ounces of the sirrup of pomegranates , and gargarise therewith oftentimes . how to open the eye-lids that are fastened together with the pox . sometimes the eye-lids are so fastened together that you cannot open them without great pain and danger : then to open them you must foment or bath them well with a decoction made of quince seed , mallowes and water boyled together , wherein wet some fine linnen clothes five or six double , and apply them warm , and continue it untill you may easily open them , and then if you perceive any web or filme to be grown over the sight , then thrice a day do you put some powder of white sugar-candy into the eye , or if you list , you may dissolve the sugar in rose-water , and so use it in the eye , which will fret it away , and preserve the sight . a good collery for a web or ungula in the eye . take the juice of rue , fennell , salendine , mallowes , of either two ounces . boyle them together in a vessell of glasse , or peuter , over a chafer with coales , and scumme away the froth that doth rise thereof , then add thereto the gaule of an eel , one drachm , and let them boyle together a little , then put thereto four scruples of white copperas , and one scruple of verdigreace in fine powder , boil all together a little , then let it run through a fine linnen cloth , and keep it in a glasse , you must every morning and evening put one drop thereof into the eye , provided that first due evacuation be made so well by phlebotomie as purging . chap vi . teacheth how to help divers accidents which chance after the pox are cured and gone . for rednesse of the face and hands after the pox are gone , how to help it . take barley , beanes , lupins , of either one handfull : bruise them all in a morter grosely , and boyle them in three pints of water untill it grow thick like a jelly , then straine it , and annoint the face and hands therewith three or four times a day , for three or four daies together , and then you must wet the face and hands so oftentimes a day with this water following . take vine leaves , two handfuls : beane-flower , dragons , wilde-tansey , of either one handfull : camphire three drachms , two calves feet , the pulpe of three lemons , a pint of raw cream . you must shred the hearbs small , as also the lemons , and break and cut the calves-feet small , then mix them together , and distill it in a glasse still , also the water of may-dew is excellent good for any high colour , or rednesse of the face . for spots in the face remaining when the pox are gone . take the juice of lemons and mix it with a little bay-salt , and touch the spots therewith oftentimes in the day ; for it is excellent good . a good ointment for the same purpose . take oyle of sweet almonds ▪ oyle of white lillies , of either one ounce : capons-grease , goats-tallow , of either four drachms : sarcocoll , half a drachm : flower of rice , and of lupins , of either one drachm : litharge of gold , one drachm and half : roots of brionie , and of ireos , of either one scruple : sugar-candy white , one drachm . make powder of all those that may be brought into powder , and searce them through a searce , then put them all in a morter together , and labour them with a pestle , and in the working do you put the water of roses , beane-flower ▪ and of white lillies ana a great spoonfull , which must be put in by little and little in the working of it , and so labour them altogether untill it come to an unguent . you must every evening annoint the face therewith , or hands , and in the morning wash it away in the water wherein barley , wheaten-bran , and the seed of mallowes hath been boyled . for holes remaining when the small pox are gone . for helping of this accident i have shewed many things , yet never could find any thing that did perfectly content me , but the best meanes that i have tried , is one day to wash the place with the distilled water of strong vinegar , and the next day with the water wherein bran and mallowes have been boyled , and continue this order twenty daies , or a moneth together . running of the eares , how to help it . sometimes the eares do run very much in this disease , which in any wise you may not go about to stop in the beginning ▪ but suffer it so to run , and the eares to remaine open : but if there be great pain in them , then wet a spunge in warm water and oyle of roses mixt together , and lay it upon the eares . for stopping of the nostrills , to help it . sometimes the nostrills are greatly pestered by stopping them with the pox growing in them , which doth oftentimes cause ulceration in them , therefore to prevent the same , take red-rose , and plantaine , of either one handfull : mirrh in powder half an ounce . boyle all these in a quart of water untill half be consumed , and so being warm , cause the sick to draw the fume thereof into his nostrills oftentimes . also if the sick doth oftentimes smell unto vinegar , it is good . for hoarsenesse remaining when the pox are gone . take licorice , sebesten , jujubes , of either two ounces : fat-figgs , four ounces , clean water , four pints . boyl all these together untill half be consumed , then strain it , and give one spoonfull thereof to the sick oftentimes , and it helpeth . for filthy and moist scabs after the pox are gone . take lapis calaminaris , litharge of gold , and of silver of either two drachms : quick br mstone and ceruse , ana 3. ii . bring all these into fine powder , and then labour them in a morter with so much barrowes-mort or grease as shall be sufficient to make up an unguent , and annoint the place therewith every morning and evening . finis . some other few additionall observations concerning the passages in this latter treatise . page the eighth of this precedent book , a quilt or bag is commended to be very excellent ; it is reported to be pope adrians bag , which he used against infection , and in the great last sicknesse in london , it was commended to many great persons of worth by some apothecaries , who kept it as a great secret , and affirmed , it would prevent infection , and preserve them safe in that dangerous time ; and thereupon sold it unto them at a very great rate : but that you may not be deluded in the prescription , i have set down the true receit thereof , as it was delivered unto me from the hands of a very noble friend . a preservative against the infection of the air , and the plague , often approved by pope adrian , and many others of great rank and credit . take arsenick two ounces , auripigmentum one ounce , make little tablets thereof with the whites of eggs , and gum dr●…gacanth , and hang them about the neck against the heart . i have also set down a red cordiall water , very good against infection , which i had also from that noble friend . take a quart of good spirit of wine , or very good aqua vitae , infuse it in one ounce of good mithridate , with as much good venice triacle : let it be close stopped some few day●… in the infusion before you use it , then pour the spirit clear off , and reserve it for your use . but to discover what opinions other phisitians have held of that and the like , i have annexed hereunto their severall judgements hereafter , that amongst so many choise medicines , they may select out the best and safest for their own preservations , when need shall require . and to give them the better satisfaction , i have annexed , out of some choise manuscripts , some approved experiments , of some of our london ablest doctors , as also out of some other authors . severall opinions against wearing of arsenick amulets , as preservatives against the plague . the poysonous vapours of arsenick being sucked or drawn into the body , when they find no contrary poyson with whom to wrestle with , as with an enemy , ( for in an infected body there cannot be health ; but we suppose him to be well , whom we desire to preserve so ) those vapours must needs imprint a malignant and venomous quality on the spirit and heart , most adverse and pernitious to nature . and by galens own doctrine , all alexiteries doe in a mann●…r , if they be used too liberally , greatly offend and weaken our bodies ; how can we then think , that ranke poysons and dilaet●…ries , ( such as arsenick is ) being applied , as to penetrate in●…o the noblest region of all other , will no whit violate and wast our naturall , vitall , and radicall heat ? galen libr. de ●…mp . cap. 1●… . nor did galen , or any of the antient fathers and professors of ●…hysick , use to preserve from the plague , or any other poison , by administring some other poison inwardly , or prescribing outwardly applications , but proceeded by antidotes , and alexiteries , as will appear in libr. de theriaca ad pis. cap , 16. wherefore , unlesse we will utterly disclaim or relinguish the method and prescripts of these worthy antients , and prosecute new wayes and inventions , to oppose this man-yelling monster , we must attempt it not with poysons but antidotes . and galen defineth those to be poysons , which agree not with nature , either well or ill affected at any time ; for though there are some poysons , which if they meet in the body with a contrary venome , so fight with it , and oppose it , that both doe perish in the conflict betwixt them ; so that the party , by their colluctation and strugling together , escapes with his life : yet all of them agree in uniform opinion together , that where they meet with no opposition , they ruine the party : and therefore conclude , that arsenick , worn by a healthy man , finding not onely no contrary poyson to make conflict with , but no poyson at all , must necessarily thwart , and oppose , and make an onset on nature her self . and to confirme their opinions , i have purposely introduced the judgements of other learned phisitians concurring with them . gerardus columbus , a learned phisitian , reporteth , that it hath been observed , that the wearers of these amulets , upon unusuall heating their bodies , have fallen into sudden lipothimies , and swounings , with other fearfull accidents , which continued upon them till the amulets or placents were removed from them ; and that others , though not instantly , yet after some time , have by late and wofull experience discovered their malignity , by falling into malignant and pestilent fevers , some of them ending with death . franc. alphanus , a phisitian of salerne , relateth of one , who wearing arsenick , and heating himself with playing earnestly at tennise , fell down suddenly dead . mattheus hessus also thus writeth , as cordiall bags or amulets ought not to be disavowed , so empoysoned amulets can be no way commended ; nor doe i remember , that ever any received good from them , who abstained from other antidotes : but this i certainly know , that divers persons , who carry about them quick-silver in a nutshell , by the vain perswasions of some imposters , have died of the plague , and the counsellours and advisers of such like amulets , have been the first have betaken themselves to their heeles , confiding more in their running than cunning : and yet these quacks perswaded the ignorant people , with glorious promises and protestations , that whosoever carried quick-silver or arsenick about his neck , should be as safe , as if he had purchased a protection from the king of heaven historians also report , that caracalla , though he were a wicked emperour , prohibited by publick edict or proclamation , that no man should wear about him superstitious amulets . and theophrastus the great ( not without cause ) esteemed p●…ricles to have a crazed brain , because he saw him wear an amulet about his neck . and hereunto doctor francis herring , an able phisitian , as a corollary to what hath before been written , addeth the experience of some london phisitians , who report , they have seen foul holes made in the breasts of those that have worn those amulets , and have observed divers to die , who have religiously worn them about their necks , as well as others . and whereas the venters and setters out of these deceitfull wares , make them as a scout , to discover the infection when it beginneth to seize on a man , by clapping close to the heart , to guard that principall part , as the cheif tower : it is a meer deceit and collusion : for whensoever the body is heated , this event followeth necessarily , though no other infection be near , but the poysonous and venomous arsenick itself , whose salutation is rather ioabs imbracing , or iuda's kissing , than friendly preservatives . causes of the plague . there are two speciall causes of the plague . first , an infected , corrupted , and putrified air , secondly , evill and corrupt humours ingendered in the body . the air is infected , when the temperatenesse of the air is changed from his naturall state , to excessive heat and moisture , which is the worst temperament of the air , the vapours drawn up by the heat of the sun being unconsumed , rot , putrifie , and corrupt , and so with the venome infect the air : also dead carkases lying unburied , as it often chanceth in warres , evaporations of pooles , fens , marishes , stinking and noysome sents and kennels , and astronomers say , aspects , conjunctions and oppositions of ill planets , and eclipses of the sun and moon . also disordering ones self , either in diet or exercises bringeth one into the pestilence ; therefore in time of contagion , outrages and surfets are to be avoided , as also all excesse of eating , drinking , sweating , bathing , lechery , and all other things that open the pores of the body , and enter thereby ill aires , which invenome the lively spirits . signes of the plague . the signes which declare one infected already are many ; but the secret token of all to know the infected of the plague is , if there arise botches behind the eares , or under the arme-holes , or about the share ; or if carbunkles suddenly arise in any member , for when they appear , they betoken strength of nature , which being strong , laboureth to drive the poyson out of the body ; but if botches doe not appear , it is more dangerous , for it sheweth , that nature is weak and feeble , and not able to expell and thrust forth the venomous humours , and then you must have respect to the signes before rehearsed . the infection of the plague entereth into a man after this sort . in a man are three principall parts ( that is ) the heart , liver , and brains , and each of these hath his cleansing place : if they appear in the neck , they shew the brains to be chiefly vexed , if under the arme-holes the heart , but if they appear in the share , the liver is most infected , for when a man hath taken infection , it presently mingleth with the bloud , and runs to the heart , which is the cheif part of man , and the heart putteth the venome to his cleansing place , which is the arme-holes ; and that being stopt , putteth it to the next principall part , which is the liver , and it passeth it to his cleansing place , which is the share , and they being stopt , passe it to the next principall place , that is , the braines , and to their cleansing places , which are under the eares , or under the throat , and they being stopped , suffer it not to passe out , and then it is moved twelve hours before it rest in any place , and if it be not let out within the space of four and twenty hours by bleeding , it brings a man into a pestilentiall ague , and causeth a botch in one of those three places , or near unto them the cure of the plague . when thou feelest thy self infected , bleed in the first hour , or within six hours after , drink not , and tarry not above twelve hours from bleeding , for then when the bloud is flitting too and fro , the venome is then moving , and not yet setled , and after it will be too late ; those that are fat may be let bloud , or else not . if the matter be gathered under the arme-holes , it comes from the heart by the cardiacall vein , then bleed on the same side by the basilica vein , the innermost vein of the arme , if the botch appear behind the eares , above the chin , or in any other part of the face or neck , bleed out of the cephalica vein on the same side ; you may bleed with cupping glasses , and scarification , or horseleeches . if the botch appear in the share , bleed in the ankle on the same side , in any case not in the arme , for it will draw up the matter again . but if no botch appear outwardly , draw bloud out of that side where you feel greatest pain and heavinesse , and out of that vein , the greif of the members affected shall point thee out . if you perceive the plague invade you at meat , or on a full stomack , vomit speedily , and when your stomack is empty , take some medicine that may resist poyson , as mithridate , or triacle , or some of these following , which , as choise medicines , i have inserted , as being doctor edwards experiments . for the plague . infuse two peices of fine pure gold in the juyce of lemons four and twenty hours , and drink that juyce with a little wine , with powder of the angelica root : it is admirable , and hath helped divers past all hope of cure . another . take two drachms of juniper berries , of terra lemnia ℈ i. make both into fine powder , and mix it with honey , and take of it as much as a ha●…ell nut in three drachms of honeyed water made up thus : take a pint of honey , and of water eight pints , seeth and scum it at an easie fire , till the fourth part be wasted : it is an excellent antidote against poyson and plague ; if the poyson be taken before , it will expell it by vomit , if not , the medicine will stay in the stomack . another . take zedoary roots the best you can get , great raisins , and licorice , champ it with thy teeth and swallow it , if you be infected it preserveth without danger . another for botches , boyls , and tokens . take of ripe ivy berries dryed in the shade , as much of the powder as will lye upon a groat or more , and put it into three or four ounces of white wine , and lie in bed and sweat well ; after your sweat is over , change shirt , and sheets , and all the bed clothes if he may , if not , yet change his shirt and sheets . some have taken this powder over night , and found themselves well in the morning , and walked about the house fully cured . one having a plague sore under the thigh , another under the left arme-pit , taking this powder in the morning , and again that night , the sores brake of themselves , by this excellent medicine sent by almighty god : it is good for botches , boyles , plague-sores , tokens , shingles , erisipella , and such like , &c. thus farre doctor edwards doctor in physick and chirurgery . experiments tried by my selfe . for the plague . take of pillulae pestilentiales , called ruffi , or of pan●…hy magogon ( or for want of it ) of extraction rudii , of each half a drachm , mingle these , into six pills for two doses , whereof take three at a time in the morning fasting , for two dayes together . another excellent approved remedy . take eight or nine grains of aurum vitae , either in triacle water , or made up in diascordium , fasting . another excellent sweating powder for the plague . take of the powder e chelis cancrorum , of aromatitum rosatum , and of cerusa autimonii , of each half a scruple , mingle these up together in a diaphoretick powder , and take it in four spoonfuls of triacle water well mingled together . the cure of diseases in remote regions . the calenture , happeneth to our nation in intemperate climates , by inflammation of bloud , and proceedeth often of immoderate drinking of wine , and eating of pleasant fruits , which are such nourishers thereof , as they prevent the meanes used in curing the same . to know the calenture . at the first apprehension it afflicts the patient with great pain in the head , and heat in the body , which is continuall or increasing , and doth not diminish and angment , as other fevers doe ; and is oft an introduction to the taberdilla or pestilence , but then the body will seem very yellow . to cure the calenture . so soon as you perceive the patient possest of the calenture , ( except the chirurgion , for danger of the sign defer it ) i have seen the time of the day not respected , open the median vein of the right arm , and take such quantity of bloud , as agreeth with the ability of the bodie ; but if it asswage not the heat by the next day , open the same vein in the left arme , and take so much more like quantity of bloud at his discretion ; and if the body be costive , ( as commonly they are ) give him some meet purgation , and suffer him to drink no other then water cold , wherein barley and annise-seeds have been boyled with bruised liquorice . and if within 4. dayes the partie amend not , or being recovered , take it again , open the vein cephalick in one or both hands , bathing them in warm water , untill there come so much more bloud as cause requires . suffer not the patient to drinke seven dayes after he is perfectly recovered , any other drinke , then such water , as is before herein directed . the taberdilla , is a disease so called by the spaniards , by the mexicans , cocalista , and by other indians is named taberdet , and is so exceeding pestilent and infectious , that whole kingdomes in both the india's have been depopulated by it , for want of knowledge to redresse themselves of it . to know the taberdilla . it first assaults the patient vehemently with pain in the head and back : and the body seeming yellow , is some sign thereof , and within 24 hours it is so torturous , that the possest thereof cannot rest or sleep , turning himself on either side , back or belly , burning in his back most extreamly . and when it growes to perfection , there will appear red and blue spots upon the patients breast a●…d wrists . and such persons as have not presently requisite means applyed to them to prevent it , will be , by the vehement torment thereof , deprived of their wits , and many to cease their pain by losse of their lives have despairingly slain , and drowned themselves . the cure of the taberdilla . when you perceive it afflict the patient , permit him not to lie very warm , nor upon feathers ( for of what quality soever he bee in spain , having this sickness he is laid upon wheatstraw : ) then immediatly open the median vein , first in one arm , and the next day in the other , taking a good quantity of bloud : let him have water cold , wherein barlie and annise-seeds have been sodden without liquorice ( for the spanish physitians hold liquorice to bee hurtfull unto them ) so much as he will desire , which will be every moment ; but no other drink , nor any raw fruits : assoon as the spots appear , give him some cordiall potion : and laying him upon his belly , set six ventoses together on his back , between and beneath the shoulders ; and scarifying them , draw out ( if it be a body of strong constitution ) 18 ounces of bloud . after which , and that he hath slept , he will find ease within twenty four hours , and such alteration in himself , as he will thinke he is delivered of a most strange torment . then give him moderately nourishing meats , ( for he will desire to eat much ) the fourth day , give him some convenient purgations . and if in the mean while he is costive , provoke him every day by clisters ; and warn him to forbear 15 dayes all other drink then what is ordained : and be very carefull of his diet , for if this taberdilla , which we call here in england gods tokens , come againe unto the patient , he can hardly escape it . and it is no lesse infectious , then the usuall english plague . the espinlas is a strange sicknes , usuall in those parts to such as take cold in their breasts , after great heat or travell . it comes most times to those that lye with their breasts upon the ground ( especially ) in the night . to know the espinlas . the party having it , will be giddie in the head , and have pain and pricking at his breast , as with many thornes ; from whence i thinke it is called , for espina in spanish signifies a thorn ; and there will be upon the focell , being the upper bone of his arm , a hand breadth above the wrist , a little kernell by the which it is certainly known : he that hath this disease , will have appetite neither to meat , nor drinke , nor can digest meat , though he be invited and moved to take it . to cure the espinlas . the espinlas appearing by the former signs , take presently oyle olives , and therewith chafe the kernell upon the patients arm , using so to doe twice every day , untill it be dissolved ; and laying oyle likewise upon his breast , stroke it upward somewhat hard with the hand ; then spread fine flaxe upon it and the kernel , making it fast with a rowler , and within two or three dayes the diseased will be recovered thereof ▪ whereas else it is very dangerous to deprive them of life . camera de sangre . laxativeness , or blondy flux , proceed in those parts of divers causes : as by eating grapes , oranges , limons , melons , plantains , and especially a great fruit growing in the west-indies called pina , like a pine-apple , but bigger then four of the greatest which i have seen , which the spaniars hold for the most delicate fruit that is there , and many other fruits . also by sudden cold , or sitting ( being very hot ) upon a cold stone , or being hot by drinking water abundantly . and also eating of butter , oyle , and fish is so hurtfull to the parties that have it , that they must refrain to eat thereof , and whatsoever else , that may ingender any slimie substance in the intrals . the cure of the bloudie flux . there is more possibility of cure , by how much more expedition the medicine is ministred : and detracting it , the patients often die suddenly , without feeling much grief . for speedy and assured remedie , the patients bodie must be cleansed of the sliminess , ingendred in the passages of the nutriments , before any sustenance can remain in his bodie . to that purpose purge him in the morning , with halfe a pint of white wine cold , wherein half an ounce of rubard being smal cut hath been sodden , putting some sugar candie to it , to sweeten it , and immediatly after he hath so purged , keep at his navell rosemary sod in strong vinegar , applyed in the morning and evening very hot , untill it be stayed ; giving him often quinces bruised , and rouled in marmalade like pills , which he should swallow whole , and none of the fruits or meats before recited , nor any more white wine , but red wine of any sort : and if it be one the land use the livers of goats , ( especially ) sheeps , or bullocks rosted ; not willingly permitting the patient to eat any other meat : and if at sea , rice onely sodden in water , rather then any thing else usuall there , untill the infirmitie bee perfectly asswaged . the erisipela , reigneth much in those countries , proceeding from the unwholsome aires and vapours those hot countries doe yeeld , whereof many perish ; and if it bee not prevented by medicines presently ministred to the sick patients , it proveth incurable . to know the erisipela . hee will be swoln in the face , or some part of him , and it will be of yellow colour mixed with red . and when it is pressed with the finger , there will remain a sign or dint of the same , and then by degrees it will fill again to the former proportion . it speedily infecteth the inward parts , because such swellings come sooner unto perfection in hot places , then in temperat countries , and therefore the diseased thereof , must immediatly be provided of remedie . to cure the erisipela . the savage people first found out perfectly how to cure this disease , ( though it is the spanish name of the maladie ) by bruising so much tobacco as will yeeld four spoonfuls of juyce , and to drinke it presently after they are infected therewith , and to launce the places swollen , thereunto putting casade wet , and made into paste , continuing in cold and shadie places neer rivers : and not to travell and labour till they bee recovered : the spaniards in india doe recover themselves by taking the same juyce of tobacco , and setting so many ventoses upon the swoln places as they can contain , scarifying them , and drawing out the corrupted humour so congealed , using the like in two or three other parts of the bodie , where the disease doth not appeare . the juyce of tobacco is very excellent to expell poison , and is the ordinary remedie used by the indians , and other savages when they are poisoned , and bitten with scorpions , or other venemous creatures : but they make presently some incision where they are bitten or stung , and wash it with the juyce of tobacco , then applying the same bruised thereunto two or three dayes , they heal it up with dried tobacco . the tinoso or scurvie . is an infecting disease sufficiently known unto sea-fayring men , who by putrified meats , and corrupted drinks , eating bisket flourie , or foul crusted , and wearing wet apparrel ( especially sleeping in it ) and slothfull demeanour , or by grosse humours contained in their bodies get the same , to know the scurvie . many have perished when they returned out of hot regions into cold climates , where they have had the parts of their bodies , which with heat , were nimble and tractable to every motion of the spirits , dulled and benummed with cold , which is a token that this disease is ingendring in their joynts ; and soonest appears by swelling of their ankles , and knees , and blackness of their gums , or looseness of their teeth , which will sometimes come forth , when there is no remedie used in season . preservatives against the scurvy . you must have a care to preserve those things before rehearsed well conditioned , the badnesse whereof , in part breed this disease ; they must use exercise of body , and such as are exempted from doing of labour , must hang or swing by the armes twice or thrice every day ; they must not have scarcity of drink in hot climates , and coming into the cold , must be daily releeved with aqua vita or wine : it is also an assured medicine against this disease , to have such quantity of beer brewed with graines and long pepper , as in the morning , twice every week , there may be given a good draught to a man , proportioning three quarters of a pound of graines , and three quarters of a pound of long pepper , to a hogshead of beer : also white wine , or syder , boyled and brewed with graines and long pepper in like quantity , is very singular good : and it is not fit to suffer the gummes to abound with flesh , and therefore sometimes let them bleed , and cleer them with strong vinegar . to cure the scurvy . if the scurvy be setled in his mouth , the corrupted and black flesh must be taken away , and his mouth washed with strong vinegar , wherein graines and long pepper have been infused and brewed , and give him daily the drink that is before prescribed ; and as well such as have it in their mouths , as those that are swoln in their limbs , must have some meet purgation presently ; but those so swoln or stiffe ( for so some will be without swelling ) to scarifie the parts infected , and to apply thereto a poultis or cataplasme of barly meal , more hot than the patient will willingly suffer it ; so doing every morning , permit him not to rest two houres after , although being nummed or faint , he be supported to walk , and suffer him not to eat any salt meats , if other meats may be had . my self having eighty men , eight hundred leagues out of england , sick of the scurvy , i used scarifiing , and to the places scarified ( being destitute of the helps mentioned ) i applyed poultisses of bisket beaten in a morter , and sod in water , which , with the comfort of some fresh meats obtained , recovered them all except one person , and they arrived in england , perfectly sound . other observations concerning the scurvy taken out of other books . 1. those that are troubled with the scurvy , their thighs are stained with a violet colour , that one would think , that something of that colour were spread upon it , their gummes are corrupted , and their teeth loose ; these ever are signes of that disease . 2. some are onely pained in their teeth and gums , some otherwise ; some doe never break out , others their whole thighs are stained . observations out of sennertus , concerning the scurvy . 1. multitude of passions , and change of diseases in it . 2. greif of mind , and uneasie breathing and stopping . 3. corruptnesse of the gums , and ill savour of the mouth . 4. ach of the teeth . 5. spots . 6. urine . 7. pulse . 8. vein of the legs about the ankles , together with the hands and fingers , the nuch , the knees , and the moving of many parts , with swellings . 9. pain in the belly , about the forepart of the belly , about the short ribs . 10. feeblenesse and ache in the joynts . 11. paines of the reines , and strangury . 12. head-ache . 13. plurifie . 14. gout . 15. benumming , and the palsie . 16. trembling , and panting of the heart , and shaking . 17. cramp , pricking or shooting aches , and epilepsie ▪ 18. contractions , and stiffenesse of limbs . 19. apoplexie . 20. over-much sleeping . watching . 21. fear and sadnesse . 22. madnesse . 23. abundant bleeding about the nose . 24. memory weak . 25. ache in the shoulders . 26. appetite decayed , thirst and drinesse of mouth . 27. belching upwards . 28. disposition to vomit , or vomiting . 29. continuall spitting . 30. loosenesse in the belly , sometimes with bloud . 31. belly bound at other times . 32. muck sweat , with ill savour of the body , and p●…ysick . 33. ill colour of the face , and yellow jaundies . 34. swelling of the legs , and dropsie of the belly . 35. mighty heat . 36. fevers . 1. quotidian . 2. tertian . 3. quartain . 4. continuall . 37. plague or pestilence . 38. swelling , or puffing up of the flesh . 39. l●…menesse of the thighs and whole body . 40. saint anthonies fire . 41. gangre●…n , when the sore parts rot and mortifie . cures for severall diseases . a water to make a man see within 40. dayes , though he have been blind seven years before , if he be under fiftie years of age . take smallage , fennel , rue , betonie , vervain , egrimonie , cinquefoil , pimpernel , eyebright , celydonie , sage , ana a quartern , and wash them clean and stamp them , doe them in a fair mashing pan , put thereto a quart of good white wine , and the pouder of thirty pepper cornes , six spoonfuls of life honie , and ten spoonfulls of a man childs urine that is innocent , and mingle them well together , and seeth them till the half be wasted , and then take it down and strein it , and afterward clarifie it , and put it in a glasse vessell well stopt , and put thereof with a feather into the eyes of the blind , and let the patient use this medicine at night when he goeth to bed , and within forty dayes he shall see . it is good for all manner of sore eyes . wilde tansey water is good for the eye-sight ; and eating of fennell seed is good for the same . for the web in the eye . the leaves of white honie-suckles , and ground ivie , ana , ground together , and put every day into the eye , cureth the web . salt burnt in a flaxen cloth , and tempered with honey , and with a feather annointed on the eye-lids , killeth wormes that annoy the eye-lids . for wind in the side , that maketh the head swim . take of cammomil three ounces , a penniworth of pouder of cummin sewed in a poke like a stomacher , boil it well in stale ale , lay it to the side hot , and when it is cold renew it again hot . contra surditatem . 1. betonica saepe injecta tepid●… , mire proficit contra aurium dolorem & surditatem , & alia vitia , & sonos extraneos non sinit manere . 2. rost an onion as hot as you may suffer it , lay it upon the ear with a linnen cloth laid between . probatum est . contra lupum , venit saepe super oculum aut pedem . if it be incurable , it stinketh , fretteth , and the wound waxeth black . take salt , and honey , and barley , ana , burn them in an oven , wash the wound with vinegar , and dry it with linnen clothes , and then lay on the pouder , and doe so till it amend , pro cancro & lupo . take half a pint of juyce of mollein , and half a pint of honey , sodden to the thickness of honey , and mingle with these pouders , and lay on the sore . take orpiment and verdi-grease , of either a drachm and a half , juyce of walwort a pound and a half , honey a quartern , vinegar , boil them altogether till it be as thick as honey , lay thereof on the hole of the sore twice every day , with juyce of ribwort , and drinke juyce of avence . ribwort stamped and laid on the sore will kill it . pro oculis . 1. lac mulieris quae masculum genuit , sed praecipue quae geminos masculos genuit , mixtum cum albumine ovi , & in lana compositum passiones & lachrymas oculorum mitigat , et desiccat , si fronti lacrymantis imponatur : & proficit , etiam ad oculum ictu percussum , & sanguine●… e●…ittentem , vel epiphoras habentem , vel in dolore constitutum . 2. si quis duarum faeminarum , matris & filiae lacte perunctus fuerit , qui uno & eodem tempore masculos habent , in omni vita sua dolorem oculorum non habebit . 3. eyebright juyce , or water , is excellent good for the eyes . 4. annoint a red cole leaf cum albumine ovi , & quando is ●…ubitum oculo applica . for bleared eyes . take the juyce peritory , temper it with the white of an egg , and lay it all night to your eyes , & quando removes , lava cum succo . cornes . annoint thy cornes often with fasting spittle : or cleave a black snail to it . take woodsoure and lay to the corn , and that shall gather out the callum thereof , and be whole , but you must first cut it about with a knife . apostema . 1. gentian used twice or thrice in a week ad quantitatem pili d●…struit apostema . 2. drinke water of endive , petty morrell , with the pulp of cassia fistula . 3. take scabios , red pimpernel , solsickle and fumitorie , make these into pouder ; and use a spoonful thereof in the morning , especially in may . probatum est . pro stomacho frigido . 1. oates parched and laid in a satchell upon a cold stomack , is an approved cure . 2. the crust of a brown loaf made hot and sprinkled with vinegar , and laid on a cold stomack , salvabit . 3. a tile stone made hot and sprinkled with vinegar , eysell or ale , wrapt in a clout , and laid to the stomack , is good . pro dolore stomachi . 1. stamp fennell , and temper it with stale ale , & bibat tria cocleari●… simul . seeth penniroyall and binde it to his navel as hot as he may suffer it . for winde or gnawing in the belly . take calamus aromaticus , galingale , and a little fennel seed , cloves , and cinnamon , grate or beat them together , and take them in pouder , or drink them with ale . for the small pox . take almonds , and make almond milk , and take the cream thereof , and hath the face twice or thrice , though all the pocks be pulled away , it shall not be pock fret . annoint oft the patients eyes with a linnen cloth wet in the juyce of sengreen , and it will save them from the pox . for a stroke in the eye . juyce of smallage and fennel , and the white of an egg , mingled together , and put into the eye . bloudshed in the eye . five leaved grasse , stampt with swines grease , and with a little salt bound to the eye . pro oculo & aure. sint calida quae aure imponuntur , & frigida quae in oculo . for a venomed sore . take lavender , marigolds , sengreen and betonie , and stamp them together , and lay them to the sore . to make a swelling break . take pisse and vinegar , and sage m. i. stamped , and flour , and boil them together , and lay it hot on a cloth to the sore . for the squinsie . bray sage , rue , and parsely roots , and lay them hot to the throat . for biting of a mad dog . stamp mint , and clear leeks , and lay it to the sore . to breake a botch . make a plaister of woodbine leaves , and lay to the sore . for gnawings . take hearb bennet , and sheeps tallow , and oyle olive , frie them together , and lay it to the sore place . to increase milk . pouder of annise , and the juice of the bark of fennell root drunke . if milk be thick . eat mints , and boil mints in wine and oyle , and lay on the breasts . for botches , wounds , and sores , a salve . boil black rosin , red lead , and oyle olive together ; & flat emplastrum . qui bibit novem dies simul propriam urinam , nec habebit epilepsiam , paralysin , nec colicam . venenum . 1. qui bibit propriam urinam , sanabitur a sumpto veneno . 2. garlick , rue , centaury , graines of juniper , valent contra venenum . 3. pouder hempseed , and mingle it with goats milk , and let them boyle a little , and use this drink three dayes , valet contra inflationem , venenum , bubonem , felon , & squinanciam . pro auribus . green ash leaves burnt , and the liquor that drops out of them impositum valet . euphorbium pounded with oil citron , and laid hot on the eares , cureth sounding of the eares , tingling , and fistulaes . caput-purgium . take the juyce of ivy , and powder of pepper , mingle them , together , and drink it . for the bloudy flix . the yellow that groweth in red roses put into pottage , and so eaten , is good for the bloudy flix . vermes stomachi . the same yellow drunk in ale . valet contra vermes . for a felon . scabious stamped small , a good quantity of tar , and greace ana temper them together , and all raw , lay them to the sore place . for the reines of the back . boyl your own water well , scum it , then take a quart of that water , oyle of bayes one ounce , oyle of roses one ounce , boyle all in a pot , and therewith annoint well the reines in the hot sunne , or against the fire . unge renes , cum nasturtio & propria urina jej●…nus saepe , & juvat renes . coque mel & butyrum simul & unge renes coram igne . seeth smallage , and temper it with wine , and drink it fasting , and you shall be healed . for them that cannot goe upright for pain in their back and reines . take a fat hen , and scald her , and draw her , and fill her with sen●… coddes id weight , and polipody of an oak , and of annis , id weight , boyl her well , and strain her into a vessell , and take two spoonfuls thereof , and give it the sick first and last . for the stitch . take three handfuls of mallowes , seeth them in a litte raw milk , and put thereto a handfull of wheat bran , and let them boyle together , and then wring out the milk , and lay it hot to the stitch , apply it often . take a few leaves of rue , and yarrow , stamp them together , and wring out the juyce , and drink it with a little ale . for the stitch in the side . make balls of red wortes sodden , and burne them in a new pot , and then grind them to powder , and mingle them with honey and old greace , and make a plaister , and lay it thereto when it is well sodden . to heal wounds . take ribwort , plantain , smallage , ana . take well nigh as much may butter as of the juyce , mingle it together , that it be standing , and put it in a box that no air come thereto , and make an ointment , and this is the securest medicine for healing wounds . for swelling of ioynts . bray mallowes , and boyle them in new milk , and make it into an emplaister , and apply it to the place . to knit sinews or veins that are kickt or broke . take two onions in summer , when thou findest two wormes knit together , cut off the knots , and lay them to dry against the sun , and make thereof powder , and cast it in the wo●…nds , and it will doe as aforesaid . ut virga hominis nunquam erigatur . formicas istas pulverisabis , misce cum vaccinio lacte & da cuivis in potu &c. verrucae , porri , ficus . cortix salicis combustus & temperatus cum aceto , & appositus , verrucas , porros & ficus tollit . portulaca fricata tollit verrucas ▪ agrimonia trita & emplastrata cum aceto verrucas tollit stercus ovis si misceatur cum aceto , & fiat emplaistrum , tollit variolas & verrucas . for cornes . take beanes and chew them in thy mouth , and ●…ay them to the corn , doe this at night . for warts . 1. purslane rubbed on the warts maketh them fall away . 2. the juyce of the roots of rushes applied , healeth them . for a wound that bleedeth inwardly . take filago , and temper it with ale or wine , and give it him , and anon the bloud shall goe out by his mouth ; and if the patient cannot open his mouth , open it with a key , and put it in , and he shall receive his speech , this hath been proved . if men have any blood within them of any hurt . let them drink eufrase sodden with water , and anon they shall cast it out by vomit . aqua pro scabie , tumore , & prurita . ashes made of green ashen wood sifted clean , and mingled with clean water , and often stirred , all a whole day , the water thereof , that is clear gathered , and mingled with a little vinegar , and a little allome , and sodden together , is a pretious water to wash with , sores of swellings , and for itchings , and cleansing of divers sores . an vulneratus vivat , vel non . the juyce of pimpernell drunk with water , if it come out at the wound of a wounded man he shall dye , if it come not he shall live . also give him trefoile to drink , if he cast it out he shall die ▪ to destroy an imposthume , in what place soever it be . take the roots of marsh-mallowes , wash them and boyle them , afterwards take the same water , and boyle it with the seed of fenugreek , and line , then bake it with the bran of barly , afterwards fry it with bores greace , make thereof an emplaister , and apply it hot , and within a short time the patient will be cured . for warts . 1. agrimony stampt with salt , and tempered with vinegar , and laid on the warts , within four dayes doth take them away . 2. take the yolk of an egg well roasted , stamp it with oyle of olive , or oyle of violets , and make it in manner of a plaister , and this will doe away the warts in a night . 3. rub them oft with oaken apples , and bind a plaister thereof on them , and bray blossomes of golds , and agrimony with salt , and lay them to as a plaister . 4. burn willow tree rind , and temper the ashes with vinegar , & utere . oleu●… nucum . take nuts whole , seeth them in water , and then break them , and take out the kernels and stamp them , and then wring them through a cloth , and that oyle is noble and mollificative . unguentum dialaehaeae optimum pr●… p●…dagra . take brocks greace , swines greace , ducks greace , capons greace , ganders greace , suet of a deer , sheeps tallow , ana . p. ●… . melt them in an earthen pan , then take the juyce of rubarb , marsh-mallowes , morrel , comfrey , daysie , rue , plantain , mace , heyrif , matfelon , and dragons , ana . p. ae . fry them in a pan with the foresaid greace , secretum pro podagra . for the collick and stone . ℞ . cepas rubras , pista commixta cum mulvasceto , & bibe ealide . aqua propter ulcera & malum mortuum . ℞ . aquam fabri ●…otell . i. salviae , cuprif●…lii ●…asturtii & m●…dicum melli●… , coque ad medium , & lava locum . aqua pro alceribus . ℞ . apii , salviae , semperviv●… , ana . m. i. pista & coque in una 〈◊〉 . 8. aquae currentis , postea ●…ola & adde , ℥ . iiii . aluminis , medis , 〈◊〉 . ss. bulliet alumen m●…dicum , adde ℥ . iiii . camphorae & reserv●… . capitis dolor . coqu●… 〈◊〉 in malvazeto , & lava caput . pista r●…um , ●…um sale , & fiat emplastrum . for bones broken in a mans head . ℞ agrimoniae contisam fiat emplastrum . item bibe betonicam p. i. & resurgant ●…ssa & sanatis pro acto vusnera . capitis dolor . ℞ . rutae , ●…derae terrestris , folia lauri , coque in aqua vel vino & fiat emplastrum super caput . ℞ . celidoniam , pista & coque cum butyro versus dolorem capitis etsi cranium cecidit de loco , &c. & lava cum decoctione ejusde●… herba . corvi albi . attende cum ●…orvus habet ova , & unge ter vel quater cum melle , & pulli eorum eru●… albi . ebrii . qui prins biberit crocum quam ad p●…tationem inierit , crapulam vel ebrietatem non incurret . acetum . ut acetum redeat in vinum semen porri im●…itte per duas noctes . ova rotunda producunt gallinas , longa vero gall●…s . fistula . hebba roberti fistulae emplastrata , vel succu●… ejus in eam pos●…ta eam curat . succus caprifolii naribus impositus , polypum recentem & cauerum , & fistulam curat . pro virga virili combusta cum muliere . ℞ . sume morellae & sedi & axungiae poreinae , p. ae . frixa & suppoue . contra exitum ani . ℞ . urticas rubras pista , & in olla terrea ●…oque in vino albo ad medium , postea bibe mane & sero calide , & faeces superpone . contra fluxum . 1. ℞ , cornu cervi , & conchas ostrei , combure & da pulverem mane & sero ꝰ dies . plaister of paris . 2. ℞ pulverem alabastri misce cum albumine ovi , pone super tempora & alia loca . an virgo corrupta . pulveriza fortiter flores lilii crocei quae sunt inter albos flores , da ei comedere de illo pulvere , & si est corrupta statim minget . ut dens cadat . pulvis stercoris caprae positus supra dentem , facit cadere : cave alia . pro combusto cum muliere . take pouder of a linnen cloth when it is well burnt , and take the yolks of eggs , and mingle them well together , and therewith annoint the sore , and put the pouder into the hole . a drink that healeth all wounds without any plaiste●… or 〈◊〉 ointment , or without any taint most perfectly . take sanicle , milfoil , and bugle , ana , p. ae . stamp them 〈◊〉 a morter , and temper them with wine , and give the sick that is wounded to drinke twice or thrice in a day till he be whole . bugle holdeth open the wound , millfoil cleanseth the wound . sanicle healeth it , but sanicle may not be given to him that is hurt in the head , if the brain pan be broken , for it will slay him , and therefore it is better in another place ▪ this is a good and tryed medicine . unguentum genistae . take flores genistae , floures and leaves of woodbind ; ana , p. ae . stamp them with may butter , and let them stand so together all night , and in the morning make thereof an ointment , and melt it , and scum it well : this medicine is good for all cold evils , and for sleeping of hand and foot . unguentum augustinum is good for all sore legs that be red and hot . take groundsell and petty morrell , and stamp them , and temper them with may butter , and put them in a pot fast closed , and let them stand so nine dayes , and then frie it over an easie fire , and strein it through a cloth , and put it in a box for your use . unguentum viride is good pro erectione virgae , and for the mormale ; no ointment worketh stronger then this . take a pound of swines grease , one ounce of verdigrease , half a scruple of sal gemmae , this ointment may be kept 40. winters : valet contra cancros , and for running holes , it fretteth away dead flesh , and bringeth new , and healeth old wounds ; put it within the wound that it fester not : put to this ointment , pitch , rosin , and waxe , and it will be a fine heat for old bruises , swellings , and mormales . unguentum nigrum , for wounds , heating and burning . take a quart of oyle of olive , and boil it well , then cast in a quart of red lead , and stir it well with a slice , and boil it till it be black , and then let it cool ; and keep it for drawing and healing . unguentum rubrum . take a pint of honey , half a pint of vinegar , and a portion of verdigrease , boil them together , and it is good for all manner of sores . contra v●…mitum . 1. ℞ . rosewater , pouder of cloves , and mastick , and drinke it hot . 2. take mints thre ounces , roses half an ounce , mastick one ounce , barlie meal , and a crust of bread tosted , and this manner of plaister apply to the stomack . 3. rutae cochleare i. bibe cum vino vel cerevisia , multum valet . 4. pouder of gilliflowers strewed on his meats , staneheth immediately . note , he must eat no meat whilst he casteth ( ut virtus maneat . fluxus sanguinis narium . 1. hens feathers burnt , and the smoke thereof applyed to the nostrils stinteth it . 2. a pig●… turd b●…nt , and made into pouder , blown into the nostrils . 3. the juyce of smallage drunk restraineth bleeding . probat . 4. succus menthae & rutae mixtus cur●…t fluxum narium . contra sciaticam . stercora leporis temperata et calido vino applica forma empla stri dolori . f●…eckens of the face . 1. grease your face with oyle of almonds , & bibe succu●… plantaginis ▪ 2. annoint your visage well and often with hares bloud . to know if a man be a leper or no . let him bleed , and put the bloud into water , and if the bloud swim above , he is a leper , and if it descend , he is clean . for ache in the loins . take waybread , and sanicle , stamp them , and put thereto bores grease , & forma ●…plastri calide dolori applica . for a scald head . 1. wash thy head with vinegar , and cammomil stampt and mingled together , there is no better thing for the scall . probat . 2. grinde white hellebor , grinde it with swines grease , applica capiti . 3. take culver dung , with salt , and a little vinegar , and stirre them well together , and therewith wash thy head , & sanabit capitis faeditates . ad ornatum faciei . take fresh bores grease , and the white of an egg , and stamp them together , with a little pouder of bayes , and therewith annoint the visage , and it shall clear the skin , and make it white . if the liver rot . eat raw parsely 9. dayes , and 6. dayes after eat sage , and that will cleanse that the parsely hath wrought . note , all hearbs whose roots be medicinable , are best in aprill . for stopping of the pipes . ℞ . leaves and tender stocks of horehound , stamp them and seeth them well in butter , then wring it through a cloth , cool it , and adde to that pouder of liquorice , and of hysop , mixe them together , and keep it in a box , and when thou wilt , take a spoonfull , and temper it with hot wine , and use it when thou goest to bed . aliud . ℞ . a good quantity of hysop , seeth it in half a gallon of good wine , till half bee sodden away , and let the sick use it first and last , at evening hot , and at morning cold . probat . aliud . ℞ . the juyce of cinquefoil stamped , and drinke a sup thereof with wine or ale , and it shall clear thee of much flegm , above and beneath . the plague water . take a handfull of sage and a handful of rue , and boil them in three pints of malmsie , or muscadine , untill one pint be wasted , then take it off the fire , and strain the wine from the hearbs , then put into the wine two penniworth of long pepper , half an ounce of ginger , and a quarter of an ounce of nutmeg , all grosly bruised , and let it boil a little again : this done , take it off the fire , and dissolve it in half an ounce of good venice triacle , and a quarter of an ounce of mithridate , and put to it a quarter of a pint of strong angelica water ; so keep it in a glasse close stopped for your use : for preservation you shall take every morning a spoonfull warm , and lay you down to sweat upon it , and so continue to take it twice a day untill you perfectly recover . this water likewise cureth the small pox , the measels , surfets , and pestilentiall fevers . a cordiall water good for the plague , pox , measels , all kind of convulsions , fevers , and all pain of the stomack . take sage , rosemary , rue , celandine , seabios , agrimonie , mugwort , woormwood , pimpernel , dragon , carduus benedictus , rosa solis , betonie , marigold leaves and flowers , centurie , polipodium , scurvie grasse , of each a handfull , wash them and swing them in a clean cloth till they be dry , then shred them small , and take the roots of zedoarie , tormentill , enula campana , angelica , licorice , of each half an ounce scraped , and sliced , then take of the best white wine eight pints ; put them all into an earthen pot well leaded , let them stand two dayes close covered , and stirre them once in the day , then still them in a limbeck , with a temperate fi●…e ; it will be two dayes and a night in the still : keep the first pint by it self ; of which you may take a spoonful at a time ; of the next quart take twice so much ; of the next pint you may give to little children a spoonful at a time : lute the still well , that no aire come forth , and keep it in close glasses . for a child that hath the ague . take the hearb called hartshorn , stamp it , then mingle it with bay salt , and three or four houres before the fit come apply it , spread upon a linnen cloth , to the childs wrists , and when the fit is past , apply a fresh one before the next fit , and in a few fits , god willing , she shall be cured . for a burning fever . take red mints two handfull , boyle them in a quart of running water , to the consumption of half , strain it , and put thereto four or five spoonfuls of white wine vinegar , and as much honey , boyle it to the height of a sirrup . take of endive two handfuls , boyle it in a quart of water , to the consumption of half , take two spoonfulls of this , and one of the sirrup , in the morning fasting , and at any other time you please . for the iaundies black or yellow . take of white wine one pint , steep therein of the root of calidon , the weight of twelve pence , of saffron one pennyworth , a rase of turmarick ; bruise all , and bind them in a fine peece of laun , and let it infuse in the wine a night , drink a part thereof in the morning , one other part at noon , and the rest at night . to bring down the flowers . take of alligant , or muskadine , or clarret , a pint , burn it , and sweeten it well with sugar , put thereto two spoonfulls of sallet oyle , then take a good bead of amber in pouder in a spoon with some of the wine after it , take it evening and morning . to stay the flowers . take amber , corrall , pearl , jeat , of each alike , grind them to a fine pouder , and searse them ; take thereof as much as will lye upon six pence with conserve of quinces , and drink after it a draught of new milk , use it every morning . for the mother . take a brown tost of four bread of the nether crust , and wash it with vinegar , and put thereto black sope , like as you would butter a tost , and lay it under the navill . for the stone . take saxifrage , pellitorie , parslie , eyebright , wild thime , of each two handfuls ; of raddish roots two or three , steep all in a pottle of red cowes milk a night , then still it , make of this quantity two stillings . you must take at a time nine spoonfuls , as much renish or white wine , and the juice of a lemon , sweeten all with sugar , and take it fasting , if your stomack be cold , slice a little ginger , and put into it . for a cold , cough , ptissick , or any defect of the lungs . take horehound , maiden hair , liver-wort , harts tongue , germander , hysope , agrimonie , of each a handfull , wash them and boil them in six pints of running water in a pipkin , till four pints be consumed at least , strain it , and put the liquor into another clean pipkin , put thereto of the root of ennula campana in pouder and searsed one ounce , of licorice so used two ounces , of pure honie eight or nine spoonfulls ; boyl it till it wax somewhat thick , then set it to cool : take the quantity of half a nut at a time , as often as you please . the best time to make it is in may . for a stitch . take of stale ale , two pints , clarifie it , and boyl therein of the tops of green broom a handful , then sweeten it with sugar , and give thereof to the sick warm to drink . also take beer , make it very salt , put a little nutmeg thereto , and drinke thereof bloud-warm . apply upon the grief outward , fennel seed , and cammomile made wet with malmsie , as hot as can be suffered , three or four dayes together . or take a tost of rie bread tosted on a gridiron , and spread tar thick thereon , lay it hot next the skin , and let it lye 9 , or 10 houres , and if the pain be not gone at first , apply it again . for a consumption . take a leg of veal , cut away the fat , and take a red cock , scald him , and wash him clean , then let the cock and veal lye in water the space of three houres , seeth them with two pottles of fair water , and scum it clean : as the fat riseth , take it off , and seeth it till half ●…e consumed , then put in a pottle of the best claret wine , and let it seeth together till it come to a qua●… , clarifie it with three or four whites of eggs ; let it run through a jelly bag ; then set it on the fire again , and put to it of sugar a pound , let it seeth a little , then drinke of it warm three or four spoonfuls at a time , as often as you please . for the green sickness . take an orange , cut off the top , and pick out some of the meat , then put therein a little saffron , rost it gently , when it is rosted , put it presently into a pint of white wine , keep it covered , and drink thereof fasting . a speciall water for all sores . take of running water four pints , of sage , smallage , of each three handfulls , of housleek a handfull and a half , seeth them together to the consumption of half , then strain it , take of allum two ounces , of white copperis an ounce and a half , of camphire two drachms , beat all severally into fine pouder , put all into the water , and let it boyle a little , then put thereto of clarified , honie half a pint , and let it simper a while , then reserve it in a glasse close stopped . wash the sore therewith , and wet a cloth therein , and lay thereto ; if it heal too fast , lay dry lint therein . for the trembling of the heart . take a spoonfull of the spirit of tartar when you find your self troubled . or take lignum aloes , riponticum , eupatorium , red sanders , of each two ounces , beat them , and boyle them in six pints of fair water till two pints be consumed ; of the four pints that remain , being strained , make a sirrup with sugar , and while it is hot , put thereto of saffron one scruple , of ginger one drachm , of musk two carets , cloves , nutmegs , of each a scruple and a half , keep it in a glasse close shut , take thereof a drachm at a time in a little broth , or burrage water , fasting . for a flux of the womb . take chalke finely scraped , stir thereof in whites of eggs till it be thick , spread thereof on brown paper , and lay it on a gridiron on the fire untill it stiffen a little , bind it hot upon the navill . take milk and set it on the fire , when it seeths , throw in a peice of allum , which will turn it to a posset , of the thin thereof , give a glister in the morning , and at four in the afternoon . a purging drink for superstuous humours , for aches in the joynts , sinewes , and for agues . take sarsaperilla , sasafrass , polipodium , of each a handfull , hermodactiles the third part of an ounce , licorice one ounce , cut and slice the above named , and put them into a new pipkin glassed , and having a cover , and put the●…o five quarts of spring water , let all infuse four and twenty houres , then put thereto of fennell seed two ounces , raisins of the sun stoned and picked four ounces , carduus benedictus , red sage , agrimony , maiden-hair , of each a handfull , put all into the pipkin , and close it with paste , set it within a pan of warm water on the fire , and let it boyle two houres , then put thereto of sena one ounce , let it boyle again half a quarter of an hour , and take it out , letting it stand covered two houres , then strain it without wringing , and keep it in a glasse or stone bottle . you must take at a time half a pint in the morning , and fast one hour after , it will not purge in five or six houres , you may use it at any time in the year , but in extream heat , and in frosts . a pretious eye-water for any disease of the eyes , often proved . take of the best white wine two little glasse fulls , of white rose water half a pint , of the water of selendine , fennell , eyebright , and rue , of each two ounces , of prepared tutia six ounces , of cloves as much , sugar rosate a drachm , of camphire , and aloes , each half a drachm . the tutia is thus prepared . in a crusible ( such as the goldsmiths use ) put your tutia and with a charcoale fire let it be made red hot six severall times , and every time quenched in rose-water and wine mixt together ; the last time cast the water away , and grinde the tutia to very fine powder . you must mix the aloes with the water after this manner put the aloes in a clean morter , and pour upon it of the mixt waters , with the pestill grinde it too and fro , and as it mixeth with the water pour it off , putting more water to it , till it be all dissolved . to bring the camphire to powder . in a clean morter beat one almond , then put in the camphire , and beat it to a fine powder , without which it will no●… come to a powder . likewise beat all the cloves to a fine powder , then mix all together in a strong glasse , stop it close and lute it , that no air enter , and let it stand forty dayes and nights abroad in the hottest time of summer , and shake it well thrice a day . the use . drop a drop of the water into the eye thrice a day with a black hens feather , the infirm lying on their back , and stirring the eye up and down . if there be any thing grow upon the eye . take four drops of oyle of amber rectified , and mix with half an ounce of the water , dresse the eye as before . for any ague . take a quarter of a pint of canary sack , put into it a pennyworth of oyle of spike , a pennyworth of sirrup of poppyes , and one grain of bezar , mingle these together , and let them stand infused all night , and exhibite it next morning to the patient fasting . for an ague . boyle two ounces of roch in a pipkin , in a pint of ale , about a quarter of an hour or better , then give the party grieved to drink of it pretty warm , some two houres before the fit cometh , about half of it , and what the party cannot drink at the first draught , let it be warmed against the second fit , and give it as before , after two houres be past , let the party drink as much posset drink as he can . another . take the quantity of a wallnut of black sope , and three times as much crown sope , mix them together , then shred a pretty quantity of rue , and half a spoonfull of pepper finely beaten , and a quarter of a spoonfull of fine wheat flour ; mingle all these together , then take as much strong beer as will make it spread upon a linnen cloth , whereof make two plaisters , and lay to each wrist one , and sow them fast on for nine dayes ; this must be applied as the cold fitt beginneth to come upon them . to make pills to cleanse the backe . boyle venice turpentine in plantain water , then take the turpentine , and bray it in a morter to very fine powder , take the powder and mingle it with powder of white amber , powder of oculorum cancrorum , and powder of nutmeg , of each half a drachm : mix them up into pills , and take three of them in a morning . a bath . take mallow leaves , violet leaves , endive , motherwort , mugwort , rose leaves , lettice , cammomill , bay leaves ; boyle of all these one handfull , in a sufficient quantity of pure running water , and set in the bath about an hour , then goe into a warm bed and sweat awhile , and when you come out of your sweat , and are pretty cool , eat strawberries and sugar , this will clear the body and purifie the blood . for the cough of the lungs , and defluxions . you may take sometimes of sirrup magistrall , of scabious and of oxymell iutianizans , of each one ounce , and of diacodium half an ounce , and of sirrup of diasereos half an ounce : mingle these all well together , and mingle with it also a drachm of pure flower of sulphur finely searced ; and take of this the quantity of a large nutmeg three or four times in a day , at morning , an hour before dinner , an hour before supper , and last at night ; it will cut the flegm , and carry it gently away , without any perturbation or violent trouble of coughing , and cause quiet rest . to cause a woman to have her flowers . take of gladwin roots about a handful , boyle them in vinegar , or in white wine till they be very tender , and after put this into a vessel on the ground in a close stool , so that the woman may sit over it very close stopped , so that the heat may strike up into her body : this medicine is reported never to fail , but to bring them down : but you must have a speciall care that no woman being with child have this medicine administred to her . for the cough of the lungs . take of coltsfoot two handfuls , of hysop , and the tops of red nettles , of each one handful , of horehound , and maiden-hair , of each half a handfull , of raisins of the sun , having their stones taken out three ounces , of liquorice sliced half an ounce , and of elecampane roots sliced one ounce , of annise-seeds half an ounce grosly bruised , boil all these together in a gallon of water in an earthen pipkin with a gentle fire , till the third part be boyled away , then strein it , and take a quart of the decoction , and put to it two ounces of sugar-candie beaten , and let it boil a little over the fire again , till the sugar candie be melted , then take it off the fire , and put it up into a glasse close stopped , and drinke of it three or four spoonfuls morning and evening so long as it lasteth , a little warmed . for cramp or numnesse . take a penniworth of saffron , put it into a little bag , then put it into three ounces of rosewater , and stir it well in the rosewater , then take four penniworth of camphire , and infuse that in the rosewater , and being so infused and mixed ; chafe the place with it warm , and smell to it , as he bathes the place . for a cough , winde , and a cold stomack . take four ounces of good annise-seed water , mingle it with one ounce of spirit of mint , and dissolve it with two ounces of pure white sugar candie , beaten into very fine pouder ; set it upon a chafingdish of coals in a peuter dish , and when it beginneth to walm , burn it with a paper as you doe wine , stirring it well together with a spoon , then take it off the fire , and evening and morning , take a good spoonful of it first and last . it will comfort the stomack , and is good against cough and winde . for a cough and consumption . take of lungwort , liverwort , hysop , violet , and strawbrrie leaves of each one handful , licorice sliced , and scraped , annise-seeds , and fennel-seeds , of each one penniworth a little bruised , a parsly and a fennel root clean scraped , pithed , and cut into small peeces , twelve figs sliced , four ounces of good great raisins having their stones taken out ; boyl all these together in a pottle of clear running water , till it come to three pints , then put into it two ounces of pure white hard sugar , dissolve it upon the fire with the other decoction , then take it off , strein it , and drink thrice a day of it , that is in the morning , about four in the afternoon , and last at night , three or four ounces of it at a time , and it will asswage the driness and thirst , and open the obstructions and stoppings of the liver and spleen , and cause your flegm to com away with more ease . for a cold dropsie . take olibanum , and rost it in a fig , and apply it to their great toe : but if they be swelled in their face or head ; then take anew layd egg roasted hard , take out the yolk , aend put into the hole so much cummin seed as will fill it , and apply it as hot as it may be endured to the nape of the neck . for the dropsie . take a pottle of white or rhenish wine , an ounce of cinnamon , and a pint of green broom ashes , put them together in an earthen pot eight and forty houres , the cinnamon being first bruised ; stirre them all often , and then put them up into a white cotten bag , and let the liquor drain out of them , put it up again twice upon the lees , and then use four times a day of it , drink it cold , in the morning , one hour before dinner , one hour before supper , and when you goe to bed , at each time drink a quarter of a pint ; if the greif be not fully removed , use a second or third pottle so made up , but with most persons one pottle sufficeth . for an ague . take as much black sope as a wallnut , and three times as much crown sope , and mingle them together , then shred about a pugill of rue , and put thereto half a spoonfull of pepper very finely beaten , and with a quarter of a spoonfull of fine wheat flour , or as much as shall suffice ; mingle all these together , then take as much strong beer as will make it spread upon a linnen cloth , and make it up into two plaisters , and apply to each wrist one , and keep them fast on for nine dayes together ; you must apply the plaisters just as the cold fit beginneth to come upon them . sweat is held by all experienced phisitians , to be very good to cure an ague , but they must be put into their sweat before the cold fit come upon them ; you must use this twice or thrice before the ague will be quite cured ; and let them drink no other drink during their sweat but aqua vitae and small beer mingled together , but you must not make it too strong of the aqua vitae . to comfort and strengthen the ioynts and sinewes . ℞ . of the flowers and seeeds of saint iohns wort three steep them three dayes in sufficient wine , and then seeth them in a brazen vessell till the wine be consumed , then strain them ▪ and put to the straining as much of fresh saint iohns wort stamped , and steep it again three dayes , and afterward add thereunto , of turpentine three ounces , of old oyle eight ounces , of saffron one scruple ; of mastick 3. ss. of myrrh , of frankincense , ana . 3. ii . ss , afterward put in the straining the space of a moneth , of the flowers and seed of saint iohns wort one handfull and half , of madder brayed , of fine grain wherewith scarlet is died , ana. three drachms , of the juyce of yarrow two ounces , seeth them to the consumption of the juyce , with earth wormes washed with wine two ounces , and a little wine odoriferous . for obstructions of liver and spleen . ℞ . flowers of burrage , buglosse , marigolds , violets , endive , of each a handfull ▪ dates stoned three ounces , of the best blew currans two ounces , sweet fennell ▪ seed half an ounce , graines and coriander , of each one drachm , whole brown watereresses nine leaves , hysop stripped downwards nine little branches , of french barly three ounces ; boyl all these together in a pottle of spring water till a third part be consumed , then strain it , and when it is strained adde of the conserve of barberries three ounces , sirrup of lemons and of quinces , of each three ounces , this is to be taken morning and evening , nine spoonfuls at a time . the flowers are to be had at the apothecaries , dry all the year . for the palsie in the head . for the palsie in the head , take of the oyles , of amber , fox , and beaver , and mingle them together , and annoint the nape of the neck with them evening and morning , chafe it in with a warm hand , and chafingdish of hot coales . and take of the oyle of amber alone , and with your finger put some of it every morning into your nose , and take two or three drops of it , and rub it into your head upon the mould thereof . and take two or three drops of the same oyle , and put it into your beer or ale for your mornings draught , especially at the change or full of the moon , for four or five dayes together . be sure to keep warm , and avoid going abroad in rain , misty , or moist weather . oyle of saint johns wort for ache and pain . take a quart of sallet oyle , put thereto a quart of flowers of saint iohns wont well picked , let them lie therein all the summer , untill the seeds of that hearb be ripe , the glasse must be kept warm , either in the sun or in water , all the summer untill the seeds be ripe , then put in a quart of saint iohns wort seeds whole , and so let it stand twelve houres , the glasse being kept open , then you must seeth the oyle eight houres , the water in the pot full as high as the oyle in the glasse , when it is cold strain it , that the seed remain not in it , and so keep it for your use . for the knitting together and strenthening of bones . give inwardly knotgrasse , plantain , or ribwort water , with sirrup of the greater comfrey , to three spoonfuls of the water exhibit one of the sirrup , so often as they use it : there are also v●…lnerary potions prescribed for this purpose in the dispensatories . for the courses . when you give oculos cancrorum ( truly called lapides cano●… ) to provoke a womans courses , you must give her almost a spoonfull of it , mixed with some water of motherwort , called artemisia , causing her to drink a good glass-full of the water immediately after it ; the best time to exhibite it , is to give it hot in the morning by four of the clock , and let her sleep after it , you must give it about those times she ordinarily expecteth her courses ; if you cannot get morherwort water , you may use in stead of it penniroyall water . you may dissolve your powder of lapidum cancrorum , either with juyce of lemons , or with distilled vinegar , and spirit of vitrioll ; if you put a greater proportion of vitrioll , then of the other , it will sooner dissolve , you need but cover it with the juyce or spirits , and after some few houres poure off the spirits from the powder . a cordiall excellent good for melansholy , panting and trembling of the heart , swounding , fainting , coldnesse , and rawnesse of the stomack , and also for many other greifs arising from a cold and moist complexion , ●…ften proved with happy successe . take of saffron half ●…n ounce , of angelica roots finely sliced one ounce , of cloves six drachms , balm two handfuls , rosemary tops four handfuls , shread the hearbs and roots , and beat the spices grosly , then put them , with half a pound of sugar , into three pints of small innamo●… water , or of small aqua vitae , and let them stand infused three or four dayes together , after boyle them , and let the aqua vitae burn , stirring them well together , till near a pint thereof be consumed away , then strain it , and when it is settled poure off the clear from the bottome ; keep the clear for your own use , and reserve the bottome , which you may give away unto poor people , for it will be good and comfortable , though not so strong : the way to use it , is to take every morning fasting a spoonfull , and after every meal , at each severall time , a spoonfull . a sudden way to make up this excellent cordiall . take of the best of doctor mountfords water , ana . ℥ . iiii . of very good angelica water ana . ℥ . iiii . of clove water , ana . ℥ . iiii . of rosemary water , ana . ℥ . iiii . of balm water , ana . ℥ . iiii . of spirit of saffron ℥ . ii . mingle all these together , and with as much sirrup of pure sugar as shall suffice mingled , make it up , and put into either of these two medicines , of musk and ambergrease , of each a grain . both these are excellent cordials for all the greifes before rehearsed . pills to purge flegm and wind. take of the best aloes succotrina nine drachms , of rubarb , jallop , and agarick , of each six drachms , of mastick four drachms , of red rose leaves three drachms , let all these be beaten severally into very fine powder , and searced , then mix them well , and beat them up into a paste , with sirrup of damask roses as much as shall suffice , at the end add unto it twenty drops of oyle of anniseeds : when you have occasion to use these pills , take about two scruples thereof for one dose made up into three pills . for the gout . take of new extracted honey two spoonfuls , a pennyworth of red nettle seeds finely bruised , mingle them well together , and apply it to the gout : let the party drink every third day for a sevennight in the morning in his bed half a pint of new milk , of a red or black cow . for the gout , my lord denni's medicine . take burdocks leaves and stalks , cut them small , and stamp them very small , then strain them , and cleanse them , and when you have so done put them into glasses , and put pure oyle of olives a top of them , and stop it close from the air , and when you would use it for the gout , poure it into a porrenger and warm it , and wet linnen clothes in it , and apply it warm to the greived place , warming your clothes one after another , as they grow cold that are on . another , very good for the gout . take the yest of ale , and spread it upon brown paper , and apply it upon the greived place pretty warm , the space of twelve houres : some first warm the pickle of olives , and then bath the greived place therewith , putting their feet into it , and after use the former medicine . my lord denni's medicine must not be taken till three dayes after the change of the moon , then after it must be taken six dayes together , then six dayes before the full it must be taken twice a day . to stay the courses when they come down too violently . take half a drachm or a drachm of diascordium , dissolve it in a drachm o●… posset ale , wherein formerly hath been boyled half a handfull of shepherds purse , and as much knotgrasse , and of the greater comfrey , and drink thereof a good draught at a time morning and evening . for the whites . take a quarter of a handfull of white archangell , plantain , sheaphards purse , and of the greater comfrey , of each half a handfull , of the hearbs horse-taile , and cats-taile , of each half a handfull , boyle all these in two quarts of milk till half be consumed away , then strain it , and sweeten it with good white sugar ●…andy finely beaten , and drink of it twice a day for ten or fifteen dayes together . to keep the body soluble and to purifie the bloud . take maydenhair , wild germander , wood-sorrell , and balm , of each a pugill , of wild mercury half a handfull , of damask roses two handfuls , of clarified whey six pints , let it stand scalding hot for an houre stirring it sometimes , after an hour is past strain it , and drink it twice or thrice a day a good draught of it ; and if you wash your hands in beef broth after your taking it , it will take away all roughnesse and haires of the hands , it may be taken safe of a woman with child for the green sicknesse , or yellow iaundies . for cure hereof first purge universally with this or the like purgation ▪ ℞ . of hiera picra four scruples , of rubarb , and trochisces of agarick , of each half a drachm , of rasped ivory , and hartshorn , of each half a scruple , of cinnamon six graines , of saffron four graines , of diacatholicon half an ounce ; infuse these things in the whey of cows milk , or in the distilled water of alkakengie , or in dodder water , or endive water , you may adde oxymell thereto . an electuary for the green sicknesse . take of diatrion santalon , and diarrhodon abbatis , of each one drachm , of diacurcuma , and confection of alkermes , of each half an ounce , of diamargariton frigidum , and calidum , of each two drachms , of rasped ivory , and hartshorn , of each one drachm , of all these make an electuary , and give it evening and morning by it self , or with dodder or endive water , the dose is one drachm , protempore uno . an excellent powder for the green sicknesse . ℞ . four scruples of gentian made into fine powder , of rasped ivory , and hartshorn , of each two scruples ; make these into a fine powder , and give a spoonfull thereof with white wine , or the like , at once . another medicine . ℞ . three or four spoonfuls of flemish madder , boyle it in two quarts of white wine , with a peice of sugar , to the consumption of half of it , strain it , and let the maiden drink thereof morning and evening a good draught warm , and walk , or use some exercise to heat the body , but take no cold ; use this for eleven or twelve dayes together . a singular purging potion against the green sicknesse , and all opilations of the liver , and causeth young maids to look fresh , and fair , and cherry-cheek'd , and will bring down their courses , the stopping whereof causeth this greif , and it is good against all manner of itch , scabs , breaking out , and manginesse of the body , purifying the blood from all corruption . ℞ . of the roots of monkes rubarb , that is red do●…k , and of red madder , ana. half a pound , of sena four ounces , of anniseseed , and licorice , of each two ounces , of scabious , and agrimony , of each one handfull ; slice the roots of rubarb , and bruise the anniseseed and licorice , break the hearbs small , and put them all into a pot with four gallons of strong ale , and infuse them all the space of three dayes , then drink of this drink , for your ordinary drink , for three weeks at the least , the longer the better , and make new as need requireth ; it eureth the dropsie , and yellow jaundies also , if you put in of cammomill one handfull . for the green sicknesse , or iaundies . ℞ . of white briony root sliced half an ounce , boyle it in a pint of ale gently a quarter of an hour , and drink a good draught thereof , and sweat , and in your sweat drink it all , or as much as you can , the next day make new and drink again , but without sweating , and use some exercise to keep the body warm ; use this last order twelve dayes together , use good cordials and restoratives , with sirrup and conserve of fumitory . for the green sicknesse , and iaundies . boyle of rue , and sage , of each a bundle , in a quart or three pints of ale , with one scruple of saffron . to cure this disease , the electuary of steel is excellent , if the body be first purged , for it doth open all obstructions : but the patient must use some exercise after the taking it , to stirre up naturall heat the better ; the dose is half an ounce at a time to take of it . the steel for the electuary is thus prepared . ℞ . of the filings of the best iron , or steel , as much as you please , grinde it subtilly and finely , upon a porphiry , or red marble stone , with vinegar , then dry it at the sun , or at the fire , and grinde it again with vinegar as at the first , and doe thus seven times one after another , and thus you have the steel prepared fit for you . the electuary of steel is made up thus . ℞ . of the filings of steel so prepared half an ounce , cinnamon , nutmegs condited , of each three drachms , of chosen rubarb two drachms , of the species of aromaticum rosatum half a drachm , of chosen honey , and of fine white sugar , of each one pound and one ounce ; mingle these all together over a soft fire , and make it up into an electuary . after the taking of this electuary , let the patient in all cases use some bodily exercises , being first universally purged , for this electuary is most excellent against all obstructions of the liver , spleen , or other disease , and for the green sicknesse . for the green sicknesse , or green iaundies . the green sicknesse , or jaundies cometh of yellow choller , mixed with corrupt or putrified flegm , and corruption of bloud , debility of nature , and faintnesse of heart ; it happeneth also when the liver is weakened that it cannot convert the nourishment into bloud , but the digestion is raw and crude , so that the whole body is filled with water and flegm instead of good bloud ; it is cheifly found in young maidens , who desire to abate their fresh colours , and , as they conceive , to be fine , and fair , and foolishly feed upon trash ( which altereth the colour and state of their bodies ) as of unripe apples , peares , plums , cherries , and raw fruits , and hearbs , or meale , wheat , barly , raw milk , chalk , lime , and the like , and they that have this disease are very pale and greenish ; if they chance to cut their finger , no bloud , but water , will follow ; they feele great pain in their head , with continuall beating , are faint , short-breathed , and their naturall flowers are stopped and stayed , to the prevention and cure whereof , the body must first be well and orderly purged , as by the medicines before prescribed . finis . humours heau'n on earth with the ciuile warres of death and fortune. as also the triumph of death: or, the picture of the plague, according to the life; as it was in anno domini. 1603. / by iohn dauies of hereford. davies, john, 1565?-1618. 1609 approx. 268 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 79 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69177 stc 6332 estc s109342 99844992 99844992 9861 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69177) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9861) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 985:10, 1376:4) humours heau'n on earth with the ciuile warres of death and fortune. as also the triumph of death: or, the picture of the plague, according to the life; as it was in anno domini. 1603. / by iohn dauies of hereford. davies, john, 1565?-1618. [8], 41, 142-248, [4] p. by a[dam] i[slip], printed at london : 1609. in verse. printer's name from stc. with two final leaves of dedicatory verses. british library copy identified as stc 6331 at reel 985:10. reproductions of the originals in the british library (reel 985:10) and cambridge university library (reel 1376:4). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -poetry -early works to 1800. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion humours heau'n on earth ; with the ciuile warres of death and fortune . as also the triumph of death : or , the picture of the plague , according to the life ; as it was in anno domini . 1603. by iohn dauies of hereford . o! t' is a sacred kinde of excellence , that hides a rich truth in a tales pretence ! printed at london by a. i. 1609. ¶ to the right noble , algernon , lord percy , sonne and heire apparant to the right honorable henry earle of northumberland . thrice noble , and more hopefull pupill i ( who learnes thy hand to shew thy hearts conceits would make thy heart , before it vice doth trie , to know her lures , to shunne her slie deceits . but , in the prime but of thy pupillage before the ioynts of iudgement can be knit , ( although for wit thou mai'st be wisedomes page ) vice throwes her lures aboue thy reach of wit. but yet when time shall throwly close thy mould , wherein all rare conceits still cast shall bee , then shalt thou ( with cleere eies ) darke lines behold , that leade thee to all knowledge fit for thee . and , sith that childhood more in tales delights then saddest truths ; i le tell thee merry tales , of lords and ladies , with their merry knights , their merry blisses , and their sory bales . the outside of these tales are painted o're with colours rich , to please thine eagre sence ; but , lin'd with naked truth ( yet richly poore ) more fit for thy more rich intelligence . when thou canst cracke this nut , within the shell thou shalt a kernell finde will please thy taste ; the pallate of thy wit will like it well , when thou shalt swallow it , for ioy , in haste . then make this nut a whirligigge the while , to make thee merry ( if thou canst be so ) to see the turning of our sports to toile , wherein obserue how pleasures come and go : for , as a whirligigge doth turne so fast , that sharpest sights the fruit do scarse perceiue : so can no pallate fruits of pleasure taste when they are come , so soone they take their leaue ! read● little lord , this riddle learne to reede ; so , first appose ; then , tell it to thy pecres : so shall they hold thee ( both in name and deed ) a perfect pierc-ey that in darkenesse cleeres . a pierc-ey , or a pi●rcing eie doth sh●w both wit and courage ; and , if thou wilt learne by morall tales sinnes mortall to eschew , thou shalt be wise , and endlesse glorie earne : that so thou mai'st , the meanest tutors praise ; so , percies fame shall pierce the eie of daies : then , by those raies my pen ( inflam'd ) shall runn● beyond the moone , to make thy moone a sunne ! meane while , and euer , i rest prest to honour thee with my poore vttermost , iohn dauies . to the good knight , and my much honored scholler , sir philip carey . sith death ( deere sir ) hath lately beene so fell , to reaue that life , than deere life deerer farre ; this record of his greater rage may quell the lesse ( perhaps ) in your particular . faine would i ( if i could ) beguile your griefe , with telling you of others heauie harmes : but ( ah ) such guile giues griefe too true reliefe , in your true humane heart , that pitty warmes . life is a plague : for , who doth liue , must die ; yet some that haue the plague , doe scape aliue , so life's more mortall than mortalitie : then sith that life ( like death ) doth life depriue , you may reioyce , sith your adolphus liu'd , true vertues life , which cannot be depriu'd . viuat post funera virtus . as much grieu'd for your losse , as glad any way to shew his loue . iohn dauies . to the right worshipfull my deere scholler sir humfrey baskeruile of earsley , knight : and the no lesse louely than vertuous lady his wife . sith i am lecturing my noblest schollers , ( you being two ) this lecture deigne to reade ; for thogh it treats of nought but death & dollers , yet it with pleasure may your passion feede : for , plagues to see ( vnplagu'd ) doth nature please , although good nature ( gladly ) grieues thereat ; as we are well-ill pleas'd to see at seas the wofull'st wracke , while we are safe from that . in health to tell what sickenesse we haue past , makes vs more soūd ; for , gladnes health defends : o then your eies on this plagues-picture cast to glad and grieue you for glad-grieuous ends . but my sole end by this poore meane to yee , is but to tie your eares , and hearts to mee , iohn dauies . to my deere , meeke , modest , and intirely beloued mistris elizabeth dutton , mistris mary , and mistris vere egerton , three sisters of hopefull destenies , be all grace and good fortune . sith on my worthiest schollers i doe muse , how should my muse to minde you once neglect , sith you are such ? thē , such she shuld abuse , should she not vse you with all deere respect . thou virgin widow ( eldest of the three ) ( that hold'st thy widows state , of death in chief ) death in thy youth ( being fast ) hath made thee free ; free from thy ioy , & fastned thee to griefe . but he that is the lord of lordly death , reserues thine honor'd sires most honor'd sire from deaths dispite ; & while he draweth breath , thou ( lowly soule ) art likely to aspire . thy sisters ( like in nature , as in name , and both in name and nature nought but good ) ( beloued pupills ) well may hope the same , sith of like grace there is like likelihoode . yet in the height of earths felicitie , a meeke regard vnto this picture giue , to minde you so of lifes mortalitie , so shall you liue to die , and die to liue . meane while i hope , through your cleere stars to spie a trinitie of ladies ere i die . he which ( for the exercise of your hie humilitie ) you please to call master iohn dauies . to my worthy , and worthily beloued scholer , thomas bodenham esquier , sonne and heire apparant of sir roger bodenham of rotherwas , knight of the bathe . and , if among them that are deere to mee , ( remembred by my pen , my muses tongue , ) i should forget to shew my loue to thee , my selfe , but much more thee , i so should wrong . nay , wrong the right which i to thee doe owe : but neuer shall my loue so guilefull proue , as not to pay thee so deseru'd a due ; for , i confesse thou well deseru'st my loue . thou wert my scholer ; and if i should teach so good a pupill such a lesson ill ( by mine example ) i might so impeach mine honest fame , and quite disgrace my skill : but when i learne thee such detested lore , then loathe my loue , and learne of me no more . yours , as what 's most yours , iohn dauies . the last booke ( being a picture according to the life ) dedicated to the no lesse high in birth , then honorable in disposition ( right noble in either ) the ladie dorothie , and ladie lucy percies . great-little ladies , greatly might you blame my little care of doing as i ought , should i neglect to set your noble name , first of those principalls whose hands i taught . yet , the more high your birth and places are , the more ye ought to mind the blast of breath : as philips page did shew his masters care , when most he flourisht , most to thinke on death ! then , with most blisse , when you transported be , looke on this picture ; so , perceiue ye shall , we fall , like leaues , in autumne from the tree , when heau'n puffes at excesse in generall : but from all woes excesse i wish ye may ( throgh heau'n on earth ) to heau'n the easiest way ! your ladiships vnworthie tutor , iohn dauies . to my beloued master , iohn dauies . when i thy reasons weigh , & meat thy rimes , i find they haue such happy weight and measure , as makes thy lines extend to after-times , to leade them to a masse of wisedomes treasure . with weighty matter so thou load'st thy lines , as to dimme sights they oft seeme darke as hell ; but those cleere eies that see their deepe designes , do ioy to see much matter coucht so well ! but these thy numbers most familiar bee ; because strange matter plainely they recount : for which men shall familiar be with thee that know thee not ; and , make thy fame to mount . i know no tongues-man more doth grace his tong with more materiall lines , as streight as strong ! ed : sharphell . to mine entirely beloued , master iohn dauies of hereford . in all thy writings thou hast such a vaine , as but thy selfe thy selfe canst counterfet ; which , lying farre beyond the vulgar straine , is harder well to open , then to get . few idle words thou hast to answer for in all thy workes ; but , thou dost merite much ( nay supererogate ) who dost abhorre superfluous words , though thine be over-rich ! both words and matter do so well agree , to glorifie themselves in either kinde , that we must needs renowne both them , and thee , who neerely sought ( for vs ) the same to finde : thy numbers flow from such a minds excesse as all seeme raptures , in all happinesse ! ro : cox. to the reader in praise of the author . in every tale which scarffed truth containes , we must that truth vnmaske to see her face : else see we but the halfe the tale retaines ; then such ( how e're well told ) lose halfe their grace . but these are tales , which ( though their truth be maskt ) tickle the itching'st eares with wit●hing touches ; and so such eares to listen still are taskt , by subtill clawing , that such eares bewitches . canst thou but riddles reade , and not areede ? these riddles high ( well read ) stoope to thy reason : that though they fat not wit , yet will they feede with wittes pure salt , that wits fresh-sweetes doth season : the fiction is for gladdest will as fit , as is the morall for the saddest wit. anth : greys . humours heauen on earth . 1 vpon a time ( thus olde wiues tales begin , then listen lordings to an old wises tale ) there were three men , that were , & were not kin , * ( reede me this riddle ) at the wine or ale , did striue who most should grace the deerest sin , for which the daintiest soules are set to sale : for soules that are most delicate for sense , gainst stings of honied sinnes haue least defence . 2 the first ( for first i le tell you eithers name to shew their natures ) hight * poliphagus : a greasie guttes , of most vnweldie frame ; the second named was * epithymus : light as a feather , apt to lightest game : the third and last , hight * hyselophronus ; that still lookt on himselfe , as if he saw that which the gods did loue , and men did awe . 3 nor is it vtterly impertinent vnto the matter subiect , to describe the weedes they ware , which were as different , as was their names , their natures , & their tribe ; the habit sheweth how the heart is bent : for , still the heart the habit doth prescribe : and no externall signes can more bewray the inwardest affects then garments may . 4 poliphagus a sute of satten ware , made wide and side ; and yet his sides did swell , so that his trusse did couerscarse the bare , and so his panch ( an homely tale to tell ) was fill'd with filth , that eu'ry stich did stare of that which casd it ; and of grease did smell : which so re-glosst the sattens glosse , that it was varnisht like their vailes that turne the spit . 5 his buttons and the holes , that held them fast , his brestmade stil to striue which best could hold but yet that breast made one another brast , and so it selfe did swell as burst it would ; who was some two elles compasse in the waste , and had not seene his knees since two daies old : no points he vs'd ; whose bumme and belly burst , held vp his sloppes , as strait as they were trusst . 6 a paire of button'd buskins casd his legges , which were all calfe from hams vnto the heele ; and after him ( like clogges ) the same he dregges : his shooes were lin'd , that he no cold might feele● the soales whereof thicke corke asunder gegs , made broad ( without indents ) lest he might reele : and ouer all , he ware a slabberd gowne , which cloakt his buttockes hugely ouergrowne ! 7 thus haue we casd the slouen , saue the head ; and wittingly we doe the same forbeare ; because his shoulders stoode in his heads stead , which hardly did aboue their pitch appeare : the lumpe of flesh was all so ouer-fed , as he no man , but some behemoth were : for they whose ioy is all in drinke and meate , thogh mean they be , they needs must be too great 8 epithymus ( the wanton ) on his crowne , a crowne of roses ware lasciuiously ; a falling band of cut-worke ( richly sowne ) did his broad shoulders quite ore-canopy : a waste-coate wrought with floures ( as they had growne ) in colour'd silke , lay open to the eie : and , as his bosome was vnbutton'd quite , so were his points , vntrusst for ends too light ! 9 his doublet was carnation , cut with greene rich taffataes , quite through in ample cuttes ; that so his wast-coate might , ech where be seene , when lusty dames should eie this lusty guttes : and many fauours hung the cuttes betweene , and many more , more light , in them he shuttes ! so that a vacant place was hardly found about this fancy , so well-fauour'd round . 10 his hose was french , and did his doublet sute , for stuffe and colour ; to which sow'd there were silke-stockings , which sate strait his thighs about , to make his leg and thigh more quaint appeere : their colour was , as was the vpper sute , saue that the quirkes with gold and gawdie geere were so embosst , that as the gallant goes , the glosse did light his feete to saue his toes . 11 his shooes were like to sandalls , for they were so caru'd aboue with many a curious cut , that through the same the stocking did appeere , and in the lachets were such ribbands put , as shadow'd all the foote from sunne well neere , though , in rose-forme , the ribband vp was shut : and to make vp aright this woman-man , he at his face still fenced with a fan . 12 but hyselophronus vnlike to him , was richly clad , but much more graue it was ; for , he could not endure such colours trim , yet vs'd trimme colours to bring drifts to passe : a backe too bright , doth argue braines too dim : for , no such asse as is the golden asse : but he that state to catch , doth know the knacke , hides all his haughtie thoughts in humble blacke . 13 his hat was beauer of a middle sise , the band , silke-sipers foure-fold wreath'd about : a shallow cambricke ruffe , with sets precise , clos'd with a button'd string , that still hung out ; wherewith he plai'd , while he did plottes deuise ; to gull the multitude , and rule the rout : his sute was satten , pinckt , and laced thicke , as fit , as faire , without each peeuish tricke . 14 his cloke cloth-rash with veluet throughly lin'd , ( as plaine as plainenesse ) without welt , or garde , to seeme , thereby , to be as plaine in mind ; for , he to seeme good , still had good regarde : his rapier hilts wer blackt , which brightly shin'd , a veluet scobbard did that weapon warde : the hangers and the girdle richly wrought , with silke of * poorest colour , deerely bought . 15 his stockings ( sutable vnto the same ) were of blacke silke , and crosse-wise gartered : the knot whereof a roses forme did frame , which neare the ham the sable leaues did spred : his shooes were veluet , which his foote became , thus was he clad , from foote vnto the head : who still was still , as one of iudgement staid , before he heard , and poiz'd , what others saide . 16 while first ( puft-panch ) poliphagus bespake , ( but panted as he spake for want of winde ; and at each word his fat for feare did quake , lest that winds want that fat should melt , or bind , o that ( quoth he ) then reached to perbrake ) mans necke were like a * cranes , then should we find more pleasure in our meat & drink , because t' would longer passe , with pleasure to our mawes . 17 eating and drinking sweetly eates vp time that eates vp all ; then , feeding most of all we ought to loue ; for , we are made of * slime ; then should we feed ( lest we to slime should fall ) that so our flesh , by fat , to fat should climbe ; fat capons , turkies , fezants we may call the * ladders to perfection , and t' ascend by such degrees , is mans perfections end . 18 deere * taste ( quoth he ) the life of all my ioy ) , can they be blest that say thou bredst our curse , when thou dost sweeten all our liues annoy , that else were hell it selfe , or rather worse ? for my part , i esteeme that * tale a toy ; and thinke that taste alone doth nature nurse : if thou be natures nurse , then say i dare , thou nursest that that makes vs what we are . 19 who are by nature demi-gods at least ; gramercies taste , that mak'st vs so to be : man , but for thee , were farre worse then a beast ; and , beasts were worse then nothing , but for thee : for , man , and beasts do toile but for the taste ; then if our taste should faile vs , curst were we : sith both are borne to labor but for * foode ; that rather would offend ; then doe vs good . 20 the mouth , & maw are pleasures blisfull bowres , where she lies dallying with her loue delight : the maw ( charibdis which delight deuoures ) takes frō the mouth what giu's the mēbers might ; is that an idol which such good procures ? or should it not be * seru'd by natures right , that keepes fraile nature in her vitall heate , that else would pine for want of tasting meate ? 21 * o! taste , and see how sweete the lord ; but whie do i enforce what * forcelesse i esteeme ? yet , sith it 's held for written-veritie , i le sucke sweete from that weede , and holy seeme : the sou'raign'st sense , enthron'd is in the eie ; yet taste , this truth ( if truth ) doth better deeme : for , taste , and see , first taste , and after see , implies that taste , of sight hath sou'raigntie . 22 o t is the well from whence the senses drawe their summum bonum ; sweet'st , thogh short , delite : the right hie-way to mirth , lies to the mawe ; the way to mirth that cheares the flesh , & * sprite ; that warms the blood , & frozen harts doth thaw , in spight of nature , foiling natures spight : then , who distasts these sweet lauds of the taste , his taste is senslesse , and his wittes are waste . 23 aske proofe , how all the veines do flow with ioy when as the mouth takes in confected sweetes ; or when the pallate doth her powres imploy to meet sweet wines , which she with * smacks regreets : what hart so faint , that thē can feare anoy , though hell itselfe with all the senses meets ? giue strong drink to the damn'd , & they 'l sustaine , in paines despight , with ease , the spight of paine . 24 what care can once but touch a merry hart , that 's merry made with precious blood of grapes ? and , who can choose but play a frolicke part , that by strong sacke , frō sorrows sacke escapes : smart , them annoyes that feele , or thinke on smart , but not those that with wine are pleasures rapes : for , while they gape to let in , * out to run , they feele , & think on nought but healths begun . 25 thus did this gormandizing epicure * insist in praise of that which taste commends ; and , ( for winde lab'ring ) labour'd past his powre to make mans gorge his god , for godlesse ends : when loe , epithymus ( to make it sure ) in part approu'd his reasons ; yet he bends his pow'r to proue the wenching practicke part , to yeeld the ioy which most affects the hart . 26 these girles ( quoth he ) so they be faire , and yong , are they alone that most do rauish sense ; for which , no lesse then for our foode we long ; the touch , being furthest from th' intelligence , with much more * libertie , and ioy among , doth play her part to proue her excellence : it tickles all our veins with lustful pleasure , which the mean while , hath neither mean nor mesure . 27 what heart 's so cold that is not set on fire , with a trans-lucent beaming sunne-brightface ? but , of that face to haue the hearts desire , the heart cannot desire a greater grace : who couets not bright beauties golden wire , his * sprite is abiect , and his thoughts are base : sith those wires winde about the turning thought , and tie it to rich pleasures dearely bought . 28 who meets with flesh that melts with tendernesse , and melts not in desires ay-burning flames ? whose kisses , steept in sucket , heau'n do presse from lips * diuine , too worthy for such names ; can any eies looke into beauties presse , and with her trimmest trinckets make no games ? no humane eies ( i weene ) if christaline , but ioy to see themselues in eies diuine . 29 to see a body more then lilly-white , with azur'd veines imbrodred here and there , to see this blisfull body * naked quite , and to behold loues hold some other where , what thing , with ioy , can more intrāce the sight , sith to the sight loues heauen doth appeare ? then adde to this , a * looke that saith approch , it wil the vessell of all sweetnesse broch . 30 o! to embrace her that embraceth all that beauty can embrace , is to infold in mortall armes , armes supernaturall , of pow'r both * gods and men ( insnar'd ) to hold ; and make them , as they please , to rise , or fall , seruing loues soueraigne as vassals should : for , gods , and men do most obsequiously , by nature , serue diuine formositie . 31 he that orethrew what ere his strength withstood , * and vnderpropt the weight of heauens frame , loue , made to spinne in weake vnmanly moode : and he , for wisedome , that had greatest fame , , * loue so , with lust , inflam'd his coldest blood : that he a * thousand had to quench the same for , no age , wisedome , pow'r , or policie , haue pow'r t' impugne diuine formositie ! 32 aske mars the sterne and stubberne god of warre , how much frail beuty made him ( crouchīg ) bow : nay aske ( if men may aske ) the thunderer the high'st of gods , by lordly loue brought low ) why he did make his mansion in a starre , yet fell from heau'n an earthly * dame to know , but that both gods and men , most lowlily , by nature , serue diuine formositie ! 33 giue me a wench that hath the skill , and wit , to let me ( loue-sicke ) bloud in lustes right vaine ; and can , with pleasure , ease me in the fit , yet ease me so , that loue may still complaine of * heate , that is for lusts life onely fit , which to the life of loue yeelds pleasant paine ; that can so humour me , and what i feele , that she may hurt me still , my hurt to heale . 34 such a crafts-mistris , in the arte of loue , doth crowne the touch with an imperiall * kisse ; for , she makes touching tast ioy farre aboue the reach of arte to tell men what it is : for feelinglie , she can both staie , and moue about the center of loues boundlesse blisse then boundlesse is the touches excellence that , by a lasse , can so beheau'n the sense . 35 thus did this orator of lechery dilate the shortsweete of his liues delight ; which , hyselophronus did not * deny , ( as though quite opposit ) but bent his might , to proue high'st blisse was borne of maiesty ; begot by potency , right or vnright : the greatest ioy to greatnesse appertaines for ioy doth raign ( quoth he ) in that which raigns . 36 a roiall robe , a scepter , mound , and crowne are the true signals of the truest ioy : they neede not feare the threat of sorrows frown that * can confound , all causers of anoy : the hand of maiesty puts vp , and downe the meanes of mirth , and those that mirth destroy : hee 's a rare clarke that r●gnum can declyne and meus , mea , meum ad in fine . 37 what hart is not enlarg'd , with ioy , as much as it can hold , when pow'r is more enlarg'd then earth can hold ; or , on the same none such , when all by him , and he by none , is charg'd ? no not so much as with the smallest * touch , touching his life , lest such be life-discharg'd : it is the greatest glorie of mans state , * when man , like god , doth raigne in spite of hate . 38 to eate and drinke , and do the acts of lust , is common vnto beasts , as well as men ; what praise get they that do what * needs they must ; but such as shames the praised now and then ? for , so may men be praisd for deedes vniust , sith men , by nature , wrong their bretheren : but , to correct * men , with directing rods , is proper vnto none but demi-gods . 39 the spheare of greatnes ( like the highest sphere , that turnes the neather with resistlessesway ) is the high'st step to his throne without peere ; and , to the sunne that makes eternall day ; where blisse abounds an euerlasting yeare , for which the most deuout doe inly * pray : then , greatnes is the great'st good vnder heau'n , which vnto none but gods on earth is giu'n . 40 o! how it rapts the eie of maiestie , to see all downe-cast vnderneath her feete ; that may , if please her , march vpon the hie , till she with none , but with the lowly meete : then , * wisedomes reach doth tend to emperie ; and none but fooles neglect it as vnmeete : it is the highest note that arte can reach , to rule the voice when sou'raigntie doth preach . 41 and what a glorie is 't to mortall man , that when he bends his high-erected front , death in the * foldes doth play the artezan , and kill , but with alooke , the highest count : yet , with a word ( like him that all things can ) to create others , making them to mount ; then , who hath pow'r all men to marre or make , must be a god , that life doth giue , and take . 42 a seepter's circes rod ; which men and beasts doth easlie tame , how wilde so ere they bee : for , birds that in the stars doe build their neasts , farre , farre aboue all birds , of prey doe flee : to which pitch if they mount , they scorch their crests ; for , heat so high is in * extreame degree : highnesse is sacred , and the sacred hie , with their pow'rs wing aboue all perills flie ! 43 o! t is a blisfull glitt'ring glorious state , able to make mortalitie diuine ; which , with * inspection , binds the hands of fate , and , like the sunne , among the stars doth shine , till nature doth the flesh inanimate ; and in the mouthes of men mens fames enshrine : then , if in earth be any diuine thing , it 's more then god , if it be not a king. 44 poliphagus , though he his intralls seru'd , as if they were his fancies soueraignes , or rather gods , by which he was preseru'd , yet hee allowance to their fancie faines ; that so * fraternitie might be conseru'd , which concord , in conceit , together chaines ; and , thus immod'rately doth moderate the diffrence of the doubtfull questions state . 57 but now , as wak'ned from a tedious sleepe , * logus , chiefe guide of * psyche , their chiefe guide ( while they were plunged in all pleasures deepe ) thus gan their sensuall-senslesse soules to chide : whither , o whither runne ye , ye lost sheepe , not weying in what danger ye abide ? the blinde eates many a flie ; and so doe you , that chew sweet poyson , which ye should eschue . 58 but ere wee further prosecute her speach , we will describe their garments ( as we may ) for as we said the coate and cut do teach . sight to discerne what mood the mind doth sway : logus was clad , as could no state impeach , sith she was cloth'd with mean , thogh cleane aray : for , she with garments farre more fit , then faire , but sauegard sought from passions of the aire . 59 but , psyche ( whom she guided ) like a qu●●ne was richly deckt , with ornaments diuine : who liu'd so closely that she scarce was seene , yet through her pallace did her glory shine , as if at least she had a goddesse beene ; whose virtues were apparant to the eine : her ornaments were wit , will , memory , which richly roab'd her with regality . 60 vpon her sacred head she ware a crowne ( like that of ariadnes ) all of starres , to light her feete in darke waies , and vnknowne , and keepe the safest way in passions warres ; those starres were royall vertues of her owne ( which some call cardinall ) her gard in iarres : who was deckt inly with pow'r , grace , and arte , being wholy in the whole , and in each part. 61 her vnderstandings pow'r that pow'r did line , which heau'n and earth religiously adore ; and in her will she ware grace most diuine , but in her memory she artes did store ; that made the whole most gloriously to shine , but most diuinely did those three decore ! affects and fantasies her seruants were , which were all cloakt with good , how ill so ere . 62 hir prīcely train , which was of works wel wroght , was borne by iudgement her chiefe officer : then , contemplation held her , as she ought , by the right arme , so that she could not steere frō those right waies , whereon before she thoght : and double-diligence before did cleere : the outward senses her purueiours were , to whom the common-sense was treasorer . 63 thus were these two attended and araid , which i haue thus described by the way ; and now to prosecute what logus said from thence where i before did make him stay ; quoth hee , what meane ye thus to be betraid by sinfull sense , which seekes but your decay ? you are to seeke to know her fallacies , but know them not by seeking in this wise . 64 how neere to temporall and eternall death you are ( god wot ) ye wot not , ne yet care ; not weying how worlds * weale wastes with your breath , and that your breaths within your nostrills are ; which to the aire you must of force bequeath , perhaps forthwith , at least ere ye beware : if temp'rall death attach ye in this plight , your temp'rall daies will turne t'eternall night . 65 to yong and old death is indifferent ; the court and cottage he frequents alike : yet , of the twaine , he courts doth more frequent ; and loues those , that do * mind him least , to strike : he wounds the lustfull , vaine , and insolent with their owne weapons , quickly to the quicke : for , euer he doth enuy lifes delight , and makes the same most subiect to his might . 66 how can vaine pleasures please men , hauing sense to feele the sweete and sowre of sinne , and grace ? for , if they feele the * sting of conscience , all pleasures of the flesh will giue it place : that grieues the will , that grieues th' intelligence , which take no pleasure in their owne disgrace : but still the lusts offraile flesh to fulfill , is to disgrace intelligence , and will. 67 the obiect of the will is perfect good ; which , the intelligence to her presents ; that neuer yet was found in roiall food , in dainty dames , or regall gouernments ; by * vnderstanding these are vnderstood to yeeld but short , and counterfet contents : if so they do , how madde are they the while , that giue their pretious soules for things so vile ? 68 the * wisest yet that euer breath'd this aire ( of sinfull race ) who in his wisedomes might made proofe of all that was sweet , great , or faire , yea of all pleasures which the sense delight , ) said of them all ( like wisedoms truest heire ) they were than skumme of * vanitie more light : if such great wisedome found them to be such , they are much more thē fools that loue thē much . 69 aske eu'ry sense what pleasure they doe proue in all their obiects : they must needes replie , ( sith consciēce knows it ) nought to gaine our loue ; for , we loue nought but what we * good do trie : but , proofe these pleasures doe , in fine , reproue ; sith they no sooner liue , but sooner die : for , triall knowing them to be but vaine , kills their delight ere we it entertaine . 70 and , crownes are hiues , where stinging cares do swarme ; pomp's but the white whereat fell enuy shoots : which are as trees , whēce groes their owners harm ; harms are the fruit ; crowns , flours ; & kīgdōs , roots : the arme of flesh , is but a feeble arme ; and , in such strong extreames it little bootes : he knowes not yet the nature of a crowne , that knows not none may call the same his * owne . 71 what bootes a purple robe , when purple blood doth issue from the wofull wearers hart ? and , of such issue there 's more likelihood then issue of his loines to take his part ; for , oft such issue doth him little good , who conquer * nature , by the aide of arte : they learne by arte weake nature to command , when crowns betwixt the sire & son doe stand . 72 sou'raignes , are subiect to extreame * despight , for lo , a dog , sometimes , supplide their place : a king of norway , conquering in fight the king of swethland , for the more disgrace , did make a dog their king , to shew his spight , and made thē neere * him , that were neere as bace : then are they worse then dogges that damne their soules to catch a kingdom , that a dog cōtroules . 73 what ioy can be accompanied with feare , sith that companion doth all ioy * confound ? but terrene ioyes about with them do beare an hell of * feare , wherein true hell is found : for , where 's vnsuretie , feare must needs be there ; and all 's vnsure that surgeth from the ground of this vast sea of extreame miserie , true antitype of true felicitie . 74 besides , no pompe ( how euer glorious ) no ioy or pleasure , if sublunarie , but brings sacietie soone with their vse , as they best know that haue best meanes to trie ; and none haue right ioy but the * righteous ; for , ne'r doth saciate their felicitie , which doth content desire , and feare exclude , which is the summe of true beatitude . 75 then , if my power ore your soueraigne , if my words ( rules of reason ) can perswade , vaine pleasures fly ; throgh which ye fly to paine ; which still haue marr'd , but neuer any made : containe your selues , and you shall ioy containe ; if you be good , then * glorious is your trade : for , nought is great on earth , but that great hart , that scornes all ioyes by nature bred , or art. 76 rouze vp your selues , shake off this sloth of sprite ; put on the mind that men of mind becomes : away with all * effeminate delight , that none but worse then women ouercomes : shew your selues men of strength in frailties spite ; for , graceles ioyes possesse but graceles groomes : o , t is * dominion in the high'st degree , when men to reasons rules obedient bee . 77 hereat their conscience touched to the quicke , beganne , halfe fainting , inwardly to bleede : no pricke more mortal then the consciēce pricke ; it makes our faith to faint , and kills our creede : yet , frozen in their dregges , therein they sticke , without all feeling that which must succeede : and , with hard harts ( thogh said for their behoofs ) they logus thus reprooue , for his reproofes . 78 what wight art thou ( presumptuous that thou art ) that com'st to councell , yer thou called bee ? by what pow'r dost thou this ? by what desart think'st thou we all should be controld by thee ? we know no pow'r thou hast , nor wit , * nor art to take the guidance of our actions free ; being a meere stranger to vs and our state , yet dost from either more then derogate . 79 thou would'st bee taught ( that thus presum'st to teach ) to know good maners , persons , time and place ; these circūstances they should know that preach , or else they may disgrace their sermons grace ; and those that liue by preaching do * beseech , not sharply checke , which tendeth to disgrace : then think we o're our passions haue great powre , that giue thee sweet aduice for cheeke so sowre . 80 you may be gon , we need no councellors , that breathe out worse thē wormwood with their words ; we are twice seau'n , and our owne gouernors , your proffred seruice no good * sent affords : we are the highest powres compettitors , and fight for pleasure with our sense , and swords : we are resolu'd to satisfie desire with all the comforts that it can require . 81 doth loue ( quoth logus ) with our selues begin ? it seemes not so , for with your selues it ends : foes to your selues , sith you are folde to sinne ; yet will not * see whereto that purchase tends : to lose your soules , and all the world to win , is the worst fortune , that fell fortune sends : o be indulgent to your soules , for whie , * life died it selfe , that so they might not die . 82 i am that logus , which your soueraigne ( great sou'raigne psyche ) gaue you for your * guide : which you would ne'r vouchsafe to entertaine , though , * vnimploied , i still with you abide : i pray you then ( for your eternall gaine ) that now at last i may with you reside , to doe you seruice , which if you will vse , i le make your life and death most glorious . 83 let not my plainenesse with you , make yee plaine of my sterne course ; for , sith i am the sterne that rules the mind , i must her so restraine ( when passions rise ) that she , by me , may learne the way to weale , which she seekes to attaine , which she , by my * direction shall discerne : now , if the sterne resist repugnant windes , the bark , to which she 's bound , to her she bindes . 84 yee oft haue heard , that sores quite mortified , ( if euer they be cured as they ought ) must haue sharpe corrasiues thereto appli'd , else one sore part may bring the whole to nought : then leaue your gluttony , your lust , and * pride ; be sober , chaste , and meeke , in deed , and thought : this must you doe ; and i must needes say this , except i should both say and doe amisse . 85 should i , your guide , winke when ye go astray ? or see you runne in by-paths of offence ? else drawe ye further on , out of the way , and by all waies soothe vp your erring sense ? so should i , like a traitor , you betray ; which would , in time , your souls to * hate incense : o then let me haue leaue your soules to loue , which least i do , when least i you reproue . 86 repentance oft ( too oft ) comes too too late , ( though , better late then neuer to repent ) but ne'r too soone can grace it animate ; for , men , * beyond their birth , are euill bent : so , yer they sinne , they are in sinfull state ; for , sinne in their conception's resident : then sith yer men be ( whole ) it is ( in part ) repentance should take being yer the hart. 87 time past , is gone , in it none can repent , if in that time they did the same neglect : the time to come ( although incontinent ) is as vnsure , as is that rare * effect : therefore the * present time for it is lent , which strait is gone , then doe it not reiect : sith so small time may all your time ingrosse , the losse of it may be your vtter losse . 88 but , what auailes an angells tongue to moue a fiend to goodnesse , that by kind is ill ? from which he is resolu'd ne'r to remoue ; no more can * reason their desires fulfill , ( though with all reason he doth seeke their loue ) for , they desire to liue corruptly still ; and thus , with bitter taunts they do requite his loue , that euer loues to guide them right . 89 what ere thou art ( quoth they ) we know thee not ; nor will we know thee , sith we know thou art repugnant to vs ; and , thou seem'st a sot , to seeke to gaine loue by contentions art : thou neuer knew'st , or else thou hast forgot , that manners * like , do still like loue impart : therefore farewell , except thou worse wilt fare , we are resolu'd , in what resolu'd we are . 90 so they to excesse fell excessiuely ; sinning , with * griefe , that they could sin no more : now , they inlarge their bounds of libertie , although it were but too too loose before : like water they * lappe vp iniquitie , which , through thē , ouerflows both sea & shore : a cauterized conscience being checkt , becomes farre worse , in cause , and in effect . 91 logus thus cast from their societie , waxt passing pensiue ( as one desolate ) because his councell was no more set by , and , with their mother * phusis fell at bate ; as being assur'd in her the fault did ly , that they from him so much did derogate : yet , knew one * praxis , phusis follower , had made them worse , then she them made , by far . 92 but by the way we should not do amisse , to shew how ladie phusis was araid , ( sith shee the mother of each matter is ) yer we do prosecute what logus said : for , so her nature may be knowne by this , as outward , inward things haue oft bewraid : for , though it seeme the tale , by force , to part , it s recompenced with descriptions art. 93 vpon her head she ware a crowne of corne , like that of ceres ; sauing that the same was mixt ( like achelous his plenteous horne ) with fruits of eu'ry kinde , which her became ; her haire by her was still disheuled worne , who naked was , yet her hand hid her shame : or if a vaile she ware , it was but when she was to come among licentious men . 94 about her necke she ware a carcanet of eu'ry iemme as it created was : about her wrists , in bracelet-wise , were set the ores of gold and siluer , lead , and brasse : thus haue we made this ladies counterfet , who being bare , as barely must it passe : and now returne we eft to logus speach , who thus to phusis chidingly did preach . 95 phusis ( quoth he ) i speake with griefe of hart , i needs must chide , sith your fault it procures ; because you haue not plaid a mothers part touching the breeding of these sonnes of yours : i know you haue , by nature , so much art , as might make them obey their gouernours : and , that you doe not , it is your disgrace , that kill your children with a kinde * embrace . 96 you may , perhaps , suppose your selfe you cleere by saying , * praxis hath abus'd you much ; in alt'ring of their natures , which were deere , for that from you they all receiued such ; which could not be , if you not faultie were , for , you might haue restrain'd them with a touch : if then you had corrected * praxis lore , they would haue bin farre better then before . 97 little do mothers know what hurt they do , by their indulgence , to their saucie sonnes ; they make them wanton and rebellious too ; for , let loose nature , it to * loosenesse runnes ; till soule and body it doth quite vndoe ; for , custome ill good nature ouer-runnes : but , if the mother be as mothers ought , she wil by vse amend what vse hath wrought . 98 phusis , not being vs'd such checkes to take , beganne to kindle with disdainefull ire ; and , like a * doating mother , she doth make a stiffe defence , for her sonnes lewd desire : * alas ( quoth she ) should they all ioyes forsake , which both their yeares , and natures do require ? or should they wear their days in wastful thought to bring themselues , and me with them , to nought ? 99 you are no friend of theirs , if so you would ; and , if not theirs , then mine you cannot be : for , me and them in one loues band doth hold ; whom factiously you seeke to disagree : i take their part but as a mother should , that her deere childrens * good desires to see : for , it a tender mother doth become , as life to loue the children of her wombe . 100 and , are they not of flesh and blood compos'd ? then can such mixture be aught else but fraile ? or would you haue them otherwise dispos'd then adams heires , that hold but by the taile ? and flesh and * blood to strength are still oppos'd ; yet * strength , in weaknes , gainst it doth preuaile : sith so it is , my sonnes may be excus'd , that haue in weakenes powrefull pleasures vs'd . 101 now well i see ( quoth logus ) thy fond loue makes thee * vnapt to iudge what 's requisite ; but , how if their loose liues the monster moue ( monstrous gehenna ) to deuoure them quite ? for , he loues such to eate , as such do proue ; may you not thanke your selfe for such despite ? if babes do burne them in a candles flame , are they , or those that giue it them , too blame ? 102 these heauy words suncke deepe in phusis minde , who ( as astonied ) at the same did muse ; breath'd short , in * passion , as if wanting winde , yet at the last , hi● spirite she vp did rowze , and askt of logus , in the kindest kinde , what practise she to saue her sonnes might vse : i hate , as hell , that monster , and i would my sons ( quoth she ) frō him , by force , with-hold . 103 now logus , glad her nature had such grace , said , for mine owne part , i will but aduise , not deale with them ; sith they did me * disgrace ; therefore i councell , that in any wise you hie you to the lady * aletheias place , and there inuoke her aide , with carefull cries ; who is indu'd with power , will , and skill , to tell them of their misse , and mend their ill . 104 entreate her , who will soone intreated bee , ( for , she doth loue to satisfie good-will ) to go vnto thy sonnes of each degree , and tell them of this monster , made to * spill all those that liue secure in pleasures glee , and greedily their hungry lusts fulfill ; i will ( said phusis ; ) but where doth she dwell ? thou know'st ( deare logus ) but i cannot tell . 105 she wonted was ( said he ) to neighbour mee ; but since that * fraus and dolus ( wicked twinnes ) the world produc'd , i do her seldome see ; for , she from my sights reach so slily rinnes , as though to her i were an enemy , or made prodigious through my subiects sinnes : who prosecute her with extreame despight , that now she euen loathes to see the light . 106 shall i ( quoth phusis ) on the earth her finde ? hardly ( quoth logus ) being chas'd from thence . in th' aire , or water then , or in the winde ; or else within the fires circumference is she ( quoth she ? ) said logus , these by kinde are mutable , and full of difference ; which she cannot abide , for she is * one , and rather will , then with such , liue alone . 107 is she to heau'n return'd ( quoth she ) againe ? that 's like ( said logus ) but th' art ne'r the neere : for , without * her , thou canst not heau'n attaine ; for , all by her must come , that must come there . alas ( said she ) how shall i her obtaine , sith i must haue herselfe her selfe to cleere ? for , as without the sunne , none sees the sunne , so , without her , none wots where she doth wonne . 108 this once ( quoth logus ) i will thee direct the best i can , but cannot as i could ; i oft haue heard , and finde true , by effect , that she is seene about the mansion old of father * chronus , which he did erect for him , and her , ( his daughter deere ) to hold ; or , * thanatus , his man , who riddes away that which his master bringeth to decay . 109 which man , and masters habites we might paint , though we but chalke , & coles , and ashes had : for , chronus clad is like a mortall saint in skinnes of beasts , to shew how life doth fade ; ( which of their age did seem to make complaint ) girt with an halter , or with girth as bad : vpon whose head , in stead of hat , there stoode an houre-glasse , as an embleme of his moode . 110 his haire was white as was the driuen snow , and from his head it seem'd to hang , by drifts turn'd vp againe ; eu'n as the same doth show when it doth hang , so driuen vpon clifts : his beard , beneath his girdle-stead did grow , which , platted , in his bosome oft he shifts : whose right hand did a sithe , still mouing weld , and in his left , an horologe he held . 111 his man hight thanatus , bare to the bones , was more then naked from the toppe to toe : all hairelesse , toothlesse , eielesse , stocks , or stones , are all as quicke , though he much more can doe : and all he said , i was as you are , once ; which was in sullen silence spoken to : vpon a spade he leanes , as if he did by his day-labour liue , call'd wincke , all hid . 112 to these did logus phusis wish to wend which were to her the * loathsom'st wights aliue ; and hardly thought that logus was her frend , ( although she could not otherwise beleeue sith her and hers she sought still to defend ) that would to her such wofull councell giue : and , with the water swelling in her eies , she thus to logus mournefully replies . 113 alas ( quoth she ) and to them must i goe ? to their most hatefull houses must i hie , that are the greatest workers of my woe , and faine would haue me vtterly to die ? what * words can please a prowd insulting foe , that holds in scorne his foes humilitie ? then , what hope haue i with them ro preuaile , who , though i kneele to them , will me assaile ? 114 what shall i say ? alas , what shall i do ? to winne their fauour , that will not be wonne ? to go to them , i shall my selfe vndo ; for , though i kisse their feete , they 'l me ore-runne : if not , they 'l paine me , and compell me to ; * both which , if i do go , i cannot shunne : i am amaz'd , i know not what to say , if go , i die ; if no , my sonnes decay . 115 what shall i do ? deere logus , tell me * what ? o happy were i , if this feare were past : there is no cause ( quoth logus ) to feare that that no wight liuing can auoide at last ; the stag , the rauen , and the nine-liu'd cat must know those houses , then be not agast , but go on boldly with erected front , where you shall see her liue in high account . 116 if at the first you cannot see her face , their porter * nosus will you soone direct vnto her priuy chamber , where her grace will talke with you , in secret , in effect : but , see you bribe the porter of the place with * calor naturalis , most select : so may you passe securely through each gate , that leades to this obscured ladies state. 117 this nosus was a true anatomie ( though thanatus be truely call'd the same ) of mortall griefe , or curelesse maladie , whose head was hāp'red ( which him ill became ) with homely clowts ( tide as vnhansomly ) and with a staffe he went as he were lame : a gowne ( with potions stain'd ) he , girded , ware , who panted as he went , and went with care . 118 foure paire of stockings did his legs comprize , and yet his shancks ( god wot ) but little were , although the vpper stockings were of frize , thicke frize , or rugge , or else of warmer geare : whose slippers were with cotton lin'd likewise ; and yet of taking cold he still did feare : who lookt as he had not an houre to liue , and eu'ry steppe he trode , his soule did grieue . 119 his face was of the colour of that clowt that did his head inuolue , saue that his face did looke more white : his eies both seemed out , for , they were sunck , & shrunke out of their place : his nose was sharper then an adders snowt ; his tong , & teeth were furr'd , in lothsome case ; his lips were chapp'd , his beard was driueld ore , and euer breath'd as he should breathe no more . 120 and therewithall he was so waiward still , that none might please him , but he fault wold find with the best words & deeds of meere good-will ; his bodies paines so peruerse made his mind : his wozen whez'd when his breath it did fill , as , through the straitest passage doth the wind : and when he spake , his tong was furr'd so thicke , that oft his words within the same did sticke . 121 yet ne'rthelesse , to these must phusis hie , for , logus held her to 't by strong perswasion , which thus she prest ; go , or thy sonnes must die : thou needes must do it , there is no euasion : herein their life , or death alone doth lie ; then , of their perill if thou haue compassion ▪ thou must to these , that they may be secure , then liuely go ; for , loue can hell endure . 122 phusis , though while-ere somewhat weakned , ( by reason of these vncouth accidents ) yet thus , by logus , being * comforted , to his direction and aduice assents : and now ( all heart ) she holdeth high the head , scorning her wonted dread , and dririments ; and , in her loue to her sonnes , thither goes , their case to aletheia to disclose . 123 a wearie iorney had she , and a foule , but , what paine is 't a mothers * loue will shunne ? who almost will forsake her deerest soule , yer once forsake her deere-bought deerer sonne : by logus helpe , she doth her feares controule ; and to these houses goes not , but doth runne : and as she hies , she more and more doth learne , this ladies lodging rightly to discerne . 124 when to the house of chronus neere she drew , ( which was a caue in rocke of flint cut out ) it , to the sense more horride was in shew ; for , it with mosse was inlaid all about , and ore the gate , harts-tongue , & brābles grew ; as on the top , did okes , old , stiffe , and stout : which rocks rogh sides huge mossie beeches bare , as if the flint the weathers threats did feare . 125 this antique top , where these trees did not shade a kind of mosse ore-sprad , as hard , as hore ; * which ne'rthelesse , did softly seeme to vade , and grew farre shorter then it was before ; ore which strange vermin prety paths had made , which there did still increase in needlesse store : for , in those places where men least frequent , there vilest vermine are most resident . 126 about the groundsills of this hideous house ( without ) grew nettles , * hemlocks , and the like ; mongst whō were snakes and vermin venomous ; which vnawares th'vnwarie foote do strike : within the caue was nought for natures vse , saue water , which ther leakt throgh many a creek : where nought was seene but darknes , nought was heard , but holow ecchoes , making noise afeard . 127 neere to this vncouth caue is scituate ( as t' were a vault digg'd vnderneath the same ) the house of * thanatus , which all do hate ; for , none came euer thence that thither came : then chronus house it s much more desolate ; more deadly too , in nature , and in name : for , flesh doth faint , when but b'imagination she * sees this fearefull vgly habitation . 128 the roofe whereof , with sculles is seeled quite ; whereon ( in frets ) hang shin-bones here & there : the walls are hung with mantles of the night ; which , all with vermine vile , imbrod'red were : if it , through any chinke , receiued light , t was * soone stopt vp with feet which it did beare : it paued was with ioynts and knuckle-bones , set in no order , but like scatt'red stones . 129 the gate whereof is made of mans iust size , which yet receiues all * men that euer were ; vpon whose pauement all flesh rotting lies ; and , to the sense most * odious doth appeare : for , here lie armes , and there lie legs , and thies ; hete rotten teeth , and ragged iaw-bones there ; within whose pores , the worms do keep their hold vntill they all conuert to perfect mould . 130 no one here keepes this grim lord company , but sullen silence , dust , and nastie mud ; and , yet he seekes all mens societie , for , still he feedeth on their flesh and bloud : * hard at the gate do mournefull mourners crie , and teare their haire , too like the fury-brood : which yet is neuer heard that house within , for , thanatus is * deafe , and heares no din. 131 rotten corruption here doth reuell keepe ; where worms ( her minions ) out of mesure dance : for , all about they trace , they turne , and creepe , and merry make with fleshes fowle mischance ; who all the while lies drown'd in puddle deepe , as full of soile , as full of sufferance : where irksomnesse sits on a dustie throne , as if he were lord of that * earth alone . 132 for , beauty comes no sooner to the gate of this true earthly hell , but she doth looke as if she were in worse then damned state ; and all her graces had her quite forsooke : the lures of loue , here turne to hoods of hate ; hate that no loue ( thogh loue it selfe ) can brook : for , * loue itselfe , which once three days lay there , fled from the same as if it hatefull were . 133 here * zijm and iim do loue alone to be , ( grimme desola●ions sterne consociates ) the vale of visions this doth seeme to me , where sense may see what sense quite ruinates : whose organs here , lie in varietie of transformation ; which sense deadly hates : where lie all obiects which the sight annoy , yet t is the * entrance to all griefe , or ioy . 134 here sense ( saith sense ) lies in a lethargie ; whose powres are quite supprest with earth and stones : here * rest of labour hath the victorie : and , sorrows here surcease their sighs and grones ; where lasting sleepe beguiles calamitie : for , flesh feeles not , if rotten to the bones ; this is the lake , which men most loathe , and yet , it is the lethe where they griefe forget . 136 downe a darke staire ( the passage to this house ) on eu'ry step sits all the impes of feare ; confronted with chymaeraes hideous , which maks all men to hate their comming there ; saue such as daily do that * passage vse , and with feete-mortifide those steps do weare : to them it seemes not strange , how euer strange , those monsters do their vgly fashions change . 137 the elements , whereof all flesh is made , do , with their * children , the foure humors , lie confused there , in deaths confused shade , that no eie can the one from the other spie ; but his that saw them ere they being had , on whom alone , they all do still rely : this is the picture of not-beings pit , where it doth seeme ( but doth but seeme ) to sit . 138 sometimes , for pride , or praise , or both , some do bestow a stately * couer on this house ; for , worldly pompe doth presse them thereunto , to make the glorified more glorious ; but chronus spite that couer doth * vndoe , which cannot brooke the pompe of thanatus : it is but vaine the dead to honour then , with other honour then with tongue , or pen. 139 hard at the doore of this confused den sit rau'nous rauens , watching for their pray ; which doore if chronus opes , they enter then , and with the relickes , there , they prey , or play : this roomes description , no pen well can pen but such as markes the measure of * decay : o! t is a heau'n to heare hell well set forth , and heau'n , if ill describ'd , seemes nothing worth . 140 the rowme is little , this description great ; and yet too little , for so great a rowme , where all mankinde haue , and doe finde a seate , vntill they haue receiu'd their later doome : let * aletheia then make it compleate ; sith all descriptions true , come from her wombe : suffizeth me to shew but eu'n a glaunce of thanatus his houses countenaunce . 141 the porter of this place ( as erst was sed ) is * hundred-headed nosus ; much more sterne then hells grim porter , with his threefold head ; the sight of whom made phusis hart to yerne ; but , logus said , she , by him , should be * led the lady aletheia to discerne : in hope whereof she did the better brooke the horror of his most detested looke . 142 now , by this time , she was within his touch , who , to him trembling came submissiuely ; and * gaue him of her calor ( though not much ) that she might be the better vs'd thereby : nosus , whom though diseases made to grutch , yet , through that calor lookt more cheerefully : and gently , with familiar aspect , he opes the gate , and strait did her direct . 143 for , he denieth passage vnto none that makes * much of him , or doth loue him well ; but , had he well the ladie phusis knowne , perhaps he would haue bin to her more fell : for , when she gaue him calor , she did grone , to thinke how soone he would the same * expell : and , phusis by no meanes can well endure , that nosus should her any * good procure . 144 but he to her is most officious , he tenders her his guidance , and what not ? but yet the * oddes twixt her and thanatus , ( although by him t' was more then quite forgot ) made her entreate this porter curteous , to call that ladie forth , whom chronus , got : and gaue him some more calor in a box , which gaue him strēgth to ope the ladies locks . 145 herewith he went to aletheias bed , who ouer head and eares lay couer'd quite ; and being naked , yet thus * couered , he could not haue , of her , an open sight : but , he aloofe his errand vttered ; wherewith she rose , yet came within the night : for , she being naked darkenes seeks to hide her ; for , men without a mist haue seld espide her . 146 but , out she * ( masked ) comes to phusis late , who knew her not , because she came conceal'd : but , asked who she was , who did relate , both who , and what , and strait her selfe reueal'd : it me behoues ( quoth she ) to hide my state , for , most men haue with me like monsters deal'd : who , like to deuills , authors of vntruth , would force erroneous sense into my mouth . 147 i goe thus mask'd ( quoth she ) sith men like fiends , of my destruction make no conscience : statesmen seeke for me , but for subtill ends ; some churchmen would haue me non residence , but where their pleasure , or their * profit tends ; and , fond philosophers peruert my sense : strong thieues , & lawyers , wound my tender hart , the one by force , the other by their art . 148 the merchant and the slie artificer will , for a penny profit stifle me with falshoods cloake . the biting vsurer doth vse me better , though but cruelly ; and , hath a will to vse mee worse by farre , so he a farthing might the better bee : but , of all men , that seeme me most to paine , vpon poore * poets i can least complaine . 149 for , though they hide me from the vulgar view , with robes ( as they suppose ) that sumptuous be , yet giue they me my right , with more then due ; as they best know , that haue best eies to see : they are my friendly foes , false-louers true ; which hate , in shew , but do , indeed , loue me : whom i wil one day feed with more then praise , which manna makes thē look * leane now adays . 150 all those that offices , by coine , come by , ( to come by coine , by buying offices ) in church or common-weale , do me defie , for interrupting their by-passages : no , not so much as somners but can spie the way to wound me on aduantages ; in summe , all sorts are resolute herein , to loose me quite , so they thereby may winne . 151 haue i not reason then , conceal'd to go , to shunne these helhounds , hauing me in chase ; who study , by all meanes , to worke my woe , and with their craft transforme my constant face ? i were vnlike my selfe , and mine owne foe , if i went like my selfe in such a case : by nature , i the ignorant do hate ; then should i loathe , if i knew not my state. 152 but , wherefore phusis art thou come to me ? who told thee where i lay ? who found'st me out ? thine eies are dimme , too * dimme me well to see ; then thogh thou see me , thou therof maist * doubt . quoth phusis , that full well i did foresee , by logus , therefore brought i this about ; who told me truly who , and where thou wart , whose sayings , touching thee , i kon'd by hart . 153 and i am come to thee for thine aduice , touching my children ; who ( as i am told by my friend logus ) are in loue with vice ; or rather to that strumpet they are sold : who , with faire * words doth sweetly them intice to thinke , and say , and do , but as she would : who , as it s knowne to all that knoweth ought , ( in fine ) doth bring her louers all to nought . 154 they being bound to thanatus his house , are bound likewise ( ah woe is me ) from thence on the left hand , to the land tenebrous , whereas gehenna holdes his residence , which monster , being more then rauenous , will quite deuoure their bodies , soules , & sense ; the manner of whose house , no tongue can tell , but such as can describe the lowest hell. 155 heere , by the way , we will awhile digresse , and prosecute the rest of phusis plaint , when as wee haue describ'd this little lesse then more then hell , which colours cannot paint : for what so blacke as depth of all distresse , where vtter darkenesse raignes without restraint ? then sith we colours want , as all do see , our too light shadowes must excused bee . 156 there lie two waies from thanatus his house , ( that still are two , sith they still disagree ) one on the right hand lies , scarse now in vse , the other on the left , vs'd commonly : that , on the left , is full of all abuse , and leades vnto a world of misery ; wherein gehennaes hold is scituate , which , without * patterne , thus wee figurate . 157 a ruinous rowme , whose bottom's most profoūd ; a pit infernall full of endlesse dole ; a lothsome lake where choaking damps abound ; * a dungeon deepe , a dreadfull darkesome hole , wher noght but howlīgs , shriks , & grons do soūd , and humane flesh still makes a quenchlesse cole : the common burse , where none but bugs repaire , an harbor full of horror and despaire . 158 whos 's light is darke , which darke is * palpable ; whose pleasur 's * paine , which pain no pen cā tell : whose life is * death , which death is damnable : whose peace is * strife , which strife is discords well : whose ease is * toile , which toile's vnthinkable : where most obedience , learnes most to * rebell : where all * confusion raignes in endlesse date , in a tumultuous state-disord'ring state. 159 where * toads , and vipers , snakes , and vermine vile , ( whose hissings make an hellish harmony ) with slimie gleere , the place do cleane defile , swimming in suddes of all sordiditie , while one on others backe themselues they pile to touch the top of toplesse misery : where heate , and coldnes , are in their extreames , and frozen harts do floate in sulphred streames . 160 the wals are hung with cobwebs , which cōtaine soule-catching hellhounds , clad in spiders shape ; the roofe , of burning brasse , which droppes like raine ; frō which no one below could ere escape : the pauement's ful of groundlesse gulfes of paine , which thogh they stil deuoure , they stil do * gape ; whose glowing mawes cannot * cōcoct the meate which there lies boiling in an hell of heate . 161 here , weeping warbleth notes that anguish show ; and , * gnashing teeth tunes iigges vntuning ioy : here , seas of * boiling lead their bounds oreflow , to make a boundlesse deluge of annoy : the sands whereof are soules orewhelm'd with woe ; which though destroi'd , yet death canot destroy : for , endlesse * lords of death still life do giue to those that in that death there still do liue . 162 from whose wide open throats great flames they cast , which thūder forth with sense-cōfounding noise ; the din whereof makes horrors heart agast , which in that den no other blisse enioyes : such gall of gall affords no better tast , which stil doth feed , with that which stil annoyes : such boistrous bugs can yeeld no other glee , but mirth is mone whereas such monsters be . 163 whos 's foule blasphemos mouths are fraught with spite , that boils with heat of baneful poisō there ; which spite they * spit against the cause of light , such is the enuy which to it they beare : yet , from their glowing eies flie sparkles bright , as they no eies but vulcans forges were : the sight whereof the sight doth so annoy , as thogh that sight that sense wold quite destroy . 164 imagine now you see , ( as there is seene ) millions of legions of this foule mouth'd crue , with fangs more huge then elephāts , more keene then crocadiles chiefe grinders , to pursue soules diuing in those * deepes to be vnseene ; which , ouergorg'd , them vp againe do spue : while these dogs watch to take them in the rise , with teeth to teare , & feare them with their cries . 165 here may you see a goblin , grisly grim , ( with hooke and line ) stand fishing for a soule ; which , in those boiling * seas , do sinking swim ; baiting their hooks with salamanders foule : which , being hang'd he hales it to the brim , and , all the while , as hunger-band , doth howle : which fingred , forthwith , in the diuells name , in go the fangs , that inch-meale teare the same . 166 then others watch ( as spiders for a flie ) in obscure nookes , to catch a flying ghost ; that to those nooks to hide it selfe , doth flie ; which caught , they binde it , lest it should be lost , and , to their webs of woe , with ioy they hie ; where the poore soule is still in torment tost : in whom they all their deadly poison * poure , which more then kills them , sith they it endure . 167 now , sullen silence raignes as all were dead , then , sodainely a world of clamor rings ; whereby the much more horror still is bred ; for , sodaine feare with it most horror brings . no heart so heauie as the hart of lead ; yet sodaine feare doth start it when it stings . the lightnings flash doth * feare more than the flame that stil is seene , and stil is seene the same . 168 heere , in a chimney , all of burning brickes , sits grimnesse , and a red-hote spit doth turne ; whereon a humane creature , * melting , stickes ; whose grease doth make the fire the more to burn ; which turne-spit , oft , his filthy fingers lickes , and , with this liquor , doth his lippes adorne : basting the roast with what most torment giues , whiles the poore creature dies , because he liues . 169 but , that which is most horrid to bee heard , but much more hatefull to be felt , or seene ; these cookes oft gash their * flesh , to interlard the same with sulphure , with woe waxen leane : lest the soft marrow the hard bone should guard , from feeling woes incomparable keene : so bone , and marrow , sinew , nerue , and vaine do there endure paines , farre exceeding paine ! 170 in other coasts of this infernall realme ; ( confusions land , gehennaes lording place , true antitype of new ierusalem ) it freezeth flesh , which pines in staruing case ; where , some do , naked , sticke amidst a streame to yce congeal'd ; whom cold winds freeze apace : yet draw they breath , more cold thē coldest frost , to freeze their intralls , and congeale their ghost . 171 if any spit ( for rheums cold places breede ) it s blowne , in ice-cicles , into their face : for , those keene winds do forthwith do the deede , and * haile , of drops , make in a moments space : on ycie morsells there the mouth must feede , sith mouthes to ycie morsells turne apace : here is cold comfort where is nought but cold , that all congeales , on which it taketh hold . 172 here some ( but new arriu'd ) while blood is warme , attempt , by motion , so to keepe the same ; but strait they cannot stirre , nor leg , nor arme ; for , in the offer , they freeze stiffe , and lame : yet hold they vitall heate ( the more their harme ) for ice , like oile , doth feede their vitall flame : if such a foe to life , as such a cold keepes life in being , life hath hatefull hold . 173 who are so madde with paine that they do crie , o what is this we feele ! we feele , o what ! is 't limbes of flesh that brooke this agony ? all they haue rag'd with paine ; but this , to that is like the ocean to a fountaine drie : this flesh , nerues , ioynts , once racks did lacerate , yet that with this compar'd , was heau'n to hell , o what is this we feele ? sense die , or tell . 174 it 's but a moment since we hither came , yet feele what paine eternity inflicts ; and though eternally we feele the same , yet vs with what we ne'r felt , it afflicts : proteus like still paines new fashons frame ; and one another euer interdicts : is this the soule we thought with flesh should die , which feeles these mortall plagues immortally ? 175 here , some with hands fast frozen to their mouth , do seeke to thaw them with their warmest breath ; but lo , the * frost that breath so fast pursuth , that it doth freeze in comming from beneath : so , hand and mouth thereby the faster growth ; yet liue they still , though frozen quite to death : for , like to alabaster tombs they stand , frozen to death , yet liue at deaths command . 176 here , boistrous bugbeares do at foot-ball play with a still-tost and tumbled groning ghost , to catch thē heat ; which done , they dāce the hay about it ( breathlesse ) being ouer-tost ; so , with transmuted formes , it to dismay with feare that may afflict the seeing most : while that poore soule lies panting like an hare , among foule hounds that seeke the same to share . 177 now matacheyns they daunce , with visage grim , and at ech chāge they chāge their horrid shapes : and at ech turne , they torture life and limb of this tormented soule , that , gasping gapes , as if the ghost were yeelding at the brim of deepe not-beings pit ; which yet it scapes : at point of death to liue immortally , is still to liue , and liuing , still to die ! 178 now comes a chased ghost that flies , for life , before a foule-mouth'd crie of hellish hounds ; and being caught , twixt them is deadly strife , which of them all shall giue it deadliest wounds : each of whose teeth is like an hangmans knife , which torments , if not utterly confounds : o! thinke then what an hell of feare that hart must hold , that such infernall hounds do start . 179 here winds , that whistle while they freezing are , ( as if they merry were for freezing so ) bring , with their working , pitchy clouds of care , wherewith they are involu'd that thither go ; those biting frosts do , there , make all things bare , which make the same a naked world of woe : where nought but nipping frosts are felt , & seene , ne'r-vading griefes do flourish euer greene . 180 here stands a fowler , fowle , with nets of wire , to take a flight of soules that staruing flee ; late fled from whence they neuer can retire ; so , when in that fast-holding net they bee , he dragges them to the frost , or to the fire , where either are in the extream'st degree : this is the welcome which they first receaue , that of their life mis-spent haue tane their leaue . 181 this flight thus caught , the legions of the north , fill all those regions with their hellish houles ; and , with their vgliest formes , come roaring forth to share among them those feare-shaken soules : the * worthiest takes the soule of smallest worth to execute thereon the greatest doles . quake flesh to heare what fraile flesh heere doth feele , for endlesse plagues turne here still like a * wheele . 182 here may you see , for anguish , some to tear their * flesh from bones , yea bones and flesh to * gnaw ; that so they may no more those torments beare , which make thē burst , with choler , in their maw : some grate their * teeth , as teeth they grīding were , to cut the flesh which they before did saw : and all , and some , are so with tortures tir'd , that they seeme quietst , when they most are fir'd . 183 here bugs bestirre them , with a bellowing rore , ( as at a scamble we see boyes to sturre ) who for soules scamble on a glowing flore ; biting and scratching , like the cat and curre ; whiles with their talons they their prey do gore , and thogh they striue , they do , * therein concurre : within whose gripes the soule , in silence grones , for feare of feeling thousand hells at once . 184 here , in a corner sits an vgly forme , that on the matter of a liuing corse finds matter of much mirth ; which is , t' informe himselfe of all the sinews , and their force ; who , with a knife , the flesh doth all deforme , to pull out nerues and sinews in their course : which like strings , broken , hanging at a lute ; so hang these nerues the body all about . 185 here may you see some others driuing nailes , vnder the nailes of endlesse sorrowes slaues ; some others , threshing them ( like flax ) with flailes ; thē moow thē vp , in groūdlesse * gulfs by thraues : some , playing on their hart-strīgs with their nails ; some others , broaching them on ragged staues : and all and some more busie farre then bees , to gather hony from the gall of these . 186 if paine her vtmost pow'r awhile for beare , ( as seld she doth ; for , there she 's still in force ) it is suppli'd with feare , surmounting feare , for loe , in azur'd flames , with voices horse , farre off approaching grisly formes appeare which feare far off , & neare at hand , much worse : for , fantasie with paine is more orecome , when it is comming , then when it is come . 187 and , all about in darknesse , * thicke as darke ; are seene to shine ( like gloworms ) vgly eies ; which ( like a partrige sprong ) ech soule do mark ; so , that to scape no soules pow'r can deuise : for , should they mount ( as doth the nimble lark ) a gastly griphon doth them strait surprise : or should they sincke into pits bottomlesse , there shuld they meet the like , with like distresse . 188 in mortall life ( though mortall be mens woes ) three things their vtmost rage do qualifie ; that 's comfort , hope , and rest ; but , none of those come neare this place of paines * extremity : mens rackers , here , being tir'd , do let them loose ; but , they are sprites that men , there , crucifie ; who can endure all labour , without paine , while they do sprites ( that is for ere ) remaines . 189 but , if mens plaguers here immortall were , and were of pow'r , vntir'd , to plague them still , yet would they them , yer long , to nothing * weare ; or them with lacerating torments kill ; but all , so plagu'd , are made immortall there , who thogh they stil are spoil'd , yet noght cā spill : thē , thogh time wears that on time doth depēd yet they weare not , for time doth them attend . 190 yea , thogh their plaguers & themselues were * such yet , in this life , the instruments of paine to nought would waste , with vsing long , & much ; but , that same firie * lake doth still remaine , which though it quite cōfounds , but with a tuch , yet , it confounds but to torment againe : and , lest the fire should out , prepar'd there is , a sea of * sulphure , which still feedeth this . 191 these present paines the wit do ( pining ) waste ; but those to come the will do martire most : the memory is plagu'd with pleasures * past , and vnderstanding with the pleasures * lost : which on the soule the soule of * sorrowes cast ; for , endles ioyes to lose , crosse-woūds our ghost : to haue bin well , doth but encrease our curse , but , to lose endlesse being well , is worse . 192 then , what remaines to ease the wounded * spright , when hope , that keeps it * whole , becoms dispaire : for , in that dungeon of eternall night that most doth ruine , that should most repaire : for , immortalitie right good , by right , the soule and bodies powres doth most impaire : then , hauing but one * good thing naturall , yet that made worse then ill , how ill is all ? 193 there , raignes what not ? ( that is not to be told with tong , nor * pen ) that sense afflicts with griefe ; there is perditions home , damnations hold ; which giues death life , & death , giues life reliefe : it is the vtmost reach of hot and cold , and of dispaire the habitation chiefe : in summe , it is the summe of all distresse , which subdiuided makes it nothing lesse . 194 these are gehennaes consorts ; these are they that still associate those that thither go : this is the place of that fell monsters stay ; the place where paine is infinite in woe : the way thereto is * plaine , broad , greene , and gay , all strew'd with floures , to tice men thither so : all which to phusis , erst by logus , told , on aletheia made her fasten hold . 195 now , to returne to phusis , and her plaint , quoth she , ( and her embraced all the while ) deere aletheia , help me , for i faint ; to thinke my sonnes are neere this monster vile ; who , with his tuske , will teare , and all to taint their tender flesh , which filthy lusts defile : which to preuent , i faine would learne of thee , for , thou best know'st , what 's best for them , & mee . 196 and , for i know thou canst aright perswade , ( for all thy words are held in * reuerence ) i thee beseech from vice them to disswade , and from this land ; sith none * returns frō thence : o bid them leaue their idle wandring trade , and tell them of this inconuenience : go , lady go ; the way thou canst not misse , to all their homes , and tel them home of this . 197 i would ( quoth aletheia ) gladly goe , but that , i feare , they will entreate me ill for logus sake ( neare * kin to me , they know ) but thy desire i will herein fulfill : for , i will go , though i my selfe forgoe , to bar their course , and breake them of their will ; for , life is wonne , though lost , in those assaies , wherein the loser gaines immortall praise . 198 go , gracious ladie , * glory be thy guide ( quoth lady phusis , to this hardy dame ) and i , meane while , will at this gate abide , with my friend * nosus , porter to the same . so , on this iourney aletheia hi'd , for , she , though wounded oft , was neuer lame , in all her actions shee 's most vpright still ; for , she will neuer halt , how euer ill . 199 this while sate phusis at this narrow dore , talking with logus , who came to * her there ; because she did as he her will'd before ; who told him all her hope , and all her feare ; how aletheia did her case deplore , and went to schoole her children eu'ry where : for , hearts are eas'd when tongs vnfold at large , the griefes , or ioyes , which do them ouercharge . 200 logus her course , herein , did much commend ; and cheer'd her , as she could , with heu'nly words : praid her , with * patience , to expect the end ; and comfort eu'ry way to her affords : strengthning her hope that now her sons would mend ; sith aletheias sayings would ( like swords ) subdue all rancke rebellion of the sense , for , powrefull words winne more then violence . 201 they had not thus sate reas'ning there awhile , but aletheia they farre off might see flying to them-wards ouer stoppe and stile , oft looking backe , as those that chased bee ; thē wel they knew hope did their hopes beguile , which they , till they had tri'd , could not * foresee : for , that which is contingent who doth kno , are onely wise , and none but * one is so . 202 but comming neere thē ( almost breathlesse quite ) she , panting , told them ( windlesse as she could ) how she had bin ( by vertue of her might ) about the whole world , and , with courage bold , ( for which , she said , she was in painefull plight ) all phusis children of their * errors told : to whom ( quoth she ) in diuerse formes i came , yet kept my * nature , though i chang'd my name . 203 some tooke me for grosse error , some for mad ; some , superstitious ; some , hereticall : some , for deceipt ; and some , for vice , as bad : presumptuous some ; some , hipocriticall : but , the * most part , most malice to me had ; for they , at first sight , draue me to the wall : some seem'd to take my part with tooth & naile , that did ( indeed ) me most of all assaile . 204 the curious rent my maske to see my face ; the prowd , ore lookt , nay , troade me vnderfeete , the learned , grac'd themselues with my disgrace ; th'vnlerned ( graueld ) filld my mouth with * greet ; which made me faine , and speake as one in chase , so , all i met withall , with me did meete : truth gets but hate , but adulation loue : that this is truth , vnto my paine i proue . 205 so , when i saw the perill i was in , away i fled , thus * wounded as you see ; i held it base to keepe vnscar'd my skin , sith mine aduenture might bring ease to thee : but phusis , this i did thy loue to win , whom i do loue , how ere thou louest me : no dearer loue can loue bewray then this , to venture that , for loue , that dearest is . 206 ah , woe is me ( quoth phusis ) that thou shouldst for my poore loue ( which thou dost well deserue ) venture that iewell , which thou dearest holdst , yet that rare * hazard , not my turne to serue : thy will i see , in that i see thou wouldst venture thy life my sonnes liues to preserue : and that thou shouldst for that be wounded so , and they the worse for that , the worse my woe . 207 can neither caueats of mortalitie , ( which flow frō thy mouth with almighty force ) nor my perswasions , more then motherly , giue them some feeling of their senslesse course ? are their * soules seared with impiety , that they for it , therein , feele no remorce ? then what shall i a woefull mother do , but wish i were not , and my children too ? 208 but what , i pray , did princes say to thee , when thou did'st mind them that they once must die ? they said , & therewith stabb'd at me ( quoth she ) i , like a deuill , in my throate did lie : these , of all others , most i sought to * flee ; and yet i * honor roiall maiestie : without my hand sustaine , thrones reeling stand ; for , all staid thrones are staied by my hand . 209 and how ( quoth phusis ) doe the iudges liue ? many of them ( replied she ) doom'd me death , because i would not ( as did others ) giue them goldē * scabberds , iustice sword to sheath . how lawyers ? they by others losses thriue , and oft ( quoth she ) on all sides sell their breath . physitions how ? they reason doubtfully till fees they finger past recouery . 210 poore poets how ? while they ( quoth she ) do fill the world with fables , feed thēselues with hopes more fabulous ; so hold they but at will their tearme of life , of some great * lord that opes his mouth , more then his purse , their eares to fill more then their mawes ; which greedie famine grops : whose biting stomacks stil do stomack it , the while they starue for want of wealth and wit. 211 ah these deere harts i pitty in my hart , who liue by sweet * lines , which do end their life ; for , to liue long , they hang themselues by arte ; or kill themselues with sharpe inuentions knife : sith they , to liue , thus die , without desart , long may they liue where glorie is more rife : for , greater glory no flesh can attaine , then die for glorie , so to liue againe . 212 and doe my sonnes ( quoth phusis ) fare but thus ? o then aduise me ( lady ) what to doe : who said , sith they no better are for vs , thou must * astrea ( my deere sister ) wooe to rule them with the rod of summum ius , before themselues they vtterly vndoe : and wooe thy selfe to take it patiently , for , better thou shuldst beare , then they shuld die . 213 for , if she rule them not when wilde they bee , she will ore rule them being truely tam'd , if , in their life , she doe them not oresee , she , in their death , will see they shal be damn'd : thogh she be blind , she with mine * eies doth see , and i doe see how life and death are fram'd : and thus , the best aduice that i can giue , is them to mortifie , that they may liue . 214 which hauing said , she logus with her tooke ( to dresse her wounds ) and hi'd her to her bed ; so phusis , being of them both forsooke , sate at the doore of thanatus , neere dead , and fell asleepe till logus her awooke , who came againe to her as if he fled : whom when she saw , her hart receiued cheare , and in her face the same did soone * appeare . 215 logus aduis'd her strait to take aduice of thanatus , and chronus , what to do : which to performe , she seemed somewhat nice , because she thought they sought her to * vndoo : yet , her loue to her sonnes did her entice , her enemies , in this behalfe , to woo : and , thus resolu'd , she boldly rushed in those gates , which erst to her had fearefull bin . 216 whos 's slipp'ry thresholds had neere made her fall into the lake of lethe , hard at hand ; but , logus held her vp ; yet , therewithall she grew so fearefull , that she scarse could stand ; but held by logus , and a * lomy wall : then logus her besought ( that might command ) that she no more that passage would attempt , for , t is not good the fates too much to tempt . 217 but i ( quoth she ) will chronus call outright ; who forthwith came , on her sweet sounding call ; holpe by two wings , one * blacke , the other white ; and in his hand a sithe , to cut downe all : who seem'd behind but low , and * poore in plight ; but yet before , most pretious , trimme , and tall : thus came he forth , and to these ladies said , who calls ? and spake with motion most * vnstaid . 218 t' was i ( quoth logus ) know'st thou not my voice ? or wilt not , sith thou wilt become vnkinde ? the time hath * bin when it did thee reioyce ; though now ( it seemes ) to thee it seemes but wind : wilt be vnconstant , so to change thy choice ? and shall i * making thee , thee fickle find ? but , if i shall , of this thou shalt be sure thou shalt the lesser while , for that * endure . 219 thus logus chronus did reproue , because he wold not know that voice which wel he knew ; but , chronus he himselfe , from them , withdrawes ; as one that fear'd worse chiding to ensue : but , logus bade him stay , or shew a cause , which * shews to logus are all onely due ; without whose help , old chronus doth but dote , and cannot sing or say , right word , or note . 220 on this iniunction , chronus mute did stand ; yet stood as one that still on * thornes had stood ; while logus seem'd his seruice to command , and gaue his tongue * powre to be vnderstood : quoth he , let phusis haue thy helping hand , to make , if so thou canst , her children good : for , they that hurt must heale , or make amends , then ( hurting them ) on thee their help depends . 221 here phusis , hearing how he thus was chid , was at the point , at him , likewise to * ra●●e , but logus bade her ( in her eare ) take heede ; for , faire words wold with chronus most preuaile : wherewith her headstrong will she bridle did , for logus loue , and for her sonnes auaile : but yet she said , he did great hauocke make of her deere children in that lethe lake . 222 in which respect she meekely him besought ( by way of satisfaction ) that he would preuent her childrens going all to nought ; and , with * examples , them from that withhold : for i their mother , ( quoth she ) still haue sought to make them liue as toward children should : and if they perish , it shall be their blame , for , i le leaue nought vnsought , to let the same . 223 i will , quoth chronus ; and away he flew ; and , in one instant , made ( the world throughout ) babes , youths : youths , men : men , old : old , babes anew ! ph●sis , mean while , with logus talkt , about the hope she had that chronus would subdue her sonnes to logus rule ; which he did doubt : for , no man of a rationall discourse can thinke thei 'l mend that still waxe worse and worse . 224 while thus they talkt , they on the sodaine saw chronus , vpon his wings , returning fast ; which in her smoothest hope did make a flaw ; for , so he fled as he had beene agast : what news ( quoth she ) as he neere them did draw , fearing , ere she had spoke , he would be past : what do my children ? chronus say , o what ? speake , speake , o speake , i * long to heare of that . 225 they are ( quoth he ) i know not what to say , following their pleasures ; and , do thinke of noght but how they may shift me with ease away ; yet i thereby the sooner them haue caught : o what a world it is to see them play ( like apes ) with each vaine * toy too * deerely bought , he is no man that cannot do what not ? that wise men neuer knew , or haue forgot . 225 ayme therefore ( quoth she ) but didst not thou with thy sithe menace them , to manage them ? didst thou not tell them thou their backs wouldst bow , and that this mortal life was but a * dreame ? o! couldst thou not , with all this , cast them low to mount them more to high ierusalem ? what , haue they sense , and cannot vse the same , that haue no kinde of sense of sinne , and shame ? 226 when night was come ( quoth he ) i told ech one the day was past : and when the sabboth came , i said a weeke was fully past , and gone : a month expir'd , i * told them of the same : and when the sun his compleate course had run , i said a yeare was past , and spent , with shame : but ▪ they that take delight to runne awrie , learne so to runne by sols * course in the skie . 227 in childhood , i did teach ; in youth , did threat : in manhood , i reprooued : and in age , with their own bones , their bones i sore did beat : and in decrepitenesse , i worse did rage ; for , i did euen quench their vitall heat : and to the gripes of death did them ingage . yet for all this , they worse and worse became , still spoiling me , till them i * ouercame . 228 what life then do my yonglings liue ( quoth she ? ) the life ( said he ) of wanton skipping roes : what the yongmen ? of goates , in lecherie : and what mē grown ? of cocks , prowd , prone to bloes : what aged men ? of wolues that greedy be and what old age ? of crafty foxes those : but , most of all , do most of all transgresse , and * all , and some offend , some more , some lesse . 229 ah out alas ( cride she ) what then remaines to me , or them , but miserable woe ? but , i will trie if yet my care and paines , can moue them their wrong courses to forgoe : logus and * chronus to you it pertaines to take my part herein , as friends should doe : not i ( quoth logus ) for , against their will , i can saue none , that long themselues to spill . 230 so , logus left them , and away he hide to seeke astrea ; ( who , the earth had * left ) that she of phusis sonnes might take the guide ; while phusis ranne about ( of logus rest ) and on her sonnes , with tragicke voice , she cri'd pitty , o pitty , me , she cried est : griefe , wāting vent , the heart ( tormented ) breaks , and paine 's not sad , while she at pleasure speakes . 231 whereat poliphagus ( whose hearing was all for the belly ) said , me thinke i heare ( yet eares the belly * wants , but let that passe ) the * voice of phusis , our kind mother deare : the other two said , how comes this to passe that she is come ? wherewith she did appeare , and to them said , deere sonnes , how do ye fare ? exceeding well ( quoth they ) and frolicke are . 232 but , do ye not consider ( sonnes ) quoth she ) how neere ye are to be deuoured quite by that gehenna , which i loathe to see , ( damn'd hellish monster headsman of delight ) except you change your course , and warie bee to shunne him and his hardly * shunned spight ? for , that spit's hardly shun'd that hath both force and will , to make her obiect worse and worse . 233 alas ( quoth they ) we liue , as liue we should , prolonging * life with lifes immunities ; except the ouerthrow thereof you would , do not * perswade vs to liue otherwise : what thogh our soules to pleasure quite are sold , are they not sold thereby to * paradise ? the sale is good , as reasons law maintaines , when both the buyer and the seller gaines . 234 phusis ( too fond , as too kinde mothers are ) seeing them well ( for well they seeme to be that liue , how euer ill , without all care ) was * pleas'd with what she did both heare & see ; who said , that logus sed , they ill did fare , and were in more then mortall ieoperdy : but sith she saw they were in perfect plight , she would ( she said ) partake of their delight . 235 indeed ( quoth they ) that solemne * sage we saw ; who ( algates ) wold haue drawne vs frō our sports : but , whilst he drew vs , we made him withdraw himselfe from vs , with many mortall * hurts : he would ( forsooth ) haue had vs keepe his law ; and done our suite and seruice to his courts : then , sith he would needs lord it ouer vs , we as free men haue seru'd his lordship thus . 236 would that ( quoth she ) ye had forborne , because many obey him that do rule aright ; for , equitie doth limit all his lawes ; and they are held for mad , that with him fight : hereat , as loath t' offend , she made a pawse , for , in their fronts she saw the face of * night : when men looke blacke , then if you peace desire , looke white , for blackenesse is the child of fire . 237 here , with a smiling , and indulgent looke , ( sweet ) ( to change their sowre look with looks more thē she told them aletheia vndertooke to shew them what was for their safetie meet : for , her ( quoth they ) we neuer yet forsooke , because we neuer yet with her did * meet : yet haue we heard that she is too precise , to liue with vs in pleasures paradise . 238 but doubtlesse ( quoth she ) chronus was with you ; what said he to you ? what was his aduice ? he to and fro ( quoth they ) about vs flew , yet to stay with vs seemed more then nice : he * coldly sought our lusts heate to subdue , but yer we wist , we lost him a trice : yet , yer he went , with him wee merry made , and made him most familiar with our trade . 239 wherefore , we pray you , when you goe away , leaue him with vs ; for , we do well * agree : i will ( quoth she ) so left them at their play , and chronus sent to beare them company : with whom they reuelld out the night , and day ; though he from them still sought away to flee : for chronus weareth not his wings for nought , sith he doth farre out flie the swiftest thought . 240 while they thus gamesomely with chronus toy'd , ( deceiuing him with fancies fallacies ) they heard a voice ( which sorely them annoy'd ) that sommon'd them to leaue their luxuries ; herewith by thanatus , they were * destroy'd ; to satisfie gehennaes gurmandize : at whose approach , old chronus fled away , for he could neuer yet , with neither stay . 241 chronus thus leauing them to be deuour'd by fell gehenna ( their foe capitall ) ( of whom , by * thanatus , he was assur'd ) he fled to phusis , and so , told her all : who was within the earths womb then immur'd , prouiding foode for hir broode great und small ; assuring her he school'd them as they ought , till thanatus had them past schooling brought . 242 phusis herewith tormented in the soule , ranne ( as distracted ) where sicke fancie pleas'd ; till , at the last , she heard her sonnes to howle , as those that were most damnably diseas'd : exclaiming on their liues , and * follies fowle , that pleas'd the sēse with all that now displeas'd : but such compunction neuer comes but where the penitent doth desperate appeare . 243 so , when she had well wai'd their agonies which they endured in that monsters iawes , and , hauing view'd the like extremities , proceeding from the like , or worser cause , of cruell * kings , that of blood make but size to glew together their most bloudy lawes : of corrupt iudges ; and priests negligent , the three that * raise , or ruine gouernment . 244 the working woes of th'idle-curious ; of the rich-couetous ; and the poore-prowde ; rebellious subiects ; courtiers vicious : lasciuious dames ; damn'd bawdes ; the cursed crowde : erroneous teachers ; poets * libellous : cau'ling philosophers , ( by fooles allow'd ) of craftie merchants ; lying aduocates : and swearing sea-men ; roving runnagates . 245 in few , when she had seene the many woes of all that in gehennaes hold abide , she was , by * phobus , ( who attended those ) brought to the place where she did erst reside ; where she did many praiers sweete compose vnto astrea , ( whom the heau'ns did hide ) that she would digne to teach , and to correct the rest of her wilde children of each sect. 246 so , at these holy praiers her i leaue , ( sith they are neuer * left that so do pray ; ) now , poets say ( that all in all perceiue ) is this a fiction ? or a true essay ? if both , then both are ready to deceaue those that wold picke this locke without a * kay : but , be it what it will , it is the same that is in earnest true , how ere in game . bene cogitata , si excidunt , non occidunt . mimi . publiani . the second tale : containing , the ciuile warres of death and fortune . 1 there was a time ( as i haue heard it sed , by those that did , at least , in print it finde ) a certaine marriage was solemnized betweene a mortall paire of noble kinde ; and , for the loue of those whom loue doth wed , immortall gods the * company refin'd ●ith their pure presence ; who , the feast to grace ●id reuell ( as did all the rest ) a space . 2 among the rest of that immortall crue , danc'd death and fortune , whose masks were so like , that none , that danc'd , the one from other knew ; so , in their choice of them they were to seeke : for , some that soght for fortune , * deth out-drew ; and some that soght for deth , did fortune strike● t●me was their minstrell , who did euer play , aswell when they did dance , as they did stay . 3 fortune delighted most to dance with those that best could flatter , and the time obserue ; but death still lou'd to foote it with his foes ; or else with such as he saw best * deserue : when fortune danc'd , she turnes , she comes , and goes , and kept no time , thogh time hir turns did serue : but , whē death danc'd , he did those mesures tread , whose times were lōg , & short , & tunes were dead 4 so , fortune vs'd lauoltaes still to dance that rise , and * fall , as time doth either play : and death the measure of least dalliance , that 's passing-measure , and so strait away : or else the shaking of the sheets ( per chance ) which he would dance , vntired , night and day : wherein he put them downe , so that he did driue them from dancing vnto * winck-all-hid . 5 the dācing done , while yet their bloods were hot , fortune and death began on tearmes to stand ; which , for their dancing , had most glorie got ; and , who their actions did best command : from which dispute ( with choller ouershot ) they fel to * vrge their powres by sea and land ; the while the gods stoode most attentiuely , to heare their more contentious colloqui . 6 when loe deth ( lord of all that breathe this aire ) thus gan t' inforce his powre , beyond compare ; i know ( saith he ) their honors they impaire that striue with those that their * inferiors are : yet foulnesse is not made a whit more faire by being compar'd with beauty , much more rare ; but , foulenesse takes the greater foile thereby , and moles are foiles to set forth beauties die . 7 wert thou not blind ( bold baiard ) thou woldst see , a mighty diffrence twixt thy might and mine ; sith among those that most almighty bee , i do admit no power more diuine : for empire large , who can compare with mee , sith earth and aire the same cannot confine : nay , in earth , water , yea , in aire , and * fire ( that 's all in all ) i rule as i desire . 8 what breathes , or hath a vegetatiue soule , but paies me tribute , as vnto their king ? nay , doe i not the hoast of * starres controule ? then heau'n and earth i to obedience bring : and kings , as beggars , are in my checke-role ; nay , kings more oft then beggars do i sting : as farre as any thing hath * motion , i play rex , for , all that liue , do liue to die . 9 and therefore testifie thie modestie ( for error to defend is impudence ) in graunting that which thou canst not deny , and to be true , thou know'st in conscience : thou sure woldst blush , if thou hadst but one * eie , to stand on tearmes with mine omnipotence : but sith thine eies are blind , and iudgement too , thou canst not blush at that thou can'st not doo . 10 thy reasons seeme ( quoth fortune ) strong to such , as do but sleightly weigh them ; but to mee , ( that seeth more then thou , at least as much , for , thou wanst * eyes , as well as i , to see ) they are too base , to brooke my trialls touch , for , tyrranny is no true sou'raigntie : and , empire large , consistes not of large partes , but in the free subiection of whole harts . 11 can any king be happy or secure that drawing bodies , cleane with-draw the harts ? or is it like that kingdome should endure , that is , by hate , diuided into parts * and hate a cruell prince must needes procure , that seekes his weale by all his subiects smarts : the will is free , and will not be constrain'd , how ere , for it , the body may be pain'd . 12 as vniuersall as the vniuerse extends ( i graunt ) thy grand authoritie : and that thy takers ( more then most peruerse ) sicknesse , mischance , disgrace , and destinie , thy tribute take from man , beast ( tame or fierce ) to fill thy still-consuming treasurie : but , their * vntimely taking , with high hand , makes thy rule odious on sea and land. 13 such officers , in each craz'd common-weale ; ( that vnder colour of their offices , do , with the sou'raignes fauour badly deale ) great mischiefs * cause , & inconueniences ; which though they touch the subiects , kings do feele who often smart for suffring that disease : when princes tend their priuate , and neglect the common good , they cause this sore effect . 14 but ballance , on the other side , my might in th' vpright scholes of true indiffrencie , and , thou shalt find i haue their heart and spright freely obaying mine authoritie : for , thou compellest , but i do inuite : i fauors * giue , whose vse thou dost deny : i do promote all those that rise to mee , but thou subuertest those that fall to thee . 15 then , though that vniuersall be thy powre , thinke not , therefore , loue must to thee be such : for wit and courage may high place procure , but * loue and bountie ampler powre by much ; then of my currant cause i am so sure , that i dare rubbe it hard on trialls touch : and , for my part , to end this ciuile warre , i le put it to iudicious iupiter . 16 although i iustly may ( quoth death ) deny to put a question , without question , vnto the iudgement of selfe-equity , ( for so i hold iust * iupiter alone ) yet ( not affecting singularitie ) i le make him iudge in this contention : now fortune , proue thy powre , as i will mine , and then let iupiter iudge both in fine . 17 so , when they were ( to play this masters prize ) entred this round worlds spatious theater , fortune adorn'd her selfe with dignities , with gold , & * iems which made all follow her : these did she fall , to make her followers rise , to gather which , they did themselues bestirre : keisars and kings , that vsherd her the way , oft caught much more then they could * beare away . 18 here might you see ( like beggars at a dole ) some throng'd to death , in scābling for her almes ; he oft sped best , that was the veriest * foole ; some tooke vp come , some crownes , and others palms for which they pull'd each other by the pole , while * othersome , for thē , found precious balms : some found odde ends to make their states intire , and all found some thing that they did desire . 19 but , that which was most notable to see , was the poore priest , who still came lagging last , as if ( god wot ) he car'd not rich to bee , to whom kinde fortune liuings large did cast ( as t' were to guerdon his humilitie ) which , in the name of god , he still held fast : and still look'd * downe to find more , if he might , for , well he found , he found well by that sleight . 20 philosophers ( that gold did still neglect ) lookt only but ( wise-fooles ) to find their * stone ; which toy , in truth , was nothing , in effect , but to get all the world to them alone : for , with that stone they would pure gold proiect worth all the * world by computation : but , whiles they sought a stone so rich and faire , they perfect gold but turn'd t'imperfect aire . 21 thus , at the heeles of fortune all attend , whom well shee feëd for attending so : on th' other side , death to and fro did wend to seeke one that with him would gladly go : but , none he * found ; which made him those to end he ouertooke , in going to and fro : for , those which are vnwilling death to meete , he is most willing soonest them to greete . 22 nor could those officers that him foreranne ( sickenesse , mischance , disgrace , and destinie ) affect , with his affection , any man ; for , none they found that willingly would die , sith all , before , with * fauours , fortune wan , and , such desir'd to liue eternally : for , it is death to thinke on death with such , that fortune makes too merry with too much . 23 throgh campes , & hosts he trauel'd with a trice , ( for , soldiers needs must meet deth by their trade ) at last he came where some were throwing dice , who first a breach should enter newly made ; lord how some chaf'd ( through glories auarice ) for missing that which they wold not haue * had : and , he that wan , to lose his life did striue , yet so , as faine he would haue scapt aliue . 24 among the rouing crew , at sea , he sought for one that willing was to go with him , who , thogh they valu'd all their liues at nought , and oft for trifles ventred life & limme , yet when their woorthlesse bloods were to bee bought they sold them deerely , and in blood did swim from bloody death , as long as they could moue , for thogh they fear'd not death , they life did loue 25 through the turkes gallies , 'mong the slaues he went to seek some desp'rat slaue that lōg'd to die ; but loe , not one to die would yeeld consent , for , all , through * hope , still lookt for libertie : hope doth the hart enlarge that griefe forespent ; and faith keepes hope and life , in charitie . dispaire can neuer seize that hopefull hart , that can , through * faith endure an hell of smart . 26 at last he to a monasterie came , ( where mortified life is most profess'd ) and sought for one to meete him in the same ; but , all therein from sodaine * death them blest : and pra●'d to iesus so their liues to frame that sodainely death might not them arrest : a pater noster , aue , and a creede , they thought right wel bestow'd , so wel to speed . 27 thence went he to an holie ancrets cell , who seem'd to be quite buried there aliue ; he death embrac'd , but yet the feare of hell made him with death , for life ( in loue ) to * striue : he knew himselfe ( old fox ) perhappes , too well strait to presume that god would him forgiue : so , was most willing , and vnwilling too , to do as present death would haue him doo . 28 in fine , death doubting in his cause to faile , intreated sickenesse such an one to finde , that wold not flinch , thogh deth did him assaile , and scorn'd the fauors of that godddesse * blinde : so , sickenes went , throgh many a lothsome iaile ▪ and found , at last , one mortified in minde : who though he were but poore , yet held it vaine , to follow fortune that did him disdaine . 29 on whom seiz'd sickenesse , with resistlesse force , and , pull'd him downe so low , he could not stand ; to whom death came , to make his corps a corse , yet , as his friend , first shak'd him by the hand ; and by * perswasions , would him faine enforce with willing minde , to be at his command : which if he would , death promis'd faithfully , he should die sleeping , or most easily . 30 this forlorne wrech thākt death for his good wil , but yet desird one happy howre to liue , which ended , he would deaths desire fulfill , who from him with a purge , did sicknesse driue , * which shortly did one of his kinred kill , from whome , as heire he did some wealth receiue : and being well in state of health , and wealth , he followed fortune more thē death , by stealth . 31 now , hee betooke him to a furriers trade , and hauing stock , hee multiplide his store ; then death did mind him of the match he made , but , him hee answer'd as hee did before : quoth he , o marre me not ere i am made , but let me get ( kind death ) a * little more : contēte ( quoth death ) thou shalt haue thy desire , so i may haue thereby what i require . 32 sables and ermines death for him did kill , and made his wealth thereby , by heapes , increase ; who hauing now ( death thoght ) the world at will , he asked him if now he would decease : who yet desired life , of dearh , to fill his coffers to the top , thē would he * cease : death yet seem'd pleas'd , and brought all those to nought th'reuersions of whose states he erst had bought . 33 then , when he had a world of wealth obtain'd , death came againe for his consent to die ; but now he told death , his mind more was pain'd with thought , and * care , then erst in pouertie : therefore he prai'd his death might be refrain'd till he had gotten some nobilitie : and then he would go willingly with death , and ( nobly ) yeelde to him his deerest breath . 34 death yet agreed ( sith his good will he sought ) and gaue him leaue to compasse his intent ; who , of a noble-man , decayed , bought both land & * lordship , honor , house , & rent ; then hee turn'd courtier , and with courtiers wroght ( by deaths assistance , & with mony lent ) that he , in time , became a mightie king ; and al his proiects to effect did bring . 35 then , death ( not doubting of his will to die ) vnto him came , to know his will therein ; but , he did death intreate ( most earnestly ) that sith to him he had so gracious bin , he yet might gaine imperiall * dignitie before his death , which soone he hop'd to win : and then he would most willingly resigne his life to death , although a life diuine . 36 death , hoping , that the greater he was made , the greater glorie he , by him , should gaine , ( which might the vmpire iupiter perswade that death in powre , was fortunes soueraigne ) made neighbour kings each other to inuade , to whom this king a neuter did remaine ; who whē they had by wars themselues consum'd , he all their states , as emperour , assum'd . 37 now being caesar , death came strait to him , as most assured of his company , but to the emperour he seem'd more grim then erst he did , which made him loath to die ; come on ( quoth deth , & therwith held a limme ) no oddes there must be now , twixt you and i : to * ioue i le bring you , then with goodwill go to him , with me , and see you tell him so . 38 alas ( said hee ) i am but newly come to honors height , and wilt thou throw me downe ere i be warme , or settled in my roome , and so my brows scarse * feele th'●mperiall crown ▪ o suffer me to liue , to tell the summe of the contentments , from my grandure grown ; for , better had it bin still low to lie then , being at the highest , straite to die . 39 either ( quoth death ) come willingly with me or thou shalt die a death thou most dost * feare : hee hearing this , from death did seeke to flee , and cried on fortune to assist him there , peace villaine then ( quoth death ) i coniure thee , or lower speake , that fortune may not heare : yet fortune ( which he follow'd ) was at hand , and laught for ioy to heare him death withstand . 40 but by this time , the time prefixt by ioue expired was : and fortune with her brought a world of people , following her in loue , who , willingly , for fortune long had sought : these , as she moved , with hir still did moue , because she rais'd them higher then she ought : in which respect she had more * followars then sol ( that lights heau'ns lamps ) had waiting stars . 41 lord● how some ( sweating ) dropt in foll'wing hir , to whō shee dropt that which be dropt thē more ; for , they were laden so , they scarse could stirre , who vnder-went the same with labour * sore : and othersome , themselues did so bestirre , that they in each mans boat would haue an ore ; but , seeking to gripe more then well they could , were forc'd to * lose that which they had in hold . 42 among the rest , there was an vsurer , ( whose backe his belly did , for debt , arrest ) who being fearefull of iust * iupiter , made nice to goe with fortune , and the rest ; sith well he knew , he was a thunderer , in , and from whom , he had no interest : for he did neuer deale with such , perhaps , that gaue for intrest nought but thunderclaps . 43 the souldier came , and gaue them much offence , that stood betweene his breast , & fortunes back : so , souldiers haue backe-fortune euer since , for they , for others good , go still to * wracke ; and for their wracks haue wrackful recompence ; for , they are sackt , if they chance not to sacke : and if they doe , the publique purse must haue , that which must keepe them as a publique slaue . 44 they , with right swords , do ballance kingdomes rights ; ( a glorious office they perform the while ) the woorths of * kings appeares by those their weights ; which proue thē to be valorous , or vile : yet they gaine nought but blows , in blody fights , so , * store they get without , or fraude , or guile ; the while the gown-mā keeps vnscarr'd his skin , and with his pen ( in peace ) the world doth win . 45 o thou true ioue , bow downe thine vpright eare , to heare thy lowest seruants orisons , which , in the loue which he to them doth beare , he makes for them ( that wracke still ouer-runnes ) incline the hearts of princes farre and neare , as marses minions to loue marses * sonnes : and , make this little land yeeld great increase , to stay their stomackes great , in warre and peace . 46 a soldiers sword , from sheath , here fortune took , to knight all those that her had followd well , now eu'ry man did for a knighthood looke , that scarse had found an house wherein to dwell : yet some did much their betters ouer-looke , and thrust in for it , while their lookes did swell : so , fortune seeing them to looke so big , possest them * knights , without or turffe or twig 47 sois cheualier ; arise sir knight , ( quoth she ) then vp he springs , for feare lest fortune would recall hir word for his debilitie ; now knight he is , for nought but being bold ; for fortune fauours squires of lowe * degree , if they be more audacious then they should : now honor hath he , get grace where he can , yet fortune gaue him grace to keepe a man. 48 some layd on all which they , by fortune , got vpon their backes , that brauely sought to beare the sword vpon their shoulders , yet could not ; for , it fell in the sheathe ere it fell there : fell lucke it was that so they were forgot ; yet they * forgat themselues , as did appeare ; but when they saw they mist of what they sought , thei bar'd their backs , to line their guts , for noght . 49 which iupiter himselfe did laugh to see ; for , these so much were mou'd with this disgrace , that they were at the point to death to flee , and fortune leaue , for such their fortune bace : yet followed her ( most malecontentedly ) beceuse they followed her vnto that place : to cast away long seruice on a spleene , is not to foresee , but to be oreseene . 50 o! t was a world to see what shift was made to hold vp greatnes with a little stay ; t' were sinne to say some vs'd the cheaters trade , to borrow with a purpose * ne'r to pay ; and get all , howsoe'r , that might be had , no , no , they did not so , i dare well say : but this i say , perhaps , they liu'd by wit , and so to liue , some great ones thinke it fit . 51 now , in these knightly times ye might haue seene ( if you , for pleasure , had but tane the paine ) each one ye met withall , a knight in greene ; and so the world , b'ing old , grew greene againe ; as if the same but in the blade had beene ; for , each one did his * hanger on , sustaine : now , time stood still , to sport himselfe in maie ; for , all was greene , and at that state did stay . 52 some shuffled for some office : some to gaine some monopole , which then could not be got : for , fortune did those monopoles restraine , because she thought t' was to hir rule a blot to pleasure one by all her subiects paine , thogh oft they made thē seem , as they were * not : some cried for warre , and othersome for peace , but fortune , thogh they cried , still held hir peace . 53 now , some , for coine their offices did sell , as if they had bin cloid with fortunes grace ; and those that bought them , others did compell to * pay for them , when they were in their place : and some , in seeking somewhat , did rebell ; but fortune broght them soone to wretched case : some strong , sent long men to ierusalem , out of the way , to make a way for them . 54 now , for truths matters , there was much adoe ; some this , some that , som none of both wold haue : and yet all three did ( restlesse ) fortune woe , to yeeld to neither , that did either craue in worlds behalfe , or fleshes fixt thereto ; but all , in * shew , did seeke but trueth to saue : for , all seem'd to sollicite sions cause , which they would haue confirmed by the lawes . 55 some sed they lied that only truth did teach ; some enuied them that liu'd by teaching so : and at their liues , and liuings sought to reach , * which they forgaue , but would not so forgo : somes tongues defended truth , which they did preach , whose actiōs gaue hir many a bitter * blo : some liu'd , as dying , while they sought to liue ; and some died liuing ; yet did most reliue . 56 some , liers called carnall-libertie the glorious libertie of truths deere sonnes ; and * her they vrg'd to prooue that veritie ; but , truth 's betraid by such vntrustie ones , that sacrilege doe gild with sanctitie ; yet , for that , looke for high promotions : o t is a world of mischiefe when pretence doth shrowd a world of inconuenience ! 57 when truths sonnes play the polititians , heau'n help thee truth , in earth thy case is hard : truth 's hardly matcht with machiauelians , that her wil woūd so they themselues may ward : for , pious polititians are blacke * swans ; and , blest are realmes that they do ( ruling ) gard : but whereas statesmen meere earth meditate , there heau'nly matters squar'd are by the state. 58 some others followed her , by following others ; vpon great men these greatly did * depend , all those , for likenes , might haue bin my brothers , who then began to liue , when life did end : or if before , they were blest in their mothers ; for , those they tended that themselues did tend : it is absurd that lords should tend their men , yet some lords ( gods fooles ) do it now and then . 59 some of these seruants were so fortunate , that they came forwards , * while their lords went backe : for , loue beginning with ourselues , we hate ourselues ; if we by seruice goe to wracke : their lords they loued for their owne estate ; and lou'd to haue that which their lords did lack : o they are carefull seruants that will keepe their lords estate , while they , with pleasure sleep . 60 and some of this sort thriu'd , not by their lords ; yet by their lords ; for , by their leaue , they sell their fauours , nay their honors , deeds , and words , and care not who do ill , so they do well : whose clarkeship so much art to them affords , that for an inch , alow'd , they tooke an * ell : so meere cliffs made they of their lords to clime to some high note , by keeping tune , and time. 61 these climers in each clime are high'st of all in their * conceit ; for , they conceiue they can the round world bandy like a racket-ball ; and make a meere foole of the wisest man : they ween the world without them were so small , as ladies well might weld it with their fan : o there 's no measure in the pride of such . that from too little , rise to reach to too much ! 62 some others thoght they fortune gratious found , genus and * species throwing in their way ; which they tooke vp , and them together bound , to stay with them to be to them a stay : but in the binding did them so confound , that they proou'd fooles in * specie to betray genus and species to such bitter bands , for which they lost both honor , goods , and lands . 63 lord , how some cloisterd vp thēselues like friers , to find out * these , whom thus they did betray ; and lay in ambush for them many yeares , watching , by candle-light , oft night and day ; spending much money of their friends , or theirs , and all ( god wot ) but to abuse their * pray : o genus , genus , species , species , yee be most accurst , that thus still coursed be ; 64 some * others lookt for euclids elements , wherof , they thought , the whole world did cōsist ; which found , they found therin such sweet cōtēts , that euclide carried them which way he * list ; they lookt for nothing lesse then regiments , but held themselues in euclide onely blist : who blest them so , that if for lands they sought , they got no land , but measur'd land for * nought . 65 others there were , that sought to find a * spell , and needs would rise to fortune by a fiend ; whom they would raise , for that intent from hell ; these tēded fiends too much , * good fate to tend : who whiles they soght the gods thēselues t' excel , they died , like damned beggars , in the end : so , they that needs would rise through diuels aide , downe to the diuell were , at last , conuai'd . 66 some others lookt for spirits , not sprites of hell , but spirits of * sack , and liquors of that kinde ; wherwith they thoght ( if once they could excell ) they could the hands of fortune loose or binde : this made them ( like poore crickets ) stil to dwel , in , or about the fire till they were blinde : and then , like bats , that still doe loathe the light , they keep the darke conuersing with that * sprite . 67 others there were that sought to finde the way t'annatomize the corps of reasoning , with logicall conclusions ; these would play as iugglers play with boxes , or a ring ; make men beleeue what ere they please to * say ; and to a non-plus reas'n herselfe to bring : on these , indeed , too oft would fortune smile , to see how they the fond world did beguile . 68 some wordy-men , by words , sought worthinesse , these raught at rethorikes rules to rule thereby ; and they that found the same , found little lesse then greatest * rule , for they rul'd wordily : these mē , for need , could make some mē confesse , they treachers were , and yet themselues belie : these still were fortunes minions ; for they could with wind of words orethrow wits strōgest hold . 69 others there were that still gaz'd on the starres , as if by starres , they should the sunne transcend : these told of future weathers , woes , and warres , of the beginnings of them , and their end : of prophets that should rise ( to kindle iarres ) and of i wot not what , which they defend : but while they blabb'd out fortunes secrets , she made them but poore , and liars held to be . 70 some sought for notes , so to be notable , not notes to rule themselues , but notes in rule ; to rule the voice by those notes tunable , yet many did themselues the while mis-rule : who while their heads held points cōmendable , in many points they err'd from reasons rule : so , this gift fortune gaue their heads : they should still hold more crochets , then their purses gold. 71 some others sought for tongues as if they would haue stopt their flight , as they from babel fled , by catching them in nettes ; so them to hold , for themselues onely , till themselues were dead : these rich in tongues , were not still so in gold ; for , their tongues tasted oft too much of * lead : so , these wel-tong'd men tied were by the tongs , oft to be authors of their proper wrongs . 72 as some sought tongs , so others * hands did seek ; italian , romane , spanish , french , and duch , with letter freeze among , and letter creeke ; those with their ha●ds , did fortune seldom touch ; for , they wold needs teach those hands in a week , so , sold for little , that they sold for much : for it is much to giue a crowne for nought ) but onely to marre hands , too euill taught . 73 these pasted vp , in ech place where they came , ( and no place was ther where they did not come ) bills ( & those hands they held were oft but lame ) that they would giue their hands , for some small sum ; to those that wold but trust thē for the same so , in a weeke , they coson'd all and * some : for , in a weeke , and some odde houres beside , they promis'd that which they could not abide . 74 their occupation brought thus to disgrace , they , though they would with all * aforehand be , yet ran behind hand still , from place to place : so , with their hands they caught but a , b , c : which by interpretation of the place , is , a all b base c cheaters are , that so doe flee : i wish those hand-men their hands well had vs'd , for , i know pen-men that are so abus'd . 75 but some of fortunes followers were her foes , and deaths true * friends ( who for him swords vnsheath but shewd it not , lest she shuld thē dispose wher , if thei wold , thei could not meet with * deth : these followed her for nothing but for blowes , for they , with fencing , kept themselues in breath : and , for they could but breath by that their trade , they still were willing fortune to inuade . 76 some followed her by * acting all mens parts , these on a stage she rais'd ( in scorne ) to fall : and made them mirrors , by their acting arts , wherin men saw their * faults , thogh ne'r so small : yet some she guerdond not , to their * desarts ; but , othersome , were but ill-action all : who while they acted ill , ill staid behinde , ( by custome of their maners ) in their minde . 78 if maners make mens fortunes good , or bad , according to those maners , bad , or good , then men , ill-manner'd , still are ill bestad ; because , by fortune , they are still withstood : ah , were it so , i muse how those men had among them some that swamme in foizons flood ; whose maners were but apish at the best ; but fortune made their fortunes but a iest . 79 there were knights-arrant , that in fortunes spite , ( because they could not king it as they would ) did play the kings , at least prowd kings in sight , and oft were prowder then a caesar should : yet nature made them men by fortunes * might , and fortune made them natures zanees bold : so those , in nature , fortune flowted so , that though she made them kings , she kept them low . 80 but some there were ( too many such , there are ) that follow'd fortune in more abiect kinde ; these matches made between the hoūd & hare , i would say whoore ; for , men hunt such to finde : these faithlesse beastly brokers of crackt ware had too too often fortune in the winde ; who followed so the sent , * that oft they did find her where she , frō those they spoil'd , lay hid . 81 some others followed her by badging land , or beastly grazing ( yet made men thereby ) for , they that did those myst'ries vnderstand caught hold of fortune in obscuritie ; to whom she ( strumpet-like ) lay at command , who , lusting for her , gript her greedily : till they grew great by her : o monstrous birth , where shee the he makes great with grasse and earth ! 82 the lawyers went with these , with hands as full of deedes , and manuscripts as they could hold ▪ but , fortune from the same those scripts did pull , and in exchange fill'd either fist with gold : for , whiles they had but papers their were dull ; but be'ng wel-mettl'd they were blithe and bold : for , gold 's a soueraigne restoratiue , and makes men more then dead , much more then liue . 83 aurum potabile is of that powre ( if store thereof be powrde in out of hand like iupiters preuailing * golden showre ) that it will make death lie at lifes command : it is the aqua-vitae which doth cure all sore consumptions that our weale withstand : nay t is the aqua fortis which will eate throgh leaden brests , cares , fretting , thēce to fret . 84 o giue me gold , and i will doe , what not ? and let but store of angells waite on me , i le make my selfe a god , with * thunder-shot ; nay , i will make the earthly gods to flee to hean'n , or hell , where they shall be forgot , sith there no god but i will minded be : but god , thou knowst , the age is yron the while that hammer can a god of thing so vile ! 85 o! gold , the god which now the world doth serue , ( this midas-world that would touch nought but gold gilding hir body while hir soul doth sterue ) how glorious art thou ( held fast ) to * behold ? thou mak'st a beast a man , and man to swerue more then a beast ; yet thou dost all vphold : for , whom thou tak'st into thy patronage , it matters not what is his title-page . 86 men value men according to thy weight ; for , be their value ne'r so valorous it s held but base and made , by nature , sleight ; nor can it be nor good , nor glorious , without thy vertue doe it ouer-freight ; and so remaine they without grace , or vse : but , if thou list to lade a leaden asse , ( while thou rid'st on him ) he ore gods doth passe . 87 come gold : thē come ( deere gold ) & ride on me , i le be thine * asse , or pack-horse , which thou wilt ; although thou heauy art , i le carry thee ; albe't thou art much heauier through thy guilt : lade me ( good gold ) till my backe broken bee : sith , thou againe canst make me , being spilt : for all men now may vse me like a sot , ( that beares abuse ) because i beare thee not . 88 then foote it not whiles copper rides on mee , base copper dogs , be'ng made thēselues to beare but logs and faggots ( for a staruing fee ) and in a chimneis end away to weare : then vp ( faire gold ) ile so mount vnder thee , as if no ground should hold me , when i reare : for , by how much the more thou mak'st me bend , so much the more thou mak'st me to ascend . 89 ride on me gold , and i will ride on those ( if so i lust ) of men , or women-kinde , that shall be great , or faire , or friends , or foes , vntill i ridden haue them out of winde : but heau'n my heart still otherwise dispose , for , riding so , i blister should my minde : which still would runne with matter of annoy , and soule , and body so , perhaps , destroy . 90 then , gold , sith thou woldst * tēpt me to this spoile farewell ( deere gold ) i le not buy thee so deere ; i am content , without thy help , to toile for so much siluer as will arme me heere ' gainst wounding wants , which there do keepe a coile , where nothing is but care , and griefe , and feare ; my backe and belly kept , in rest i le sleep , ( throgh coniuring bookes ) from gold , that diuels keepe . 91 the fox will eate no grapes : well , be it so ; i le eate no grapes that set my teeth on edge , to eate such bittes as bane where oft they go , and heart and minde do all alike besiege : who gathers golden fruits in hell that gro , do for the same oft put their soules to pledge : but in that state that stands with little cost , is found the golden life that adam lost . 92 touching this world ( to my blame be it sed ) i thinke of nothing , but what nothing brings ; and yet no thing more musing then my head ; and yet my muse my head with nothing mings : * both feed on * aire , wherewith is nothing fed but dead , or dull , or else meere witlesse things : for sure that wit ne'r came neere wisdoms schools that weenes meere aire fats any thing but fooles . 93 i would , and would not , haue , what i haue not : i would not haue , that had , the hart inflates : yet would i haue my lucke light on that lot that * mends the drouping mind , & bodies states : in too much , nature oft is ouershot ; and oft too little , art disanimates : then , in this life , that seeke i , for my part , that nature keepes in life , and quickens art. 94 to bury liuing thoughts among the dead , ( dead earthly things ) is , ere death comes , to die : for , dead they are that lie in * gold , or lead ; as they are buried that in earth still lie : the thoughts are most relieu'd when they are fed with angells * foode , or sweete philosophie : but , some seeme on this manna still to liue , whom quailes and woodcoks most of al relieue . 95 well , let these some out-liue as many yeares , as they haue haires , they do but liuing die : if so ; their soules must needs be full of feares , whose hopes in this dead life alone do lie : for , they weare euer double as time weares ; in soule and body weare they double * die : o then , how painefull is that pleasant life , wherein all ioy , with such annoy , is rife . 96 beare with me readers ( that 's the recompence i aske for telling you this merry tale ) for running out of my circumference , i le come in strait , before a merry gale : but , yet a word or two , ere i goe hence , and then haue with you ouer hill and dale : nothing shall let me to relate the rest , for , commonly behind remaines the best . 97 this world ( me seemes ) is like , i wot not what : that 's hard ; for , that is no comparison : why that 's the cause i it compare to that ; for , who 's he like to , that is like to none ? t is not like god ; for , t is too full of hate : nor like the diu'l , for he feares god alone : it is not like to heau'n , earth , nor hell , nor aught therein , for , they in compasse dwell ! 98 then what is 't like ? if like to any thing , it s like itselfe ; and so it is indeede : or , if you will , like to the oldest ling , that limes their fingers that on it doe feede : so that , all things they touch , to them do * cling , and let them so , from doing purest deede : if so it be , how mad are men the while to cleaue to that which do them so defile ? 99 now , this most noghtie thing , or thing of noght , i cannot skill of ; though but bad i am ; therefore by me it least of all is sought , though oft i seeke for pleasure in the same ; which yet ( i hope ) shall not be ouer-bought , for , i will giue but good-will for my * game : and if good-will will me no pleasure bring i le buy therewith ( i hope ) a better thing . 100 now from my selfe , i eft to fortune flie , ( and yet i flie from her , and she from me ) who came thus followd with this company , that iupiter did enuie it to see : there did she muster them , in policie , that ioue of all might well informed be : for , when an heape confus'd are call'd by poll , the many parts do make the number * whole . 101 mongst whom philosophers and poets came , ( last of the crowde ) and could not well appeare ; to whō blind fortune gaue noght else but fame , wherof they fed ; but lookt lean with their cheere : so , they in heau'n deifi'd this dame , sith they ( poore souls ) could not come at her here : and euer since a goddesse call'd she is , poets thanke her for that , shee you for this. 102 who , though they be ( perhaps ) but passing poore , yet can they de●fie whom ere they will ; then demy-gods should cherish them therefore , that they may make thē whol * gods by their skil : twixt whom there shuld be interchange of store , and make of wit and wealth a mixture still , that may each others woefull wants supply ; for , men by one another liue , or die . 103 vaine fooles , what do ye meane to giue hir heau'n , that giues you nothing but an earthly hell ? that 's only * aire , which she to you hath giu'n , to make ye pine , whilst ye on earth do dwell : ne'r speake of wit , for ye are wit-bereau'n to lie for nought , and make * nought so excell : for , now , who for him * self 's not wise alone , is vainely wise , though wise as salomon . 104 by this time death came with his emperor , who followed death , far off , which ioue did see ; to whom death said , loe vpright iupiter , this kesar ( though a caesar ) followes mee : he doth indeed ( said ioue ) though somewhat farre ( but kept in off , to shew indiffrencie ) for , though the iudge do iudge aright ( sometime ) before both tales be heard ) it is a crime . 105 how saist ( quoth he ) lieutenant ▪ didst thou come with death to vs of thy meere owne accord ? whereat the emprour was stroken dumbe , for , he fear'd * death , as slaues do feare their lord : yet , with desire of glorie ouercome , at last he spake , yet spake he but a word , which was , saue i the shortest word of words , for , no a letter more then i affords . 106 which he with submisse voice ( scarse audible ) vtterd , as one that would not well be heard ; but iupiter ( although most sensible ) tooke on him not to heare , and prest him hard to speake ( through feare ) not so insensible ; for , my vice * ioues ( quoth he ) are ne'r afeard : therefore , on thy allegeance vnto mee , i charge thee speake , as thou from death wert free . 107 then , with a princely death-out-daring * looke he said , dread ioue , i had bin worse then mad , sith your lieutenancie to me you tooke , if i so great a grace neglected had ; which so i had , if so i had forsooke without your notice , that which made me glad : nor would i haue with death come now to you , but that he threatned me to bring me low . 108 wherewith the iudge ( iust ioue ) did sentence giue on fortunes side ; which made death rage so sore , that at the emprour he amaine did driue , whilst ioue lookt on , and fortune fled therefore : short tale to make , he did him life depriue , and euer since death rageth more and more : that now all men false fortune doe preferre , before iust death ; nay iuster iupiter . 109 and , thus with death ( that all in fine doth end ) we end our tale , and , if a lie it be , yet naked truth dares such a lie * defend ; because such lies doe lie in veritie : but though loude lies do lie , they will not bend so lowe as most profound moralitie : then , be it lie , or be it what it will , it lies too high , and lowe for death to kill . bene cogitata , si excidunt , non occidunt . mimi publiani . finis . the triumph of death : or , the picture of the plague : according to the life , as it was in anno domini . 1603. so , so , iust heau'ns , so , and none otherwise , deale you with those that your forbearaunce wrōg dumb sin ( not to be nam'd ) against vs cries yea , cries against vs with a tempting tong . and , it is heard ; for , patience oft prouokt conuerts to furies all-consuming flame ; and , fowlest sinne ( thogh ne'r so cleanly cloakt ) breaks out to publike plagues , and open shame ! ne'r did the heau'ns bright eie such sins behold as our long peace and plenty haue begot ; nor ere did earths declining proppes vphold an heauier plague , then this outragious rot ! witnesse our citties , townes , and villages , which * desolation , day and night , inuades with coffins ( cannon-like ) on carriages , with trenches ram'd with carkases , with spades ! a shiu'ring cold ( i sensibly do feele ) glides through my veines , and shakes my hart and hand , when they doe proue their vertue , to reueale this plague of plagues , that ouerlades this land ! horror stands gaping to deuoure my sense when it but offers but to * mention it ; and will abandon'd by intelligence is drown'd in doubt , without her pilot wit ! but , thou , o thou great giuer of all grace , inspire my wit , so to direct my will , that notwithstanding eithers wretched case , they may paint out thy plagues with grace , with skil , that so these lines may reach to future * times , to strike a terror through the heart of flesh ; and keep it vnder that by nature climbes , for , plagues do sin suppresse when they are fresh . and fresh they be , when they are so exprest , as though they were in being seene of sense ; which diuine poësie performeth best , for , all our speaking pictures come from thence ! the obiect of * mine outward sense affords but too much matter for my muse to forme ; her want ( though she had words at will ) is words , t' expresse this plagues vnvtterable * storme ! fancie , thou needst not forge false images to furnish wit t' expresse a truth so true ; pictures of death stoppe vp all passages , that sēse must needs those obuious obiects view . if wit had powre t' expresse what sense doth see , it would astonish sense that * heares the same ; for , neuer came there like mortalitie , since death from adam to his children came ! scarse three times had the moone replenished her empty horns with light ; but th' empty graue ( most rauenous ) deuoured so the dead , as scarse the dead might christian buriall haue ! th' almighties hand that long had , to his paine , offer'd to let his plagues fall , by degrees , and with the offer pull'd it backe againe , now breakes his viall , and a plague out-flees , that glutts the aire with vapors venemous , that puttrifie , infect , and flesh confound , and makes the earthes breath most contagious , that in the earth and aire but death is found ! a deadlie murraine , with resist lesse force , runnes through the land and leuells all with it ! the coast it scoured , in vncleanlie course , and thousands fled before it to the * pitte ! for , ere the breath of this contagion , could fully touch the flesh of man , or beast , they on the sodaine sinke , and strait are gone , so , instantlie , by thousands , are decreast ! no phisicke could be found , to be a meane , but to al●aie their paine , delaie their death ; in this phisitions haruest , * they could gleane but corrupt aire and danger by that breath . all artes and sciences were at a stand , and all that liu'd by them , by them did die ; for death did hold their heads , & staid their hād , sith they no where could vse their facultie . the nursing * mothers of the sciences withdrew their foster-milke while witt did fast ; for , both our forlorne vniuersities forsaken were and colledges made fast ▪ the magistrates did slie , or if they staid , they staid to pray , for if they did command , hardly , or neuer should they be obaid ; for , death dares all authority withstand . and , where 's no magistrate , no order is ; where order wants , by order doth ensue confusion strait , and in the necke of this must silent desolation all subdue ! for feare wherof , both king , & kingdome shakes , sith desolation threatens them so sore ; all hope of earthly helpe the land forsakes , and heau'n powres * plags vpō it more & more ! now , death refreshed with a little rest ( as if inspired with the spirit of life ) with furie flies ( like aire ) throgh man and beast , and makes eftsoons the murraine much more rife ! london now * smokes with vapors that arise from his foule sweat , himselfe he so bestirres ; cast out your dead , the carcasse-carrier cries , which he , by heaps , in groūdlesse graues interres ! now scowres he streets , on either side , as cleane as smoking showrs of raine the streets do scowre ; now , in his murdring , he obserues no meane , but tagge and ragge he strikes , and striketh sure . he laies it on the skinnes of yong and old , the mortall markes whereof therein appeare : here , swells a botch , as hie as hide can hold , and , spots ( his surer signes ) do muster there ! the south wind blowing frō his swelling cheeks , soultry hot gales , did make death rage the more , that on all flesh to wreake his wrath he seekes , which flies , like * chaffe in wind , his breath before ! he raiseth mountaines of dead carkases , as if on them he would to heau'n ascend , t' asswage his rage on diuine essences , when he of men , on earth , had made an end . nothing but death alone , could death suffize , who made each * mouse to carry in her coate his heauy vengeance to whole families , whilst with blunt botches he cuts others throate ! and , if such vermine were thus all imploide , he would constraine domestike * foules to bring destruction to their haunts ; so , men destroid as swiftly as they could bestirre their wing ! so , death might well be said to flie the field , and in the house foile with resistlesse force , when he abroad all kinde of creatures kill'd that he found liuing in his lifelesse course ! now like to bees , in summers heate , from hiues , out * flie the citizens , some here , some there ; some all alone , and others with their wiues : with wiues and children some flie , all for feare ! here stands a watch with guard of partezans to stoppe their passages , or too , or fro ; as if they were nor men , nor christians , but fiends , or monsters , murdring as they go ! like as an hart , death-wounded , held at bay doth flie , if so be can , from hunters chase , that so he may recouer ( if he may ) or else to die in some more easie place . so , might ye see ( deere heart ) some lustie lad strooke with the plague , to hie him to the field , where in some brake , or * ditch ( of either glad ) with plesure , in great pain● , the ghost doth yield ! each village , free , now stands vpon her guard ; none must haue harbour in them but their owne : and as for life and death all watch , and ward , and flie for life ( as death ) the man vnknowne ! for , now men are become so monsterous and mighty in their powre , that with their breath they leaue no ils , saue goods , from house to house , but blow away each other from the earth ! the sickest sucklings * breath was of that force that it the strongest giant ouerthrew ; and made his healthie corpse a carrion corse , if it ( perhaps ) but came within his view ! alarme , alarme , cries death , downe , downe with all ; i haue , and giue commission all to kill : let not one stand to pisse against a wall , sith they are all so good , in works so ill . vnioynt the body of their common-weale , hew it in peeces , bring it all to nought ; with rigors boistrous hand all bands canceale , wherin the heau'ns stād bound to earth in aught . wound me the scalpe of humane policie , sith it would stand without the help of heau'n on rotten proppes of all impietie ; away with it , let it be life-bereau'n . with plagues , strike through extortions loathed loines , and riuet in them glowing pestilence : giue , giue iniustice many mortall foynes , and with a plague , send , send the same frō hence . wind me a botch ( huge botch ) about the necke of damn'd disguis'd , man-pleasing sanctitie : and simony with selfe same choller decke , plague these two plagues with all extremitie . for , these are pearles that quite put out the eies of piety in christian common-wealths ; these , these are they , from whō all plagues do rise , thē plagues on plagues , by right , must reaue their healths . dash veng'āce viall on the cursed brow of * zodomy , that euer-crying sinne ; and that it be no more whole * pelions throw of plagues vpon it both without , and in ! throgh black * auernus ( hels mouth ) send the same into the deepest pit of lowest hell ; let neuer more the nature , nor the name be known within the zones , where mē may dwel , oppresse oppression , this lands burning-feauer , with burning sores of feauers-pestilent ; and now or neuer , quell it now and euer , for , it doth quell the poore and innocent bring downe damn'd pride with a pure pestilēce deriued from all plagues that are vnpure , extracted to th' extreamest quintessence , for pride all sinnes , * & plagues for sin , procures . in atheismes breast ( instead of her curst hart ) set an huge botch , or worse plague , m●re cōpact ; that it may neuer conuert , or peruert , nor haue powre to perswade , much lesse coact . beblaine the bosome of each misteris , that bares her * brests ( lusts signes ) ghests to allure ; with a plague kisse her , ( that plagues with a kisse ) and make her ( with a murraine ) more demure . our puling puppets , coy , and hard to please , my too strait-laced all-begarded girles ( the skumme of nicenesse ) london mistresses ) their skins imbroder with plagues orient pearls . for these , for * first-fruits , haue * fifteenes to spare but to a beggar say , we haue not for yee : then do away this too-fine wastefull ware to second death ; for they do most abhorre mee . then scowre the brothel-houses , make them pure , that flow with filth that wholsomst flesh infects ; * fire out the pox from thēce with plages vnpure ; for they do cause but most vnpure effects . plague carnall colleges , wherein are taught lusts beastly lessons , which no beast will brooke , where aratine is read , and nearely sought ; and so lusts precepts practiz'd by the booke . who knowes not aratine , let him not aske what thing it is ; let it suffice hee was : but what ? no mouth can tell without a maske ; for shame it selfe , will say , o let that passe ! he was a monster , tush , o nothing lesse : for , nature monsters makes ( how ere vnright ) but nature ne'r made such a fiend as this , who , like a fiend , was made in natures spight ! therefore , away with all that like his rules , which nature doth dislike as she doth hell : break vp those free ( yet deere & damned ) schools , that teach but gainst kinde nature to rebell . rogh-cast the skin of smooth-fac'd glozing guile with burning blisters to consume the same , that swears to sell crackt wares , yet lies the while , and of gaine , by * deceiuing , makes her game . who , but to vtter , but a thing of nought , vtters all othes , more precious then her soule : and thinks them well bestowd , so it be bought so , vtters wares with othes , by falshood foule . this foule offence to church & commonwealth , sweep cleane away with wormewood of annoy : for , it consisteth but by lawfull * stealth ; then , let the truest plagues it quite destroy . of tauerns , reaking still with * vomitings , draw , with the owners , all the drawers out ; let none draw aire , that draw on surffettings , but excesse , and her slaues , botch all about . sith such by drawing out , and drawing on do liue ; let such be drawne out on a beare : for , they with wine haue many men vndone , and famisht them , in fine , through belly-cheare . browne-paper merchants ( that do ven● such trash to heedlesse heirs , to more wealth borne then wit , that gainst such paper-rocks their houses dash , while such slie merchants make much vse of it ) vse them as they do vse such heires to vse , that is , to plague them without all remorce : these with their brokers , plague ; for they abuse god , king , and law , by lawes abused force . then , petti-botching-brokers , all bebotch that in a month catch eighteene pence in pound ; six with a * bill , and twelue for vse they catch , so , vse they all they catch , to make vnsound . that they may catch them , and still patches make , which in the pound do yeeld thē eighteen pence ; forc'd , like sheep trespassing , the pownd to take , leauing their * fleece , at last , for recompence . hang in their hang-mans wardrop plagues to aire that all may flie , or die that with it mell ; and so , when none will to their ragges repaire , they must forsake their liues , or labour well . briefly , kill cursed sinne in generall , and let flesh bee no more to harbour it ; away with filthie flesh , away with all wherein still-breeding sinne on broode doth sit . this was deaths charge , & this charge did he giue , which was perform'd ( forthwith ) accordingly ; for now the dead had wasted so the liue , ( or wearied so ) that some vnburied lie : for , all obseru'd the pestilence was such as laught to scorne the help of phisickes art ; so that to death all yeelded with a touch , and sought no help , but help with ease to * part . an hell of heate doth scorch their seething vaines , the blood doth boile , and all the body burnes , which raging heate ascending to the braines the powres of reason there quite ouerturnes ! then , t is no sinne to say a plague it is from whence immortall miseries do flow ; that makes men reason with their rest to misse , and soules and bodies do endanger so . here crie the parents fot their childrens death ; there howle the children for their parents losse ; and often die as they are drawing breath to crie for their but now inflicted crosse . here goes an husband heauily to seeke a graue for his dead wife ( now hard to haue ) a wife there meets him that had done the like , all which ( perhaps ) are buried in one graue . the last suruiuor of a familie , which yesterday ( perhaps ) were all in health , now dies to beare his fellowes company , and for a graue for all , giues all their wealth . there wends the * fainting son with his dead sire on his sole shoulders borne , him to interre ; here goes a father with the like desire , and to the graue alone , his sonne doth beare . the needie , greedie of a wealthie pray , runne into houses cleans'd of families , from whence they bring , with goodes , their bane away , so end in wealth their liues and miseries . no cat , dog , rat , hog , mouse , or vermine vile , but vsher'd death , where ere themselues did go ; for , they the purest aire did so defile , that whoso breath'd it , did his breath forgo . at london ( sincke of sinne ) as at the fount , this all-confounding pestilence began . according to that plagues most wofull wont , from whence it ( flowing ) all the realme o'reranne . which to preuent , at first , they pestered pest-houses with their murraine-tainted sicke : but , though from them , & thence the healthie fled , they , ere suspected , mortified the quicke . those so infected , being ignorant that so they are , conuerse with whom soere , whose open shops and houses all doe haunt , and finde most danger , where they least do feare . and so not knowing sicke-folke from the sound ( for , such ill aire 's not subiect to the sense ) they one with * other do themselues confound ; and so confound all with a pestilence . out flies one from the plague , and beares with him an heauy purse , and plague more ponderous ; which in the hie-way parteth life from limbe , so plagues the next of his coine couetous . in this ditch lies one breathing out his last , making the same his graue before his death ! on that bancke lies another , breathing fast , and passers by he baneth with his breath . now runnes the * rot along each bancke & ditch , and , with a murraine strikes swine , sheep , and all ( or man , or beast ) that chance the same to touch , so , all in fields , as in the cities fall . the london lanes ( themseluet thereby to saue ) did vomit out their vndigested dead , who by cart loads , are carried to the graue , for , all those lanes with folke were ouerfed . there might ye see death ( as with toile opprest panting for breath , all in a mortall sweat ) vpon each bulke or bench , himselfe to rest , ( at point to faint ) his haruest was so great ! the bells had talkt so much , as now they had tir'd all their tongs , and could not speake a word ; and griefe so toild herselfe with being sad , that now at deaths faint threats , shee would but bourd . yea , death was so familiar ( ah ) become with now resolued london families , that wheresoere he came , he was welcome , and entertain'd with ioyes and iolities . goods were neglected , as things good for nought ; if good for aught , good but to breed more ill : the sicke despis'd them : if the sound thē sought , they sought their death which cleaued to thē stil ! so sicke , and sound , at last * neglected them , as if the sound and sicke were neere their last ; and all , almost , so fared through the realme as if their soules the iudgement day were past . this world was quite forgot ; the world to come was still in minde ; which for it was * forgot , brought on our world this little day of dome , that choakt the graue with this contageous rot ! no place was free for free-men ; ne for those that were in prisons , wanting libertie ; yet prisoners frëest were from plagues and woes that visite free-men , but too lib'rally . for , al their food came frō the helthy house , which then wold giue gods plags from thence to keep ; the rest , shut vp , could not like bountie vse , so , woefull pris'ners had least cause to weepe . the king himselfe ( o wretched times the while ! ) from place to place , to saue himselfe did flie , which from himselfe himselfe did seeke t'exile , who ( as amaz'd ) not safe , knew where to lie . it s hard with subiects when the soueraigne hath no place free from plagues his head to hide ; and hardly can we say the king doth raigne , that no where , for iust feare , can well abide . for , no where comes he but death follows him hard at the heeles , and reacheth at his head ; so sincks al * sports that wold like triumphs swim , for , what life haue we , when we all are dead ; dead in our spirits , to see our neighbours die ; to see our king so shift his life to saue ; and with his councell all conclusions trie to keepe themselues from th' insatiate graue . for , hardly could one man another meete , that in his bosome brought not odious death ; it was confusion but a friend to greet , for , like a fiend , he baned with his breath . the wildest wastes , and places most remote from mans repaire , are now the most secure ; happy is he that there doth finde a cote to shrowd his head from this plagues smoaking showre a beggars home ( though dwelling in a ditch if farre from london it were scituate ) he might rent out , if pleas'd him , to the rich , that now as hell their london homes doe hate . now , had the sunne the * ballance entered , to giue his heate by weight , or in a meane , when yet this plague more heate recouered , and scowr'd the towns , that erst were clēsed clean . now , sad dispaire ( clad in a sable weede ) did all attend , and all resolu'd to die ; for , heat & cold , they thought , the plague would feede which , like a * ierffe , still sinn ; d in gluttony . the heau'nly coape was now ore-canopide , ( neere each ones zenith ( as his sense suppos'd ) with ominous impressions , strangely died , and like a canopie at toppe it clos'd . as if it had presag'd the iudge was nie , to sit in iudgement his last doome to giue , and caus'd his cloth of state t' adorne the skie that all his neare approach might so perceiue now fall the people vnto publike fast , and all assemble in the church to pray ; earely , and late , their soules , there take repast , as if preparing for the later day ! where ( fasting ) meeting with the sound and sicke , the sicke the sound do plage , while they do pray ; to haste before the iudge the dead and quicke , and pull each other so , in post , away . now angells laugh to see how contrite hearts incounter death , and scorne his tiranny ; their iudge doth ioy to see them play their parts , that erst so liu'd as if they ne'r should die . vp go their harts & hands , and downe their knees , while death wēt vp & down , to bring thē down ; that vp they might at once ( not by degrees ) vnto the high'st , that doth the humble * crown● ! o how the thresholds of each double dore of heau'n , and hell , were worne with throngs of ghosts ne'r since the deluge , did they so before , nor euer since so pollisht the side-posts . the angells , good and bad , are now all toil'd with intertaining of these ceaselesse throngs ; with howling some ( in heat and horror broild ) and othersome in blisse , with ioyfull songs . th' infernall legions , in battallions , seeke to inlarge their kingdome , lest it should be cloid with collonies of wicked ones ; for now it held , more then it well could hold ! the angells , on the cristall walls of heau'n , holpe thousands ore the gates so glutted were ; to whom authoritie by grace was giu'n ( the prease was such ) to helpe them ouer there . the cherubin eie-blinding maiestie vpon his throne ( that euer blest hath bin ) is compast with * vnwonted company , and smiles to see how angells helpe them in . the heau'nly streets do glitter ( like the sunne ) with throngs of sonnes but newly glorifide ; who still to praise their glorifier runne along those streets , full fraught on either side . now was the earthly mammon , which had held their harts to earth , held most contagious ; a beggar scornd to touch it ( so defilde ) so , none but castawaies were couetous . now auarice was turned cherubin , who nought desir'd but the extreamest good ; for , now she saw she could no longer sinne , so , to the time she sought to suite her moode , the loathsome leacher loath'd his wonted sport ; for , now he thought all flesh was most corrupt : the brainsicke brawler waxed all-amort ; for , such blood-suckers bane did interrupt . the pastors now , steep all their words in brine , with woe , woe , woe , and nought is heard but woe ; woe and alas , they say , the powres diuine are bent mankind , for sinne to ouerthrow . repent , repent , ( like ionas ) now they crie , ye men of england , o repent , repent ; to see if so yee maie moue pitties eye , to looke vpon you , ere you quite be * spent . and oft whilst he breathes out thess bitter words , he , drawing breath , drawes in more bitter bane : for , now the aire , no aire but death affords ; and lights of art ( for helpe ) were in the wane . nor people praying , nor the pastor preaching , death spared ought ; but murd'red one and other ; he was a walme , he could not stay impeaching , * who smoakt with heat , & chokt , all with the smother . the babe new born hempt strait in the head with aire that through his yet vnclosed mould did pierce his brains , & throgh thē poison spread , so left his life , that scarse had life in hold . the mother after hies , the father posts after the mother ; thus , at base they runne vnto the gole of that great lord of hoasts that for those keepes it , that runnes for his sonne . the rest death trippes , and takes them prisoners ; such lose the gole without gainesaying-strife ; but , all , and some , are as deaths messengers to fetch both one and other out of life . the sire doth fetch the sonne , the sonne the sire , death , being impartiall , makes his subiects so : the priuate's not respected , but intire ( death pointing out the way ) away they go . the ceremonie at their burialls is ashes but to ashes , dust , to dust ; nay not so much ; for , strait the pit-man falles ( if he can stand ) to hide them as he must . a mount thus made , vpon his spade he leanes ( tired with toile ) yet ( tired ) prest to toile ) till death an heape , in his inu'd haruest , gleanes , that so he may by heapes , ●ft seed the soile . not long he staies , but ( ah ) a mightier heape then erst he hid , is made strait to be hild ; the land is scarse , but yet the seed is cheape , for , all is full , or rather ouerfill'd . the beere is laid away , and cribbes they get to fetch more dung for fields and garden-plots ; * worke-men are scarse , the labour is so great , that ( ah ) the seede , * vnburied , often rottes . it rottes , and makes the land thereby the worse , for , being rotten , it ill vapors breedes , which many mortall miseries doe nurse , and the plague ( ouerfed ) so , ouerfeedes . here lies an humane carcasse halfe consum'd ; and there some fow or beast , in selfe same plight ; dead with the pestilence , for so it fum'd , that all it touched , it consumed quite . quite through the hoast of natures animalls death like a conquerer in triumph rides ; and ere he came too neare , each creature falls , his dreadfull presence then no flesh abides . now man to man ( if euer ) fiends became , feare of infection choakt humanitie ; the emptie maw ( abandon'd ) got but blame if it had once but sought for charitie . the poore must not about , to seeke for foode , and no man sought them , that they might be fed ; two plagues , in one , inuaded so their blood , both famine , and infection strikes them dead . some staid , in hope that death would be appeas'd , and kept the towns , which thē & theirs had kept ; till their next neighbors were ( perhaps ) diseas'd ; or with deaths fatall fanne away were swept . thē , fain wold fly but could not ( thogh thei wold ) for , wil they , nill they , they must keep their house , till throgh some chink , on thē death taketh hold , and vs'd them , as he did their neighbours vse . if any at some posterne could get out , as good they staid , sith sure they staid should be ; * for , all the countries watcht were round about , that from the towne , none might a furlong flee . then , who from death did flie , the feare of death made free-men keep the fliers in his iawes ; where ( poison'd with his fowle infectious breath ) their flesh and bones he ( ne'r suffized ) gnawes . now might ye see the plague deuoure with speed as it neare famisht were , lest in a while it might be so , and want whereon to feede ; so fed , the future hunger to beguile . now doth it swell ( hold hide ) nay , * breake , or die ) till skin doth crack , to make more * room for meat yet meat , more meate it ( neuer cloid ) doth crie , and all about doth runne the same to get . the graues do often vomit out their dead , they are so ouer-gorg'd , with great , and small ; who hardly , with the earth are couered ; so , oft discouer'd when the earth did fall . those which in hie * waies died ( as many did ) some worthlesse wretch , hir'd for no worthles fee , makes a rude hole , some distance him beside , and rakes him in farre off ; so , there lies hee . but , if the pit-man haue not so much sense to see , nor feele which way the winde doth sit to take the same , he hardly comes from thence , but , for himselfe ( perhaps ) he makes the pit : for , the contagion was so violent , ( the wil of heau'n ordaining so the same ) as often strooke stone-dead incontinent , and natures strongest forces strait orecame . here lieth one vpon his burning brest , vpon the earths cold breast , and dies outright ; who wanting buriall , doth the aire infest , that like a basaliske he banes with sight ! there reeles another like one deadly druncke , but newly strooke ( perhaps ) then downe he falls , who , in the * streets , or waies , no sooner suncke , but forthwith dies , and so lies by the walles , the hay-cockes in the meades were oft opprest with plaguy bodies , both aliue , and dead ; which being vs'd , confounded man and beast , and vs'd they might be ere discouered . for , some ( like ghosts ) wold walk out in the night , the citie glowing ( furnace-like ) with heate of this contagion , to seeke if they might , fresh aire , where oft they died for want of meate . the traueler that spied ( perhaps his sire ) another farre off , comming towards him would flie , as from a flying flame of fire that would , if it he met , waste life and limbe . so , towns fear'd townes , and men ech other fear'd ; all were ( at least ) attainted with suspect , and , sooth to say , so was their enuy stirr'd , * that one would seeke another to infect : for , whether the disease to enuy mou'd , or humane natures malice was the cause , th' infected often all conclusions prou'd to plague him that frō thē himselfe withdrawes ! here do they gloues , and there they garters fall ; ruffs , cuffs , & handkerchers , and such like things they strow about , so to endanger all : for , enuy now , most pestilently stings ! so , heau'n and earth , against man did conspire , and man against man , to exrirpe his race ; who bellowes were t' augment infections fire , and blow abroad the same from place to place . sedition thus marcht ( with a pestilence ) from towne to towne , to make them desolate ; * the browne-bill was too short to keep it thence , for , further off it raught the bill-mans pate . nor walls could keepe it out ; for , it is said ( and truely too ) that hunger breakes stone-walls : the plague of hunger with the plague arrai'd it selfe , to make way , where ere succour calls . for , hungrie armies fight as fiends they were : no humane powre can well their force withstand : they laugh to * scorne the shaking of the speare : and gainst the gods thēselues , thēselues dare band some ranne as mad ( or with wine ouer-shot ) from house to house , when botches on them ranne ; who , though they menac'd were with sword , and shot , yet forward ran , & feare nor god nor man ! as when a ship , at sea , is set on fire , and ( all on flame 's ) winde-driuen on a fleete , the fleete doth flie , sith that ship doth desire ( maugre all force oppos'd ) with it to meete : so flies the bill-man , and the muskettire from the approaching desperate plaguy wight , * as from a flying flame of quenchlesse fire ; for , who hath any life , with death to fight ? at all , cries death , then downe by heaps they fall : he drawes in by , and maine , amaine he drawes huge heapes together , and still cries , at all : his hand is in , and none his hand withdrawes . for , looke how leaues in autumne from the tree with wind do fall , whose heaps fil holes in groūd ; so might ye ( with the plagues breath ) people see , fall by great heapes , and fill vp holes profound . no holy turffe was left to hide the head of holiest men ; but , most vnhall'wed grounds ( ditches and hie-waies ) must receiue the dead , the dead ( ah woe the while ) so * oreabounds ! here might ye see as t' were a mountainet founded on bodies , grounded very deepe , which like a trophee of deaths triumphs set the world on wonder , that did wondring weepe : for , to the middle region of the aire , our earthly region was infected so , that foules therein had cause of iust dispaire , as those which ouer zodome dying go ! some common carriers , ( for their owne behoofe , and for their good , whose soules for gaines doe fetching frō lōdo packs of plags , & stuffe ( grone ) are forc'd to inne it , in some barne alone . where , lest it should the country sacrifise , barne , corne , and stuffe a sacrifice is sent ( in aire-refining flames ) to th' angrie skies , while th'owners do their faults & losse lament . the carriers , to some pest-house , or their owne , carried , clapt vp , and watcht for comming out , must there with time or death conuerse alone , till time or death doth free the world of doubt : who thogh they cariers were , yet being too weak such heauy double plagues as these to beare , out of their houses som by force do break , and * drowne themselues , themselues from plags to cleare . these are reuenges fit for such a god , fit for his iustice , powre , and maiestie ; these are right ierkes of diuine furies rod , that draw from flesh the life-blood mortally . if these are but his temp'rall punishments , then what are they surmounting time and fate ? melt flesh to thinke but on such languishments , that soule and bodie burne in endlesse date . his vtmost plagues extend beyond the reach of comprehension of the deepest thought ; for , he his wisedome infinite doth stretch to make them absolutely good for nought . then , o what heart of sensible discourse , quakes not , as if it would in sunder fall , but once to thinke vpon such furies force , as doth so farre surmount the thoughts of all ? if humane wisedome in the highest straine , should yet stretch further torments to deuise , they would be such that none could them sustain , through weight of woes , and raging agonies : then ( o ) what be they that deuised are by * wisedome that of nought made all this all , that stretch as farre past speach , as past compare , surmounting wonder ; supernaturall ! they be the iudgements of that trinitie , which ( like themselues ) are most inscrutable ; then can mans heart , but either swoone or die , to thinke on anguish , so vnthinkeable . and can our sense , our sense so much besot , to thinke such worlds of woe no where exist , sith in this sensuall world it feeles them not , and so in sinne ( till they be felt ) insist ? then happy that , that is insensible , since wee imploy our happinesse of sense to feele and taste but pleasures sensible ; and see no paine that at their end commence . to breake the belly of our damn'd desires with honied sweets that soone to poison turne ; and in our soules enkindle quenchlesse fires , which all the frame thereof quite ouerturne . * to please it selfe a moment , and displease it selfe for euer , with ne'r-ending paines ; to ease the bodie with the soules disease , to glad the guttes , to grieue the heart & braines . to make the throat a through-fare for excesse , the belly a charibdis for the same ; to vse wit still but onely to transgresse , and make our sense the spunge of sin & shame : * then happy are sweet floures that liue and die ( without offence ) most pleasing vnto all : and haplesse man that liues vnpleas●ngly to heau'n and earth ; so , liues and dies to fall . the rose doth liue a sweete life , but to please , and when it dies , it leaues sweet fruit behinde ; but man in life and death doth none of these , if grace by * miracle ne'r mend his mind . blush man , that floures should so thy selfe excell that wast created to excell what not ? that on the earth created was to dwell ; then blush for shame to grace thy beauties blot . art thou horizon made ( vnholy one ) betwixt immortall angells , and bruit beasts ? yet wilt twixt beasts and fiends be horizon by that which angells grieues , and god detests ? then plagues must follow thy misguided will , so to correct thine ill-directing wit ; such as these are , or others much more ill , the worst of which sinne ( ill of ills ) befit . and loe , for sinne ; how yet the plague doth rage ( with vnappeased furie ) more and more , making our troy-nouant a tragicke stage whereon to shew deaths powre , with slaughters sore . great monarch of earths ample world he is ; and of our little * worlds ( that worlds content ) he giues ill subiects bale , good subiects blisse ; so , though he raignes , iust is his regiment . our sins ( foule blots ) corrupt the earth and aire ; our sins ( soules botches ) all this all defile ; and make our soules most foule , that were most faire ; for , nought but sin we all , all nought the while ! when sharpest wits are whetted to the point , to pierce into all secrets , but to sinne ! and all the corps of luxury vnioint , to see what sensuall ioy might be therein : whenas such trickes as no sunne euer saw deuis'd are daily by the serpent-wise , to cramme all flesh into the deuills maw by drifts , as scarse the deuill can deuise ! can god ( most iust ) be good to men so ill ? and can the earth , and aire , wherein such liue , keepe such aliue ? o no , all plagues must fill that aire , and earth , that do such plagues reliue . what are those men but plagues , that plague but men ? all men are such , that teach sin in effect ; and all do so , that sinne but now and then , if now and then they sinne , in ouert act . what can containe vs , if these plagues cannot ? if neither these we feele , nor those we shall , be not of force to keepe our liues from blot , what then remaines but plagues to scowre vs all ? till we wax lesse , and they so multiplide , that we be nothing lesse , than what we are ; conuerted , or confounded we abide in , or without god , with , or without care ! if when his yron rod drawes blood from vs , and is vpon our backes , yea breakes our bones , we cease not yet to be rebellious , what can conuert vs but plagues for the nones ! for natures heart doth yrne with extreame griefe , when wel she weighs her childrens strange est●● , subiect to sinne , and so to sorrowes chiefe , for both in counterchange renew their date : for now we sinne ( yea with a witnesse sinne , witnesse our conscience ) then we plagued are , plagu'd with a witnes , ( witnesse plagues that with fury on vs ) then , when so we fare fall we to pray and creepe to grace for grace , which being got , and ease , and weale at will , we fall to sinne , and so our soules disgrace : thus sinne and plagues runne round about vs still this euer-circling plague of plagues and sinne , surroundeth mankinde in an hell of woe , man is the axis standing still therein , and goes with it where euer it doth goe : for since he fell , who at this center staies by nature ( most vnnaturall the while ) here moues man mouelesse as the axis plaies , and times turns ( turning with him ) doth beguile . and yet this plague ( if griefs tears quench it not ) is like a sparke of fire in flax too drie , and may , if our lusts coole not , burne more hot than erst it did ; so waste vs vtterly . we see it will not out , but still it lies in our best cities bowells like a cole that threats to flame , and stil doth fall and * rise , wasting a part , thereby to warne the whole . none otherwise than when ( with griefe ) we see some house on fire , we strait , to saue the towne , watch , fast , and pray , and most industrious bee , with hooke and line to pull the building downe : so doth this fire of heau'ns still kindling ire blister our cities publike body so , as we are blister'd , but with so much fire , as we may quench with teares if they do flo . 〈◊〉 if it should breake forth in flames afresh , ( as ( ah ) what staies it but vnstinted grace ? ) what thing shuld quench it but a world of flesh ? or desolation it away to chace ? time neuer knew since he beganne his houres , ( for aught we reade ) a plague so long remaine in any citie , as this plague of ours : for now six yeares in london it hath laine . where none goes out , but at his comming in , if he but feeles the tendrest touch of smart , he feares he is plague-smitten for his sinne ; so , ere hee 's plagu'd , he takes it to the heart : for , feare doth ( loadstone-like ) it oft attract , that else would not come neere ; or steale away ; and yet this plaguy-feare will scarse coact our soules to sinne no more , this plague to slay . but thou , in whose high hand all hearts are held , conuert vs , and from vs this plague auert : so sin shall yeeld to grace , and grace shall yeeld the giuer glory for so deere desert . too deere for such too worthles wicked things , at best but clods of base infirmitie ; too deere for sinne that all this murraine brings ; too deere for those that liue but twice to die . in few , what should i say ? the best are nought that breathe , since man first breathing did rebell : the best that breath are worse thā may be thoght , if thought can thinke the best can do but well : for , none doth well on earth , but such as will confesse ( with griefe ) they do exceeding ill ! the best is but a * briere , and * none doth good , but he that makes vs blamelesse in his * blood. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69177-e2380 * kinne , as they were of the seue● deadly sinnes , no kinne as they were different sinnes . * the glutton . * the leacher . * ●he prowd , vaine , and ambitious man. a description of the gluttons habite . a description of the wantons apparrell . the prowd-ambitious mans apparrel described . * blacke . * the wish of philoxenus a philosopher . * genes . 3.15 . * the scale of gluttony , for the p●nch to climbe by . * taste , the sense wherein men-beasts do most delight . * gene. 3.6 . * all the labour of man is for the mouth , &c. eclesiast . 6.7 . * adored . * psal . 34.8 . * epicures beleeue not the soules immortalitie , and so no scripture . * good foode comforts the hart , cheeres the sprite . * which the tong makes against the pallate . * they that drinke much , must euery way euacuate much . * what we most loue of that we gladly heare and speake . epithymus . the praise of touching . * touching being furthest remoued from the vnderstanding of all the senses , makes it the more brutish . * heroike spirites soonest enthralled with loue . * wanton louers most prophane . * this obiect makes the soule most abiect . * a glauncing aluring looke . * no passion more violent in the soule of man or beast . * hercules . * salomon . * 700 wiues , and 300. concubines . * danaae . * with loue-tricks to make lustinsatiable . * a lasciuious kisse bewitching wantons , knowne best to such . * the wicked conspire in euill , though they vary in circumstances . * soueraigne aucthority can silence all , vnder heauen , that inueighs against her inordinate pleasures . * what man shal say to the soueraigne , what doost thou ? without incurring his ire , which is the precursor of death . prou. 16.14 . * where the word of the king is , there is power , and who shall saie ta him , what doost thou ? eccles . 8.4 . * that which men & beasts by the prouocation of nature onely . * to rule men well is proper to god and men onely . * few or none so mortified , but can be cōtented to liue , rather ruling then ruled . * humane wisedome . * the lookes of soueraigne maiestie doth either kill , or quicken . * the indignatiō of a prince is most mortall . * ars d●minabitur astris : wise kings much more . * the concord of the euill condemns the discord of the good. * worldes weale vncertaine in our life , but determines vtterly in our death . * death is most familiar with those that are most strāge to him . * the sting of consciēce kil● our liueliest pleasures of the flesh . * daily proofe telles our vnderstandings , ●hat all worldly pleasures are as ●hort , as vaine , and vnsure . * salomon . * eccles . 1.2 . * good is the obiect of loue * our crowne saith the soueraigne . * the loue of a crowne oft makes the son to hate the father . * robert cou●tesse , edward the second , richard the second , edward the fift , rich. the third , hēry the sixt . * his councellours . * feare betraieth the comforts and succours which reason offereth . * true ioy cōtents the desire and excludes feare , which worldly ioy doth not . * the ioy of the soule is incident to good and ghostly liuers onely . * glory attēds vpon god & his onely . * vaine pleasures doe effeminate the minde . * to obey reason is to rule kingly . * reason is thought to be most vnreasonable by the sensuall . * philem. 9. * mer● v●t●●nea putet . * not to see our sinne , is to liue and die in sinne . * christ lord of life . * reason , the eie of the soule . * humane creatures are reasonable , thogh many liue brutishly . * humane reason assisted by diuine grace , true guide to perfect felicity * 3. sins most familiar with mens nature . * we hate our euill councellors , when we are plagued for following them . * all men are conceiued in sinne . * repentance . * the present time is sure to repent in , which is no sooner thoght on , but gone for euer . * they are enemies to reason that desire to liue sensually . * the iay sits with ●he lay . eccles . 17.9 . * a true mark of reprobatiō . * iob 15.16 . * nature . * custome . phusis her habit described . * as it is saide of the ape . * custome is another nature . * custome is ouercome by custome ▪ if nature be willing . * natures loosenes must be restrained by reasons stedfastnes . * ouer-kinde mothers make vnkind children . * though fire be good , yet fire in flaxe is not good : so , though pleasure be good , yet in you● hi● is not good . * a good pretēce for a fault maks the fault the fouler . * founts of frailtie . * strength of pleasures . * affection transports iudgement into partialitie . * reason is very preualent with the attentiue . * when reason is reiected , men are lest to all brutishnesse . * truth . * hell made for torment . esa . 30 33. * deceit and guile excluded truth frō the earth , * truth is one , but errour is manifold . * as without the sun none can see the sun , so without trueth none cā come at the author of truth . * time. * death . the description of chronus and th●natus . * nature cānot abide ▪ death , nor time running thereto . * a well tunde tongue cannot please an eare vtterly out of tune . * the choice is miserable where the best is misery . * in case of distresse we willingly imbrace the aduice of reason . * sicknesse . * naturall heate sustaines the vital powers in sickenesse . sickenesse described . * reason begets in vs resolution to die coragiously . * true loue deemes no paine intollerable endured for the beloued . the descriptiō of the house of time. * the vpper crust of a rocke vnfrequented . * noisome plants produced from mans more noisome offence . * deaths house described . * the graue is irkesome to flesh & blood * if graues open by reason of the earths hollownesse , they soone are closed againe with feete that treade on thē . * the graue and destruction can neuer be full : prou. 27.20 . * nothing more noisome to the nose and eie then a rotten carcasse . * friends of those that are in burying . * no sense enioyed in the graue . * the earthly ▪ carcasse . * christ the lord of loue. * isa . 34.14 . * death is the beginning of ●oy , or misery . * the graue is the re●t of the restle●●● . * the mortified in conuersation most familiar with death . * the humors are the children of● be elements . * tombe or pyramed . * time ruines al monuments how euer substantiall . * in a graue lies the anatotomy of ruine . * trueth . true descriptions are able to quicken things dead . * sicknesse is manifold : for , we are borne one way , and die an hundred waies . * nature is ●ed by reason to the knowlege of truth . * gifts get fauour , but not with death , or sickenesse : sauing that sicknes is the better borne by the gift of naturall heate . * who tenders sicknesse shall haue his company . * sicknesse extinguisheth our vitall flame . * nature can not endure to be bettered by sicknesse . * an inbred hate twixt nature and death . * truth is hid with cloudes of mysteries that shee is hard to bee found . * truth being masked we must vse the more diligen●● to discouer her . * many of thē measure truth by their present worldly profite . * poets which all men taxe for lying , doe least lie of any , the morall of their fictions considered . * their soules abhorre that light foode , for feeding , it doth but famish . * natures eies are dimd by adams transgression . * whether i be my selfe , or no , because euery like is not the same . * vices perswasions are most forcible with the sons of nature . * hell is much more horrible then can enter into the thoght or vnderstanding . an ample description of hell. * reuel . 20.3 . * ma●th . 8.12 . & 25.30 . iob. 10.21 , 22. * isai 30.33 . * reue. 20.14 * reue. 16.11 . * marke 9.44.48 . isa . 66.24 * reue. 16.11 . * reuel . 6.8 . * reue. 16.13 . * hell , and the graue are insatiable . * the damned still are dying , and neuer dead . * math. 24.51 * and men boiled in great heate , & blasphemed the name of god which bath power ouer these plagues , ond they repented not to giue him glory . reue 16.9 * deuills . * reuel . 16.9 * reuel . 20 ▪ 3. * reuel . 20.10 * so fares the flie with the spider . * the light of lightning is much more horrible then comfortable . * reuel . 17.16 * flesh of the tormented . a prudent man seeth the plague , and hideth himselfe : but a foole goeth on still , and is punished . prou. 22.3 . frigida gehenna . * reuel . 16.21 * reuel . 16 . 2● rewarde her as she hath rewarded you , and giue her double , according to her workes : and in the cuppe which shee ha●h filled to you , fill her the double , reuel . 17.6 . deliuer thy selfe as a doe from the hād of the hunter , and as a bird from the hād of the fowler . prou 6.5 . they shall passe from the waters of the snow to ouer much heate . iob. * the greate● the diuell the worse . * psal . 83.13 . * and they gnawed their tongues for sorrow . reu. 16.10 . * and they gnawed their tongues for sorrow . reu. 16.10 . * math. 24 . 5● * in tormenting . * reuel . 20.3 . * matth. 8.12 . * the paines of the damned are without end , meane , or measure . * nothing in this world that is violent , is permanent . * immortall . * reuel . 19.20 * isay 30.33 * in this world * in heauen . * the more our losse , the more is our griefe . * the spirit of a man will sustaine his infirmity , but a wounded spirit , who can beare it ? pro. 18.14 . * wert not for hope , heart would breake * immortalitie naturally is good . * the paine of the damned are as great as the wisedome of the creator could deuise , which is infinite , and vnvtterable . * the way to hell is heauenly in shew . * all the earth calleth for truth , and the heauen blesseth it : and al things are shaken , & trēb●e , neither is there any vniust thing in it . 1. e●dr . 4.36 . * in he●l is no redemption . * truth , and reason neare of kinne . * truth is the strength , and kingdome & the power , and maiesty of all ages , 1. esdr . 4 40. * nature is greatly grieued till her sonnes be reformed . * reason doth cheere the heuinesse of our nature in case of distresse . * patience a daughter of the heauens , the best companiō of a forlorne fortune , * contingent accidents are hid from the eie of reason . * god. * reprehensiō vnwelcome to all resolute in euill . * truth is like herselfe in vnlike subiects . * this guileful world is mortall enemy to trueth . * made truth to speak most for the maintenaunce of earthly matters , &c. * the wine is wicked , the king is wicked , women are wicked , & all the childrē of men are wicked , and al their wicked workes are such , & there is no truth in them , but they perish in their iniquitie , but truth doth abide , and is strōg foreuer , & liueth and raigneth for euer and euer . 1. esdr . 4.37.38 * truth is in extreame perill of deprauation among the vncleane . * the soule that hath no feeling of sin , is dead in sin . * they that lacke least worldly things most lacke friends that will tell them the trueth . * veritie and iustice supports the thrones of princes . * euer since astrea forsooke th' earth whosoeuer offers iustice a golden scabberd she will sheathe her sword therein , * that life is worse then death that depēds on a mī●ers pleasure . * immortall lines in poesie , are worse then mortall lines that end our misery ▪ for the first make vs labour for our trauell , the last make vs labor for heauen , if wee die well . * iustice . * iustice sees with truth● eies . * the countenance bewrais how the heart is affected . * time and death enimies to nature . * body of clay * day & night are the wings of time. * when men die , their yere● seeme but so many daies , & before they dy all their dayes so many yeres : the time future seems lōg but that past , extream short * time's euer in motion . * before mans fall . * time , made by god , the fountaine of reason . * iniquitie shal shorten times continuance . * reasons are yeelded by reason . * still moouing . * the office of reason . * our nature is apt to insult vpon the least incoragement * a forcible meane to reduce the euill to good . * euery moment seemes an age to ●ne that longs to heare that which his soule desires to know . * foolishnesse is ioy to him which is destitute of vnderstanding , &c. prou. 15.21 . * vanitie holdeth nothing too deere , for things nere so worthlesse , that may any way tend to her pleasure . * iob 7.6 . * no warning will preuaile with the wilfull . * the sunne runnes an oblique course in the heauens which measures time , and in time men learne to doe amisse . * men lewdly liuing make a spo●le of time , till 〈◊〉 spoile them . the vices familiar with our natures in the seuerall ages of our life . * ther is none that doth good , no not one . psal . 17. * in time , by reason , & experience wee reforme our maners , if we be not vtterly void of grace . * leauing her last ●oo●esteps among the men which n●w are least acquainted w●th her or her steps , husbandmen * venter auribus caret . * no gracelesse wretch so vnnaturall but knowes the voice , and law of nature , because it is written in all mēs hearts . * sathan winnoweth vs like wheate . luke 21.31 . * they liue ill that thinke to liue euer . * it is an abhomin●tion to fooles to depart from euil . pro● . 13.19 . * to haue heauen in this life , is to holde hell in the other . * we measure our frinds well-doing altogether by the line of worldly prosperitie . * a scorner loues not him that rebukes him , neither will he goe to the wise . pro. 15.12 . * reason is euer impugned and impeached by carnall libertines . * this makes so many miseries by reason of flatterers in the world , for euery one couets to please for feare of frownes . * vicious liuers are strangers ▪ or rather enemies to trueth ●nd her doctrine . * these are the last , and there fore the worst times , which rather seeke to reforme by windy , then explanary doctrine , which perswades coldly . * all times apter to vice then vertue . * they that liue without thinking of their end , doe commonly die ere they think of death . * the first death , to the wicked , is the entrance into the second . * repentance may be too late , but neuer too soone . * tyrants . * if good , ●hey raise ▪ if bad , they ruine it . * a great torment , in the life to come , is due to those that can , and will take such an immortall reuenge for any mortall in●urie . * feare . * none are forsaken of god that cleaue to him by humble & hearty praiee . * the kay of intelligence . notes for div a69177-e30820 * the sonne of gods first miracle hee wroght at the marriage , ioh. 2. honouring the feast with his personall presence . * the wisest men are oft thus mist●ken for not being able ●o foresee perfectly future euents . * the best mē death soonest ●akes away , because this wicked world is vnworthie of them . * fortune is euer in that m●●ion like a waue mo●ued with the wind . * a sport so called . * the contentious take small occasion to contend . * yet mightie men of our present times thinke otherwise , as appeareth by their actions . oppression . * all elementall bodies subiect 〈◊〉 death . * which shall haue an end . * al that hath motion is subiect to dissolution . * the eie is saide to cause our blushing , &c. * iustice , fortune , & death are eielesse sith they haue no respect of persons . * a kingdom● diuided , is at point to be dissolued . * vntimely , as well as vnreasonable taxings withdraw the loues of the subiects . * princes often become odious to their subiects thorow the fault of those whō they put in trust to gouerne vnder them . * the readiest way to winne hearts . * loue and bounty the best baites to catch men . * captare beneuolentiam . * men are honored and folowed in this world , onely for their fortunes . * they got territories which they could not holde . * fortune fauors fooles , * chirurgions . * the way to thriue in that function . * elixir . * a little therof multiplies infinitely , as alchymists affirme . * life is sweet . * o death , how bitter is thy remembrance to a mā that hath pleasure in his riches ? ecclus. 41.1 . * fron●●●ullae ●ides . * hope of future good , in this life , maks men feare death as an intollerable e●ill . * 1. iohn 5.4 . * none so mortified but feares death in point of dying . * the fe●re of finall or particular iudgement makes death vnwelcome . * fortune . * deaths eloquēce is harsh to the eare of flesh & blood * that which cures one may kill another . * ●ouetousnes is l●ke the dropsie the more it drinks the more 〈◊〉 may . * the more interest wee haue in this world , the more loath we are to leaue it . * ●hen life is at the best , th●n death i● better . * a custome among the germane● . * which had , makes death the more irksome . * men in fortunate estate had rather go with life to the diue● then by death to god. * it s a double death to die when we haue attained the highest happinesse of life . * death yeeldeth double terrour . * where the carcases are the eagles resort . matth. 28. * gaine take away the thought of paine . * all coue● all lose ▪ * lest hee would plague him , for plaging others with racking . * wrackt for those that will rather racke then any waie relieue them . * the soldiers sword cuts out the portions of kings * of blowes . * audac●s fortuna iuuat . * a squire of low degree is a squire of no degree . * not remembring who , or what they were . * a venial sin at most as these ●imes esteeme it . * a hangerblade in a green scabbard * changed their countenance with artificiall complexions . * that which is deerely bought , must be deerely sold . * all is not golde that glisters . * the iniurious offer . * they had iacobs voice and esaus hands . * truth . * for their raritie . * such dependencie is as ful of difficulty as vncertaintie : enuyings among the seruants cause of the first , mutabilitie of those great mens mindes occasioneth the last . * in their own not in their lords right : for many get mony in their lords seruice , to buy their lords lands to do them seruice . * london measure . * who are wise in their owne eies , there is more hope of a fool then of such . prou. 26.125 * meere scholers . * men lerned , without iugement , whome the prouerbe , the greatest clarkes are not the wisest men , concerneth . * genus and species . * misuse that little learning they catch . * mathematitians . * the mathematiques are most pleasing and alluring knowledges i●l rewarded , yet , they steale the studier● thereof from themselues . * ●or little . * magi●ians . * coniurers and witches are alwaies beggars . * distillators & extracters of quintessences . * of liquo●s . * subtil sophister● . orators . * fortune doth wel most commonly by men that do speake well astronomers , prognosticators . musitions . linguists . * many golden lingu●sts haue leaden inuention . * penne-men , or faire writers . it is a badde bargaine to giue aught for nought . * they shame the 〈…〉 vtterly . * for their recompence . * fencers . * in straite prison . * stage plaiers . * shewing the vices of the time . * w.s.r.b. sui cuique m●r●s fingunt fortunam . * when men haue gotten wealth they are said to be made . panders . * they liue like flesh flies vpon the sorts of men . land-badgers drouers . lawyers . gold sets an edge on an orators tongue , and makes it cut like a razor . * gold is the god of this world th●t ●uines and windes the same as it listeth . * hire mercenary swizers and souldiers to maintaine all vniust quarels euen with monarches . * so saith the rich miser . riches gather many friends , but the poore is seperate frō his neighbor . prou. 19.4 . the worlde in his vniust ballance weighs men accordidg to their wealth & not by any other worthinesse . * no wisemā comparable to the golden asse . but it is meere madnesse not to b●●re with insensible creatures : & blessed are those that in this in●●●ious world , possesse their soule● in patience . better is a litle with the feare of god , then great treasure , 〈◊〉 trouble 〈…〉 15 16. * the touchstone trieth gold and gold trieth men . be●rer is a dry morsell with peace then an house full of sacrifices with strife . prou. 17.1 . that that is to be desired of a man , is his goodnesse , p● . 19 22. which seldom is foūd among much goodes . * head , and muse ▪ * praise . * as farre frō want as from too much . * mindes alwaies conuersant with these me●talls are dull , & make the bodies dead to all goodnesse wherein they are . * diuinity . * die eternally in both the world is like nothing : sith by sin●● 〈◊〉 was m●rre● after it 〈◊〉 made : & 〈◊〉 is nothing , because● he 〈◊〉 that made a●l things made it not . simile . * euery ●●nger as good as ● lime twi●ge . prouerb * harmelesse recreation . * it makes the number appea●e as it is . philosophers and poets furthest off fortune . * they affect misery much more then diuinitie . * flesh-pineing praise * men , like the deuill great and nought . * if thou be wise , thou shalt be wi●e for thy selfe . prou. 9.12 . * the more we loue the world the more wee feare death . * ●●are is a stranger to great hearts . * no courage 〈◊〉 the d●sperate cowards . iupiters sentence . * scripture parables containe trueth in their moralitie , though not in the letter . notes for div a69177-e43660 * therefore ha●h the curse deuoured the land , and the inhab●tantes therof are desolate . isai . 24 6. * who among you shall harken to this , and take heed and hea●e for afterwards . isai . 42.23 . * now goe & write it before them in a table , and note it in a booke , that it may be for the last day for euer and euer . isai . 30.8 . * i am the man that hath seene afflictiō in the rod of his ind●gnatiō . lament 3.1 . * heare , yee deafe , and yee blinde ▪ regard that ye may see . isa . 42 ▪ 18 thou hast for sakē mee , saith the lord , and gone backeward : therfore will i stretch out mine hand against thee , and destroy thee : for i am weary with repenting . ierem. 15.6 . * feare , & the pit , & the snare are vpon thee , o inhabitant of the earth . isai . 24.17 . * phisitions . * vniuersities . * then said i , lord , howe long ? and he answered , vntill the cities bee wasted without inhabitant , and the houses without man , and the land be vtterly desolate . isai . 6 11 * and the cities that are inhabited shal be left void , the land shall be desolate , & ye shall know that i am the lord ezech. 12.20 . * zephon . 2.2 * euen the mouse shal be consumed together , saith the lord , isa . 66.17 . * tame pigeons , cockes , hennes , capons , &c. * arise and depart , for this is not your rest , because it is polluted , it shall destroy you euen with a sore destruction . michah 2.10 . * and he that flieth from the noise of the feare shall fall into the pit , &c. isa . 24.18 * yee shall cōceiue chaffe , & bring forth stubble , the fire of your breath shall deuoure you . isai . 33.11 . * aske now among the heathen , who hath heard such things ? the virgine of israel hath done very filthily ierem. 18 13. * a mountain in thes●al●e . * auernus a lake in italie , where they say this sinne is frequent . * pride , the cause of adams fall , and so of all sinne * they are waxen fat , and shining , they doe ouerpasse the deedes of the wicked , &c. iere 5 . 2● * strawberies , cherries , &c. when they first come in . * shillings , crownes , or pounds . * then will i turne mine hād vpō thee , and burne out thy drosse , till it be pure , and take away thy tinne . isai 1.25 . * and euery one will deceiue his fri●d and wil not speake the truth : for they haue taught their tongues to speake lies , and take great paines to doe wickedly . ierem . 9 5. * ●s a cage is full of birds , so are their houses full of deceit , thereby they are become great & waxen ●ich . ierem. 5.27 . * for all their tables are full of filthy vomitings : no place is cleane . isai . 28.8 . * their bill of sale. * and they lie downe vpon cloths laide to pledge by euery altar , and they drink the wine of the condemned in the house of their god. amos 2.8 . * and death shall be desired rather thē life of all the residue that r●ma●n of this wicked family . iere 8 3. * thy sonnes haue fainted , & ●e at head of al the streets , as a wild bull in a net , and are full of the wrath of the lord , and rebuke of thy god. isa , 51.20 . * i will d●sh them one against another euen the ●athers and the sons together , saith the lord , i wil not spare i will not pitty , not haue compassion vpon them , but destroy them . ●erem . 13.14 . * ●herefore will i be vnto ephraim as a moa●h , and to the house of iuda as a rottennes , hosea 5.12 . * neither their siluer nor their golde shall be able to deliuer them in the day of the lords wrath , &c zepha . 1.18 . * her filthinesse is in her ski●●s : she remembred not her last end , therefore shee came downe wonder●ully : she had no cōforter . &c. lament . 1.9 . * the mir●h of tab●ets ceaseth : the noi●e of them that rei●●ceendeth : the ioy of the harpe ceaseth . isa● 24.8 . * libra september . * a beast neuer but feeding , and when he hath eaten as much as his 〈…〉 hold , goe , to a for●ed t●ee , and there straines out his fonde vndigested betweane the twist of the ●●ee , and so ag●ine presently falles to se●ue , and being full , againe to the tree , and so eftsoones to feede . * isai . 57.15 . * the world is diuided into twelue partes , and ten partes of it are gone already , and halfe of the tenth part : & there remaineth that which is after the halfe of the tenth part . 2. esd . 14.10 , 11 * neuertheles saith the lord , at those d●ys i will not make a full end of you . ier 4.18 . * for it is the day of the lords vengeance , and the ve●e●● re●●rence for the i●dgement of 〈◊〉 isai . 34.8 * dung-cribs . * they shall die of deaths and diseases , they shall not be lamented , neither shall they be buried , but they shall be as dung vpon the earth , &c. ier. 16.4 . * they haue compassed her about , as the witchmen of the field , because she hath prouoked me to wrath , saith the lord iere. 4.17 . * if the botch breake not , the patient liueth not . * it killes others with breaking . * they that feed delicately perish in the streetes , they that were brought vp in scarlet , embrace the d●●g lament . 4.5 . * and their corpes shall lie in the streetes of the great citie , &c. reuel . 11.8 . * because of their pride the cities shall be troubled the houses shall be afraid , men shall feare . 2. esd . 15.18 . * destruction vpon destruction is cried , for the whole land is wasted &c. iere. 4.20 . * iob 41.20 . simil. * plagues are sent vnto you● and who can driue them away . 2. esd . 16.4 . simil. * many dead bodies shal be in euery place , they shall cast them foorth with silence . amos 8.3 . * this no fiction , nor inserted by poeticall licence : but this verily was performed in the borough of leominster in the county of hereford : the one at the commandement of sir herbert crost knight , one of the councell of the marches of wales : the other by the instigation of sathan , and prococation of the disease . * torments , deuised by infinite wisedome , are infiite in paine . * mortall life is no more ( at the most ) compared to eternitie . * so fares it with sensuall epicures and libertines . * the conuersion of a sinner is most miraculous . * man is microcosmos . * as appeareth by the plague bills euerie weeke . simil. * micah 7.4 . * psal . 14 2.4 * ephes . 5.12 . solomon's prescription for the removal of the pestilence, or, the discovery of the plague of our hearts, in order to the healing of that in our flesh by m.m. mead, matthew, 1630?-1699. 1665 approx. 284 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50491) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54206) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 75:4) solomon's prescription for the removal of the pestilence, or, the discovery of the plague of our hearts, in order to the healing of that in our flesh by m.m. mead, matthew, 1630?-1699. [6], 88 p. [s.n.], london : 1665. attributed to matthew mead. cf. bm. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sin. dissenters, religious -england. plague -england -london. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion solomon's prescription for the removal of the pestilence : or , the discovery of the plague of our hearts , in order to the healing of that in our flesh . by m. m. lament . 3. 39 , 40 , 41. wherefore doth a living man complain ? a man for the punishment of his sins ? let us search and try our wayes , and turn again to the lord. let us lift up our heart with our hands unto god in the heavens . psal. 106. 29 , 30. thus they provoked him to anger with their inventions : and the plague brake in upon them . then stood up phinehas , and executed judgment , and so the plague was stayed . london , printed in the year , m. dc . lxv . the preface to the reader . reader , i had more objections in my own thoughts to the sending forth this paper ; and can fore-think more faults like to be found with it when sent forth , then i shall now stand to tell thee of , or make any answer for . but because amongst all those objections , i met not with this , that it was impossible it should do anie good , i thought the rest answerable ; and because amongst all its faults , thou canst not ( trulie ) find this , that it was not intended for anie good , i perswade my self all the rest are pardonable . what the design of it is , if thou art in haste , the title will tell thee ; if thou art at leasure , and think'st it worth thy while , thou may'st find it in the book it self ; so either way i might be excused from saying ought of it here . but somewhat for thy satisfaction know , when i considered the sore judgment wherewith we have been visited , which so evidentlie declares wrath to be gone forth from the lord against us , i thought it might be an essay verie acceptablè to god , and profitable to our selves , to do the best i could to make the voyce of the rod articulate ; that in the print of its lashes , not onlie gods wrath , but the sin he scourgeth us for , and the duty he would drive us to , might be found in legible characters , that even he that runs may read them . when i lookt on affliction as a medicine for a distempered nation , i thought it was exceeding necessarie , in order to its kindlie working with us , to tell the nature , import and use of it ; and to give directions how it ought to be received . and though i acknowledge my self the meanest of ten thousand for so great a work , yet when i saw or heard of nothing so particular and distinct , as i thought the matter required , humblie depending upon , and imploring divine assistance , i made this attempt ; wherein , whil'st i have guided my self by the physitians own rules , and an impartial consideration of the nature of the patient , i hope i have made no material ( i am sure no wilful ) mistakes . this then was my great desire and hope , to be by this undertaking , a worker together with gods providence for some good to the nation . and surely no man hath cause to be angry with this intention , or with any thing that flows sincerelie from it . had anie man , though the meanest among the people , in the time when nineveh was threatned with destruction , given in a catalogue of those sins they were guiltie of , the removal of which could onlie prevent their ruine ; i am perswaded his endeavours would have been grateful to the prince , his nobles , and the people , though he had spoke to them all with more plainness and boldness , than i have done . and i dare confidentlie expect the same , if our fasting and prayers be not onlie for fashion-sake , but in as good earnest as theirs . two great miscarriages moreover i was prone to fear the most would be guiltie of , which i have especiallie consulted against . the first , of being swallowed up so much with a sense of their suffering , as to be indispose for all profitable reflections ; and therefore fain would i turn mens eyes and thoughts from off this , to the sin that brought it ; and have them onlie to consider the former , so much as to inform themselves more clearlie of the evil of the latter . oh what out-cryes we may hear up and down , what doleful times these are ! so manie thousands dead this week , so manie another ! the plague got to this town , and then to that ! all trading , as well as persons , dead and gone ! but were people formerly thus affected , whilst we were bringing this upon our selves ? did they cry out then , oh how manie thousand oaths are sworn in a week ? and how manie lyes told ? how manie thousands drunk , and how manie commit lewdness ? had we had weeklie bills of such sins brought in , they would far have exceeded the largest sums that ever yet the mortalitie made . but alas ! these with the most were light matters . not half so manie groans and tears for these , nor anie such complaints of them ; nor did the consideration of them make anie sensible alteration amongst us . now this i would fain obtain , to have those dayes thought as much worse than these ; and those actions as much worse than these sufferings , as the disease is worse than physick ; and a childs disobedience to his parents , worse than his being whip't : and he that should weep out of pitie to the child , when he sees it lash't ; and yet could be content to hear him revile and abuse his father , i should think to be a person of more fondness , than discretion ; and for him to be more concerned for the childs smart , than the parents honor , argues him to have no true love for either . and here by the way let me give a caution , viz. that no man bewray so much follie as to argue , that because in mercie god may abate and remove his heavy judgments , before manie , or perhaps any of these sins i have mentioned are put away from amongst us ; and because we may have our former health and plentie restor'd , whilst there is no such reformation of disorders as i have exhorted to , that therefore our sufferings were not intended to chastise us for those sins , nor to bring us to this reformation . if thou be an atheist or infidel that makest this argument , who believest not there is a god , or that he concerns not himself with our affairs , but that all things come by nature or chance , or i know not what , i shall then leave thee to receive satisfaction ( if nothing sooner will give it ) there , where all such as thou , by the feeling of divine vengeance , are at once convinc't what the sin is which hath deserved it , and that there is a god who inflicts it ; but if thou be a christian , then i would wish thee well to examine the nature of the thing , ( that i mean , which thou thinkest god hath not punish't us for , because it is yet continued ) and upon the issue of that examination , pass thy judgment . it 's much to be feared thou wilt see drunkards , and hear swearers , after the plague may be ceas't ; and wilt thou think therefore that these , and the like wickednesses , did not provoke god to afflict us ? but rather stay , if thou art in doubt , till the great reckoning day , till thou hast heard all mens accounts cast up , and those actions which are then approved confidentlie pronounce no sins ; but not all those that survive the heaviest judgments here on earth , which may be sent to punish and reform those that were guiltie of them ; since hardned sinners may frustrate some ends of an affliction , and all are not followed here , as pharaoh was . no , i say , do not justifie all such actions , though thou shouldst hear them openlie defended , and applauded , and those men punish't that dare to oppose and contradict them , and that opposition made the onlie sin . this lower world is full of such mad mistakes and confusions , but all will shortlie be set strait . the other miscarriages that i feared men would be apt to run into , and which i have laboured to provide against , was , that though they might be convinc't that sin in the general , was the cause of all our miseries , yet hardly that it was their sin , or their friends , but some bodies else that they don't love ; and so shift it off to this or that party , whom they would have punish't , had they been in gods stead . such a strong self-love there is in everie man , that his fancie shapes god verie much in a likeness to himself . even the vilest sinners , psal . 50. 21. thought god such an one as themselves . and consequentlie they account themselves , and all their concernments dear to god , and so would interpret all his providences in favour of them , to right their quarrel , and to avenge them of their enemies ; for thus would they prescribe god , might they be call ▪ d to his counsel . all would fain carrie it , that god is of their partie , and against those whom they are against ; everie man will be more inclined to accuse others ▪ than himself : nay , and hence it oft falls out , that they who have espoused anie sin , will be so far alone from thinking ill of it , that they 'l rather accuse the contrarie vertue ; and so godliness it self may sometimes bear the blame , or however the most godlie and unblameable men . the pillars of a ▪ land sometimes are accounted the pests of it , on which whilst some men blind with rage , lay their hands to pluck them down , they are about to do themselves , and the people with whom they are , the same courtesie that sampson did to the philistine lords . they who were the salt to savour a corrupt world , were accounted the filth and off-scouring of all things . ahab will sooner count elijah than himself , a troubler of israel . and when anie mischief befalls the empire , then the poor christians must be thrown to the lyons . thus i fear amongst us , manie bitter and undeserved censures will be past by one against another ; which great sin i have done my best to consult against , whil'st i have chieflie laboured to bring everie man to a reflection upon himself ; whil'st i have studied faithfullie to deal , both to this man and that , his share in procuring our miseries ; and whil'st i have made the divisions and parties that are amongst us which occasion this censoriousness , one great cause of our sufferings . however one or otber may interpret what i have done , i am prettie indifferent ; only i hope i have said nothing , which need make anie man presentlie fall a confuting me , which , i ▪ le promise you , it 's an hard thing in these dayes to escape ; say what you will , 't is against sin onlie i have a quarrel : if any guiltie person ( as the pharisees when christ preach't ) shall think i mean him ▪ let him once again know , that it is not against small or great , but the sins of all , that i am entered into the lists ; and i hope they 'l rather see to forsake , than vindicate them . but if otherwise , if leave may be granted , i dare undertake to evidence , that sin is that which brings suffering , and that those things i have mentioned as the sins of our nation , are indeed such . yea , and if it be not thought immodestie to forestall the readers judgment , i dare add , that i have spoken verie great truth and reason in the matters most liable to exception , notwithstanding all the weaknesses and disadvantages in the representing , which i readilie acknowledge to be manie and great . but i have alreadie exceeded the due bounds of a preface ; wherefore to conclude , let all censure as they shall find meet ; only let me make a solemn profession ( which is the more credible from one , who hath no great reason to expect to out-live the general desolation ) that , so far as i know my own heart , i have spoke nothing with a design to exasperate any , or to humor and gratifie one faction , by disgracing or inveighing against another ; but it hath been my care to speak the very truth , according to the infallible word of god , and the clearest apprehensions of my own soul ; with an unfeigned desire to discover what indeed those sins are , which we especiallie smart for , that the inconsiderate and ignorant may be informed , the guiltie humbled , wickedness rooted out , god appeased , and all our mercies , both spiritual and temporal , restored and continued ; and these designs shall be followed with my prayers : ( and i hope with thine too that read'st me ) but how far the success may answer either , i must leave to the readers improvement of , and gods blessing upon my well-intended , though weak endeavours . thine in the service of the gospel , m. m. i kings 8. 37 , 38 , 39. if there be in the land a famine , if there be pestilence , blasting , mildew , locust , or if there be caterpillar : if their enemy besiege them in the land of their cities , whatsoever plague , whatsoever sicknesse there be : what prayer and supplication soever be made by any man , or by all thy people israel , which shall know every man the plague of his own heart , and spread forth his hands towards this house : then hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place , and forgive , and do and give to every man according to his ways , whose heart thou knowest , ( for thou , even thou only knowest the hearts of the children of men . ) the good and gracious god , the ruler and governour of the world , and the disposer of all events , doth nothing rashly or in vain , and therefore hath made it the duty of the sons of men wisely to weigh and consider of his providences , and to learn instructions thence , as well as from the revelations of his mind in his written word , micah 6. 9. we are bid to hear the rod. and though in the bounteous dispensations of his favours , we can assign no higher cause than his own meer grace and good will , which is accomplish't in the doing good to his creatures ; yet in the inflicting of judgment which is his strange work , we may be sure to find something out of himself moving him to it . it cannot be well conceived how man should ever be the subject of pain or sorrow , did not sin render him passible , and open a way for the sword to enter his bowels , and give it that edge and force which causeth it to pierce the deeper , and to wound more sensibly . now as a distemper which ariseth from a surfet , is to be look't at only as an effect of intemperance , and is not to be quarrell'd at , but the cause of it to be blam'd ; and as the chyrurgions searching into the festered place is not a wound , but a discovery of the depth of the sore , in order to its cure ; so are the judgments which god sends on a people only to be regarded as the symptomes of , and means to cure that disorder , and distemperedness within our selves , which doth as it were naturally produce such sufferings . it is not the breaking forth of some inward distemper , which is our sicknesse it self , but 't is rather the effect of it . the spots discernable upon the infected , are not the plague , but the tokens . thus are we to account the most grievous things that light upon us , but as the manifestations and fruits of something worse within us . now look when men by outward signes find out those ill humours that lodge within them , they labour not so much to represse the out-side sore , as to correct and remove the inward cause . he that when the pox comes out upon a child , would drive them in , shall but make sure and hasten his death ; but rather will the wise physitian prescribe means for their kindly coming forth and ripening , that by them the corrupt humours may be vented and vanish . he that is troubled with heats and flushings , arising from his liver , would but play the fool to lay plaisters to himself , but will rather take physick that may inwardly purge him . even thus also suffering having its birth and nourishment from sin , the way for the redress of that is the removal of this . and by no other means can a kindly cure be effected . indeed sometimes an affliction may be taken off in greater wrath , than it was laid on , when people so revolt , that god will strike them no more , but because they are joyned to their idols , will let them alone ; but this is but the making way for sorer judgments to follow . and thus will it be wheresoever we are taken from under the rod , before we are brought under the yoke . if outward sufferings turn to hardnesse of heart ▪ desperate is the case ▪ of such a people or person , however they may applaud themselves in their deliverance ; this is but like a venome which may seem to leave a finger or hand , but strikes up to the heart : this is but a skinning over the sore which will wrankle beyond the possi billty of a cure ; it is but a kind of lightning before death , the surest forerunner and saddest presage , that all our happiness is giving up the ghost and departing from us . now we must needs acknowledge it infinite mercy and goodnesse in our god , when we have reduc't our selves to such a dangerous estate by sin , any way to discover it to us , though by sharp and smarting means , so that these prevent our final ruine . oh that i could inculcate this into my own , and the readers soul , that before we felt any pain , we lodg'd within us a greater evil , and that what we now feel proceeds from the hand of love , if we are wise to improve it . poor man , thou criest out of poverty , losse of relations , sicknesse and pain , but didst thou not know it ? thou carriedst these , yea , and worse than all these about thee before , when yet thou could'st go up and down quietly enough and never complain . couldst thou not swear , be drunk , commit lewdnesse , over-reach , defraud , and oppress thy brother , profane the lords day , neglect the worship of god both in publick and private , make a jest of scripture , and mock at holinesse , and corn , and deride , hate , and persecute the most serious christians ? these , these , oh senslesse sinner , were thy sicknesse and misery ; these conceived and bore about in their bowels , all that sorrow which since they have brought forth . sin goes big with all the most dreadful evils in the world ; even hell it self is its natural off-spring . but alas thou feltst no hurt , no smart in all this . thou couldst grieve the spirit of god , and trample under foot thy redeemers blood , and run fresh spears into his side , and nails into his hands and feet , and yet never once in any sober sadnesse reflect upon thy self , and say , what have i done ? thy sin was thy pleasure , thy sport , thy trade ; so sweet , so profitable , that thou thoughtest it as dear to thee , as thy life it self ; and couldst never believe thou wa'st doing thy self so much mischief , while thou was 't pleasing thy flesh , or filling thy purse . how hard a task had he undertook , that would have gone about then to have convinc't thee that thy most delightful gainful sins , were indeed thy wounds , thy losses , and would be thy undoing ? and yet thus it was . he that is swallowing down poison because its sweet , or wrapt up in gilded pills , is then poisoning himself even whilst the sweetnesse is in his mouth , and his palate is pleased with the relish ▪ though perhaps he may then laugh at him , that cries out it is poison , and bids him therefore as he loves his life , spit it out : what , shall you perswade him that can be hurtful , whose taste is so pleasant ? but even he himself when he feels it burn his heart , and gripe his bowels , and torture his inward parts , will then cry out he is poisoned , and roar out in the anguish and bitter torment which he feels , but all this his pain is but the working of that poison , which then became mortal , whilst it went down so pleasantly . you may hear people when in sufferings , make sad complaints and lamentations , that would even melt ones heart to hear them : then they can cry out , oh my my wife , or husband , or child is dead ! what shall i do ? how can i bear it ? oh what course shall i take to get bread , for my self and family ? cry the poor ; what must we starve for want of relief ? oh how doleful is our case ! and they that are under sicknesse , and strook with the visible hand of god , how do their hearts sink within them like a stone ? how pale and ghastly do their looks of a sudden become ? now they are even at their wits end , oh any thing , any thing for help ? what piteous moans now they can make ! oh their head , their heart , their back ! now with what astonishments and horrors , do they every moment expect to breath out their last ? with what amazing fears , what dark and dismal apprehensions of the state they are entering upon , are they now seiz'd ? what passionate out-cries may you hear from them ? what must they dye ? is there no remedy ? no hope ? must they then leave the world they have lov'd so much , and liv'd in so long ? and bid farewel to their freinds and companions , their houses , and lands , their sports and merriments and gainful trading , and all for ever ! oh that ever they should be born to see such a day ! that their dwellings should be within the reach of the contagion ! that this dreadful death of all others should befall them ! that they should be left thus desolate and forlorn , forsaken of all , abandoned of their nearest relations , in this time of their greatest extremity , when they most need succour and comfort ! thousands such hearty groanings , and bitter wailings may you hear : but had you come in amongst these people , a few days since , oh what quite other kind of men were they ? how jolly and secure , following their pleasures or businesse ; and would it's like have laught at him that should have told them of a death so near , or of the judgment that follows after . how few , alas ! how very few should you have then found amongst them , who did at any time cry out , oh blind mind that is so ignorant of god! oh earnal heart that is so averse from his laws ! oh how unevenly do i walk ! base treacherous wretch that i am , thus to depart from god! vile and unthankful creature , that ever i should offend a god of such mercy and love ! oh that i was delivered from the power of my lusts , the temptations of satan , and all the diseases of my soul ! alas ! instead of such becoming language as this , you might from the most have heard , swearing and cursing , idle songs , filthy and ribbald speeches , or at the best , frothy , foolish , or worldly unprofitable discourse . poor stupid sinner , then thou wast stabbing and destroying thy self , then thou wast seiz'd with the most deadly infection . then had it been no uncharitablenesse , nor absurdity to have set a lord have mercy upon me , in capital letters on thy forehead ; yea , wise and holy men saw it there in that wickedness that broke out in thy life , and lookt on thee as fitter for a pesthouse , than converse ; as one not to be accompanied with , except in order to thy recovery . now must we not all in general say , that it is tender compassion in the great benefactour to mankind , that he will so farre concern himself with us in our miserable estate , as by any means to awaken us to a sense of it , whilst there is any possibility of a cure : sottish wretches , that measure all events by their correspondency to flesh and blood , will not believe there can be love in such sore afflictions . they to whom sin was sweet , will hardly be brought to like well of those potions , which are administred on purpose to make it bitter . how will they loath the physick , who love their very sicknesse ? but all whose eyes god shall open by his providences , will see abundant cause to blesse , and praise him for his love , in working them to a timely apprehension of that , which otherwise had been their ruine . tell me man , is it not a wonderful mercy to be awakened on this side hell , let the means be what they will ? if thy present smart makes thee judge otherwise , couldst thou but come to the speech of those undone souls whose hopes are perisht for ever , they would soon satisfie thee that every thing is tendernesse , and very great mercy that comes to discover sin , and prevent everlasting misery . oh lay this to heart in time man , and stay not too long , till feeling give thee a too clear and undeniable demonstration of this truth . if now thou criest out thou art undone , because thy trading's gone , thy friends dead , or thy self in danger of death , and lookst not about thee to find out , and be affected with greater evils than all these , and so to escape much greater sufferings than yet thou hast felt , 't is but a little while before thou ▪ shalt find arguments reaching to thy very soul , which will make thee acknowledge what i now say . oh then , when thou findest thy self under the vials of divine vengeance , and hast taken up thy residence amongst the devils and damned ghosts in the midst of the burning lake , what slight inconsiderable things not worth the mentioning will all the miseries thou underwentst in thy life-time appear to thee ? what desirable things will the most pinching poverty , the most grievous pain then seem , compar'd to what thou wilt endure ? what very trifles , meer flea-bitings wilt thou then judge famines , plagues , and heaviest judgments that can light upon men whilst in the body ? oh what wouldst thou then give to be where thou wast , when thou thoughtest thy self at the worst ? and wouldst thou entertain such a state with joy and thankfulness , which before thou thoughtest the most miserable that a man could possibly be cast into ? then thou wilt confess , that to be shut up from the society of men , hath nothing of dolefulness in it , compar'd to thy being shut up under the burning wrath of an unreconciled god. then at length , whether thou wilt or no , thou shalt see sin , and cry out of sin , and acknowledge 't is thy sin that hath ruin'd thee . now thou canst in thy cold , faint manner by rote , say thou art a great sinner , and perhaps maist cursorily cry god mercy ; but then from the very inwards of thy soul shalt thou repent of sin , with such a kind of hellish repentance , as is proper to those damned spirits in the midst of their tortures ; such an one as thy predecessour judas felt the beginnings of , when he ran to the halter for comfort . then thou shalt not only with those rev. 16. 11. pour out thy blasphemies against god , the breath of whose fury like a stream of brimstone kindles and keeps alive those unquenchable flames : but thou shalt also load thy self with heavier accusations , than ever any of gods ministers did whilst thou wast upearth . then thou shalt feelingly confess thy self stark mad and besotted , and wonder at thy own stupendious folly , that ever thou shouldst so wilfully and resolutely plunge thy self into that place of woe . and this will be none of the least aggravations of thy torment , to reflect upon those many ways which god us'd with thee to have convinc't thee of thy sin and danger before it had been too late , of all which thou mad'st light , and wouldst not be taught by them ; when the hand of god here was lifted up , thou wouldst not see ; but then thou shalt see , thou shalt know . then thou wilt easily grant , that the sharpest suffering that had so shewn thee sin , as to have sav'd thee from this wrath , had been the happiest providence that ever befell thee . would any man that hath not lost his wits , as well as his gratitude , take it ill from his neighbour that should waken him out of his sweet sleep , when the house is on fire over his ears , yea , though he pinch and beat him black and blue that he may speedily rouze him ? now from all i have said then , i would gather , that the heavy hand of god upon a nation , as it is laid on for sin , so for the most part not meerly for punishment and destruction , but to discover to us the evil of our doings , that they may be repented of , and put away . and so there is much mercy in the midst of these judgments , if they be improv'd to those eads to which their nature is fitted for , and which we are commanded to make of them . the greatest of these calamities to those that remain , are but like the sounding of a trumpet , the giving an alarm , the shooting off a warning-piece , the hanging forth of a white flag , and all speak to this purpose , that though the sins of a nation have been exceeding great and provoking , whereby the anger of the most holy god is justly kindled against them , which he sends these his judgments to testifie , that yet he is willing to put up all former affronts that have been offered , if now at length they will become a reformed people , and with detestation of their sins turn from them unto god and his holy ways ; but if not , that his anger shall not be turned away , but his hand stretched out still , till he hath made a full end of them , and will follow them with judgment after judgment , till they are cast into the lowest hell . so that you see plainly the rod , hath a voice , and is a kind of sermon , but comes nearer to the sense , and will force an observance more than meer words could do . we could chuse whether we would read a bible or good book , or regard a minister or godly neighbour , giving us this very lesson as plainly , but in a more gentle manner . we could stop our ears , or turn our backs , or harden our hearts against all the most awakening , startling truths : we could make a pish of the most dreadful threatnings in the book of god , denounc't against those very sins we committed ; we could laugh at our teachers and reprovers , and scorn at the offers of their love for our recovery . and when we were sunk into such a deplorable estate , wanting nothing of falling head-long into hell , but the withdrawing of that miraculous patience which kept us out every moment , then in infinite mercy did our god , who like a wise physitian , suits his potions to the nature of the disease , and temper of his patients , make bare his arm , and reveal himself and his pleasure to us , in a way most likely to affect us , if we who yet survive , be not obstinately bent upon our own destruction . let us not then murmur or repine : for if our disease be grown to such an height , that without stronger medicines it would be our death , is it not all the reason in the world that we should submit to those prescriptions which are proportion'd to it ? whoever thou art that sufferest , thou hast reason to be content , for it s thy own doing ; thou mightst have hearkned in time to the plain word of god , and so have escap't this severer discipline . thou who wast wilfully deaf to the still voice , is it not of thy self that a message is delivered to thee in such terrible thundrings ? if thou hadst not clos'd thy eyes against the gentle light , they had never been so forcibly held open by the hand of god , to see those things which are as clear as the noon-days sun ▪ if the word of god had sunk into thy soul , thou hadst not thus felt his arrows in thy flesh , nor been taught thus with briars and thorns , like them , judg. 8. 16. god delights not in the smarting and roaring of his creatures ; but yet he that hath bidden parents by the rod of correction to drive out the folly that is bound up in the heart of a child , so he loves the sons of men , that he will not spare his rod when it may ( and if it be not mens own fault , will ) conduce to their advantage . when there is no way but either the gangren'd member , or the life must go , who would not lose that , to save this ? still then here is mercy : afflictions , beside the frightful noise , have a clear sense and meaning ; beside the heat that scorcheth , they have an informing light . god might in a moment have snatch't thee from earth to hell , and there have convinc't thee in such a manner as leaves no room for thy reformation , when as now he hath taken away thy neighbour , and but threatned thee with death , and afforded thee some breathing-time for thy preparation , and for the prevention of the endless death . thou who art reading these lines , mightest have been the first at whom god had level ▪ d his arrows ; thou mightest have been snatch't out of the world suddenly , without any other warning than the word had given thee , as it may have hapned to others . but since it hath not thus befaln thee , whatever thou maist feel or fear further , thou canst not but acknowledge god treats thee very graciously . whilst thou art on this side hell , thou maist learn much by the severest dispensations ; and though this seem a cutting , piercing way of teaching , yet is it ( as i said before ) best suited to thy dulness and senslessness , and most likely to prevail with thee , as not needing so much the pains of a particular application to thy self , which thou wouldst not be brought to in the hearing of the most searching sermons . 't was but forgetting them , and there was an end of all ; but now god speaks words which may be felt , that shall stick longer by thee , and upon which he will keep thy most serious thoughts whether thou wilt or no. it did require indeed deep and frequent consideration to convince thy self of thy lost undone estate by reason of sin , whilst thou wast swimming in plenty and prosperity , and couldst bid thy soul take its ease : alas ! what was it to hear of the wrath of god , a never-dying worm , an unquenchable fire , whilst men felt all well with themselves ; and lookt upon those very sins as essential to their happiness , which the word represented as their misery ? they were not then likely to think very ill of them whilst they perceiv'd no hurt they did them ; but now when god shall manifest his hatred ( and consequently the evil ) of sin by demonstrations reaching to the very bone , he that groans under these loads , may very readily infer , that surely sin is an exceeding great evil , which pulls down such judgments from a compassionate god : which yet at the highest , are but forerunners of infinitely worse to follow , even everlasting destruction from the presence of the lord without timely repentance . and when thou hast so far made advantage of thy afflictions , as thence to inform thy self of the evil of sin in general , and of thy particular sin ; to know that sin is a plague , and to know what is the plague of thy own heart , then thou art in a very fair way towards deliverance and healing . and this is made evident to us by the words of solomon which we propounded at the beginning , which i intend not particularly to insist on , but to make them the foundation of a more general and laxe discourse . the import of them seems to be this , that any man under any calamity whatever , that should be sensible of the sin that procured it , and betake himself to god , by prayer and true repentance , for him the wise man prays , that he may have audience and mercy . for such a man is fit to have the plaister taken off his sore , on whom it hath had a kindly influence , answerable to the end whereunto god sent it ; namely , to shew his sin , humble him for , and turn him from it . two things on the by only , i shall hint from these words , 1. that we may very well turn this prayer of solomon's into a promise , and conclude that what he beg'd of god , and that with a particular reference to the children of israel , shall be granted to every man , in any place performing the conditions here described . 2. note , that under the work know , is compriz'd the whole performance of all that is required in other places of scripture , in order to the obtaining of the pardon of sin , and the removal of those judgments which it had procured . there is nothing more common in holy writ , than the making words of knowledge , inclusive of the affections and practice also . to know god , frequently comprehends our whole duty to him ; for our knowledge of him being the beginning and ground-work of all other duties , and producing them where it is in clearnesse and power , may very well be put for all . according to this is our english phrase , i 'le make you know your superiours , that is , perform your duty to them . so here to know the plague of our own heart ( by which is meant sin , the disease of the soul ) is as much as to be convinc't of it , to see its odiousnesse , to be lively humbled for , and sincerely resolved to forsake it . that it must be a working practical knowledge , not resting in meer conviction , is evident from the foregoing words , which mention the prayer proceeding from those who know the plague of their own hearts ; the same also follows , and spread forth their hands to this house ; that is , make their addresses to god , with some kind of particular reference to the temple , where he did in a more special manner reside and manifest himself ; and thus daniel in captivity opened his window toward jerusalem , dan. 6. 10. now he that should thus come to god ; what is it for ? not only for deliverance , but also to confesse sin , the cause of his misery ; and if so , then must he be truly grieved for his provocations of the most holy god , and this could not be without promises , and purposes of a reformation . now i need not stand to prove what i before mentioned , that whoever is thus affected shall , if not be freed from the temporal affliction he lies under , yet , be secured from the hurt of it , and have greater blessings bestowed ; this , i say , i need not stand to prove , the scripture being everywhere so full of examples and promises that demonstrate it . and indeed it is fully evidenc't in the very tenour of the covenant of grace , which assures pardon , and salvation , and all things truly good for us , upon the condition of our coming to , and receiving christ ; which none can do , but they who are sensible of their need of him , who have seen the evil of sin , both as to its nature and effects , and are desirous to be delivered from the guilt , and pollution ; and this sense of sin , and aversion from it in heart and life , is true repentance , and upon condition of this it was that soloman pray'd for , and god frequehtly promiseth mercy , and particularly see his answer to this very prayer , and the promise he made to grant it , 2 chron. 7. 13 , 14. wherever then the judgments of god , are more eminently inflicted on a people , it is a sign there are some hainous transgressions which have deserved them . if the plague , or any such calamity , seize a nation , it speaks this much , that there is a plague in the hearts of that people ; some such wickednesse which provok'd god , to pour out his wrath upon them . sin is as the body , suffering usually as the shadow that attends it ; the one is as fire , the other as smoak that proceeds from it . wherefore by the putting away of sin only , can we escape the threatned wrath , or rescue our selves out of that we feel . this is very plain , if the knowledge and removal of the plague of our hearts , conduce to our recovery , then our being seiz'd with it was our misery : and therefore the cause being removed , the effect will follow . if the entertainment of sheba into abel , bring joab and an army against it , then to deliver him to them is the only way to procure their departure , 2 sam. 20. these several truths then are plain , and the words we have taken notice of naturally afford them . 1. that god is the supream efficient cause of all the sufferings we lie under . is there evil in a city , ( of affliction that is ) and hath not he done it ? 2. it is for the sin of a people , that god lays these sufferings upon them . 3. it is a most proper seasonable duty , in times of such calamity , to make enquiry into our wayes , that we may discover what is most likely to be the cause ; what is that achan that trouble us ? this is the great thing whereof we are call'd in the day of adversity to consider ; and accordingly , the most of my business in my following discourse , shall be the practice of this direction : for i shall not particularly handle any of these observations . 4. if we finding out oursin , bewail and abhor it , put it far from us , and betake our selves to god for mercy and pardon , then will he hear in heaven , and forgive ; remove from us our miseries , and restore his loving-kindness . i shall only answer one objection by the way , and so pass on to what i chiefly design . some may say , they have been sensible of , and in some measure humbled for sin , and yet notwithstanding , have been held under as sharp and as long sufferings as others . here we must distinguish ( 1 ) betwixt national and personal judgments : ( 2 ) betwixt the ends and reasons why they are inflicted : ( 3 ) betwixt the cross and the curse of it . and so i answer . ( 1. ) if the judgment be national , as sword , famine , captivity , some great mortality , and this sent for a national common sin , it cannot here be expected , that the humiliation of some few particular persons should always serve for the averting such calamities . nay , the righteous themselves may be involved in them ; as we find there were many good men carried captive with the rest into babylon , amongst which , were daniel , and the three children . indeed sometimes we read of one or more standing in the gap , and preventing a deluge of wrath , as moses oft did , but there was then also some kind of general humiliation ; for of the people , it s said , when god slew , then they sought him ▪ psal . 78. 34. and though moses prevailed thus far , that they might not utterly be destroyed , yet very sore judgments were frequently laid upon them . noah deliver'd himself and family only , not the old world. lot himself and children , but not sodom and gomorrah ; though then god graciously condescended to have spared them all for the sake of ten righteous persons , could they have been found amongst them . but at another time , so great and general were the sins of the jews , that god tells this prophet , though noah , samuel , and daniel were there , they should only deliver their own souls , ezek. 14. 14. ordinarily , 't is an humiliation in some competent measure proportion'd to the sin which must appease the wrath of god broke out upon a people . when all nineveh had sinned , and was threatned , it must be a general repentance that could prevent the execution of those threatnings . ( 2. ) though particular persons may not by their reformation procure mercy to a whole land , nor yet free themselves from the outward stroak which lights upon the body of the nation , yet shall not their labour be lost , but god will have a special eye to them in the common ruin ; and what is in wrath to others , shall be in love to them . they shall have either such preservation from , or deliverance out of the temporal calamity ; or such support in , and advantage by it , that they shall have abundant reason to acknowledge , that their repentance and supplications were not in vain . fear not , poor christian , if thou be but a mourner in zion , one whose heart bleeds for thine own and others transgressions ; though thy dwelling be in the midst of profane , rebellious sinners , yet thou shalt not be lost in a croud . it is not the oaths , and blasphemies , and crying sins of those about thee , that shall drown thy prayers : but god will hear , and one way or other graciously answer them . if thy soul , thy everlasting life be given thee for a prey ( as a temporal life was promised to ebedmelech , jer. 39. 19. and to baruch , jer. 45. 5 ) thou hast sure no reason to complain . what though the same disease , and death seize thee , as doth them ? it comes not for the same reason , nor shall it have the same effect . what though thou wast carried in the same ship with traitors into another countrey , where they are to be executed , and thou advanc'd to the highest dignity , was this any hurt to thee ? if death take thee from the pressures of all sorts , under which thou maist now groan , and from the evil to come , and translate thee into the glorious presence and full fruition of the ever-blessed god , this is sure a different thing from being snatch't away from thy happiness into the society and torments of the devil and his angels . wherefore thou hast good reason to acknowledge gods distinguishing mercy in those his dealings with thee , which to sense may be the same with what others meet with . i might add also the spiritual advantages which accrue to the godly by afflictions sanctified , but the other contains this in it , and much more . ( 3. ) thy afflictions may perhaps be more for trial , than punishment ; and so may be continued , notwistanding thy endeavour to find out and forsake sin ; but when they have wrought that particular end for which god sent them , they shall be removed . or they may befall thee for the cause of god , and a testimony of a good conscience , and then thou hast more cause to rejoyce in them , than impatiently to seek their removal . whatever they be , see thou make this use of them , to be more deeply humbled for , and set against sin , which is remotely at least , the cause of all suffering ; and to demean thy self patiently and submissively under the mighty hand of god , and in his due time he will exalt thee . it being then evident , that the knowledge of sin is so necessary to the removing the heavy hand of an offended god from off an afflicted nation , surely , the great work we are all call'd to in this day of our sore visitation , is to give all diligence to know why it is that god contendeth with us ; and wherein we have incenst him thus , to pour out his wrath upon us ; that so we turning from our particular sins , he may turn away his anger , and comfort us . and in order to this , it is the duty of every one , who is an inhabitant of the land , in the first place to call himself to a strict account , and impartially to look into his heart , and review his life , and see what he hath done towards the hastening these judgments upon us , and accordingly apply himself to god , to do his utmost for their removal . every man hath brought a faggot to the kindling of the common flame , wherefore every man should bring his bucket to quench it . and here let me warn every soul to beware of a most dangerous temptation , wherewith its like they 'l be assaulted , to wit , to think but very meanly , and sleightly of their own particular sins , as if they had little or no influence , to the bringing on us such grievous calamities ; and that partly out of self-love , which makes us very tender how we accuse our selves , and ready to extenuate all our own faults ; partly , because we may yet be free from the smart , and therefore take but a cold superficial view of our selves ; and partly , because when we look upon the evils in grosse under which the nation lies , we can discern no proportion betwixt them , and our personal offences , and this comes much from our ignorance of the hainous nature of the least sin . now reflect on thy self , reader , and tell me , hast thou not been very ready in the general to cry out , that 't is for the sins of the nation we are now afflicted ; and to flie out very bitterly against this party , or that ; this abuse , and the other corruption in church or state , but in the mean time , hast been very backward , to charge and accuse thy self , as thou oughtest , as if thou wast not a member of this sinful and suffering nation . let thy conscience answer whether this hath not been thy way , and judge whether this be a just performance of thy duty . if every person thus shift it from himself , where will repentance be found , and what 's like to become of us ? if there were an army to go forth against the enemy , and one person should draw back , and say , what can he do ? he cannot be mist in such a multitude , nor can he do much against such a numerous force , and therefore desires he may stay at home ; and another come , and use the same excuse , and so a third ; and at length all that have the same reason , ( which indeed every man may pretend to ) what 's like to become of the war ? and yet alas ! how doth this senselesse objection , generally prevail in the world , in a case somewhat different from this , viz : hindring that couragious zeal , and industry , for the promoting of religion , and for the destruction of the devils kingdom , which beseems every member of christ hat is listed into his service , by the baptismal covenant , wherein he was engaged to fight under the banner of christ , and that without putting in this condition , that he should have good store of company to joyn with , and back him : for without this he may come off a conquerour . but yet now cries one , what can i do against an overflowing torrent of wickedness ? what can i , a weak , and single person do , for the advancement of holiness , against a wicked raging multitude ? what canst thou do ? why , thou canst strive and dye , canst not ? but what then , shall no-body do any thing , because every man is but one , and hath many difficulties to encounter ? or wilt thou therefore do nothing , because thou canst not expect a successe answerable to thy desires ? or may we not joyn , and unite our strength , and all set to a shoulder , for the carrying on of the work of the lord ? be sure thou shalt always have difficulties to try thee : for 't is thy heart god calls for , he needs not thy hands . why , man , if thou wast alone in all the world , having such a leader and captain as christ , wouldst thou not stick to his cause , and keep to his colours , and die fighting ? if not , thou deservest not the name of a christian . and if there be so few who seek the things of christ , with how much more vigour and resolution ought those few to bestir themselves ; and not also forsake their lord , because the rest of the world do ? but still they should imagine they hear the awakening words of christ to his disciples , sounding in their ears , what , will ye forsake me also ? but this was a digression . let not then , i say , the consideration of thy being a single person , abate any thing of the measures of thy sorrow for sin : for if all do thus , as all may have the same ground , there will be none found to charge sin on themselves , and acknowledge gods justice in all his sharp dispensations . wherefore , whoever thou art , into whose hands these lines may fall , my earnest request to thee , yea , my strict injunction , is this , that thou presently get alone , and soberly sit down to the intent study of thy self : beg of god , to help thee in this work , and do thou endeavour with all faithfulnesse , as in his sight , who will shortly judge thee before all the world , to rip open to thy self all the baseness that hath been lodg'd in thy heart , all the lusts that have been entertained there . and consider well thy life , what known sins thou hast been guilty of , what duties thou hast omitted . and then with all speed and seriousnesse , betake thy self to god , acknowledg thy own vileness , plainly confess , that 't is this or that thy sin , thy loosness , thy covetousness , thy pride , idlenesse , or voluptuousnesse , that may have helpt forward his anger . and own it as a token of undeserved grace , that all manner of woes have not seiz'd upon thee , in thy own person ; that whilst so many are afflicted , and taken out of the world before thee , thou hast warning and leave to prepare , for what may befall thee . and see that thou labour to represent sin to thy self , with all its heightning circumstances , and aggravations , that the review of it may more deeply affect thee ; help thy meditations with those doleful miseries so many now lie under , and that in part for thy sins , which yet are but the beginning of woes to the impenitent ; and then think , if these are no jesting matters , what is the sin that procur'd them : think of that matchless love , that continued patience , that clear light , those great engagements , purposes , and frequent promises , that thou hast sinned against ; till at length , these considerations work thee to such an apprehension of sin , that thou canst not conceive of any suffering suited to its demerit , but the everlasting wrath of the most dreadful majesty : and till thou acknowledge not only thy contributing to the present calamity ▪ but that if the rest of the nation had been like thee , it would surely have been all in flames before now . be sincere and thorow in this humiliation of soul , and take heed of neglecting any such consideration as may help on the same . review thy self , thy place , and relations , and what in them was expected from thee , which thou failedst in performing , and accordingly lay it to heart , and judge and condemn thy self and behaviour . if in any place of honour and service , thou hast not improved thy interest for the rooting out of sin , and advancement of holiness , account thy negligence aggravated by the greatness of the talents thou wast entrusted with . wast thou a man of wealth , wit , power ; a magistrate , a minister , a master of a family ? take a strict account of , and humbly bewail thy unfaithfulness to thy several trusts , and thy carelesness of those duties which thy place did peculiarly engage thee to . and do not think when thou hast discovered , and confess'd sin , that then thy work is over , as if ▪ by thy formalities thou hadst purchased to thy self a dispensation to continue in it ; like many , that think they serve god sufficiently by going to church , and saying their prayers , and in the mean while make this their serving him , but a kind of indulgence for their sinning against him . but when thou hast made this progress , thy next work in order to the obtaining of a pardon , is , seriously and deliberately to resolve upon the putting away far from thee every known sin , upon mortifying thy dearest lusts , and upon a faithful performance of those duties common to all christians , and those thy talents or relations call for . if thou hast been a debauch't , or covetous person ; a careless mispender of thy money or time ; an extortioner , or oppressour ; a racking landlord , or cheating tradesman ; a sabbath-breaker , and neglecter of duty to god , publick or private ; or hast liv'd in any the like sins , enter now into a solemn covenant with god , that by the assistance of his almighty grace , thou wilt never more allow thy self in such a course of impiety . if thou hast abused thy riches , and laid them out only in making provisions for thy own or others lusts ; if thou thoughtest thy dignity above others , did dispense thee a liberty of sinning without controll , and accordingly hast misimprov'd it ; if thou hast been unfaithful in the execution of justice , with which thou wast entrusted , neither looking after sin to punish it , nor punishing it when it was revealed to thee , but hast rather been a terrour to good works , than to evil ; if as a minister , thou hast been regardless of the souls of those committed to thy oversight , only striving to enrich thy self , not better thy people , practising those sins thou hast preach'd against ; or , if as ruler of a family , thou hast been negligent , not setting up the worship of god in thy house , but gone from one day to another without so much as a serious prayer , nor hast instructed thy children , nor servants in the fear of the lord ; whatever , in a word , thy trust and unfaithfulness to it hath been , confess and lament the same , and resolve for the future to do thy utmost to discharge thy duty , to answer and fill up thy several relations . and here again , let not any insist on that silly objection before mention'd ; what can my repentance do to the diverting of judgments that flow in upon us like a deluge ! for if all , i say , use this , who is it must pacifie gods wrath by their reformation ? but , if thou for thy part wilt practise what i have here cursorily directed , thou knowest not but others may do so also ; and so , if every one would set to this work , thy cavil would be wholly silenc'd and answer'd . but again , thou wouldest grant it to some purpose for the whole body of the people to joyn in hearty humiliation and amendment of their wayes , and know , that as to the greatest benefit that would accrue to a nation by such a general repentance , thou shalt procure it to thy self by this personal performance of thy duty ; that is , either the affliction it self shall be kept , or taken off thee , or laid on in so much mercy , that thou thy self shalt , either here , or in another world , bless god for the the same . and i hope this advantage is not inconsiderable , when on the other hand thou remembrest , how certainly thy impenitence will cause thy everlasting , as well as temporal ruine . and take notice from the text , that god will render to every particular man according to his wayes ; but this i have before said something to . oh that now there were in us all such resolutions unfeignedly to search our hearts , and reform our lives , and with our whole souls turn to the lord our god , from whom we have revolted ! what blessed effects should we find of this wise and dutiful demeanour ! oh that i knew how to perswade poor souls to this course , before their deadly enemy , who now doth all he can to harden and stupifie them , shall be fully seiz'd of them , past all possibility of a delivery ; then scorning at all our endeavours , and challenging us to do our best for the rescue of such undone souls , who must be tormented by him , by whom they would be ruled . but if thou art so far perswaded of the reasonablenesse of this duty i have been pressing upon thee , that thou art desirous to know thy self and sins , wouldest gladly find out , that thou mightest expel the plague of thy own heart ; that i may do something farther to help thee in thy self-examination , i shall briefly endeavour to discover what those sins in our nation are , for which especially we are now plagued by the visible hand of god : and the lord awaken us all seriously to lay to heart , and remove them far from us , that so god having accomplish't his own designs upon us , may lay by his rod , and shew us his wonted favour . and let me beseech thee , reader , to accompany me with thy conscience , and let thy eye still be turned off from the book upon thy self , and if thou seest thy own actions described , cry out , guilty , guilty , i am the man ; and so proceed in thy duty , as i have before directed , and shall not again repeat , except on the by. in the prosecution of this design , i shall say something , 1. of those notorious crying sins which are to be found amongst us ; of which , i shall need to say the lesse , because they are so visible upon us , and so readily acknowledged to be what they are , and because so many books are written to shame and suppress them . 2. i shall proceed to lay open some such abuses and corruptions amongst us , which are not only sinful in themselves , but also in part , secret causes of the former , which yet perhaps may not be apparent to , nor acknowledged as such by all . and once again , let me desire every reader to place himself , as at the bar of god , and so to passe a true judgment upon himself ; and not to quarrel with the physitian , instead of falling out with the disease ; nor be more averse from hearing the discoveries of the plague of his own heart , than he would be to hear his physitian tell the symptoms of the plague , to convince him he was struck with it , whil'st all this was but in order to his recovery . whoever thou art that are guilty , 't is thou hast wounded thy self ; i would willingly shew thee thy sores , that they might in time be healed ; if thy resolution not to have search't into them , make them uncurable , though i may never have thy thanks for the offer of my help , yet i know whom thou wilt accuse as the cause of thy destruction , which i would fain have prevented , and shall do what i may in order thereto . 1. in the front of those abominations under the effects whereof we groan , we may well place adultery , fornication and lasciviousness , whether we consider the provoking nature , or the commonness hereof amongst us . this is a sin we often find attended with exemplary punishments in scripture ; for this , together with their idolatry , we read of a plague inflicted upon the israelites , numb . 25. whereof dyed 24000. for davids commission of this but once , it was threatned to him , that the sword should never depart from his house , 2 sam. 12. 10. and in the new testament especially , how frequent are the prohibitions , and how severe the threatnings denounc'd against it ? whoremongers and adulterers , in a peculiar manner , god will judge . and for these things sake especially , we are told , comes the wrath of god upon the children of disobedience . how strict is our saviours exposition of the seventh commandment , making a lustful glance the breach of it ? and upon the mention of that , immediately follows the threatning of the whole body being cast into hell , without the cutting off the right hand , and plucking out the right eye , the subduing the dearest lusts , and renouncing the sweetest sins , matth. 5. 28 , 29 , 30. with what repetitions of the same do we find it mentioned , where it 's spoken against , inculcated again and again , to take the deeper impression ? and when the lusts of the flesh are named , usually this is reckoned for the greater part of them in various expressions , signifying much what the same thing , coloss . 3. 5. mortifie therefore , &c. fornication , uncleanness , inordinate affection , evil concupiscence , eph. 5. 3 , 4. gal. 5. 19. now the works of the flesh are manifest , which are these , adultery , fornication , vncleanness , lasciviousness . this sin we find much aggravated by the apostle , 1 cor. 6. 13 , 14. to the end ; as that which in a particular manner defiles a man , and renders him indisposed for the in-dwellings of the holy spirit . this loathsom wickedness doth especially soften and brutifie men , and sinks them from god into the sensitive life , and stupifies the higher parts of the soul , and renders them unqualified for a converse with that god , who commands all that will approach him , to be holy , as he is holy. and this is a sinne which upon many accounts , breeds as much confusion and disorder in the world , as it does in particular mens souls : it must needs therefore incense the most high god , to see his creatures endued with reason for the governance of themselves , to whom he hath prescribed rules for their walking , to degenerate into such effeminate impotence , as to be hurried away by their own lusts , to such bestial uncleanness . but alas ! how notoriously infamous is our nation grown for filthiness and lewdness ! it cannot now be charged on the pope alone , that publick stews are erected within his jurisdiction ; only yet here 's this difference , those are ( if history , and common report speak truth ) licenc't : ours are not demolish't . nor yet perhaps are ours so publick , or certainly known , but yet too publick they are , to the disgrace of our nation , and holy profession . insomuch that one would think venice was lost from its foundation , and floated into england . it is not the loathsomnesse of that disease which in a just judgment attends it , that will deter men from this more loathsom sin : yea , so common is it grown , that by many 't is look'd upon as a very light matter , no way so hainous as god and his preachers would make it . and they are ready to censure his laws as severe , for not allowing them the priviledges of bruits ; so strangely doth frequency in sin , wear out the sense of it ! and a sensual life doth even blind the understanding , and bribe the conscience ; till at length with much ado , men almost perswade themselves , that they may do what they have often done , and are resolved still to persist in . whoredom , wine , and new wine take away the heart , hos . 4. 10 , 11. even in a literal sense , the spirit of whoredoms cause men to erre . and can it seem strange , if at length god make use of arguments , which such brutish creatures themselves are capable of , to prove to them , that their filthiness is highly provoking to his glorious majesty , who is of purer eyes , than to endure to behold the least iniquity . his word condemned this before , as plainly as it could speak ; but vile wretches , whose senses are their masters , would not understand it ; they acknowledged not his commands , they either believed not , or would not consider his threatnings ; his promises of an everlasting glory , were too thin and spiritual for them to relish , or be allured by . what tell ye them of rivers of pleasures at gods right hand ? they must have their dirt to tumble and wallow in . take those who will for them , they must have their chambering and wantonnesse , and lustful dalliances . nothing must go for reason , with them which contradicted their sensual desires ; and is it not just , they should then be dealt with sutable to their natures ? that since nothing else would do it , sense and feeling may at length assure them , their sweet and pleasant sins are a displeasure to god , and most pernicious to themselves : and if neither seeing the beginning of gods wrath upon others , nor feeling it themselves will prevail with them , god hath judgments in store that shall extort from them , will they , or will they not , most passionate and hearty acknowledgments , that whilest they were satisfying their lusts , they were most studiously contriving their own ruine , and treasuring up wrath for themselves against the day of wrath . if neither poverty , nor shame , pox , nor plague can bring them to such a confession , hell shall bring them to this , and much more . but as if we were not content with those ordinary sins of adultery and fornication , 't is reported that we have amongst us , beside the effeminate , abusers of themselves with mankind also . this in italy had been no such monstrous thing , but can it be accounted lesse in england ? both heathen and popish rome indeed , hath still been infamous for this , amongst other abominations ; and thence 't is most probable , we have derived sodomy , as well as popery . and 't is well , if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all other projects , for the promotion of holy church , this be 〈…〉 to debauch our gentry , the better to dispose them for the embracing of t●at religion , which can afford them indulgences at so cheap a rate . now let any man but seriously consider the holinesse of god , his infinite purity and justice , and withall reflect upon his omnipresence , his all-searching eye that is upon the most secret actions ; think but how he hath been a witnesse of all that lewdnesse that hath been committed in all places , in the greatest privacies and retirements , not bars and bolts could keep him out , not drawn curtains , nor the darkest night could hide impure sinners from his view ; consider we but these things , and shall we wonder if for these wickednesses the lord be wroth with us , and pour out the vyals of his fury upon us ? how justly might god take up the complaint against us , which he did against israel , jer. 5. 2 , 8. when i had fed them to the full , they then committed adultery , and assembled themselves by troops in the harlots houses : they were as jed horses in the morning , every one neighed after his neighbours wife . and what follows , ver . 9. shall i not visit for these things , saith the lord ? and shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? and oh now , that all those , whose consciences condemn them for these things , would presently arise , and take shame to themselves , and do no more so wickedly , lest worse things yet befall them . and the good lord awaken those that are in authority , to greater vigilance and industry for the future , in searching after , punishing and suppressing this impiety wherewith we are so polluted ; that the visitation now upon us , which hath so much the same cause with that laid on the israelites , num. 25. may also have the same speedy and effectual cure , which we may read , psal . 106. 29 , 30. thus they provok't him to anger with their inventions , and the plague brake in upon them . then stood up phinehas , and executed iudgment , and so the plague was stayed . the two next sins i shall mention , may passe for appendices to this first , as having been too apparent promoters of it ; which yet if they were not , may upon other accounts be deservedly reckoned amongst the provoking sins of the land. 2. the former , is the licentiousnesse of the stage , where wickednesse , and amongst other sorts , wantonnesse is more effectually taught , than it is decryed in the pulpit . let their favourers talk what they will , of their advancing virtue , and shaming vice , i should put it amongst one of the wonders of the times , to hear of any man reform'd by a play. if to hear others , be the way to make men leave them ; if to hear the sacred name of god profaned , his word jested with , religion it self derided , be the way to make men devout ; if to hear lascivious discourse , and see impudent persons and actions , be the way to get modesty , then let us all flock to the play-house . and next , from the same reason , let youth be brought up in a brothel-house , to learn chastity ; at a tavern , to avoid drunkennesse ; at a gaming-house , to keep them from cursing and swearing . i have heard but few count it any great wisdom in that nation , where they were wont to make their servants drunk , to shew their children the odiousnesse of it ; and surely there was lesse charity in it , to make some commit wickednesse , that they might prevent it in others . but when vice shall be represented , yea , and commendably too , 't is very great odds ; but that they will soon turn actors when they are gone away , who were even now spectators of it . what is to be learn't at the play-house , let the conversations of most that plead for , and haunt them , evidence . and from the lives , to the consciences of the greatest admirers of a play , do i appeal , whether ever they got any real good from them , and whether they have not oft got evil . the precious time that is mispent either in seeing , or afterwards talking of them , is not to be look't on as a thing of nothing ; however it be sleighted by those wretched sotts , that knowing neither god nor themselves , have more time than they know well what to do with , and therefore are glad to run to their playes and sports , for nothing else but to help them away with it ; and let not such complain , if a plague at once ease them of all that trouble , and carry them into an eternity , where they shall never more have one of those precious moments which here they were weary of , and knew not how to improve . and if they knew nothing they had to do here , but please themselves , god will cast them into a world , where he will find them employment enough , but of such a nature , that they shall wish a thousand and a thousand times over , that they had spent all their dayes in the greatest diligence and strictnesse to have prevented it . let the giddy carelesse ones of the world cry as long as they will , what hurt is there in this , or the other recreation or merriments , that only wasts their time ? if there was any hurt in the fire and brimstone that fell upon sodom , that which caus'd it , was no such harmlesse thing ; and amongst the sins of that city , abundance of idlenesse is nam'd for one , ezek. 16. 49. again , were it nothing else but that vanity and frothinesse of mind , and unfitnesse for all religious duties , which playes naturally produce , i think this was enough to make all sober persons regard them as little better than pest-houses : and had our gallants look't on them as such , and accordingly shun'd them , they might not have had occasion to avoid those which are more dreadful , but lesse hurtful . would our wanton youth , and idle dames have kept out of these places of infection , where folly and lightnesse tainted them both by their eyes and ears , there might have been no such infected places , which they are now so careful to avoid . for my own part , i must needs say , that i took it for a dishonourable reflection upon our english prelacy , which a modern poet makes his observation , in a preface to a book of comedies , put forth in these late times , that bishops and playes went down together . and sure , if they could have hindred it , 't is as little for their honour , that they have both been restor'd together . i can scarce ( but that i should prevent my self ) forbear crying out , when preachers mouths are stopt ; and players opened , what sad effects are like to follow ! surely the primitive christians , whose moroseness in refusing to behold the romane spectacula ( whatever difference there may be betwixt them , and our stage-plays ) was one great crime objected against them , would not have thought such lewd and immodest shews agreeable with their profession . but what talk i of them , a company of sullen souls , much what like the people , we are wont to laugh at for puritans ? it is not my business now to argue , what a play is in it self , or what it may possibly be refind'd to ; but i speak of them with all those corruptions with which they are now attended . and i would hope the same policy , a little more improv'd , which hath shut up the play-houses now , to prevent the spreading of the infection , will keep them so , to hinder its return : whoever may be displeased with this motion , i am very confident , god is not , and then i am indifferent who is . 3. the latter of the two sins , which i mention'd , as related to the first particular , is pride ; and here amongst all the sorts of it , which might very well deserve our notice , and with which no doubt god is provok'd , here i mean especially pride of apparel : a sin grown either so impudent , or so universal , that our pulpits do of late days seldom meddle with it . i am sometimes ready to think , ministers are asham'd to concern themselves with such low and ridiculous things ; ( though i wish they are not silent for fear of offending their fine hearers , which may chance to be of the best in the parish . ) but if people will be so ridiculous and vain , and manifest such childishness and folly , surely their teachers must follow them , and condiscend to discover to them all their mistakes , and the subtle ways of the deceiver of souls , who is very ready to play at any game for the ruine of poor creatures ; and holds more in his slavery by this very vanity we are now insisting on , than is ordinarily thought : we may find the great apostles not thinking it below them to give precepts in this matter , 1 pet. 3. 3 , 4 , 5. whose adorning , let it not be that outward adorning of plaiting the hair , or wearing of gold , or putting on of apparel , &c. so also 1 tim. 2. 9 , 10. in like manner also , that women adorn themselves in modest apparel , with shamefastness and sobriety , not with broidered hair , or gold , or pearls ▪ or costly array ; but , which becometh women professing godliness with good works . which commands how they have been violated , it concerns the guilty to lay to heart . as i would not be thought of their opinion , who place their religion so much in meats , drinks , or apparel , whether papists in the former , or quakers in the latter ; so i am as far from thinking , that religion extends not to these things : for though it be seated in the heart , it gives laws to the outward man. i rememember , it is an observation of a most judicious and learned divine , that few of those errours or sects that have rose up amongst us , but have call'd upon us , to have regard to some neglected truth or duty , as he instanceth in several ; and to adde one more , i think the quakers are risen up , keeping such a stirre about ribbonds , cuffs , and lace , and such like things , to shame and condemn all , especially the more strict professours of religion , for that very great liberty they have assum'd to themselves in their bravery , gaudiness , and changeableness of apparel . had the professours of these latter times , made those of the former ( who were yet as careful of their hearts as any ) their patterns in this matter , they had spoil'd the poor quaker of half his religion , and not given him an occasion to bring up a sect , that should go in plain and modest cloathing . but wise are they who shun both extreams . doubtlesse , this pride in the outward man , is no such a sleight matter as 't is commonly made . see isa . 3. 16. because the daughters of zion are haughty , and walk with stretch'tforth necks , and wanton eyes — therefore will the lord smite with a scab the crown of the head of the daughters of zion . and have we not had multitude , such walking in our streets ? read on that chapter from the 16 verse to the end , and tell me then whither god take not notice of , and is not displeas'd with this vanity , and curiosity in apparel . is not this indeed to be proud of our shame , since cloaths themselves had not been us'd , but for that shame which sin introduc't ? and i may well annex this to the sin of wantonnesse , both as discovering and promoting it : for what 's the design of all that art , cost , and pains that persons bestow upon attiring themselves , but to appear handsome and well set out ? and what 's this for , but to couch others eyes to be fixt on them ? what are naked breasts , and painted , and spotted faces design'd for , but as trapans and snares for the wanton beholders ? and the dresse it self by the lascivious is made but a more plausible kind of pander . it may be worth the noting , that the word rendred effeminate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 6. 9. is joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and signifies soft clothing , matth. 11. 8. which may intimate to us , that there is some relation betwixt such clothing and effeminency . and whereas by the texts above mentioned , it seems that women only were wont to be guilty of this folly ; the delicate youths of our time , will not suffer that sex to engrosse this sin , and shame to themselves , but are resolved to go sharers . oh the intolerable expence of money and time , for the satisfaction of this base monstruous pride ! how many naked backs might be cloathed with half that cost , which is lavish't to put a man in a fools coat , or to hang about them such baubles , as may serve people to stare at ? and let the guilty bethink themselves how to answer this their liberality upon their lusts , in the day of severe account , when all talents shall be reckoned for . by that time at the farthest , if they be not convinc't that persons of honour and estates , had been better distinguish'd by their examples of charitableness , than by gaudy garments , or rich jewels , let me pass for a false prophet . though i spe●k not this of those robes and ornaments of the magistrate , which are necessary for distinction sake , and to acquire greater reverence to his place and person . but let all those who are at so much charge in their attire , to let the world know they are some-body , remember this , that god entrusted them not with estates for them thus to make shew of , but to use for his service . and i think any body will say , that he 's an unfaithful steward with a witnesse , who when his lord hath given him money to lay out in necessary uses , shall throw it about streets , to let people know what store of money he hath the keeping of : thou who canst condemn such an one , see thou do nothing like him . whoever thou art that hast been guilty of this fault , surely thou wilt acknowledge this is a day that calls for the laying aside of thy braveries and ornaments , and rather to cover thy self with sackcloth and ashes . but if yet thy pride will not suffer thee to part with them , bethink thy self what thy naked soul shall wear in that place whither god hath expresly threatned to turn the proud . dives there must not have his silk and fine linnen , but instead of them , the purple flames are his unchangeable cloathing . is it any wonder then , if as the israelites were plagued for worshipping the idol which was made of their ear-rings and jewels , exod. 32. 3 , 35. we meet with the same punishment for a sin not much different , even for making such toyes themselves our idols . strange judgments may well follow strange apparel ; yea , such that wear it , god hath plainly threatned , zeph. 1. 8. and what strange apparel for both men and women have the devil , pride , and fraunce help't us to ? and they who caught this sin one of another , pleading fashion for their justification , are they not justly afflicted with a disease that is contagious too ? the spots which pride and wantonnesse , those plagues of the heart , sent into the face before , are they not fitly punish't with spots of another hue ! is it not exceeding just , that they who were so far fal'n in love with their comely carkasses , that they were wholly devoted to deck and trim them ; should have such loathsom botches , and noisom biles and risings upon them , as might convince them how little better than carrion is that flesh they so much pamper and adorn ? and let them now think what pleasure or ease is to be had from putting on their splendid finest array , when the plague-sores shall be running upon them ; even much-what the same that herod had from his royal apparel , when he was eaten up of worms , acts 12. 21 , 23. and if in such a case they would have little mind to stand tricking and trimming them , let them know that the ulcers and sores of their polluted souls , and proud hearts , call for as speedy , and earnest reg●rd , and deep humiliation ; and were these once cur'd , such vanities would be thrown aside . the lord grant all those who survive , may take warning in time , before their bodies are humbled to the dust , and their souls to hell , for their daring , impudent pride . 4. another heinous sin which hath overspread our land , is swinish drunkennesse and gluttony : this also may well be joined with those before mentioned , as being the ground and incentive of all other lewdnesse and wickednesse . but alas ! how hath the commonnesse of this vice , and mens custom in it , taken away those odious apprehensions which scripture helps us to , and all sober men have of it ? oh , how are our taverns and alehouses , in all parts of the kingdom , frequented ! how doth our whole nation seem even ready to reel into its own ruines , being seized with the vertigo of an epidemical drunkennesse ? how gentile , and fashionable a thing is it now grown , for men to be drunk , in civility to the company they are engaged in ? how many tricks have they devised for the maintaining of this sin , notwithstanding the most expresse injunctions and proclamations to the contrary ? profane custom hath so overswayed , that drinking of healths , must be the test of mens loyalty ; and of their respect to those great ones , to whom the beginner shall consecrate his bowl ; as if a disorderlinesse , which scarce any beast will be guilty of , must shew good manners ; and no man could be a good subject to his king , which dare not rebel against his god. those that dare , are valiant men indeed ; but such , as when it comes to tryal , will do little more for their prince , than they do for their maker . so general is this practice of excessive drinking grown , that both the gallant and the clown , rich and poor , young and old , yea , women as well as men , city and countrey , are fadly infected with the same . in too many places , he 's scarce accounted a good house-keeper , that let 's his neighbours go out of his house sober . how can men entertain their friends , or renew their acquaintance , or drive any bargain , without betaking themselves to some tipling-house ? yea , how frequently are drinking-matches appointed , for no other purpose , but to pour down their liquor ? what multitudes are there , who rise up to drink strong drink , who tarry at night till wine inflame them ? yea , to such an height of wickednesse are we grown , that as if there was some excellency in sinning , men strive for the mastery in it ; and to be able to drink down others , goes for a very manly faculty . such enemies have we got to the cross of christ , whose god is their belly , whose glory is their shame . and is there not the same reason , that our crown of pride , and the drunkards of england should be trodden down , as well as of ephraim , isa . 28. 3. is it not just , that they whose intemperance hath often deprived them of their reason , should be taken with a distemper that may strip them of the use of it ? that in those very streets where men have staggered and fallen down dead-drunk , they should there fall down stark-dead ? the like might be said of gluttony , and luxurious feastings , a sin more confin'd to the greater sort , who can make sufficient provisions for the flesh , to fulfill the lusts thereof ▪ abundantly confirming what the wise man hath told us , that the prosperity of fools destroys them . and what a wiser than he hath expresly affirmed ▪ though sure believ'd but by very few , that rich men do difficultly enter into the kingdom of heaven . how much money is expended but once , to furnish the tables of these gluttonous epicures ? how do they sacrifice gods creatures meerly to their lusts , eating only for pleasure , and to keep themselves alive from one meal to another , without thinking of that service they owe to god for all . they have lived in pleasure , and been wanton , nourishing their hearts , as in a day of slaughter , as st. james speaks , chap. 5. 5. what hath been the life of too many of our gentry , but to eat and drink , and sleep , and rise up to play ? here 's the improvement of the many special engagements god hath laid on them to honour him , that they of all will do least to his honour . what an exact description may we read of many of them , amos 6. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. ye that put away far the evil day , and cause the seat of violence to come near : that lie upon the beds of ivory , and stretch themselves upon their couches , and eat the lambs out of the flock , and the calves out of the midst of the stall : that chaunt to the sound of the viel , and invent to themselves instruments of musick ▪ like david : that drink wine in bowls , and anoint themselves with the chief oyntments : but they are not grieved for the affliction of joseph . and there read on , you may find their doom : if men will bid their souls take their ease , eat , drink , and be merry , well may they expect quickly to hear , your souls shall be taken from you . and when they are thus provoking god to anger with their eating and drinking , what wonder if his wrath fall upon them , whil'st the meat is in their mouths ? if they so far forget their own natures , and the use of his creatures , as wholly to be devoted to the satisfaction of their raging sensual desires , which they ought chiefly to have denied ; and if like unprofitable burdens of the earth , they fed themselves only that they might live longer to taste the pleasure of their delicious meats and drinks , how just is it that when like swine they were fatted , they should there be brought to the slaughter ? 5. as the next provoking sin which is rife amongst us , i shall reckon swearing , cursing , and profaning the most holy name of the dreadful god. a sin less excusable than epicurism , because i know no sense gratified with it ▪ but though it be less bestial , yet is it more diabolical . oh the horrid oaths that have been daily belch'd out by the black-mouth'd sons of belial ! who almost could walk the streets of the city without stopping his ears ? or else he was like to hear the name of god abus'd ; the life , the blood , the wounds of our dear and precious lord tost too and fro , by the mouths of wretched swearers . who , that had heard all the oaths and curses that were vented but in one day , in this one city of london , would not have admired , that their tongues , who were thus set on fire on hell , did not set our whole nation in a flame ? oh well is it for us ▪ that our god , who is mercy it self , rules in the world ? how quickly would all created patience , though meeting in one person , be quite tired out , and worn away ? these hellish exhalations streaming forth from the hearts and mouths of corrupted men , whereby they have assaulted even heaven it self , might justly have been kindled by the wrath of god , and have been returned upon our heads in showrs of fire and brimstone . and if the polluted breath of these kind of wretches , have infected the very air we breath in , 't is not to be thought strange in the least . could those volleys of blasphemies which have been discharg'd against the glorious majesty , do any other than turn to a black cloud , which should light heavily upon us ? some think it impossible for the soul of man so far to sink into the devilish nature , as to sin meerly , to sin without a regard to some carnal interest : but if any instance will evidence it , i think 't is swearing and cursing ! 't is possible i know ( though this is far from excusing it ) for passion to transport men to an oath ; and sometimes a desire to be believed , sometimes an ignorance that they do amiss , may betray them into it ; but for men to enterlard their ordinary discourse with full-mouth'd oaths , priding themselves therein , as if gentile and graceful , what excuse can be invented for such horrible practices ? nay , when men shall set themselves purposely to swear , and devise new oaths that shall be al a mode , what possible pretence have they for this ? and hither may i refer those strange , unheard of prodigies of profaneness ; wickednesses too transcendental to be rank'd under any ordinary topick ▪ such as killing men in a bravado , drinking healths of their own blood , yea , healthing it to the devil himself : for such — i know not what to call them , as these are we reported to have had amongst us , nay ( canst thou imagine it reader ? ) far worse than these , which let those mention who are masters enough of our language to render them in fit terms : for i profess , i cannot . so unwilling are the daring fellows of our days to go to hell in the old way ! it cannot consist with the greatness of their spirits , to be wicked at these low rates , that their silly ancestours were . in all they do , they would be taken notice of , and appear above the vulgar . and would proclaim to all men , that they are none of those melancholy , weak-brain'd , or mean-spirited men , who are so aw ▪ d with the apprehensions of a god , that they dare not sin freely and boldly . no , but they have so far conquered those prejudices they had conceived of vertue , and vice , sin , and shame , that they dare in the open sun commit those sins , which cowards run into the dark for . they are not asham'd to own themselves the devils vassals , but dance in his fetters ▪ whilst all men hear their cackling . what other design can these swaggering sinners have in such a carriage , but audaciously to affront the great majesty of heaven and earth , in the highest manner they are capable ? ah besotted wretches ▪ let me bespeak you in the language of the prophet , do you know against whom you shoot out the lip , and make a wide mouth ? what could your wit find no other way to vent it self , nor your malice , any other object ? had you no cheaper way to undo your selves ? were you afraid lest you should have miss't of hell ? what ? did you indeed mean by your blasphemies to dare god to his face ? would you force him to give a convincing evidence of his being ? if so , i hope you are satisfied by this time , if not , you shall be shortly . was you resolv'd to try how far his patience would extend ? did you fear he was so merciful , that you should never feel his wrath ? or were you in such haste to be with your everlasting companions , the devils and the damned , that you thought your judgment lingred , and damnation slumbred , and would therefore do your best to hasten it ? or were you so fully bent on the satisfaction of your lusts , that you were resolved to pursue them even to the burning lake , and therefore thought you had ee'n as good go to hell for somthing , & would make to your selves as good a bargain as you could , and do all that in you lay before-hand , o revenge your selves of that god , who will there treat you so severely ? or were you now betimes inuring your selves to the language of hell , that you might not be to learn when you should be thrown thither ? these are strange suppositions the reader may think , but not so strange as the sins i am speaking of , and for which , i can scarce assign other reasons than such as these . and shall we wonder , when such rebels are risen up against the lord , if he grow jealous for his great name , and arise , and vindicate his glory and power from the contemptuous affronts of insolent mortals . moreover , how many times have people in their execrations wish ▪ t , that the pox and the plague might take themselves , their children , servants , or cattle ? and can they find fault , if at length , their desires are granted ? yea , how many roaring ruffians have we got , who , as if they were already entered into the familiarity of devils , make nothing of it to curse themselves to the pit of hell in their common discourse ; who can scarce speak a sentence without their dammee's and sinkmee's ? whose tongues , were they pluck't out by the roots , it was a punishment no way suited to the heinousnesse of their crime . but let them , if they think fit , stay a while longer in their contempt of god , and his threatnings , and their resolute disobedience to his holy laws , and if nothing else will serve their turn , they shall too soon to their sorrow , find all their accursed prayers accomplish't . the devil , whom they have so oft wish't to fetch them , shall very shortly have that commission which he eagerly waits for , and then let them say whether the dreadful god be to be jested with , or abus'd : and then at length shall they hear that terrible question thundred against them , have you provok'd me , saith the lord , have you not provok'd your selves to the confusion of your own faces ▪ 6. amongst the rest of our commonsins we may account covetousness , together with all the discoveries , effects and branches of it ; such as oppression , extortion , bribery , injustice , either in judgment or mutual traffique , over-reaching each other , uncharitableness , and grinding the faces of the poor . i put all these together , as having some relation to each other , and being all neglects of duty betwixt man and man. if idolatry so often brought the plague , or other sufferings upon the israelites , why may not covetousnesse which is idolatry , by the same reason bring it upon us : is it not as displeasing to god to have men adore an heap of gold and silver , or their houses and lands , as an image of gold made up into humane shape ? and is it not as great a sin , for the heart to run a whoring after these things , as to bow the body to an idol ? and how are men almost every where set with all their might and main to thrive , and rise in the world , to lade themselves with thick clay , and here to lay up their treasures ? was it not time for us then to be told , and told to the quick what we were doing ? that we were not yet at home , and must not therefore think of setling here ? single deaths of men when there died now one , then another , had but little effect on us , to make us sensible of our own mortality , and therefore multitudes are swept away before our eyes , to see if that will have any more influence upon us . with what unwearied , and uninterrupted pains and diligence did the most drudg about their earthly affairs , from morning to night , weeks end to weeks end , without any serious regard to the business they came into the world for ? but were so deeply faln in love with present things , that they dream not of a removal ? and withal were so plung'd over head & ears in their cares and businesses , that they could not find a time , for any serious consideration of the matters of their souls ? how just is it then that god should take them off by his hand , if they knew not how to disengage themselves ? and snatch them away from those estates which they knew no better how to improve , but were even nestling themselves in them , as their durable possessions . and i hope all who are engag'd in such affairs , will call themselves to a strict account whether there have been no such unjust sentences pronounc'd either in condemning the innocent , or acquitting the guilty , that may have provok't the just god to anger against us . and let all merciless rich men , cruel extortioners , oppressive landlords lay to heart their unmercifulnesse , rigour or injustice to the poor , to the fatherlesse and widow , whose cries may have reacht the ears of the lord of sabboth , jam. 5. 4. and caus'd him to rise and plead their cause , by sending his judgments upon an hard-hearted generation . and doubtlesse that great want of charity , and christian compassion which ought to be in us , towards our brethren in their necessities and miseries , may very justly have hardned god himself against us , and caus'd him to be deaf , to our cries and prayers . how many have had their money and precious things which they had hoarded , left to strangers , or rifled by theevish hands , which they might in their life-time so well imploy'd for gods honour , and their own good ? but alas , amongst the many that professe the faith , how few are there who will take a promise from god as good security ? and amongst so many that say they love god , how few have manifested it by their love to their brother ? and hath the matter been mended , since we have been under this sore visitation ? nay , rather hath it been worse ? oh how men shut up their bowels against their poor , necessitous , visited brethren ? and suffered ( 'tis sadly to be feared ) thousands to starve for want of needful supplies , whilst they have had enough for their lusts , and to spare ; and need not ( which yet in such a day especially is our duty ) have pinch't their own back or belly to have afforded them relief . and this cruelty have men been guilty of whilst many of them had reason every day to expect their own death ; but they have seem'd resolv'd to hold , and grasp all as long as possibly they can , and to cleave closer , if they knew how , to their dear mammon , of which shortly they must take their sad , and last farewell , oh! who but infidels would not have sent their treasures before them thither , where they expect shortly to be themselves translated . but the sin i chiefly intended under this head , is the common dishonesty in buying and selling , mens defrauding and overreaching each other . a practise which i fear , london hath been more guilty of than corinth which yet was charg'd with it , 1 cor. 6. 8. and it concerns citizens and tradesmen especially , to enquire into themselves upon this account , as being most expos'd to temptations to it . thou who yet survivest , examine thy heart , look back on thy former course of life , in thy following the world . does not thy conscience accuse thee for having grown rich by lying , cheating , and deceitful ways ? hath not thy conscience many times flows in thy face , for thy notorious falshoods , and crafty projects , and unlawful devices , to put off thy wares , and enrich thy self ? alas men are ready to plead a kind of necessity for their sin ; and say , if they should always be upright , and plain , and true , they should never know how to live . is not the world then come to a brave passe ? what a matter of course is it with tradesmen to tell multitudes of lyes to every customer almost , and never make matter of them , so they but help off their commodities ? they can go their ways , and wipe their mouths , and there 's an end ; but hold , god will not put it up so . so they can but now get a pound or a shilling , how little do they regard the time of reckoning for all again ? they know not how to keep up such serious thoughts in the midst of their noise and busle , in buying and selling . but if they can't , god will take them off their hot trading , and give them leasure enough to consider what they have been doing . and hath he not done thus ? 't is well for those who so improve their breathing space here , that they have not this work to do in the other world . all that men could think of , was , that mony was to be got , which way it mattered not so much . and well had it been for them , if god had made no more matter of it : but believe it he hath taken a strict notice of all thy ways , and recordeth them with greater exactnesse , than thou wast wont to do thy debts in thy shop-book . see thy sin describ'd and threatned . micah 6. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. after he had spoke of the lords voice crying to the city by his rod , ver . 9. then follows , are there yet the treasures of wickednesse in the house of the wicked , and the scant measure which is abominable ? shall i count them pure with the wicked balances , and with the bag of deceitful weights ? for the rich men thereof are full of violence , and the inhabitants have spoken lyes , and their tongue is deceitful in their mouths ; therefore also will i make thee sick in smiting thee , in making thee desolate because of thy sin . oh how many are there that will be religious , as far as coming to church , and being devout there , and making some outside profession , who yet in their dealings are stark naught , and will be dishonest for a small gain ? in the church , and perhaps a little in their closets , they can afford to do , that they call serving of god , but in their shops nothing at all . oh by that time all 's reckoned for , when the moneys gone , but the sin in getting it must be answered for , how will men wish , and wish again they had been clear from this guilt , though they had been the meanest beggars in the land ? now how just is it man should be snatcht from those estates , to which theynever had a true title ? and if indeed they cannot drive a trade without so great miscarriages , is it not time that their houses and shops should be shut up ? 7. the next sin we shall take notice of , is murder ; which surely , if any , hath a crying voice . abels blood soon wrought heaven with its cry for vengeance . and how many murders have we daily heard of , committed amongst us ? how common is it grown for the gallants of our times , to sacrifice one another lives to their lusts , to their passion , or their pride ? and i wish that the impunity of some , may not have encouraged others . is it not time then for god to take the sword into his own hand , and let his audacious creatures know , that their lives they are so prodigal of are his , and at his disposure ? and if they value them at no higher rates , they have no reason to complain if they are taken away , since they knew no better what to do with them . if indeed they are so weary of the world , they shall stay no longer in it . and here especially , let me bring to remembrance that heathenish practice of duelling ; which of late is grown so much in fashion , that none must passe for a gentleman , but he who dare murder his brother ; and to be an hector , is more commendable than a christian . the example and precepts of that pattern , and master of meeknesse the holy jesus , the very mention of them is little less than ridiculous to our brave fellows . alas , those precepts seem suited to the mean state of christianity , when poor fishermen and tent-makers were the preachers , and tradesmen like them , were for the most part retainers to it ; but we must have them calculated again for those of a more elevated meridian ; viz. for our gentry who had the luck to be born of parents that were cal'd christian . the jesuite must fit them with rules that shall allow for their birth and breeding : for surely christ never meant to have gentlemen his disciples , when he tied them up to such strict commands , not practicable by men of their blood and spirits . religion now adays is thought to emasculate men , and render them tame and cowardly . basely to submit themselves to their own unruly passions , with these is courage ; to be bears and tygers , is accounted gentle and manly . these are the lordly creatures that are so tender of their honors , that they will rather violate the laws of the great god , than the least punctilio of it . to humour or win a fantastical mistresse ( 't is well they are not in hearing when i call her so ) they durst venture upon the wrath of their maker . for the wall , or the way , for a wry word , or a straw , they durst venture their necks to the halter , and their souls to the devil . are not these the true sons of valour ? such that even in cold blood , and upon sober deliberation dare damn themselves ? and why ? because forsooth they are afraid of being call'd cowards , and abus'd by every body else , should they have past by one injury . they could tell what this was , but what the hell they leapt into was , they knew not till they found themselves there ; and by that time poor wretches how was their courage cool'd ? and now at length you valiant fighters , wonder not if god himself be stept into the field against you . what ? do you think you have met with your match yet ? nay , but he hath not yet appeared with all his strength . he hath only sent one of his warriours , death sitting upon the pale-horse , but see what a terrible second there is , hell follow'd after him . rev. 6. 8. but come try your manhood upon this first . the hour he appoints is , when he pleaseth ; the weapon he now chiefly fights with is the plague , take you what you will ; the place is london . what cowards , do you turn your backs now ? are you afraid to dye , and yet are not afraid to be damn'd ? what will you laugh at hell , and now quake at death , and flie from it ? but think not your heels can secure you , nor any place you can flie to , sooner or later be sure hee 'l find you out . what did you challenge god to the combat and now do you run for 't ? can you deny it ? what else meant all your open , impudent wickednesse , but to bid god do his worst ? for to fin you were resolved , let him right himself how he could . god threw down his gauntlet , when he said , the soul that sins shall dye . you took it up , when y ou rush't upon those sins . what , you miserable caitiffs , you children of the devil , who is a murderer , must you stand upon your terms , and command observance from your companny , and will draw at the least affront , and shall god be carelesse of his honour ? was it not present death for a man to throw a glasse of liquor in your face ? and have you done lesse against god one day after another , by pouring down your superfluous glasses ? did the lye deserve the stab , and shall you go scot-free , who have so often given the lye to god himself , speaking to you by his word and ministers , his spirit and your own consciences ? nay , what you count the most unsufferable reproach , have you not been ready to interpret gods patience for cowardice ? well , you are wont to call your selves gentlemen : know then , that for these , and a multitude of such affronts , god demands satisfaction , and have it he will one way or other . your speedy repentance , and believing recourse to the blood that speaks better things than that of murdered abel , may appease him ; otherwise , when he makes inquisition for blood , hee 'l take the proudest of you by the throat , and cast you to the tormentors , and verily you shall not come thence , till you have paid the utmost farthing . 8. another very heinous sin amongst us , is prophanation of the lords day , and neglect of the worship of god. how many are idling away their time at home , or which is worse , sinning it away in tipling-houses , whilest they should be attending the publick service of god ? or if they afford their bodily presence there for an hour or two , how soon after do they betake themselves to their pleasures , as if the rest of the day were their own ? or as if when they had prayed to god , to keep them that day without sin , they might boldly commit it ? as if when they had beg'd of god , to teach them to keep ( amongst the rest ) the fourth commandment , they might then take liberty to break it ? and by their after-practice , one would judge their prayer had been , lord have mercy upon us , and give us leave to break this thy law. some go to their drunken companions , some to their sports ; others to walk idly in the streets or fields ; and the most to their common , vain and worldly discourse : to any thing , rather than to private meditation , or family-repetition of what they have heard . how far are men from spending this day , as beseems those who have immortal souls to care for , and can spare but little time on week-dayes for such employments ? oh how exceeding few are there that are willing rightly to inform themselves of the nature , use and end of this day , and accordingly to improve it ? as it is a day set apart to commemorate not only the work of creation , but chiefly of redemption by christ our lord , and especially his resurrection , that being to him as a kind of rest from his labours : and moreover , as it may be to us a type and a resemblance of the eternal sabbatism we shall enjoy in the heavens : when we shall rest from all sinful , troublesom , and bodily works , and be wholly employ'd in the admiration , and praise of that divine love , which contriv●d and wrought our redemption and salvation . to have leave thus to spend a day with and for god , would be sufficient to engage holy and ingenious souls , with all alacrity and thankfulnesse to embrace the opportunity . such would be asham'd to stand reasoning and enquiring whether they might not halve it with god , and rob him and themselves of a good part . what a strange tedious thing is it for poor creatures , that know not god , nor their own necessities , to be obliged to consecrate one day in seven to spiritual services , for which , awakened and experienc't souls think their whole life-time little enough ? how many have we had crying , like those , amos 8. 5. when will the new moon be gone , and the sabbath over ? that they might again to their pleasures , or enjoyments ! nay , our people have been in more haste than so , they could not stay till the sabbath was over , but must to their bargaining , their buying and selling . how frequent is this with many shop-keepers in the city , when no necessity requires it ? well , if indeed you are so eagerly bent on your business , that you will not keep a sabbath which god commands you , hee 'l force you to another kind of sabbath than this , which you shall have more reason to cry out , when will it be over ? you shall be made to rest from your works longer than this comes to , if you cannot afford god that small space of time he affords you : and you that were wont to be so weary of the prayer and sermon , and shift postures , first up , and then down , peeping at the glasse , or your watch ; is it not equal that you should be held with those pains which shall make you weary for somewhat ? when you shall turn from side to side , but get no ease , and count all the tedious hours of the night , expecting every moment to sink into that woful state , where are no more dayes , or nights , or hours , where you shall never have a moments rest through a whole eternity ! and then say whether the service of god , or the sufferings you feel from god , be the more tedious . if wicked wretches thus loosely encroach upon the lords own day , may we not well fear lest god should depopulate our land , that so at length it may enjoy its sabbaths ? and is it not just they should be seized with a disease , which admits not of a minister to visit them , who in the time of life and health did so little care for their minister ? how many who have been shut up from all converse with men , were wont formerly to excommunicate themselves from the publick congregation ? and if they would not stir over their threshold to the church , 't is just they should not stir out at all . and may we not see many doors praying now , whose owners were not before wont to pray either in publick , or with their families , on the lords day , or any other time ? nay , perhaps , might be deriders of all serious praying , and only use to take gods name in vain with their formalities : is it not just then , that those who were utterly unacquainted with , and it may be jeer'd at , praying by the spirit , should be taught by the feeling of their flesh , to groan out an hearty lord have mercy upon us . 9. another very common sin , somewhat related to the former , is the contempt and abuse of the ordinances of christ , especially the lords supper ; whilest so many partake of the table of the lord , and in some sense of the table of devils ; which , what is it but to provoke the lord to jealousie , as if we were stronger than he ? 1 cor. 10. 21 , 22. many there are indeed , whose hypocrisie and treachery is only known to god , and though the minister cannot , yet these he will find out . to vow obedience to god , whil'st we intend and perform nothing lesse , this is such a wickednesse , so solemnly to mock him , as he will not bear at his creatures hands : and how many thousands are guilty of such falshood and perjury ? for the breach of these oaths be sure the land mourns . when each member of the church thus covenants to reform himself , and yet still continues in wickednesse . how is the receiving this sacrament made a meer matter of course ? and if it be remembred for a day it 's well , but the engagement then made is presently forgot . but believe it , god will not forget it so . how many have we , that are celebrating the remembrance of christs death to day , who are crucifying him again to morrow ? and such as these , i chiefly intend , who whil'st they customarily renew their obligations , to live to the honour of their lord , do what in them lies to put him to an open shame . and where is the place where difference is put betwixt the precious and the vile , and any scruple made of casting pearls before swine , childrens bread to dogs ? whosoever's fault this is , that it is a fault , and a very heinous one too , can hardly be denied by any that use to read , what qualifications scripture requires of all that are admitted , not only to some more solemn ordinances , but into church-communion . if covetous persons , drunkards , swearers , whoremongers , and all disorderly walkers are to be noted , withdrawn from , and not to be eaten with ( take the word in what sense you will ) then let the most impartial , charitable person judge , what a vast and sad difference there is betwixt the precept , and our practice . si hoc sit evangelium , non sumus evangelici . where are they that walk after this rule ? and 't is not likely that this very sin which brought sicknesses and death upon the corinthians , should have lost its provoking nature by the tract of time , or any difference of circumstances betwixt us and them . it cannot surely be thought that the commonnesse of this miscarriage , nor yet the difficulty and seeming impossibility which some are apt to pretend of having it remedied , should render it lesse displeasing to that holy god , who is so jealous about his sanctuary . if vzzah was smitten for his too bold officiousnesse in staying the tottering ark , and 50070 men of the bethshemites for their curiosity in prying into it , how shall they be able to stand before the lord in the day of his vengeance , who have so profan'd his holy ordinances ! interest sometimes restrains men from punishing a crime that is universal , but believe it , this takes no place in god : no , to his mercy we owe it only , that our punishment is not as extensive as our guilt . but surely this his besom of destruction with which he sweeps away multitudes , clearly speaks it self sent to scourge a general sin , and i know none more than this we are now upon . and it is not mens lazinesse , or carnal interests ; their lothnesse to displease either the vulgar , or great ones , by whom they live , that shall here , or in the day of their appearance before the great law-giver and judge , excuse their disobedience to his so expresse and peremptory injunctions . to tell them then , that his commands were inconsistent with their ease , or the favour of men , which is the voyce of their present negligence ; will hardly excuse them who have so often told others , that no man can be christs disciple ( much less then a minister ) without very great measures of self-denial . if any of those , whom they now please by their cowardice and compliance , will then bear them out , they are safe enough ; but if that is not to be expected , they had best bethink themselves in time , how to give a comfortable account of their stewardship . though private members performing their duty , may not justly pretend the pastors negligence to justifie a separation ; yet how far others assuming a power to themselves , if they execute it not , will excuse those who are deputed to dispense these mysteries , when they shall deliver them to such whom they have good reason to think unworthy , it behoves them who are concerned well to consider . the unworthy receiver himself , it may be , hath some pretence or other , to shift the blame from off him , as that he was never admonished nor suspended ; but all these evasions will be too gross to pass for current with a just judge . i hope 't is no scandalous thing to bewail the want of , and earnestly desire a discipline amongst us , as guilty as the word is grown : by whom , or with what circumstances managed , it matters not so much , so we might have the thing ; that the plain and indispensable laws of christ may be executed ; that those very constitutions which are fundamental to such a society as christ hath appointed his church to be , may not be violated ; that there may be discerned some difference betwixt the church and the world , beside what a bare opinion , or verbal profession makes ; that only the credible profession and discovery of that faith and holiness , which makes a man a member of christ , may serve for his being accepted as a member of the church . and i may very safely say , that all they who have promised to god they would see to the removal of such like corruptions as this i have been taxing , are indispensably oblig'd to perform it , since this is no more than what was inclnded in their baptismal covenant , whatever variety of apprehensions there may be as to this point of discipline , yet methinks so much as is judged lawful and necessary , by those who have power enough in their own hands , should not be neglected : but it would very well deserve their care , to see their own laws put in execution . 10. and now we speak of the execution of laws , we may very well mention it as a most s●d and shameful , and very provoking sin , that after there is so much provision made for the restraint and punishment of vice , by many good and wholsome laws , there should be no more fruit of them seen , for want of their being executed . how rare is it now adays to hear of a man punished for drunkennesse , swearing , sabbath ▪ breaking ? and is it any other than natural to see these and the like impieties abound , whilst the multitude that are most ruled by present things that reach their flesh , find no hurt come of their most profane , and licentious courses ? and if men neglect their duty , can it be expected but that god should take the sword of justice into his own hands , and punish the rebellious ? if it be demanded , what can be done more than to enact laws , and appoint men to put them in force , and by a solemn oath engage them thereto ? if it may n ot appear presumption , i would answer , that it is also of as great consequence to see the execution of laws committed to them , who give probable grounds to believe , that they will be faithful to their trust . scanderbegs sword in a cowards , or childs hand , is like to do no great service . the truth of it is , the most consciencious look upon the charge as so weighty , that they dare scarce undertake it , much lesse do they ambitiously seek after it ; and if they should , 't is a question whether their lesse deserving competitors would not make a greater interest and prevent them . but were all who are concerned so vigilant as they should be , no doubt but that there might be a very great redresse of this mischief . was there a diligent inspection to discover , and a willingnesse to embrace them , there might be found many , who notwithstanding the great discouragements they might meet with , would for the honour of god , and service of their country , engage themselves in this burdensom , but honourable employment . but can they be zealous for god , and for subjection to his laws , who will not themselves be rul'd thereby ? far be it from me to speak evil of the rulers of the people . i know it is the duty of all to do what they can to preserve to their persons that honour , which may contribute to the successeful discharge of their functions . and therefore it is no way fit to charge them with crimes upon suspition , or bare report ; nor to reprove them for secret sins publickly , nor to do it in that manner that may procure them contempt from the people : but if the miscarriages of men in authority are so notorious , that 't is in vain to endeavour to conceal them ; and when the offenders are such and so many , that there is no way to deal with them , but by an open publishing of their reprehension ; and consequently of the faults they are reprov'd for ; it cannot in this case be justly censured for irreverence or undutifulnesse , to mind them modestly of their duty , and their neglects of it : especially whilst the discourse is general , medling with no mans person , nor reflecting on any but the guilty . indeed it may very well become those who are more especially concern'd , and who have the advantages of accesse to , intimacy with , and interest in magistrates and great ones , to deal with them , though with that submission and meekness which beseems inferiours , yet with that freedome and plainnesse which beseems friends , and christians . such that have liberty to speak , without gratifying the corrupt humour of the rabble , that oftentimes dearly love to hear their governours talkt against and disgrac'd ; and they whose own personal knowledge , furnisheth them with matter and ground for reproof , without taking up with the flaunders , and groundless surmises of the malicious , or common rumours of idle , and impudent tatlers and railers ; those i say who have these advantages , are deeply engaged to improve the same in doing their utmost to discover to them their particular sins , with all the aggravations of them , and to presse them upon those duties , which are so necessary for their own and the kingdoms welfare . if this be the effect of greatnesse , to be secured from all faithful , and serious reproofs , and councel , and to be betray'd by base flatterers , and fordid low-spirited temporizers ; it is as great an unhappinesse as can befall the sons of men . to have leave to be sick , and not told of it till its past remedy ; to have leave to stab ones self , and no one must dare to hold our hands , are no very desirable priviledges : and to be suffered to post on to everlasting burnings , without being told plainly whither we are going , is i think , as little for our profit , as either of those . if any be of another mind , as loth to be tormented before their time , i earnestly pray god their experience give not them too full conviction . that which i intend under this head , is the negligence of those who are entrusted with the administration of justice . when i speak most softly , i cannot but say what is very notorious , that they are sadly guilty of a connivance at such grosse profanenesse , as is punishable by the laws of the land. alas , they have got their distinct capacities ; they are gentlemen as well as justices ; and these it seems are inconsistent one with the other . that which religion , their oath , their fidelity to god , their prince , and country engage them to ; is contradicted forsooth by the gentility they bear about them , which forbids all moroseness and severity , especially to their companions , who are as deeply guilty of debaucheries , as the vilest and poorest wretches of the nation . and indeed can they with any modesty , or pretence of reason take notice of , or be severe against those vices , which their own examples encourage even inferiours , much more their gentlemen-good-fellows to ? whether this be a forgery or slaunder , i appeal to the experience of the respective counties where they reside . i intend not the innocent in this accusation ; wherefore none but the guilty have reason to be angry , and they as little as any . why should an honest citizen be displeas'd , to hear another say , there are many knaves in the city ? but if it be grievous to them to hear of their faults , their drunkenness , swearing , and such like loosness , let them think what it is to commit them . how loudly did god cry , who will rise up for me against the evil doers ? or , who will stand up for me against the workers of iniquity ? and because none would hearken , god himself hath brought upon men their own iniquity , and cut them off in their wickedness , psal . 94. 16 , 23. had our justices , and all magistrates , been as careful to prevent the contagion of sin in themselves , their families and jurisdictions , as they are to hinder the spreading of the infection , this latter labour might happily have been spared them . and now i am speaking of rulers , and men of place and honour , here give me leave sadly to lament it , that the nobility and gentry of our land , the major part of them , are arrived to such an height of prophaneness , that they , as being by their advancements more conspicuous than others , are most infamous for the several vices we have mentioned . oh where are the hop't for fruits of those sufferings many of them have past through ? do they not demean themselves , as if they were delivered to do all these abominations ? are they not too like that king ahaz , who being afflicted , grew worse and worse ? have they taken such a prejudice against the word , reformation , that they hate the very thing too , and the least appearance of it ? what do they recoil with greater eagerness to their vicious courses , as having been under a restraint for a while ? are they resolved not to be behind hand in sin for all that ? or do they think to revenge themselves of god for the afflictions they have lain under ? or did they think themselves now so secure , that without all danger they might provoke the most high god ? why , you poor impudent worms , do you know whom you have reproached ? against whom you have exalted your voice , and lift up your eyes on high ? even against the holy one of israel . why , you sotrish sons of belial , did you think a title or place of honour would dispense with you , for your rebellions against the almighty ruler of the world ? who hath stood by you , and observed all your contempt of him , and his laws , and hath hitherto spared you out of pity , not fear . what , because you could proudly insult and domineer over your fellow-creatures , did you think to out-brave god himself ? what , did you think a feather in your caps , or a ruffling suit , for which fools look at you with so much reverence , would procure his respect ? did you think he would be more tender of your delicacies , than to treat you so roughly , as he doth inferiour sinners ? did you imagine , when he sent his messengers to seize you , when he should commission either death or the devil to lay hold on you , that you should fright them away with swearing and banning , and damming ? or with your swords and pistols , as you were wont to serve the serjeants that came to arrest you ? did you imagine you had made an agreement with death and hell , that they should never swallow you up ? or that your submissions to the devil had made him so much your friend , that he would not hurt you ? at length i beseech you , be convinc ▪ t of your mistakes , and humbled for your folly ; and be perswaded to believe , that the strictest holinesse is no dishonour to your greatnesse , nor think that your interest , which contradicts it . oh be not so monstrously vile , to abuse gods bounty , so as to make it but an help to your sinning against him with more freedom and constancy . make not your estates snares to your souls , by mispending them only in gratifying your lusts , appetite and pride ; but improve them for the honour , and according to the intention of the donor ; that they may not become such an accursed portion to you , that at length you should hear the cutting answer , given to one of your predecessors , in thy life-time thou didst receive thy good things . nor let any of our great ones please themselves with a conceit , that they are not the persons eminently instrumental in bringing down judgments upon us , because as yet they are freest from the same , as having the conveniencies of removing themselves from that stroke which lights most upon the meaner sort ; for we may frequently find in scripture , that the sins of the great ones have brought sufferings upon the commonalty , who also in their place and measure have been as wicked as others . and withall , let them not be too confident , till they are past all danger , till their harness is put of ; or rather , till god hath laid down his sword. if these judgments reach them not , god hath yet more in store for the obstinate ; and if they escape all here , yet if at length they are cast into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone , they 'l have little cause for boasting . since then our great men , like those , jer. 5. 5. though they have known the way of the lord ▪ yet have altogether broken the yoke , and burst the bonds : my prayer is , that they may not do as those , v. 3. who when they were stricken , did not grieve , but refused to receive correction , and made their faces harder than a flint , and refused to return , lest god execute on them those threatnings you may read at large , ver . 6. oh that they may receive instruction in time , before they feel that iron rod , which will dash in pieces all it lights on , and comes too late to teach them any thing but what will aggravate their torment . 11. i am verily perswaded , had this plague befal'n us three or fourscore years ago , and had popery been as rife then , as now it is with us , this would not have been accounted one of the least procuring causes , by the most sober divines of the nation ; except this be grown a more innocent thing than formerly , and the idolatry of it distinguish ▪ t away by latter wits ▪ or else idolatry be grown less offensive to god , than heretofore ; we may take the boldness to say , that the licence its professors have had , or have taken to exercise the same , is one of the abominations of our land , provoking to a god jealous of his worship . reason of state , is an abysse which it becomes not short-sighted subjects to pry into ; but if the pretence of this induce any thing contrary to the interest of religion , he that hath imbib'd but the very principles of christianity , may confidently pronounce the deepest politicians that advise it , stark fools . the resolution and constancy of pious prince edward , england's josiah , in denying liberty for mass to his sister mary , was in those times accounted singular piety , even by those bishops who came to request it . 't is somewhat strange , methinks , to see even the poor quakers themselves , drag ▪ d to prisons , and banish'd the land ; whil'st conventicles more expresly contrary to the law of god , and equally , i think , to the law of the land , are ( at least ) overlook't . yea , let me add , this freedom they enjoy , whil'st half a dozen of private christians , in all things so far as concerns laymen , conformable to the church of england , cannot have liberty to meet together for the private service of god ; though it were but to join their prayers on the behalf of our land , that it would please god to remove from off us ▪ the heavy judgments we now lie under . could there be no provision made against seditious meetings , without such restraints as these ? nay , and if they take this liberty by stealth , how much more secure are twice as many drunkards in a tavern , met at one of their conventicles of good-fellowship ? so that the more politick , have found a tavern the safest place for a meeting . and doth not this abundantly evince , how much the humors and private inclinations of men ▪ oversway and prevail in their administrations by the same laws ? if therefore the spirit of the times , and the inclination of inferiour magistrates lay as much against prophaneness , as what they call phanaticism ; that would have no more immunity than this . let none be offended at my liberty of speech , since doubtless these are things that need a reformation ; i hope 't is allowable to say so , yea , and necessary too . and as for popery , though i involve not the magistrate in the guilt of all that liberty they assume to themselves ; yet i hope we may have free leave to lay guilt upon it , and to charge a most intolerable impudence upon the professors , and numerous abettors of it . how many , both openly and closely , are hard at work for the propagation of that , which is much more hurtful , though not so spreading as the contagion now amongst us ? and that it is not so spreading , we owe not so much to their want of will , or pains ; but to the goodness of god , the illness of their cause , and the better temper of our clime fortified with the truth . but surely it would well deserve the care of those in power , to do somewhat more , to keep the healthful from the sick , and to order that there might not be so much license given for people to frequent those places , where 't is not impossible but some may be infected ; even such , whose sense chooseth their religion ; who would have their devotion , like their recreations ; and a chappel , like a play-house : and i wish too many of our gallants be not of this disposition ; but as for others , i would have them go to a mass to be confirmed against popery . it is very notorious , what freedom they take for their meetings in many places in the countrey , as well as city , besides those that may be priviledged : and certainly england is not like to fare the better , for being the stage whereon so much pious pageantry , and historical worship is acted . had dagon been carried about amongst the israelites , with as much reverence ▪ as the ark was amongst the philistines with rudeness ; 't is likely , that had been attended with as great plagues , as was this. he that considers what idolatry often brought upon the jews ; and shall well contemplate the popish devotions , and our present miseries ; may not more clearly discern our punishment like to theirs , than a like probable cause of it ; and look upon us little more beholden to rome , than they were to baal peor . if these meek innocents ( who with much ado bring themselves to talk a little humbly , when instead of fire and faggot , they are forc't to argue with words ) should retort , that we deal as unjustly with them , as the heathens did with the primitive christians , who imputed to them whatever mischiefs befell the empire . i shall be brought to think so too , if they can as easily evade the charge of worshipping angels , saints , bread , altars , crucifixes and images ; as those first christians could free themselves from the palpably false objections made against them : but in the mean time i cannot be perswaded , but that god is highly provok't with all those mockeries of worship which they have devised , and in the midst of us , solemnized . and even for these inventions , may the plague be broke in upon us . 12. we may well account amongst our provoking sins , the sad and lamentable divisions that have been , and still are on foot amongst us : and whoever have raised and kep't up these , have had not the least influence to procure wrath upon us . well may that people be divided from god , separated from his love , who are so divided one amongst another . when one part of the nation hath suffered , then still the other hath rejoyc'd in their brethrens miseries , as contributing to the advancement of their cause . and successively , what the sufferers call tyranny , cruelty , and persecution , those that inflict it , call it a just punishment for their malignity or obstinacy . oh how just is it then , that a general punishment should at length , work us into a more general compassion ? that at least , we may pity each other , when we are all in the same misery , that appears to have nothing of a party in it , but strikes down on all sides those that stand before it ? many and great factions in the western church , did immediately precede its being over-run by the gothes and vandals : and not only in this , but all other corruptions are we like to them , as may be learn'd from the writers of those days ; god of his infinite mercy avert the further judgments which such disorders presage . such is , and long hath been our case , that the loudest and most earnest intreaties for peace , have been drowned with the contrary noise and clamour of the contentious . what comes from the weaker and oppressed party , is still rejected as murmuring and complaining ; and those that are in prosperity , reject the offers which after they would gladly condescend to . still the side that rules , when they find they can secure their interests without any compliance , partly , out of a jealousie of being undermined , partly , out of a love to to have the preheminence , and partly , out of a desire of revenge , are far from hearkning to the most reasonable motions for unity and peace . and he that mentions , or laments our divisions with never so catholick and impartial a spirit and design , if he charge not all the blame upon one party , shall scarce receive any thanks from either . if he cries out of nothing but antichristianism , idolatry , superstition , and tyranny , then he shall be hugg'd by some ; and if he inveigh bitterly against schism , sedition , faction , hypocrisie , and charge this upon all that are not just of the humour of the times they live in , then he shall please others . but if he say , some are too imperious and imposing , and others too peevish , impatient , and quarrelsom ; and both too guilty of censoriousness and devotedness to their own customs or opinions ; he shall hardly be grateful to either ; but only to the true sons of peace amongst all , who are endued with the sweet and genuine temper of christianity . oh unhappy england ! how long hast thou been tost to and fro by the hands of violence and contention ? how oft hast thou been bent this way , and that , into contrary extreams ? oh when at length wilt thou be set strait , and obtain a quiet rest ? oh that this might be the happy effect of gods heavy hand now upon us ! we , and our posterity then would have cause to say , oh happy plague that befell us in 1665. which discovered to the inhabitants of england this plague of their own hearts , their uncharitableness and animosities one against another , and cur'd them hereof , and reconciled them into a blessed lasting peace . to this wish of mine , let every reader say amen , even so beit . oh what is become of that humble , patient , self-denying , loving spirit , which was once the character of the followers and friends of our gracious , tender-hearted , and compassionate lord jesus . strange , that ever the gospel of peace should furnish the corruptions of men with matters for strife ! when one great , yea , very great design of it , is , to promote the truest , and most solid , and universal peace amongst the sons of men : which is the natural consequent of their being at peace with god , through the great reconciler . and yet what would we have ? there 's scarce a man but speaks for peace , and vehemently declaims against dissentions . few there are but wonder there should be any differences in the world , and that men are not all of one mind . but what mind must that be ? even their own . and this , this is our mischief : the world is full of such magisterial spirits , that they , forsooth , would be dictatours in the church . and though themselves may be always wavering , and crookned by a devotion for a party ; yet would they be the centre where all various apprehensions should meet , their opinions and wills must be the rule and standard of truth and duty . though men be never so much blinded by prejudice or self-conceit , yet they take it ill , if others will not see with their eyes , blindfold themselves , and take them for our guides . now in our nation ; one man wonders what is in the mind of some , that they are faln so much in love with some inconsiderable things , that they rigorously exact from all others an observance of them ; and these wonder there should be any found to scruple at them : but it s well , if either remember their own ignorance , weakness , and liableness to mistake , which might move them both to a more charitable construction of their brethrens actions . the overtures for agreement , which come from the weaker , are sometimes disgrac'd by those of their own way ( the zealots of them ) as proceeding from cowardice and temporizing , and most frequently snufft at by the party that hath got the upper hand , as saucy and impertinent ; the condescensions of those that are in power , are usually little more than to will and command , yes it may be , entreat all that dissent from them to a through-compliance , and then they 'l account them humble and peaceable ; but scarce otherwise , be their demands never so large and unreasonable . and if any true lover of charity , not of the name , but thing , shall propose a way for the reconciling of differences , hee 's look't awry at , especially by the higher side , and becomes less capable of preferment ( except as a means to corrupt him ) as being not thorowly baptized into their party . thus have we got one for paul , and another for apollo , nay , worse distinguishing names than these ; and whil'st both sides are too guilty of inveighing against each other for not coming over wholly to them , how little is done toward a mid-way meeting ? who formerly have been , and who now especially are too blame in the land for keeping open our breaches , is not very difficult impartially to discover : but still it so falls out , that they who are most in fault , may least safely be told so ; for this must needs be acknowledged , that they who have opportunity and power of making a very fair and satisfactory accomodation betwixt those that differ , and yet do it not ; so far as this neglect comes to , are the persons guilty of continuing our divisions . they who had formerly this opportunity , and neglected it , were in their time guilty ; and by consequence they who now enjoy the same advantages , and yet improve them not , must needs fall under the same charge . i think that man undertakes a very hard task , whose confin'd affections , and zeal for his particular opinions , shall engage him to defend all that is done , by the retainers to the way which he himself hath embrac't : for my part i should think it a piece of difficulty to maintain , that even our first reformers from the romish superstitions , were none of them acted by private aims , and secular interest , or miscarried in no circumstance of managing affairs , though the main cause was most just and honourable . let who list then for me , enter into a defence of this side or that , not only for these twenty , but hundred and twenty years ; for so long a date do some of our unhappy differences bear : and many will confidently aver , that a puritan is of as ancient standing , as an english protestant , and was once thought best worthy of that name ; and that a non-conformist was found , as soon as there appeared a martyr for the reformed cause : nor yet am i willing to look so far back , as to give any impertinent rehearsal of all the disorders that did precede or cause , accompany , or immediately follow upon the more open and violent contentions which have been amongst us , which might tend rather to exasperate all , than profit any ; for doubtless such miscarriages have been of all sides ( let particular historians , this way or that , say what they will ) that hearty repentance , and mutual forgiveness , is more becoming all , than self-justification , and spleenish recriminations ; if there be any yet guilty of so much pride and uncharitableness . i heartily pray , that all who have so long surviv'd their crimes , may be deeply humbled for their setting our nation on flame ( which all the blood that was spilt hath not yet quench't ) for the scandal they have brought upon the protestant cause , for all their breach of oaths , vows and covenants , prostituting their consciences , and pretending religion for carrying on their corrupt designs , and wilful letting slip the opportunities they had , for the promoting the cause of christ , and establishing a setled peace in the churches ; for the gaining of which , some excellent spirits did so earnestly ( though too unsuccessfully ) labour . but oh is it not strange and sad , that after we have so long seen and smarted under the deplorable effects of discord , we should yet be as far from embracīng the necessary means of reconciliation as ever ! that after a civil peace hath been graciously restored , the church should still be so much divided ? and this after diverse moderate persons of different perswasions , have so plainly laid down the methods for such an agreement , as might have made us a church glorious to all the world ; yea , for those things which are the true glory of a church , which would have made us also happy in the approbation and favour of the god of peace and holiness . the lord open the eyes , and soften the hearts of all , at length to discern and accept of some such proposals for peace , that the progress of our feuds make us not a spectacle of pity to our friends , and laughter to our adversaries , as they have already made us objects of gods indignation . it is not my business now to prescribe these wayes , which if i were to do , i should only take the boldness to present transcriptions ; and something i may have occasion to say of this under another head , to which i hasten : only in general let me add , this is a certain truth , approved by the joint suffrages of the most sober and judicious divines , that whilest our peace is laid upon the practice and approbation of things in their own nature , to the most learned and conscientious , doubtful and disputable , it 's never like to be firm and universal : and they who would build vnity upon an vniformity in those matters which will never bear the stresse of it , such as we before mentioned , they are the persons that lay the surest grounds imaginable for the hatching of schisms , wherein , though they who take this occasion , may be also culpable , yet will not this excuse those who administred it . wherefore 't is not by names or numbers , or power , you must make a judgment , when you seek for schismaticks , no more than you would , if looking for catholicks , enquire only who call'd themselves so . to evince my assertions , who that hath not lost his common reason , or else is becom'n a papist , but may discern , how impossible it is that ever a stable concord in the christian world , should be founded upon the acknowledgment of the universal headship of the bishop of rome ? and 't is not all their councels and fathers they can make such false brags of , nor the diffusiveness of this gangrene of their perswasion , nor the favour of so many princes , nor the harmony they would make us believe is amongst themselves , can excuse them from the just imputation of being most notorious schismaticks , an d dividers of the church , and a manifest combination of sectaries . once more let me add , all those who have espoused any private interest or party , which they are resolved to prosecute and maintain at that rate , that no man shall have liberty to promote christianity it self , except he will jointly contribute to the advancement of that their design and way ; are like to perpetuate our dissentions , so long as either there are other men of corrupt minds , who have got a faction contrary to theirs ; or so long as there are to be found men of truly catholick spirits and principles , that will serve the humors of no men , nor abet this or that party , as distinct from all other pious , sober , and peaceable professors of the christian faith ; but are resolved to be of that sect only , which in st. paul's dayes was everywhere spoken against . i know there are many that are earnest for peace , oftentimes meaning no more by it , than a stricter combination of all of their own party , or some a little different , against one they account a common enemy : thus no doubt the romanist may be griev'd to consider the struglings in his mothers own bowels , and may passionately exhort the several contenders to an unity , for the more effectual advancement of the catholick faction , and joint opposition of the reformed churches . but alas , what narrow-spiritedness is this ! the peace therefore i am exhorting to , and which it beseems all true followers of the prince of peace to endeavour after , should be built upon such foundations , as may make it extend to , and be comprehensive of all that agree in the essentials of religion , the belief and practice of those things that are revealed in scripture , as necessary to salvation ; and they ought to keep up no other difference betwixt themselves , and any that own the christian name , and the articles of its faith , papists themselves not excepted , besides what the rejection of all innovations in doctrine , discipline or worship will unavoidably produce . and therefore to be so much of a negative religion , as papists tell us we are , denying this or that groundless opinion , refusing such and such needless practises , is a truer sign of a catholick , than imposing any one of those contraverted things . our best disputants against the church of rome , tell us , that the foundations of the churches essence agreed on , and consented to , are alone the immutable grounds of its vnity . and i suppose it may be founded upon this reason , viz. that when a man enters into any society for some advantages there to be had , he is like to be firmly engaged thereto , whil'st the condition of his continuance in it , is an acknowledgment and practice of those things only , that are necessary for every particular member to do , if he would partake of those benefits that are attainable in common in that society ; for every mans personal interest engages him to an agreement thus far . but when any thing is super-induct , that is , consulted only for the gratifying or advancing some few , it cannot be expected that there should be a general compliance in these things . now the church being an aggregate of persons , believing and practising all things that god hath proposed and enjoined , in order to their everlasting happiness ; what more can be thought necessary for their union , than their conjunction , in the acknowledgment and practice of these things ? good god! how clear , methinks , is this truth ! and if this be the way for an union in the catholick church , why not in the particular churches that are parts of it ? for when these narrow and limit the conditions of church-membership , they so far depart from catholick unity . but these things are fully spoke to by others . so then , what miscarriages we are guilty of in this particular , is fully evident ; and what is to be done for their redress , is no way difficult to be found out and accomplish't , if at length we were agreed to make christs interest ours , and wholly to lay out our selves , and improve our power , and enact laws only to promote that , and to enforce the laws he hath already made , and would but bring our acknowledgments of scripture-sufficiency into practice . the lord grant this may be the resolution and endeavour of all in this church and state , who , under god , are in a capacity of restoring health and tranquility to a people so sorely weakned , by their being crumbled into so many sects and parties ; that at length becoming one in holiness and love , and turning as one man to the lord , serving him in a pure language with joint consent , he may be one with us , and the unity of our prayers may help on to their success , even the removal of those judgments , that were inflicted to drive us to such an unity . that i may now , lastly , sum up much in one word , we have been a people guilty of as wilful and malicious contempt of god , his gospel , ministers and people , and neglect of all true religion , as ever any nation of the world was , that hath enjoyed the means and opportunities for , and lain under the engagements to reformation that we have done . how have we trampled our mercies in the dirt , or thrown them in the face of the giver ? how soon have we forgot his rod , when when we have been but just from under the smart of it ? how have we contemn'd the threatnings of further wrath denounc't against us by his word and ministers ? how hath even profest atheism abounded , that hath made a scorn of , not only the duties , but doctrines of christianity ? to renounce all religion , was to be taken for a wit : and by their long impunity in wicked courses , were men more confirmed in their atheistical conceits . was it not fit then that death should reduce them to their right mind , when they are so wilfully distracted ? but especially for practical atheists , who whil'st they profess to know god , glorifie him not as god , but in works deny and dishonour him , how do they abound in our land ! except but some formalities of external performance , and publick worship , and a meer opinion ; how little appearance is there of a church , or christianity amongst us ? seem we not rather a cage of unclean birds ? look into the court , and university , the city and countrey , all sorts and conditions of men ; and say then , whether are we not overflowed with profaneness , which its just should be followed with a deluge of wrath to wash it away ? to what a pass are we come ? amongst whom nothing is so strange as serious holiness and strict walking ? to be a diligent server of the most holy god , is made a matter of reproach ? to live up in the principles of that religion , we all pretend to , is to expose ones self at the least , to scoffs and jears ? all that is past jesting in religion , is accounted fancy and hypocrisie . serious discourse is but fantastical canting . to mention any word of christ or his apostles , without making a jest of it , or the sacred name of god , except in an oath , or to take it in vain , is an offence to many tender ears . to admonish and reprove a drunkard or a swearer , is to become a busie-body , and self-conceited . to speak of god ▪ or christ , death , judgment , and eternity , and the great matters of religion , is the way to have some disgraceful title or other presently put upon you . godliness it self is look't on but as a faction , and as such despis'd and revil'd ; and the most unblameable professors of it , stigmatized with such names , as being design'd for their disgrace , too plainly shew what is their fault , even purity , and precise , circumspect walking . now may we justly revive the complaints made by godly bishops and ministers in former times , that let men walk never so conformably to the law of church and state , only endeavouring to avoid the sins of the times , and in their place and calling to bear witness against them , endeavouring to live convincing , exemplary lives , and to promote godliness in their own families , and amongst their neighbours , presently they shall be called puritans ( for that was , in bolton's phrase , the honourable nickname of christianity in those days ) and consequently , have less favour than ai papist , or carnal gospeller . the most powerful and awakening preaching , and serious , affectionate praying , where it is had to be had in publick ; are disgrac'd by the name of popular things , and such ministers the less favour'd , because flock'd after . and here is the fruit of the afflictions that have so long lain on us , even for such sins as these ! oh how justly may god take up against us all , those complaints that we find in his prophets , he doth against the jews . he hath sent his messengers early and late , giving us precept upon precept , line upon line ; calling to us , oh do not these abominable things ; they will be bitterness in the end ▪ and yet we have turned the deaf ear . nay , when we have pretended to enquire of the lord our duty , yet when it hath been revealed to us , we have at least in our works , said , we will not do all the lord hath spoken , but we will walk after the ways of our own hearts ; we will never live such strict and godly lives ; this is more ado than needs ; there is no such danger in following our lusts ; this is but the device of preachers to terrifie us . it was well enough with us , when we lived in those sins they keep such a stir against ; and we had never good world , since so much preaching and godliness came up . how have we mock'd god by our pretences to serve him , when our hearts have been far from him ? and those very persons , who in the church were confessing their sins , and praying , that they might live a godly and sober life ; when their devotions are ended , will do little less than deride godliness , and run into all excess of riot , and wonder at them as precise fools , who run not with them . and all this must be solved by crying , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord ; the church , the church ; by being zealous of some ceremony or custom of little concernment , and railing at all that are not of their humour , as disobedient , factious , and phanatical . how is the service of god dwindled to a meer formality , and many understand no more by it , than a devout using some particular form or mode of prayers , and by this they think to purchase heaven sure enough , and make amends for all their neglect of personal and family-duties , for the earthliness of their hearts , for the vitiousness and disorder of their lives ? oh how have fools made a mock of sin , and look't on it as a trifling thing , that men need to be so shy of . how many pretty pleas and excuses have they got for whoredom , drunkenness , and the most monstrous pride ? if the plainest word of god contradict their lusts , it shall be of no value with them : some trick or other they 'l have to evade it ; or , if they have nothing to say , yet they 'l will set their wills against gods commands , and statly disobey them . have not we even wish't there was never a bible in the world , no god in heaven ; and lived as if indeed there was not ? and alas , how small a remnant is there that have escaped the common pollutions ? how few that have been deeply affected with the dishonours done to their heavenly father ? who have stood on the lords side , and been faithful to the cause of holiness ? these have been but as the gleaning of the vintage , as after the gathering of the summer-fruits , here and there one in a town ; and these ( even as the remnant of the faithful amongst the israelites ) have been the wonder and scorn of the rest . these have been the song of drunkards ; and they , together with that word they walk by , have been the sport of those whose hearts have been merry , as sampson was to the philistine lords . they and their scripture serve the profane gallant to shew his wit , and help the poet to matter for his play. these for the most part are looked at as the most pernicious to the places where they live . and upon them malice hath its narrowest eye . he that departs from evil , makes himself a prey ; they have hated , and put to silence him that hath reproved in the gate ; and abhorred him that spake uprightly ; and , after all , wiped their mouths , and said , let the lord be glorified . were not we arriv'd to a most doleful state , when the most exact obedience to the laws of god , was accounted less disgraceful , than the most open violation of them ; and few durst plead for , and practise holiness with that confidence , that others durst commit , and own known sins ? how hath god waited long , and made the power of his long-suffering to appear , striving with us in the ways of love , and mingling corrections with his mercies , that he might prevail with us to pity our selves , but all in vain ? he punish'd us with the sword , and kep't us long in the furnace , and we are com'n out less refined ; again , he tried us with mercies , but we improved them not . he hath threatned , when he might have destroyed , and born with us long to prevent our ruine , and yet nothing would work : but we have prest him with our iniquities , and even made him to serve with our sins ; we have grieved his spirit by our stubborness and rebellion ; and have began to think , because he kept silence , he was such one as we , and liked well enough of our ways ; and because his judgments were not speedily executed , our hearts have been fully set to do evil . and when we were come to this pass , and god was even weary with withholding , and there were so few to stand in the gap to turn away his wrath , and even of them , many in a great measure thrust out of it ; were we not ripe for destruction ? was not our ephah full ? is it then any wonder , if at length , god be risen to plead with us , in a manner that shall make us know and feel , that he ruleth in the world , who will by no means acquit the impenitent ? who , though he bear long , yet will not always bear wit h a stiff-necked generation ? could we expect any other , than that god should make bare his arm , and visit us for these things , and ease himself of his adversaries , and avenge himself of such obstinate contemners of his laws and authority ? and what , shall the lion roar , and not the beasts of the forest tremble ! is god angry , and shall not we fear ? doth he shake his rod over us , nay , lay it upon us , so that thousands feel it in their flesh , and all hear the sound of its terrible lashes ; and yet do we not tremble ? shall not our haughty countenances change , and the joynts of our loins be loosed , now there is an invisible hand come forth , writing such bitter things against us ? hath god such a sore controversie with us ? hath he done so much , and yet will he yet do these and these things against us , and wilt thou not yet prepare to meet thy god , oh england ? oh the dreadful senslessnesse and stupidity of the hearts of our people ! how few are yet careful to learn righteousnesse , by the judgments that are amongst us ! notwithstanding this day of adversity , how few will be brought to consider ? is not this a direful presage of farther wrath ? and that it is even an utter destruction , that is coming upon us ! oh what a spirit of slumber and sottishnesse hath possest the most ! if it is not so with those about thee , reader , thou dwellest in a happy place . though people hear of thousands dying about thee , and have daily reason to expect their turn should be next , yet how regardlesse do they appear of all due preparations for it as ever ? they flatter themselves with a conceit that yet they may escape , and that death shall not come nigh their dwellings , and so post off all thoughts of it , taken up with the very same businesses , designs , and pleasures , they were always wont . but what should we say , can sword , or famine , or plague , or any outward affliction work on them , who have been nothing bettered , but rather hardned by commands , promises and threatings ? can the rod plead with , and importune them , so as the word hath done ? will sickness inform , command , argue and beseech so affectionately as the minister was wont ? where moses and the prophets might not be heard , what can prevail ? if hewing them with the prophets , and slaying them with the words of his mouth , would not affect them , hos . 6. 5. shall the execution of his judgments bring light ? why , yes no doubt , god hath his chastisements which setting on , and enforcing his word , do often humble and reform souls , and he hath also those punishments by which he destroys . and if men will will strive against his spirit , and resist it's workings ; shut their eyes against the light , contemn instruction , yea , harden themselves under correction ; and rather hate the god who makes them smart , than the sins that procure it , like those in rev. 16. who blasphemed god when they were in anguish ; what can be expected but the final ruine of the people or persons , that are guilty of such stubbornnesse and impenitency ? and oh that this were not the case of multitudes amongst us ! the lord awaken those that are yet in a capacity , to a timely prevention of such a doleful misery . and thus i have given an account of those crying sins , that are to be found amongst us , which belong to the first branch , which comprehended under it those sins , that were more evident and notorious . and by this we have made way for the second ; to discover some such miscarriages , which may be lesse evident , but no lesse hainous than these , as being indeed in a great measure productive of them ; and therefore i thought it methodical enough to proceed from the sensible effects , to the somewhat more latent cause . all that i shall speak of the latter branch , i shall reduce to this one head ▪ namely , that it may very justly be presumed , to have a great influence in the procuring our miseries that so many able ministers of christ , have of late been silent , and in a manner useless , compared to what they might have been , had they continued their publick employments . thus far i hope none will be offended ; for if it be granted de facto , that there are many whom god had furnished with abilities to serve him in the ministery , which he had called them to , that have not exercised those abilities , to the best advantage in that function , ( and i think he must have a good stock of impudence who shall deny that many of those , who have been of late unserviceable , were so accomplish't ) then i shall easily evidence , that hereby god hath been much dishonoured and provoked , whosoever the fault hath been ; which is that i shall briefly inquire into and discover , and then give in full evidence of my assertion . i know it may so happen , that what i write , may displease one and another , but for that i am indifferent , as having resolved to give no allowance to my passion or prejudice ; but to use the same impartiality and faithfulfulnesse , to the utmost of my power , that i should do , if , so soon as ever i had finished my work , i was to receive my summons to appear before the just judge of heaven and earth . nor would i willingly speak any thing , but what the undoubted interest of christ and his gospel engage me to , and will warrant me in : and whilst i have the lord engaged in the whole cause which i undertake , and plead ; i value not a straw at my foot , what the most enraged potent malice can do . nay , i dare then bespeak all in the words of the king of egypt to josiah , a little varied , 2 chron. 35. 21. what have i to do with thee , oh man , whoever thou art ? i come not against thee this day , but against sin , wherewith i have war ; for god commanded me to this work . forbear from medling with god , who is with me , that he destroy thee not . and i think a man may with as much comfort be a martyr for the unity and peace of the church , and advancement of holinesse , as ever any of our protestants were , for the defence of the reformed religion ( and indeed this was more their cause than christianity it self , if we consider it right ) yea , though he have a sheet of paper pinn'd to his back , that shall call him schismatical and seditious , and as such he be punished ; as they we know were burnt for hereticks . but to the businesse in hand . as to the matter of fact it s well enough known , what conditions were required , of all that would continue in the ministery , and still are exacted , of all that will enter upon it , which multitudes not submitting to , were suspended and silenced , and others , who both by their parents , and themselves were designed for that employment , and accordingly educated , were prevented of their intentions . the ill effects hereof i shall speak something to anon . now that i may deal fairly and plainly , this i must needs say ; that if there have been any of these dissenters , who were convinced in their consciences , that the things commanded were such , as all circumstances considered , they might lawfully have submitted to ; but yet out of faction , humour , obstinacy , a desire to gratifie , or promote a party , or any such carnal principle , did refuse such submission ; they cannot be excused from the guilt of deserting their charges , and of the many ill consequences of that desertion . what can any man in reason desire more ? for it is as such they suffer , and not meerly as misinformed , much lesse sure as invincibly ignorant , or as men that would not sin ; and if they have indeed been guilty of the crimes , for which their punishments are proportioned , i readily joyn with their most forward accusers ; but oh that the punishment had stayed , till the crime had been proved , and laid on those only that were found guilty ? but on the other hand , if there were any , who did use all probable means for their satisfaction , ( being earnestly desirous to have continued in the work of the lord ) and after all remained perswaded , that they could not comply with what was enjoyned them , without wilful sinning against god ; then they who by their impositions did necessitate them to forsake their ministry , are liable to the former charge , viz. are guilty of their ejection , and of the effects thereof ; except they had sufficient reason for so doing . would they have any thing spoke more candidly and gently ? now whether there be any of the former sort or not , i cannot , nor dare expresly affirm ; and i think , till they shall acknowledge , or some other way discover it ; ( more than i for my part have known them yet do ) it can be known only to him from whom no secret thoughts are hid ; but i desire them to deal faithfully with their own hearts , and if they are conscious to themselves of any such ill principles , and grounds of their not conforming to their rulers laws , to be humbled for , and expel them . that there are many such ejected , and prevented from the ministery , as i described in my latter supposition , i cannot but believe , as having for my self , the testimony of my own conscience , in the sight of god ; and for others such professions from men that have done nothing , that i know , to forfeit their credit ; and such reasons to make those professions appear credible ; that i am little less confident of it , then i am that there is such a place as rome or paris , which i know only by hear-say : i say , little less confident of this , that there are many who yield not a conformity to what was imposed , not out of hypocrisie or humour ▪ but out of a fear of displeasing god , and hurting their own souls . if this then be acknowledged , i think those who have cast and kept such out , have very great cause to be humbled for their severity toward them , according to the measure they were instrumental herein : except ( i added ) they had sufficient reason for their so doing . and that i shall grant they had , if they manifest either of these two things ; which are all the grounds i can imagine . 1. that there are as good effects of this their ejection , as i can produce ill ones . 2. or that the nature of thethings imposed on them was such , that it had been of as dreadful consequence to have dispenst with conformity to them , as thus to deal with them for not rendring such a conformity . but till either of these be proved , or some other satisfactory reason assigned ( giving leave soberly to debatethe case ) i shall for the conviction , and humiliation of the guilty , mention a very few of the many sad effects of this their exclusion . 1. the first is , the unreformednesse , and wickednesse of multitudes that through gods blessing upon their endeavours , might have been converted and reformed . and that this might have been in all probability accomplished , we may very reasonably argue , from that eminent successe which god gave to many of their publick labours , and by some fruits , since then , of their private endeavours . let none here willfully mistake and say , that by converting men , i mean nothing else but to turn them to a party , or an opinion : for i professe i intend no such thing ; but the very same that christ doth , when he tells us , that except we be converted , we cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven ; and that the apostle doth , when he speaks of our being turned from darknesse to light , and from the power of satan to god : even the turning the bent of mens hearts and lives , from sin and the creature , to god by jesus christ , and to the ways of holinesse , let them be of what opinion they will as to the several forms and modes amongst us . oh how many fewer drunkards , swearers , whoremongers , oppressors and cheaters might there have been amongst us ; had they had their liberty to have preached down these sins , whose only study and businesse it was to decry and shame them , and bring men from the love and practice of them ? how many more might there have been , who as true mourners in our zion , would have been humbled for their own , and the nations sins , and laboured by all means to have prevented gods wrath ; had they in all places enjoyed those means for their conversion , which they sometimes did , and might yet have done . if then the multitudes of provoking sinners , and the scarcity of humble , holy , praying christians , have been any ground of our sufferings , can it be doubted whether that which hath been so much the cause of those , hath done any thing to the procuring of these . oh for the lords sake bethink your selves , all you that are concerned ; was it just and equal dealing , when the prince of darkness was advanc'd with all his might into the field , then to disband , and put out of commission so many experienced leaders , that in their own persons , and by encouraging and guiding the several companies , would have done their best to resist him ? did you herein consult the pleasure of the great captain of our salvation , from whom you own your selves to have received your offices , only for the successful carrying on of his designs , and the fighting of his battels . nay , and all this you have done , because they submitted not to some things , which you your selves call indifferent , and which they believed , were contrary to the former instructions they had received from their lord and master . judge in your consciences , do you think it is more acceptable to christ , that the souls of men , whom he thought worth his precious hearts-blood , should perish , rather than some ceremony or injunction of yours be omitted ? did he ever in his actions or doctrine manifest such a contempt of souls , and such an esteem for a ceremony ? consider his life and death , and read his discourses to the pharisees , and then judge . are salvation and damnation indifferent things ? and shall they be less regarded than such ? oh how will you compensate for the disservice you have already done to the gospel ? it is not all your revenues can do it , though your repentance and reformation of such miscarriages for the future , may do much . be not offended with my freedom of speech : for ( god is my witness ) i speak not out of passion , nor a desire to make you odious ; but out of a just zeal for the cause of our dearest lord , and the concern of mens immortal souls . what amends will you ever be able to make to the poor creatures , who may now be tormented in hell , for want of those means of prevention , which you deprived them of ? though they may have had those other advantages which may leave them inexcusable before god ; yet how will you excuse the denying them the best you might have afforded ? you may deride , storm at , on contemn these expoftulations of a poor worm like your selves : but consider , i beseech you , what answer you will make the great judge of heaven and earth , who will come shortly in glory and power to plead his own and his peoples cause : when he will regard no man for the pompous titles he hath had , or great offices he hath born in his church ( for then , well fare the pope and his clergy ) but they who have done and taught his commands , let them be of never such diminutive titles and esteem here , shall be accounted great in his kingdom . and that , that 's our comfort , by his word we shall be judged at last , if here we may not be tried by it . then we shall all stand on equal terms , and the arbitrary determinations of frail men shall no more take place , but there abide an inquisition . to that bar we appeal , by that judgment let us stand or fall ; thither we refer our selves , and if we may not be heard here , we will patiently and chearfully wait that final , just decision of our cause . but now hear , for your own sakes at least , if neither our beseechings and tears , nor the cry and blood of souls may be regarded . do you think this is a slight matter ? and that you can easily shift it off , if they be required at your hands ▪ did christ die for souls , & shall they escape who murder them ? and do they do any less , who hinder those that would run to help and save them ? if the silent watchman be so damnably guilty , what are they that silence the watchmen ? to conclude , whether it had not been more acceptable to god , more correspondent to your commission , more beseeming your places and profession , more for the advancement of religion , and the eternal welfare of souls ; to have continued and encouraged faithful labourers in the vineyard of the lord , whose only delight was , to be employed in his service ; rather than to have offered them such terms , which christ never bid you , and then exclude them for not accepting those terms , i think , your own consciences may easily determine now , be sure the lord of the vineyard will , shortly . 2. another effect of their removal from the ministry , is , that many places are left destitute , and many are supplied with negligent , insufficient , scandalous men . had their rooms been fill'd with others as learned , pious , and industrious as they ; yet could they , who cast them forth , hardly evade the former charge , except they could manifest , that the harvest was not great enough , to have required all their utmost conjunct diligence . but it is beyond all contradiction evident , that in many places since their removal , there have been no ministers at all , in some as bad as none , in others worse than none . let none maliciously interpret my accusation largelier than i design it , which is not at all of the innocent . i censure no man as a conformist ; but reverence and esteem all those , who by their lives and doctrines , have apparently endeavoured to advance religion ; of which number , i am confident , there are many conformable men . and i abhor that uncharitable , censorious spirit , which condemns all that are not just of their own way . but on the other side , i think all are engag'd to be as far from palliating the notorious miscarriages of others . oh how many titular ministers have we got , that are far from deserving the name of christians ? that should rather be turned out of the church , than admitted into the pulpit ? this is so manifest , that sober men , though of their own way , acknowledge and lament it . how many are there , that more effectually preach for the devil all the week , than for god upon his day ? whose lives do more to set up profaneness , than their sermons to suppress it ? are there not many openly guilty of that drunkenness , wantonness , swearing , and such like loosness , which they are appointed to turn others from ? and are these wickednesses provoking in the people , and not in their teachers , who can never be guilty alone ? are any men capable of offering such an affront to god , and doing so much hurt to mens souls by their wickedness , as they , from whose lives should be learn't what is acceptable to god , and necessary for us ? 't is , i remember , the phrase of an excellent divine , a profane minister , is the devil in his pontificalibus . i list not here to blaze abroad all the disorders of our clergy ; i shall not insist upon the ignorance and insufficiency of any ; though in point of honour , they were concerned to have provided against such , who did lately with so much earnestness declaim against making priests of the lowest of the people . i will not meddle with that tribe that lives by the cathedrals . i will not tell of mens oblique preaching , against that holiness which they pretend to preach up . i shall not speak of the pride and covetousness , the laziness and negligence of pluralists , non-residents , and of all those , who too apparently seek their own honour and profit , from the places they enter upon , rather then the salvation of souls . these things i shall not dilate upon , because i would not too much swell my paper , and lest i should be thought to rail : only let me beg the guilty to charge these crimes home on their own consciences , as men that value their everlasting happiness ; for doubtless god is much displeased with the sins of those , whose callings hath so near a relation to him ; and especially with the most heinous sin , of making religion only as a stirrup , by it to get up into dignities and preferments ; which they who could see and censure in others , should be careful themselves to avoid . but those i mainly intend , are the grosly vicious , and debauch't , who are most unworthy to take gods name into thier mouths , to declare his covenants or statutes , who themselves hate to be reformed . good lord ! that ever it should come to this in a christian church , reformed from the corruptions that had overspread christendom ; that infamously loose and dissolute men should be ordained into , and continued in the ministry ; when godly , sober men are excluded , and kept out ! oh how might the romanist insult for such an acknowledgment , if the pope and his cardinals , with the rest of their hierarchy , were not known all the world over ? but with us , such doings are capable of far greater aggravations , than with them : oh that i could speak so sharply , as might displease our church-governours into a reformation of this corruption . what , are wolves fittest to be shepherds of the flocks ? can the devils vassals destroy his kingdom ? must stark mad men be made physitians , and sent to recover other men to their wits ? must they that have the plague-sores running upon them , be sent amongst others to prevent their infection ? is not a pest-house a fitter place for such a man , than a pulpit ? are traytors and incendiaries , the fittest men to reclaim others from their rebellion ? are they likely to honour god , and the gospel , and save mens souls , who do as it were , by their actions say , come , parishioners , follow me ; whatever i jest to you in the church , about god and christ , heaven and hell ; these are but idle dreams , or such matters as you need not much regard , god is an hard master , his laws are too strict ; it 's best to take our pleasures , and satisfie our lusts , come on it what will ; you entered into too strict a covenant in baptism , you had better serve the devil , than this jesus christ , who layes such hard things on his followers ; what need you regard his blood , he shed it , that you might have leave to live wickedly ; or however , 't is of no great worth ; for you had better be in an ale-house , or whore-house , than the heaven he hath purchas 't . are not these , think you , sweet preachers of the gospel ? and let them consider then how well they have discharged their trust , who set them up , and maintain them , whil'st they shut forth those who would make it their whole business , to carry on the very same design which christ came into the world for . if any should here object , and say , but these profane men are peaceable , whil'st your godly ones are turbulent and disobedient ? i shall wish him to stay till i come presently to speak a word or two to that ; only here let me answer , it seems strange to me , that those men must pass for peaceable and obedient , who are known rebels against the laws of christ ; when they must be accounted disobedient , who had rather lose their lives , than wilfully break one of the least of these his commands , only because they submit not to humane impositions ; which yet they would do , did they not think themselves pre-obliged by the laws of christ to the contrary . is this fair dealing ? i put it to thy own conscience , reader , be thou who thou wilt , and as partial as thou wilt . and if i went no farther , i suppose i have spoke enough to manifest , that there have been such sad consequences of the ejection of all who conformed not , that doubtless god hath hereby been dishonoured ▪ and displeased , and for this hath a controversie with our land. 3. i might moreover add , the feuds and animosities which have hereby been fomented and heightned , and are like to be still perpetuated ; whereas , had there been such an abatement of things required , as might well have been granted , in order to the retaining them in their places ; this might have been an happy mean for the composure of our greatest differences ; and people could not have taken notice of such divisions amongst us , nor could papists have had so much reason to hit us in the teeth with them ; nor could they whose spirits were too much exasperated , or judgments corrupted , have had so much occasion to make factions and parties , and so much sin had been prevented . 4. nor yet think it nothing , that so many innocent men and their families , are exposed to such great necessities , that some of them have scarce had bread and water to keep them alive ; and some have been glad to betake themselves to hard labour , to procure them a livelihood . certainly , the very cryes of their children for bread , sounding in the ears of a most just and merciful god , are not disregarded : and whether they who have reduc't them to these exigencies , have observed the great rule , not only of christianity , but even nature it self , to do as they would be done to , i would wish them well to consider . if any should retort , that they themselves were once so dealt with . i answer , i think they were used nothing near so harshly : but grant they were , the greater was their injustice which was the cause ; and the more inexcusable they , who inflict on others the hard measure , which they themselves lately groaned under ; and make them their pattern , whom they complain of and condemn . and had it been ( as it was not ) those persons who injured them , whom now they cause to suffer , i wonder where revenge is made their duty ; but this in a church-man , must sometimes pass for zeal for the church . it was easie to instance in more effects of this their ejection , which have been injurious to religion , and the souls of men . hence it 's come to pass , that their endeavours in a private way , by personal discourses , or writings , to reclaim sinners , are much frustrated ; for they are looked upon as a kind of distinct party , and so let them be never so careful to insist only on the most uncontroverted truths of religion , yet will many through prejudice misunderstand all they say , as if they were pleading their own cause , and endeavouring to gain proselytes to themselves , whil'st they are only striving to win souls to christ . when they are pressing men upon holiness and diligence for their salvation , some are prone to flatter themselves with a conceit , that this only is their strict and singular opinion ; and all that they say or do in religion , is put upon the score of a party , as if in these things they differed from others , and therefore are they disregarded . and thus it is also as to the people , who are known to love and adhere to them ; for their exact walking is look't on but as the following a sect , and which need not therefore be imitated ▪ and it can hardly be thought how many souls miscarry through these mistakes , which might have been much prevented , by that concord and mutual love which might have made all have been esteemed as brethren . moreover , hence it is , that these being now counted disaffected and discontented persons , many who bore them a spleen ( for their love 't is not impossible ) meet with pretences to vent it ; for they narrowly watch them in all their wayes ( and a little love to the commonwealth , with a dose of revenge and malice , how vigilant will it make men ? ) and are still ready to accuse them of something or other , they know not what , to bring them into trouble . and if they do but with all peaceableness meet together with their neighbours and friends , to quicken , comfort , and build up one another in their most holy faith ; yea , if they do but continue those meetings they were wont to have in times of greatest liberty ; presently they are liable to disturbance and punishment , as men holding unlawful assemblies ; whereas , had no such terms been put upon them , as necessarily put a difference betwixt them and others ; they might have been esteemed as loyal subjects , as they indeed are , and their actions had not been so obnoxious to groundless censures and accusations , nor they ever hurried to prison , or forc't some other way to suffer , for nothing but the meer surmises of the malicious . but i shall not give in more particulars : and whether these things i have mentioned are well-pleasing to god , or whether they may not rather have help't on his indignation against us , let all that are unbyas't determine . as to the truth of what i have spoke , i think it cannot be gain-sayed ; and what can be answered , i cannot devise , except what i before hinted , any should say , that by their removal , the peace of church and state is secured , which otherwise had been hazarded . to which i answer : 1. might not this peace have been procured better , by laying it upon those things whereon christ hath laid the peace of his church ? and not to make new laws , to which whil'st men in conscience cannot give obedience , they must be judged obstinate , as the courtiers served daniel : surely this is hard measure , when the things required are , in the judgment of the imposers , not necessary till they have commanded them , and so might have been left as indifferent , as they are in their own natures , and then how little contention had there been about them ? 2. might these persons be excused from those kind of subscriptions and declarations which are commanded them , they are ready to give in all that security , that can in reason he demanded , that they will be careful to preserve and promote the publick peace . if their oaths and promises may not be thought sufficient to oblige them to this , what hold could be taken of those other subscriptions and professions ? but if these were intended as a distinguishing shibboleth , that they might know whom to fall upon ; as a partition wall , to keep off those that may in some punctilio's differ from them ; as a test of a party , which serves to rank men under several divisions . if any in their impositions had such like designs as these , it is not all their power and policy combin'd , that can make such actings pass for current , with that god who is a lover of peace . and all at length shall be convinc't , that they who break the peace of the church , to promote the peace of a party , are not those peace-makers upon whom a blessing is pronounced . 3. i would fain know what disturbance of the peace there was , whil'st the liberty granted by his majesties declaration was enjoyed ; and upon what account it was likely to have been more violated , had that liberty been secured and perpetuated . 4. i am yet to learn how this restraint that is laid upon them , doth any whit the more incapacitate them for interruption of the peace , if a sense of their duty laid not a stronger obligation on them . it 's evident enough , that many of them have that influence upon their people , that it was no way difficult for them , to lead them into sects and separations , if they had a mind to 't ; and to lay such provoking pressures upon them , was not the way to prevent such miscarriages . but , blessed be god! their patience and moderation hath prevail'd over the smarting sense of those sufferings , which might have vex't them into extreams . if any have discovered too much impatience and bitterness of spirit , as i excuse it not , so neither are those proceedings which caus'd it , any more justifiable : but for many , it hath been their care , according to their capacities , to heal the distempers of their peoples spirits , to remove the too great prejudices many have conceived , and to reduce all whom they perceived inclined to a party : so that i dare confidently say , they have done more to preserve the peace of the church , than those who censure them , and cast them out of the ministry , as factious , and vnpeaceable . and as for raising any seditions or commotions in the state , not their most quick-sighted adversaries have , that i can hear or know , discovered them in the least guilty . and did his majesty but over-hear or know their daily privat'st prayers to god on his behalf , i am confident he would easily be convinc't , that his kingdom holds not more loyal , faithful subjects , than they , however they may be misrepresented , as deserving all that severity with which they are treated . by this time , i hope , i may on good grounds conclude , that the laying such restraints on so many faithful ministers , who might have been so eminently serviceable to their master , is one of those provocations of the divine majesty , under the effects whereof we groan ; and that therefore those who have been the procurers hereof , ought to lament their sin , and do their utmost to redress this grievance , and restore that liberty of which their brethren have been deprived . and if , when his majesty , out of his gracious nature , was inclined to have given that indulgence , which truly tender consciences did strongly hope for , and which would have rejoyc't the hearts of so many thousands of his best subjects ; if then there were any who stood in the gap to prevent the same , as we were publickly told ( in those very words ) there were ; let all such now soberly consider , what a breach they have help't to make upon us , and by their intercession with his majesty , for that liberty he is so willing to grant , as by one singular means , let them now stand in the gap , and turn away god's overflowing wrath , that we be not utterly consumed . and to you , reverend fathers , the rulers and guides of our church , give me leave to re-inforce my earnest request , in the name of our common saviour , that as you value his blood , and the purchase of it , and the precious souls for whom it was shed , you would yield a gracious audience to those , who beg of you nothing but a freedom to publish the glad tydings of salvation by christ our redeemer , to the lost sons of men . consider what a reasonable thing it is that is beg'd of you , no honours or preferments , but a liberty to serve your lord and ours in the work of the ministry . look over , i beseech you , your commission again and again , and see where you are commanded , yea , or allowed to cast out those whom god hath call'd to this work ; or keep out those , whom he hath in some measure fitted for , and strongly inclined to it , upon such grounds , and for such reasons , as we are thus dealt with . will you thrust and keep such labourers out of the harvest , whom our lord hath bid us pray might be sent forth into it ? was your power given you to any other purpose , than edification ? oh sirs , what is it you seek ? is it indeed to advance christs interest , to save poor souls from the devouring flames ? to set up holiness , and root out wickedness ? why then will you remain at distance from your brethren , whose very hearts are set upon these works ; who had rather than all the riches and honors in the world , be more in a capacity of employing themselves successfully herein ? oh , why will you restrain them from speaking , whose very bowels yearn over poor sinners that are just dropping into the burning lake , and think not where they are ? when the faces of so many thousands gather blackness , and they starve and swoon , and fall in the streets , why do you bind the hands of those who would so fain reach them forth the bread of life ? when their miseries and necessities cry aloud for help , why do you hinder those who would gladly afford them a seasonable supply ? who , though they may employ themselves according to their opportunities with particular mens souls , yet what 's that to the having their congregations to speak to ? review your patterns , i beseech you , and see whether you find any carriages of theirs , in their ruling of the church , which may justifie yours . our blessed lord would not have those forbid to do miracles in his name , who went not with him . nor doth paul intimate any desire to have silenc't those who preach't christ out of envy , much less such ( had there been any pastors of that mind ) who were for eating of herbs only , not meat . he speaks indeed of having the mouths of some stop't , tit. 1. 10. viz. they of the circumcision , who would have obtrutruded their mosaick ceremonies upon the christians , and judge whether our cause be like theirs ; and yet even their mouths were to be stop't by sound doctrine , and evidence of argument , ver . 8. oh how confident should i be of obtaining that liberty i am begging of you ( if reasons of another sort hindred not ) was christ himself alive amongst us , or any of his apostles our governours . had i had the happiness to have lived in st. pauls dayes , and addrest my self to him with all humility and earnestness , imploring a leave to preach the gospel , professing i had no carnal aim in it , but that my soul long'd to be disclosing those mysteries and treasures of love to poor sensless creatures , that were passing on to damnation , as not knowing or considering what christ had done to keep them thence , and that i would endeavour faithfully to declare the whole counsel of the lord , without adding to , or diminishing ought from it ; had i made such an address , do you think in your own consciences , he would have turned me away without my errand ? i have sometimes thought , that should i have put up such a petition to the king , i should have prevailed ; but fears of becoming ridiculous , have deter'd me . but let not this my sute , i beseech you , be rejected ; for what pretence of reason can be alledged against it . it is not i know the things themselves which are required , that you so much stand upon , as if they were in their own nature necessary antecedently to your commands . and was ever yet any answer given to those demands which have been made ( amongst others ) by a person of that judgment and moderation , that you can neither suspect him of prejudice or inclination to a party , when he asks what charter christ hath given the church to bind men up to more than himself hath done ? what grounds there are why christians should not stand upon the same terms now , which they did in the time of christ and his apostles ? and whether christ will ever thank men at the great day , for keeping such out from communion with his church ( we may well add from their service of the church ) whom he will receive into heaven , and vouchsafe not only crowns of glory to , but aureolae too , if there be any such things there ? he tells you there , that the commission the apostles were sent out with , was only to teach what christ had commanded , not the least intimation given of a power to impose any thing else , except what they might be directed to by the immediate guidance of the spirit of god ; and that they made an antecedent necessity , either absolute , or for the present state , the only ground of imposing their commands , and much more to the same purpose ; which , however they are regarded , may shew thus much , that it is not only humour and singularity which judges it most reasonable , that those things , which the defenders of them count indifferencies , should not be rigorously imposed on others , nor the peace of the church suspenaed upon them . but is it indeed the publick peace that by these things you consult for ? why will you then in the room of a submission to them , accept of any the most solemn engagements from those who will enter into them , that they will not disturb the peace either of church or state ? and if you find any acting contrarily , proceed against them as you please . let the world judge what reasonable offers we make . is it our obedience to authority you would have us manifest ? why let our submission in all other things speak for us . or lay on us what commands you will in civil things , or in any thing that may be no snare to our consciences , and by them prove whether we be obstinate or not . in a word , will you accept our promises , bonds , oaths , or what assurance can be desired , that we will labour in all things to act most agreeably to the gospel of our lord , which we all own as a sufficient rule ? and that we will not allow our selves in any prejudice , humour or perversness , but in all things , ( though we would not be made one a rule to another , in matters that will well allow diversity ) will comply with you , so far as possibly we can , without danger of displeasing god , and damning of our own souls ? and surely you have more tenderness than to desire us to do such things . i am bold thus to speak in others names ( though not one be privy to my work ) because i am perswaded there are few but will do thus much , and what can in reason be required more of any ? let none usurp the prerogative of searching hearts , and knowing mens meanings better than themselves , and say , these are fine words , and specious pretences , but the design of all is , but to get more liberty to strengthen a party : for i solemnly profess , and thou god , who standest over me whil'st i am writing these words , know'st it , i abhor such a design . if to raise men to the knowledge and love of god through the spirit of his son ; if to bring them to a careful observance of the precepts of our lord , that they may be obedient to their governours ecclesiastical and civil ; just and charitable to their brethren ; that they may be holy , humble , heavenly , patient , meek , pure , chaste and temperate ; abounding in all the graces and fruits of the spirit ; if this be to make men a party ; then let me be interpreted as earnestly desirous to promote it ; otherwise not . and shall those , who have no other aims than these , be kept out of the ministry , as turbulent , factious , and schismatical ? yea , some that were not born so soon as our civil confusions , and therefore sided with none , offended none ? if you indeed thought there were any thus innocent , and whose intentions were so upright , would you have no regard to them , but reject all their petitions , even such as i have made ? surely you would not . why be assured , if there may any faith be given to men , and if it be possible for men to know their own hearts , there are some , yea , i am confident , many such . well , however after all we may be censured and slandered , yet , whilest we can daily betake our selves to the all-knowing god , and profess before him ; that it is the grief of our souls , that we are deprived of those opportunities of serving him , which we once had or hoped for , which we beg may be restor'd and vouchsaf't rather than any outward advantages whatever ; and that we had rather serve him in the ministry , than ( for any interest of our own ) be made monarchs of the world , onely we dare not pretend his glory to justifie our lie ; we dare not ( for to him we may speak plainly ) say , we consent to those things we cannot find warrant for from his word ; nor that those who have vowed to reform his church , are not oblig'd by those vows , when corruptions are so many and great ; but we beseech him to lead us into all truth , and discover to us our duty , for that he knows we would do any thing but sin against him , to purchase a liberty publickly to serve him ; and therefore to his righteous judgment we wholly commit our cause ; whilst i say in our daily prayers to god , we can make such professions as these ( and that some can ) we may possess our souls in patience , and be comforted with the conscience of our integrity , whatever clamours there are without us , and whatever calumnies men may labour to fasten upon us . and i beseech you , who by your harshness , send such daily to god with tears and groans under the heavy pressures ; yea , and thousands more of the best christians in the land on their behalf , and on the behalf of their own souls , in so great a measure deprived of the precious quickning means they once enjoyed ; bethink your selves how grateful those your proceedings are to god , which thus occasion the just sorrows and complaints of his ministers and dearest people . and let me further put it to your conscience : , whether in your private addresses to god , you can say , that you are griev'd in heart for your brethren deprived of their liberties , and that you have condescended to them as far as possibly you could without sinning , and that you would do all that in you lies for their restauration , that might not provoke him , and be a burthen to your own consciences ; and that it is the interest of christ , and the edification and salvation of souls which you aimed at , in your proceedings against them . can you make such professions as these to god ? or to men , as you will answer it at the great and dreadful day of accounts ? i leave it to your calm and sober considerations . i shall no longer stand to importune you ; but ( as hoping i have not been speaking all this while to the wind ) entreat you to take into your serious review , the petition for peace , presented to you by the divines appointed by his majesty , to treat with you about church-affairs . there may you see what their requests are , and the pressing reasons with which they enforce them : requests so reasonable , that , nothing but experience could have convinced me , they were deniable ; reasons so evident , that i am perswaded they are unanswerable : and in this perswasion i am more confirm'd from their being railed at , and scribled against ( which was all the answer i ever heard of ) by a gentleman , from whom , if my present paper can escape a suppressing , it fears not an answer : for his violence is much more to be dreaded than his reason . now sleight not , i beg you , these entreaties , because you can easily deny them : for the cause i plead is just and equal , and of weighty moment , which i refer to your impartial debates , and leave the event to the disposure of that god , for whose honour it was ( if i know my self ) that i undertook this plea. and him i shall humbly follow with my prayers , that this supplication , which i am writing august 24. may through his good providence , and the favour of authority , do something to the reversing of the act , whose being in force , took date from this day three years since ) this fatal day that deserves to be wrote in black letters in england's calendar . grant this oh my god , for thy son christ jesus sake , i beseech thee , and let all that seek thy glory , and the prosperity of thy church , say , amen . if any upon the reading of this , should argue me , either of too great confidence in making such an attempt , or want of judgment to conceive there was any probability of the success , when much more likely endeavours have been uneffectual ; let such know , that when i had designed to do my utmost towards a discovery of those sins , which have provoked gods anger against us ; i should have thought my self unfaithful to the cause i undertook , had any fear or pretence of reason prevailed with me , to pass silently over a miscarriage of such a nature , as i have manifested this to be , so fruitful of , and complicate with , many others . and if any thing unequal to be framed by a law , i hope that alters not the nature of it so far , as to make it above a subject to call things by their own names . had an act pass'd for the toleration of drunkenness , or any the like sin , i should have taken the boldness to represent the ill nature and consequences of it . and though it is not impossible but prejudice may spy out very great faults , yet , i hope , both as to the matter and manner of discourse , i have not transgress't the bounds of sobriety , modesty , nor that duty which i owe my superiours . moreover , i conceived , that now god calls us all to search our hearts , and review our ways ; they who themselves put us upon this work , and exhort us to repentance and prayer , will not be unwilling to reflect upon themselves and their own actions , as remembring they are men subject to the same mistakes and frailties that the rest of the sons of lapst adam are . and if indeed it be made evident , that amongst other errands , one voice of the rod now upon us , is , let my people go , that they may serve me ; let my faithful ministers have liberty to advance my gospel . i hope , those , who are particularly called to from heaven , will not be disobedient . again , i was willing so far as was consistent with my main design , to represent to the world ( if any yet be ignorant of it ) the nature of the difference betwixt us ; however to manifest thus much , how willing , yea , how earnestly desirous some ( if not all ) of those suspended from their ministerial employments , are to be re-admitted to the same ; and what reasonable terms they beg ▪ and readily offer a submission to , if they might be heard , that so they , who are so forward to condemn them all as obstinate and perverse , may be more wary of their censures , and confine them to those only whom they know so guilty . and i hop't i might do something to quicken all those , whose hearts are affected with the concernments of the church , to more earnestness in their addresses to god , that he , in whose hands the heart of kings and all men are , would incline our superious to hearken to the requests , and graciously to regard the cause of so many of the servants of christ ; who , when his church so much needs their labours , and they would so willingly spend themselves in the service of souls , are to the sadning of their hearts , in a great measure rendered unserviceable in their generations . and lastly , thus much however i shall attain , viz ▪ the satisfaction of my conscience in the discharge of my duty ; that i can herein approve my self to god and my own soul , that i have done what in me lies , toward the procuring of my own and others liberty ; that , if it shall still be denied , i may have nothing to charge my self with in this respect : and may comfort my self in this , that the improvement of such a liberty , shall no more be required of me , by the righteous judge of heaven and earth , than the improvement of a great estate , or a place of honour , or some such talent , with which i was never entrusted . and if i obtain but thus much ( though i strongly hope for more ) i shall be far from repenting of my undertaken labour : for i must confess , that seems not to me a small thing , which any way conduceth to my having of boldness before my lord , at the day of his appearing . a word or two more i shall take liberty to add upon this head , before i relinquish it . if the removal of so many labourers out of the lords harvest is so grievous a sin , both in its self , and the sad consequences of it , then all others , and even they themselves , so far as they have contributed to this their removal , or have not since endeavoured to prevent those consequences have cause to be greatly humbled . and first , even all the people who have sinned their teachers into corners , by their pride , wantonness , and unfruitfulness under the means of grace . but especially those private persons , who by their malice either did , or at least endeavoured to contribute to their ejection , or to the hastning of it . what volumns might be composed ( even another book of martyrs or confessors rather ) of the sufferings many of these servants of christ have met with , from the arbitrary violence of unreasonable men ? for i speak not of what the law hath imposed on them . how have some been toss't from place to place , their houses searched , and they confined , and all this either upon groundless suspition , or false accusations : for where was the man of them that hath yet been proved guilty of treason or sedition ? oh the notorious gross lyes and perjuries , that some of their people have been guilty of , both before , and since their ejection ? and yet how readily accepted by many ? and what 's the ground of all ? why , alas , they had got many hearers , the great-ones especially , who were scandalized at the strictness of their doctrines and lives , and angry that they might not go to hell quietly , who studied to be revenged on them for the disturbance they had received from them in their sins . thus i dare confidently say , it hath been with many . and though such may have thought they have been doing god good service , whilest they have been persecuting his ministers , yet believe it , they shall have small thanks from him , that sent them upon that errand , the delivery whereof may have brought them so much trouble , and that they shall find to their smart without true repentance , if many of them have not already . what , could not men be content to reject the embassy god sent them , but they must injure and abuse his embassadors too ? shal not god proclaim war against that people that have thus violated the law of nations ? they would scarce have done thus to an embassadour sent from the turk , to perswade us to exchange christ for mahomet , and the gospel for the alcoran . but , oh , let let them alone , they are safe enough . 't is the factious non-conformist , not the christian minister they have medled with . not the holy jesus , that came from heaven to bring men thither , was crucified ; but ( if you will believe his adversaries ) an enemy to caesar , and a mover of sedition ; not paul a servant and worshipper of the most high god , but a certain pestilent fellow , a ringleader of a sect , was accused . the world hath still some policy and modesty in the drawing up its indictments , and dare not directly make holiness a crime . well , sirs , it will be happy for you , if you shall be found to have had so much wit in your anger , as that you shall at last be able to distinguish your selves out of gods displeasure : but if there should be any thing found in christianity , engaging to that you call non-conformity ; or if you have made this ▪ but a pretence for your malignity against that ; i would not for a thousand worlds be in your case , for all your distinctions , when god shall arise thorowly to plead his peoples cause : and even now sure he is beginning to do it . and if under the rod , you continue the sin for which you are lash't , bethink you how to answer that startling question , who ever hardned himself against god , and prosper'd ! and justly hath god suited his judgments to this sin of the people a famine of the word they feared not , and therefore may god have sent upon thousands what they account more dreadful , a famine of bread . 't is just that they who loath'd the manna , and were weary of the bread of life , should want bread to put into their mouths . and they who could not endure these terrible preachers , let them now speak , whether the threatning , or the execution , be the more terrible ? now , sirs , what say you to sin ? is it such a harmless thing as you thought it , or not ? doth not god now speak against it , in something a louder and harsher language , than your bawling preachers were wont ? under them you could sleep , but now sleep away this sermon if you can ; even this awakening sermon , which the plague of god makes to you . and if you go on in your hardness , you shall find to your cost , that the hell and damnation which their pulpits did so thunder against wickedness was but a painted fire , to that you shall eternally feel . but from others who have been the unjust causes of your sufferings , to your selves , i shall address my self : honoured fathers , and dear brethren , with whom my boldness will not , i am confident , be misconstrued . since you will readily acknowledge , that all that hath befal'n you , is just , as from god you cannot then but lay it on your sins ; and these , i hope , it is your daily business to reflect on , and beg pardon for . though i am well assu'd , the holiness , diligence and painfulness of many of you hath been such , that to men you may well acquit your selves , and may be worthy patterns to others , and shame and silence your accnsers ; yet to god you cannot so readily justifie your selves , i know you dare not . oh might not you have done more to promote the interest of your lord and master , than you did ? some of you i mean ; for i profess without all partialitie or flatterie , i think some did strive to the verie utmost of their power , to improve all opportunities for the good of souls , and now in their consciences they have the fruits of it ; but of these there were few , too few . oh be humbled then for all your negligence , covetousness , and self-seeking ; your pride and contentions ; that you were more averse from the offers of peace and union , than you ought ; that you kept so much ado about your own wayes and opinions , and stood wrangling about this trifle or that , whil'st greater works were left undone : and dailie make solemn engagements to god , that if once more he will entrust you with forfeited priviledges , you will be more faithful and vigorous than ever yet you have been , in the work of the gospel ; that you will no more take your ease , nor seek your selves , nor waste precious time in needless controversies ; nor confine godliness to any without book niceties of your own ; nor lay the peace of the church upon your particular opinions , but will readilie join with all that are willing , in the owning and pressing onlie the things that are necessarie to salvation ; and will use all means , both publick and private , for the conversion of souls . and if god grant your prayers , as in his due time he may , see that you remember these promises . but 't is the second branch i would have you chieflie to consider ; and that is your not endeavouring what you might , to prevent some of those sad consequences of your exclusion , which i before mentioned ; in that you have not embrac't all the opportunies that were yet afforded you , for the doing good to the people , to bring them from sin to god ; and so your negligence may have hastned and help't forward gods indignation . let me not be thought too sawcie , sirs , i beseech you , for in the same plain dealing i have used hitherto , i am resolved to conclude . i must needs say then , if they are not to be excused who have deprived you of your publick libertie , no more are you , if you have not improved that private libertie they left you for doing your masters work . i must profess it hath troubled me , to hear men pray so earnestlie , and talk so much for the restauration of their liberties , and to see them make so little use of those the law allow'd them . and it might too much tempt men to fear , that their secular interests went nearest to their hearts ; and that they chieflie mean a libertie , to receive their maintenance again , to live they and their families at their former rates ; or to be able to insult over , and give laws to those in the church , who now trample upon and despise them . i know daily bread may be pray'd for , but the coming of god's kingdom must have the prioritie , both in our prayers and endeavours . the case is weightie , sirs , and deserves your serious consideration , to go and preach the gospel you entered into an engagement , and received a commission , the validitie whereof ( though to some of you given , by the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie onlie ) i suppose you question not , nor i think scarce anie one else , till verie latelie . well , it being thus , i would know how you can shift off the necessitie that lies upon you to preach this gospel , and the woe in case of your negligence . you may replie , you have not leave given you , nor yet any maintenance allowed . but pray you , who give the apostles and primitive christians leave for three hundred years after christ , and who maintain'd them ? where was such a clause inserted in your commission , alwayes provided that the rulers of the world give you leave to perform your duties ? this would agree with the politicks of that gentleman , who being , i fear , design'd to take god out of the world , in courtesie to us , somewhat to prevent our confusion , would set up monarchs little less limited than he. but if our ancestors had gone by this rule , where had the gospel been ? or where is it excepted , that you must have such and such provisions , or else not to preach ? for my own part i acknowledge my self a verie mean casuist , and ignorant of twentie subtle distinctions , which here might be needful . and i am verie confident , i am speaking to few , but are more knowing , and better studied in this point , than my self ; and great difficulties there are to me , concerning the relation betwixt a pastor , and a people , as matters now stand with us ; how far it holds , and how far men are engaged to perform all the duties of that relation ; wherefore to that i shall say little or nothing ; onlie so far as concerns my self , and verie manie more , yea , all in part , i use thus plainlie to resolve the case to my self ; when my understanding is most help't , by a powerful apprehension of death and judgment near at hand . i take it for the indispensable duty of every man , to employ himself to the utmost in his place and calling , in answering the ends of his creation and redemption , the glorifying of god , in doing his best to save his own , and others souls . and if i have been solemnly consecrated to this work , to make it my verie particular calling , no command of the highest emperor iu the world can disoblige me from it : god must be honoured , the gospel proclaimed , souls saved , my vows performed , storm and rage , forbid and hinder it , who will or can . but if there happen such terms to be put upon me , as the condition of my more open exercise of the function i am devoted to , which terms , after the use of all due means for information , i judge i cannot lawfully submit to ; but yet others will , whose apprehensions vary from mine , who will in some competent measure carry on the publick work i was employed in , which i am forbid to meddle with : then , in such a case , ( which , if i mistake not , is ours ) i will cast about which way i may do most , for those ends i am obliged to carry on . and since christianity it self is not forbid to be preach't , only i must not do it , viz. not publickly ; but yet others will , and in many places do : and i foresee that by rushing upon the publick preaching , more hurt would come of my disobedience , than good ; and i should be more out of a capacity for future service , either by imprisonment , banishment , or the like ; ( which are not so much to be shun'd as sufferings , but as they hinder the attainment of my ends ) i will then see what private opportunities are afforded me for those ends , and these with all readiness i will accept , and diligently improve ; as in which , all circumstances considered , i may do most for the advancement of the gospel : and therefore is not to be thought an effect of cowardice , a baseness unworthy him that remembers what it sounds to be a christian ; but as my taking that way , which most conduceth to gods glory , and the interest of religion ▪ and this is no other than the course paul himself took , gal. 2. 2. when he communicated the gospel privately , to them that were of reputation ( and why ? for fear , or shame ? no , but ) lest he should run in vain . but if circumstances should so alter the case , that i see , venturing upon publick preaching , be the most probable way for the accomplishment of my just designs , then i will embrace that : or if i should be forbid privately to endeavour the salvation of souls , then i must , and will disobey , let what will be the event ; because such commands directly contradict those ends i must promote , and leave me no way for the attaining of them : yea , though i dye for it , i must tell those within my reach , who gave us our being , and keeps us alive , and to what end ; who shed his blood for us , and why ; and what we must do to be made partakers of the benefits he hath purchased : i must tell them of the evil and danger of sin , whither it leads , and what an heaven holiness will end in . these are matters that the world must know , though a thousand deaths attend upon the publishers : and i would no longer care for a tongue or hand , than whil'st i might speak or write of them ▪ one word more , and i shall conclude this : but it so happening since the loss of my liberty , that my self , and those that depend on me , may be reduc't to such pressing necessities , that i must be taken up much more than i was wont , some way or other for the procuring of a livelihood ( the sad case at present of many precious , eminent ministers ) then i will betake my self to such care and pains as is requisite hereto ; in the mean time not relinquishing my great work , but regarding the world ( as all ought to do , and indeed the most of what i have said , is appliable to private christians ) onlie with a subserriencie to it . and this again we may find justified by paul himself : whom , if you had found busie at work , in making his tents , yet you could not have charged him with neglect of the gospel : for even then he was contriving how to render it most acceptable . and thus i have given in my brief thoughts of this case , which , though it may seem a digression from the matter in hand , yet is it not so from my main design , if it may do the least to quicken any to a sense of their dutie , and the neglects of it , and to put them upon more carefulness for the future . and hence many may see , how guilty they have been , in not laying out themselves for the good of souls , so far as they might , without breaking any law , or running any hazard . oh sirs , you are men sure somewhat sensible of what worth a soul is : and what weighty things salvation and damnation are , which careless wretches do but jest with , as words of course . why have you not then laboured more in these matters ! let none misunderstand me , i speak to the negligent only . could we have done no more for god and mens souls , to inform the ignorant , convince the obstinate , quicken the godly , than we have done ? might there not have been , through the blessing of god even upon our private labours , fewer to provoke , and more to please him , more to strive with him by their prayers to turn away his wrath , than there are ? and upon the same account , i would beg all private christians to lay to heart their lamentable dulness , aud uselessness in the places and towns where they dwell . oh how little are their neighbours and acquaintance , i wish , i might not say their families , better for many of them ! so little do they make religion their business : but in all their converse are even like other men ; only plodding on in a life-less profession , and track of duties ; and appearing a little zealous for some by-opinions of their own . it was time for them to be raised out of their heavy , luke-warm temper , and to be made to mind and relish a little more the weighty truths and matters of religion . reader , art thou an honourer of christ , and a lover of mankind ? why tell me then , is it not a most lamentable thing to consider , that almost all the world , yea , almost all the christian , and reformed christian world is drowned in wickedness : and that there is so little savoury salt in it ; so few that study and labour to make the gospel obtain amongst men in the life and power of it ? how do the most seek their own things , how few the things of jesus christ ? oh that men were once throughly perswaded , that his things were theirs ! some are too busie about puppet-plays , the petty trifles of the world , which , yet to those , who are swallowed upin them , seem weighty and important ; to mind much what becomes of mens immortal souls . let the poor curate , that must live by it , see to such low affairs . others have so much to do to keep up their own parties , opinions and customs , that christ may look to his gospel himself for them , except as it lies in the way to the things they account most their concern . but all you the ministers of christ , if indeed you take his work it self for your honour , pleasure , and wages , though many of you may want those encouragements which are so requisite and desirable for your success ; yet , be awakened to do all the service you can to your lord and master ? let us not stand accusing any for the removal of our opportunities , whilest we have so many before us , if we had the hearts and skill to use them . how glad would the primitive christians , or our protestant martyrs have been of those priviledges we enjoy , though they might earnestly have desired more ? what sirs , are there no poor souls near you , that cry aloud for your help , to save them from the burning lake , to rescue them out of the jaws of death , and snares of the devil , by whom they are led captive at his will ? these , these are they , upon whom especially you ought to employ all your skill and pains , and from him that died for them , you shall have your reward . i know the godly also call for strengthning direction , comfort , and quickning ; but surely your principal ( much less your only ) work is not with them ; the miserable creatures that are just at the graves mouth , and yet know not what they came into the world for , require speedie and seasonable help . oh how many thousands may now be out of your reach , whom you once might have spoken to , but did not ! who hinders you from going to such , and discoursing to them the matters that concern their everlasting peace ? cannot you watch opportunities when they can best have while to hear you , and are most likelie to regard you ? you that live amongst your former people , cannot you go to their houses , and take all occasion of converse with them , and be inculcating on them the great truths and duties of the gospel ? if you never formerly took this course of private dealing with your people , set upon it now , and you know not but it may be more effectual than all your former labours were . some that have tried , have had good success . however , you will have comfort in doing your dutie . oh go often , as you have time , amongst you poor neighbours , and see in what a state their souls are , and be not so uncharitable and hard-hearted , as to see them dropping into hell , and yet do nothing to prevent it . though 't is amongst strangers you are cast , yet acquaint your selves with them , and do them all the good you can , as knowing every man 's your neighbour that needs your help . put then upon reading good books , and take account of them , and learn what their knowledge in religion is , and accordingly instruct and advise them . but far be it from me , to presume to give directions for the work , others have done it fully ; and you know it well enough if you would but set to it with all your might : oh follow then the example of paul , who went about from house to house , night and day , warning and beseething every one with tears . what do you think this is not preaching the gospel ? do you think that 's only , whilst you stand on a high place in the midst of an assemby ? did not christ preach the gospel to a woman alone , and philip to the eunuch ? in some respects 't is evident personal discourse hath much the advantage of publick preaching ; and why may we not expect gods blessing hereupon , as well as on the other ? now sirs , we have an happy opportunity of discovering what pure love to the gospel will do with us , without any hopes of a temporal reward . what moved you to preach to your people before ? i know you will not joyn with the quakers in accusing your selves , and say it was for your tythes . what then , was it a desire to save the souls of your people ? why i hope their salvation is as precious in your eyes now , as then ; and do not they as much need your assistance ? why then do not you continue it ? say not , the people will not bear it , for many will. try them once again , and where any are obstinate , let your love and courtesie do its utmost to overcome them . oh let us but work out own hearts into lively affectionate apprehensions of the great concernments of souls , and study more what god is , and why he made us ; what the death of christ imports , what it is for a soul to be saved or damned for ever ; and we shall scarce be able to refrain speaking to all we can light upon ; but we shall rather ask every man we meet , whether he hath yet done his best to make sure his everlasting happiness ? whether hee 's yet got from under the wrath of god , and out of danger of hell ? these things will be ready to burst from us in the very streets , or open congregations . oh had we but that zeal , and those affections which these matters deserve , and will very well warrant , what work might we make in the world , yet keeping in all due bounds of sobriety and prudence ? though perhaps we might be counted mad-men for our pains , as christ himself and the apostle paul were . but remember then , i would have you spend your zeal upon the things that are worth it ; proportion it to the weight of the truths you insist on . i would not have you take this pains to make men of your opinion , in controverted matters . beware of that , designing a party will spoil all your work . labour you to make them members of christ , what need you care then what particular church they are members of , or wherein they differ from you in matters , that concern not their salvation ? do the best you can to heal all breaches , make none , widen none . let men censure us as long as they will for schismatical and turbulent ; and if all our professions to the contrary may not be heard , yet let our practises witness to god , to the world , and to our own consciences , that we are true lovers of piety and peace . see that you have no other aims but gods glory , and hee 'l own , and crown you for your labour of love . say not now , this is a difficult work , but tell me whether it be not needful ? if the devil and his instruments sit still , then do you so to ; remember what a covenant you made in baptisme , beside all other engagements since . think what you live for , and where you expect to stand shortly , and tell me whether a life thus laid out for god , will not then be your comfort ? oh for the lords sake then all you his servants up and be doing , and fear not : for god will be with you , what are you afraid of enemies ? do you think this will procure you more hatred and sufferings ? and awaken powers to greater jealousies , and cause them to abridge you of the liberty yet reserved ? never fear it , sirs , why don't you know what i am pressing you to ? is it to propagate christianity ; and this is a work that must and shall be done : for god hath said it , and hee 'l see to it ; and for this the world is yet kept up . oh sirs , pure , simple , and uncorrupted christianity , deserves all our time and study , and pains to advance it . and it hath such comforts and crowns , for its resolved friends and persecuted followers , that would make a man even long to be suffering for it ; and the more he suffers , the more he will still love , the firmlier adhere to it . christianity , it is a religion of that force and excellency , that it defies oppositions , and scorns all banks and bounds . it awes its greatest adversaries , and a prisoner at the bar with it , may make his judge upon the bench to tremble , and the sturdy jaylour that even now whipt him , come quaking to beg a pardon . fear not prisons , for the gospel can never be bound . let this alone be your rule , and value not what law or will of man shall contradict it . kings and emperours with all their officers , and armies , edicts and authorities , are but trophee's to its power ; like dams they 'l make it rise the higher , and overbear all before it ; experience confirms what i say . this cake of barley bread will tumble down all the tents of a midianitish host ; the noise of its trumpets , the light of the lamps ( though the pitchers that bear them , these earthen vessels our bodies , be broken ) and crying out ; the word of the lord , and his son christ jesus , will discomfit innumerable armies , and make them run , and cry , and flee . this is the gospel , and let all that read these lines say , let it go on and prosper , let it run and be glorified , and strike its healing sword to the hearts of its adversaries . now this is it , and this alone , which i would beseech all to spend themselves for , and fear not but it will bear your charges . let your work be purely gods , and if he can bear you out he will ; and i hope you don't doubt that . but let me once again beg you , to see that you make the cause you work for , the same that christ and his apostles drove on in the world , and then how joyfully may you suffer for it , whatever men call your actions and designs . 't is nothing strange to suffer for christ from nominal christians ; nor for peace and truth , from men that call themselves orthodox and catholick ; this hath been often in the world ! let then the weighty , but much neglected doctrines and commands of the gospel be urged with all earnestnesse , but lesser things lesse regarded . talk lesse of the times , but more of eternity . stand not discoursing who should have power in the church to men , that are yet under the power of the devil ; nor of a ceremony or form of prayer , to those that know not god , nor their own souls . what strange things would these be to catechize an heathen in ; and are they much fitter for carnal ones ? but oh labour to work men into the true temper , and spirit of religion , which consists so much in love to god and our brethren ; and then the new nature that is in them , the inward relish of their souls , and renewed principles of light , will enable them to judge of things that differ , and all matters of moment god will reveal to them . again , i have need to request that i be not judged immodest , if the confused haste i now write in , have carried me out to a more than seemly earnestnesse ▪ nor yet count me pragmatical for venturing thus to advise , since i desire no more regard then what the reasonablenesse , and weight of the things proposed shall be found to deserve . and thus at length , through gods assistance , i am even com'n to the end of my task . i have endeavoured to shew , wherein it is , we have from the highest to the lowest done amiss , and provoked god against us ; i have also mingled directions , so far as my intended brevity would permit ; for the performance of those duties , that may appease his wrath , and make us happy in his favour . and oh that these weak endevaours might have an issue answerable to their design ! then how confidently durst i say we should be an happy people , by becoming holy , which is all i have aimed at . but what talk i of my endeavours ? what shall be now the issue of gods judgments that have been upon us ? shall we be bettered by them or not ? oh one would think there should scarce an obstinate sinner be left in the nation after this ? but that we should all with one consent return to the god who hath smitten us , from whom we have back-slidden ? one would think we should now imitate the children of israel , whom after eminent judgments we find entring into a covenant , to seek and serve the lord their god , to which their kings were wont to call them . and oh that god would put it into the heart of his majesty , to engage all his people even from one end of the land to the other , to enter into such a solemn vow ; that we will in all things be careful to walk in those ways god hath enjoyned us , and not in any thing voluntarily break his holy laws ? oh that some such an engagement was made the bond of our union ; our entrance into and observance of it the condition of our church-communion ? of what a blessed consequence would even this be ? but this and all other such great wishes , let us reserve for our prayers ; and give me leave with some jealousie to demand , whether all that god hath done shall be lost upon us ? what shall our nation still be drowned in sin ? so soon as ever the rod's from off us , shall we to our old courses again ? shall profaneness abound , and religion be despised again ? shall taverns , and brothel-houses , and play-houses be frequented , and gods worship slighted , and neglected again ? will the abominable and filthy be so still ? shall blasphemy , and swearing , and cursing , be as loud as ever ? will men again to the world , and their pleasures , as busily as ever ? and make as light of his threatnings and promises , and laugh at the talk of death and judgment , as they were wont to do ? shall god still be mock't with formalities , and dishonoured by mens lives ? will the hater of godliness still rise higher in his rage ? will the execution of justice be as much neglected as ever ? and will the man of violence swell his fingers into loyns , and exchange his rods for scorpions ? will men still close their eys against the clearest light , and reject the apparent and only means for the reconciling our differences , and establishing our peace upon sure foundations ? or will they yet strive to aggravate the bitterness of mens spirits , and pursue their design of crushing them into the very dirt ? shall we yet be rent and torn with animosities and divisions ? and shall they that ought to cure , keep up and encrease them ? shall we still , instead of accusing our selves and sin , dip our pens and tongues in gall , and cry out , one side on the tyrannical , cruel and oppressive ; the other , on the murmurers , male-contents , and fault-finders ? will these , and all other disorders be still continued ? oh god forbid that it should be thus , that we should grow worse under the physitians hand , and that none of his strongest medicines should work ? shall we cause god to complain of us , that he would have healed us , but we would not be healed ? that in vain hath he smitten us , for that we would not receive correction ? oh that such a poor worm as i , could do any thing to prevent such a sad conclusion ; for woe to us , if god depart from us , leaving us to our selves , resolving to strike us no more , but letting us alone till he destroy us in our sins . my words are like to spread but a little way , but oh that they might have some effect where they light . to thee , reader , let me betake my self : what have the workings of thy soul been , whil'st thou hast been reading these lines ? and what influence have they upon thee ? what , hath not they conscience smote thee , speak the truth , and told thee plainlie , thou hast been a troubler of the land , and hast help't to bring the plague upon us ? in the sight of god , i demand of thee , hast thou not been guilty of some of the sins here described , covetousness or pride , luxury or oppression , or the like ? and what now ? dost thou condemn thy self for thy follie ? wilt thou make all speed to get a peace confirmed betwixt god and thy soul , and a separation made betwixt thy soul and sin ? or on the other hand , art thou not in a rage , that thy sin hath been too plainlie displayed , and too much disgrac't ? thy darling sin which thou art resolved to keep , though thou have hell with it ? art thou not framing excuses , and saying , thou canst not believe that such and such things which thou hast a mind to , are such heinous matters , and so displeasing to god ? or else art thou remiss and stupid , never thinking this or that , onlie tossing over the book , and passing this censure on it , and throwing it down without anie more regard ? trulie this is it i most fear ; for this is the general prevailing temper : oh therefore that i could but rouze thee to an apprehension of thy self , and thy own estate . reader , sure thou art one that wouldst not willinglie be damn'd ; wilt thou then hearken to a most reasonable request i shall make to thee , before i conclude ? thou hast now been awhile reading these lines , which have been as a bill of indictment against our land , and have deciphered what our especial crying sins are . wilt thou now when thou shut'st the book , get alone , and spend but as much time in reading thy own heart and life , and search and see whether none of these sins be thine ? it may be this is a work thou never didst in thy life yet , but wilt thou now bring thy heart to it ? ' tisin vain to ask thee , whether thou wilt forsake thy sin , if thou wilt not set upon examining thy self to find it out . what say'st thou then in the name of god to this my earnest request ? what , shall i be denied ? is it a great matter i ask of thee , to withdraw thy self from the noise and busle of the world , and of thy own vain thoughts , and to make a diligent search into the state of thy own soul , that being sensible of thy sin and danger , thou may'st yet get help ? wil't thou do thus much , or tell me plainlie , wilt thou be damn'd first ? for i 'le assure thee , thy damnation is never like to be prevented without serious consideration , and that 's it i would beg thee to : which is it thou wilt choose ? to set upon thy dutie , or to venture upon helf ? sure thy mind cannot but answer one way or other . reader , be awakened , take not these for words of course ; from god i speak to thee , 't is god looks on thee ; he knows the thoughts and intentions of thy heart , upon thy reading these demands . and whatever course thou take , whether thou wilt examine thy self , and forsake thy sins , or not , yet thou canst not say but god hath given thee fair warning . he now stands over thee with his rod in his hand , and asks thee , whether yet thou wilt seek , and serve him ? if thy self-examinations shall have made way at all for such a demand , i would know in the next place , whether thou wilt strive to put away sin , every sin from thee , or wilt thou not ? art thou yet willing to be reconciled to god ? be it known to thee , oh sinner , whoever thou art , yet there is hopes ; from the lord thy maker and redeemer ▪ i tell thee so : what would the damned give for such a word ? if thou wilt but impartiallie consider thy wayes , bewail thy sin , and loath it ; turn from it , and from the world , to the lord thy god , with all thy heart , resting on his mercie in and through his son , setting upon a course of serious holiness , and continuing therein to the end , doing this , be assured thy soul shall live . something of this i spoke at the beginning , and cannot stand to say more on it now : here 's enough to inform thee ( if thou knewest it not ) what thy dutie is ? but art thou willing to perform it ? one would think thou shouldest soon be resolved what to do . the question is , whether thou wilt do thy utmost to change thy heart and life , that thou may'st be saved ? or whether thou wilt go in sin , and be damned ? i have told thee upon what terms thou may'st yet escape thy ruine : but withall know , this must be done . speedilie , or perhaps not at all . if thou delayest one hour , thou may'st be in hell the next . god nath born with thee long , now he is making shorter work ; he will not alwayes wait for nothing . they heart quicklie he demands , this he will have , or thy hearts-blood . away with thy sin then with all possible speed ; if thou retain it , it will be thy death ; for a hue and cry's gone out from heaven against it , and the man in whose hands 't is found , shall surelie dye : then cast it away , if thou love thy life , thy everlasting life . but what art thou one of those sensless , brutish , blockish souls , that a man had almost as good spend his breath upon a stone wall , as talk to thee ! art thou nothing moved with all thou readest or nearest , but takest all for words of course , which thou forgettest as soon as the noise is out of thy ears ? dost thou now lay aside the book , and go about thy wonted business , as if thou hadst not been reading for life or death ? but a kind of story , that no way concerns thee ? wilt thou now rise up , and go to thy worldly cares , thy company , or vain discourse , instead of getting alone to god with humble acknowledgments of thy sin , and earnest cryes for mercy ? if thou wast infected with the plague , and had ▪ st been reading what medicines thou should'st use , would'st thou lay by the book , and never mind more , as if thou hadst done enough to read them , without taking care to apply them ? and wilt thou now be guilty of a madness as much greater than this , as sin and hell , are worse than the plague and death ? art thou resolved though christ himself should kneel to thee , and beseech thee ( as he doth by me ) to search they heart , and review thy wayes , and detest thy sins , that he might save thee , that yet thou wouldest not grant his desire , nor ever put thy self to so much labour as conversion will cost thee ? if thou be such a stupid `resolved sinner , that wilt remain in thy old wayes , come on it what will ; yea , and believest all shall be well enough with thee for all that , what can i say to thee more ? god be judge between thee and me ; thou art destroyed , not because thou couldest have no help , nor because it was not offered thee , but because thou didst wilfully resuse it . but , poor creature , my heart even akes for thee , and loth i am to leave thee in this wretched ▪ dull , distracted temper ; wherein if death , that is now so busie abroad , should find thee , thou art undone for ever . oh that yet i could speak something that would make thee feel and fear . tell me then , thou who art now so bold and resolute , so sottish and careless , dost thou not think thou shalt dye ? why , what wilt thou do then ? think on it , and think again , i befeech thee . is it not great odds , but the contagion may shortly reach thee ? what course wilt thou then take , when thou shalt see the tokens of god upon thee ? which way wilt thou look , or what wilt thou do for help ? then go to the sins thou hast loved so dearly , and see what comfort they will afford . now call for a cup , or a whore ; never be daunted man. shall one of thy courage quail , that couldst have mockt at the threatnings of the almighty god! what so boon and jolly but now , and now down i th' mouth ? here 's a sudden change indeed ! where are thy companions ? all fled ? where are thy darling pleasures ? all forsaken thee ! what will thy bags , and bills , and bonds , do thee no good ? why shouldest thou be dejected ? thou art a man of worship , perhaps a lord , or a knight , or gentleman ; go chear thy self , review thy good purchases , think of thy high titles , and rich revenues ! go gallants , get to your galss ; powder and curle , paint and spot , deck and adorn you , as you were wont ? ' what , do you take no pleasure to view your pale faces ? do your hearts sink within you like a stone ? why how now poor creature , what hath the world left thee ? the world thou didst so dearly love , that heaven was but a trifle to it ! what , hast thou misplac't thy heart on a treacherous friend , that fails thee in thy greatest need ? must thou now all in silence and sadness groan forth thy wretched soul into another world ? now , now wretch , what hath thy sin and carelessness brought thee to ? now where is thy life of mirth and sport ? what wilt thou do now , when thy own comforts have left thee , and god loaths thee , and casts out thy death-bed howlings with disdain ? what dost begin to call upon him now ? dost think a few good words shall serve thy turn ? read jer. 2. 28. go get thee to thy own gods , see whether they can help and deliver thee . say not i would drive thee to despair ; no , i would fain prevent it ; and so may'st thou , if thou wilt but hearken in time ; and that time 's just now ; for death is even at thy back , and perhaps will take thee up as soon as the book 's laid down . but perhaps thou art one that think'st thy self safe , and that this nothing belongs to thee , because thou may'st be recovered from the sickness , or got out of the reach of it ; or it may be so abated , that thou dost not fear it ; and therefore thou art ready foolishly to cry with agag , the bitterness of death is past ; but oh be convinc't of thy lamentable sottishness ; for thou mayst yet be hew'n in pieces for all that . read amos 9. 12 , 3 , 4. and tell me whether god will not find thee out . thou art run away from the city perhaps , but not from thy sin ; and therefore thou carriest the plague along with thee , which sooner or later will break out . but though escape the plague , art thou then secure ? if thou canst but out-live this mortality , dost thou think all is well then ? all danger over ? no , hold there , sinner ; god hath not done with thee so ; believe it , the worst is yet to come . alas , man , death , judgment and hell are behind still . i , but coming they are apace , and overtake thee at last they will , even all of them , if thou look not about thee in time . patch and piece up thy mouldring carkass as long as thou canst ; and shift thee hither and thither , from this disease or that ; but after all be assured , thou shalt dye . and after death hath done its work upon thee , and the judgment past , and sentence executed , if thou then find all well with thee , boast , and spare not ; but till then be silent . but if yet thou art fully bent to keep thy sin , let me beg thee to think a little what is that hell thou art leaping into ; oh think what the wrath , the flaming , unquenchable wrath of god is . dost thou make a pish at it ? 't is because thou art an infidel , or hast lost thy wits . i know thou canst not awhile to think of it now , thou hast pleasanter things to take up thy thoughts , than death and hell ; and therefore thou laughest and singest , and merrily throwest away thy hours , as if no hurt was near thee , whilest thou standest tottering on the very brink of the bottomless pit ! and all this while , how many devils whom thou seest not , stand some gaping to receive thee , and some labouring to make thee sure , and till thee on ? and multitudes of deaths are waiting for a commission , any one of them to thrust thee in , and then farwell all hope for ever . oh spend but one hour , or half an hour in a day , in the sober thoughts of eternity , and go on in sin if thou canst . good reader , let me entreat thee to this course ; but if thou cryest , thou hast somewhat else to do : know , thou shalt shortly have nothing else to do , but to feel that which now thou wilt not be brought to think of , that thou mightest avoid it ; and then say , if thou hadst not good counsel given thee once , if thou hadst had the wit and the grace to take it ▪ one moments experience shall at length convince thee more , than all thy hearing or reading would . thou countest plague , famine and sword , earthquakes , thunder and lightning , terrible things ; oh then what 's hell , the very dregs , the ocean of that furie of which these are but small drops ? there it is that god will make the verie power of his hottest intolerable wrath to appear , and in those rivers of brimstone , those scorching flames of his anger must thou lie down for ever : oh for ever , ever , man , think but awhile how long is that . might but the undone souls return , to describe this place of torments to their old companions , what a language should we hear ? might but dives himself have been sent to his jovial brethren , that little thought where their departed brother was , nor what they themselves were hastning to , in what a passionate manner would he have beg'd them off from sin , that led to all that endless woe ! how would he have disturbed them in the midst of their merriments and feastings , and even have made their hearts to quake , and their hair stand an end with his terrible expressions ? but , reader , if thou art one , who wilt be frightned from hell by no descriptions , but of those that have seen it , thy feeling is like to prevent thy fear . what say'st thou then after all ? art thou yet resolved to prepare for death , and prevent damnation , or not ? if thou art , happie man thou , that ever thou wast born ; but if thou art not , i can stay to say no more , but even take thy course , and when thou seelest the event , then say , whether sound repentance , and an holy life , had not been a cheap and easie , a gainful and happy way , to have prevented everlasting misery . but the good lord have mercie upon thee , and work these convictions with power upon thy soul , whilst they may do thee any good . i shall finish all with a word or two to all those that trulie love and fear the lord : oh sirs , you that have known god , and are interessed in his favor , and are well acquainted at the throne of his grace , to which you have oft in time of trouble and need made your recourse , and thence have received seasonable comfort and supply ; all you to whom prayer is no strange work , now arise and betake your selves to god with all seriousness and speed ; cast your selves down before him , bewailing your own sins , and the sins of the land ; and lie in the gap to stop the farther proceedings of his wrath , that he may not root us up from being a people ; nor yet so far give us off , that we should continue to be a wicked and rebellious people ; for then destruction from the lord will certainly be our portion . strive with him to remove his rod , but above all , to work those ends whereto it is appointed . i have endeavoured to shew you , and your selves are sensible of it , what sins we are suffering for : oh pray that everie abominable thing may be cast forth from amongst us , and those blessed works accomplish't , which would make us in the eye of god and man a people glorious and happy . beg earnestly that the gospel may be advanc't , holiness encouraged , wickedness supprest and punish't , our divisions healed ; that from the prince upon the throne , to the beggar upon the dunghill , there may be an effectual reformation of all we have done amiss ; that we may yet find favour in the sight of god , and enjoy his residence , and gracious presence amongst us ; that he may delight in us , and rejoyce over us to do us good . both alone , and in companies , as you have opportunitie , besiege heaven with your humble and affectionate prayers . god will not be deaf to your cry , he knows your voice , which comes from your very soul ; he will not reject the petitions you present with pure hands ; your prayers are his delight , all you that are his humble , upright ones : 't is you must now prevail , or we are undone . though you may be a people , hated , derided and undervalued by those amongst whom you live , yet must your intercessions be accepted on their behalf , through our great intercessor , or else they are like to perish . 't is you that must run with your censers , and stand betwixt the living and the dead , that so the plague may be stayed . it is the incense and perfume of your prayers , that through christ , must appease an angrie god , and clear an infected air. it is not the lip ▪ service of the profane sinner , or the formal hypocrite , that will do us anie good ; let his prayers be by heart , or by rote , within-book , or without , that makes no great matter ; but if he be one whose heart is far from god , and whose life is a provocation to him , who still goes on in his sin , let him be never so devout in the church , or on his knees , and roar and weep with never so much passion and noise , the howling of a dog is as acceptable to god , as such hypocritical devotion . shall the tongue that was just now cursing and swearing , come presentlie and fall a praying , and think to be accepted ? doth god delight to hear his name taken in vain , as these sensless sinners do in their solemnest services ? no , no , but it is the fervent prayer of you who are indeed righteous , that 's like to be effectual and prevailing . you have the spirit of supplication interceding within you , assisting you with unutterable sighs and groans ; whether with a form , or without , makes not the difference ; and you have a powerful advocate enforcing your requests ▪ wherefore to god betake your selves , lie at his feet . plead with him for rulers and people , his church and ministers , your friends and enemies , city and countrey , your towns and familie ; and for your own souls : follow him day and night , and give him no rest , till he shall hear in heaven , and have mercy , and establish his zion a praise both amongst us , and in the whole earth . and be exhorted also now to lay about you all you can , 〈…〉 and convincing of the poor creatures that are near you , 〈…〉 may not find their souls unready . if you be in places where 〈…〉 on is , or is dailie sear'd , improve such a time with ignorant and 〈◊〉 ones ; manie may be willing to hear you now , who would have 〈…〉 at serious discourse a few dayes since . when they begin to 〈…〉 death as a real thing , and not far off , the fears of it will a little cure 〈◊〉 of their distractions ; and they 'l no longer take heaven and hell for jes●ing matters . this is not a time , sirs to be ashamed of religion ; now , if ever , holiness will be in request , and boldlie shew it self . afford your neighbours then all the helps you can for their precious souls . go to their houses , and lend them good books , and discourse of those matters that you may easily perceive do most concern dying men : and let that be your direction for the future in this work ; which i would never have you cease , whil'st your selves , and those about you , are mortal men , whose eternity either of happiness or woe , depends upon their well or ill improvement of this uncertain moment . and lastlie , all you holie souls , be encouraged chearfullie and confidentlie to receive the sentence of death within your selves . let your spirits revive within you , when you shall see the waggons that come to fetch you to your joseph , even your lord , who is gone before to prepare a place for you . let those that have lived estranged from god , careless of his service , mad of the world , and running after their pleasures , let them be dejected at the news ef dying ; the sad news , that they must leave all their treasures , and their joyes , and be carried into a state they thought not of , nor prepared for , there to be reckoned with for their worldlie , loose , and jollie life , and to bear the effects of their follie for ever . but all you to whom sin hath been a burden , and religion your work and pleasure ; whose hearts have been taken up with gods dealings with mankind , and deeplie affected with his mysterious love in christ ; who have taken it for the business of your lives , to work out your salvation : in a word , who have chosen god for your portion , and lov'd him more than all things here below , and closed with christ as your onlie saviour , to deliver you both from sin and hell , and have taken the holie spirit for your sanctifier and guide ; not allowing your selves in known sin , but labouring in all things to approve your selves to god , now lift up your heads , and comfort your hearts , when you see the day of death approach . let not carnal ones see you dismay'd , for this will make them suspect religion to be a fancie ; so much doth it contradict your profession , and disgrace both it and you . 〈…〉 kind of death by which you may be sent for hence , be 〈…〉 ground of your trouble and fear . why should not god 〈…〉 death for you , as well as all other things ? and let it be of 〈…〉 it will , you have very great reason quietly to submit to it . let 〈…〉 welcome and there is nothing in a plague that can hurt you , 〈…〉 daunt you . be very sensible of gods hand now stretcht out 〈◊〉 us , and so far manifest a reverence and awe ; and with a reliance ●n him , use all due means for self-preservation . but for your selves , dread not a plague , nor any thing it can do upon you ; it can but kill your bodies , and help your souls out of their prisons , and is there any hurt in that ? let the spots when you see them , be regarded by you , as no other then tokens of your fathers love , which he hath sent to shew he is mindful of you , and hath now sent to fetch you nearer to himself : what though it be a rough messenger , as jaylours use to be , yet the message may well make you entertain him with smiles . if it came to lead you forth to execution indeed , you might well tremble ; though not so much for its self , as the errand it came on . oh the stark madnesse of those blind and miserable ones , that are afraid of a plague , and not of hell ; that run away from the sicknesse , and run on in sin ? but talk not you of loathsome sores ? why sirs , do they go any deeper than your flesh ? let those that have made their carcasses their care , be troubled for this ? why what have you any thing more for your bodies to do ? any service for which you shall need them ? and need you care , how the old clothes are rent and torn , so long as you shall never wear , nor need them more ? part willingly with your rags , you have clothes a making , which shall soon silence your complaints . swell , and break , and stink flesh if thou wilt , i shall not be troubled with thee long ? when thou prosperest most , then i was at the worst ; thou hast been so much my enemy , that i cannot but rejoyce in thy ruines ? if my tongue must needs complain , and my sight , and smell be offended with my self , all this shall not reach my heart ? what care i for thy sores and pains , so long as my souls in health : go make hast , and get thee to thy grave , and there turn to rottenness and filth ? i pity thee not , nor will ever sympathize with thee more . nor yet complain of the suddennesse of this death . leave this to them that would serve god , when they had nothing else to do , that put off all to a lord have mercie upon me ; and a few good prayers at their last gasp . but what death can be sudden to you , who are not unprepared for death ; but have made it the businesse of your lives , to fit your selves for it ? nor let this be your trouble that your friends forsake you , and are all afraid to come nigh you . why what would you have them do , they cannot rebuke your disease , or delay your death , or doing any thing for you in the world you are going to ; nor do you need they should . councel i hope you have given them in time of health , and therefore it may the lesse trouble you , that you cannot speak to them now . to take a solemn leave of them , is a poor formality , to trouble the thoughts of a dying man. whatever help they could afford , you 'l quicklie be past all need of it , or them . bear the want of their companie or assistance a day or two , and you will never desire , or want it more . wherefore chear up your spirits , and be not cast down , but to the rock of ages betake your selves , who never fail'd you , nor anie that placed their confidence in him ; hee 's a present help in time of trouble ; hee 'l come in to you when your doors are shut up , hee 'l stand by your beds-side , when no other friend dare . now sirs , what 's your god , your saviour worth ? a god to support you , when the world fails you ; a saviour to relieve you , when you leave the world . now is not an holy life comfortable to your review ? do you now repent of the cost and pains you have been at , or the sufferings you have under-gone for god ? was it not worth while to be laught and wondered at for your holie diligence , which laid in store for such a day as this , and brings you support , when the hearts of others sink for fear ? now sirs , you are come to the end of your pilgrimage ; the long-long-lookt for day is come . sin and satan , the world and the flesh , shall never trouble you more for ever . now shall your prayers at length be all heard , your complainings ended , your expectations and longings satisfied , and accomplished . chear up , chear up , brave souls , but one step more , and then you are at your fathers house . methinks i see the arms of christ stretcht out to receive you , and angels waiting to conduct you to his arms. fear not , nor be dismaid , confidentlie resign your souls to him , who laid down his life for you . the darknesse lasts but a little while , and presentlie you will come into the open light ; oh the difference you will in a moment find , betwixt your dark and silent room , and the mansion that shall be assigned you in your fathers house ! to which the stateliest palace is a loathsom dungeon . oh what acclamations and hallelujahs , what crying , holie , holie , holie ! what glorious praises , and loud noises ! what crowns and scepters , what riches and beauties , will your ears and eyes be presentlie stricken with ! so that you will be amazed , and wonder whether you are come , and where you have been all this while , that you never heard , nor saw these things before . so infinitelie will they exceed your highest thoughts , when faith helpt you to the clearest views . but all your strangenesse and amazement will soon be over , surprisals of joy will dissipate and succeed them ! this is the glorie , the hopes whereof upheld you all your daies , and the glimmerings and fore-tasts did so oft revive you . now you shall at length see the lord who lov'd you , and gave himself for you , and whom your souls have loved . oh is there not life in his smiles ? and if he smiles upon you , all the angels and saints will bid you welcome : for his beck and pleasure it is that rules all . there you shall be entred into that throng of blessed spirits , yours shall their employments be , their priviledges shall be yours . then shall your understandings be enlightened , your affections raised , and all your capacities widened , and all be fill'd with suitable truth and goodnesse , the latent powers of your souls , shall then be awakened into that high celestial life . then shall you be nearer to your saviour , than john , when he leaned on his bosome ; and shall taste the full fruits of his dear and costlie love . then , then blessed soul thou shalt know , and see , and feel , and enjoy thy god , and be brought as near to him as thy soul can desire , and receive as much from him as thy nature is capable . the lord thy redeemer having by his blood and spirit , accomplished his whole designe upon thee , and fitted thee for , will lead thee into the fathers presence , and so thou shalt enter upon the state of constant and full communion with him . and shall be always spending an eternitie in contemplating , and admiring his excellencies and glories , and singing his praises ▪ in the warm-breathings and out-goings of thy heart after him , and in the ravishments of highest mutual love , and dearest complacency , betwixt thy enlarged soul , and infinite essential goodnesse , even the god of loves . this thou shalt have , but what this is , though i had leasure and skill , to say ten thousand times more then i have done , thou couldst not know the thousandth part , till thou doest enjoy it . wherefore with an holy impatience , and eager joy enter upon the possession of all the treasures of love , which death comes to translate thee to . bid it heartily welcome , open thy breast , and let it strike ; 't is but the prick of a pin , the smarts ceast assoon as its in , the pangs of it are gone in a trice . see they are over already , all pain was expired with that last groan , and now thou art entered upon thy joy. farewell blessed souls , whom i hope shortly to follow , and with you to celebrate an everlasting communion , in the presence , praise and love of the great jehovah , and his son christ jesus , to whom in the vnity of the spirit , be rendred all honour , power , and glory , now and eternally . amen . finis . vindiciæ medicinæ & medicorum: or an apology for the profession and professors of physick in answer to the several pleas of illegal practitioners; wherein their positions are examined, their cheats discovered, and their danger to the nation asserted. as also an account of the present pest, in answer to a letter. by nath. hodges, m.d. coll. lond. hodges, nathaniel, 1629-1688. 1666 approx. 387 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 126 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44061 wing h2308 estc r215271 99827190 99827190 31606 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44061) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31606) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1888:7) vindiciæ medicinæ & medicorum: or an apology for the profession and professors of physick in answer to the several pleas of illegal practitioners; wherein their positions are examined, their cheats discovered, and their danger to the nation asserted. as also an account of the present pest, in answer to a letter. by nath. hodges, m.d. coll. lond. hodges, nathaniel, 1629-1688. [16], 225 [i.e. 235], [1] p. printed by j.f. for henry brome, london : 1666. with an initial imprimatur leaf. page 235 is misnumbered 225. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng medicine -early works to 1800. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vindiciae medicinae & medicorum : or an apology for the profession and professors of physick . in answer to the several pleas of illegal practitioners ; wherein their positions are examined , their cheats discovered , and their danger to the nation asserted . as also an account of the present pest , in answer to a letter . by nath . hodges , m. d. coll. lond. in medicis rebus tractandis non solum unusquisque tenetur quantum in se est errores fugere & emendare sed & omnes qui in eos impingunt commonefacere , antequam labes ulterius serpat in hominum exitium , alsar . london , printed by j. f. for henry broom . 1666. imprimatur , to the most reverend father in god , his grace gilbert , by divine providence lord arch-bishop of canterbury , and metropolitan of all england , and one of his majesty's most honourable privy-council . may it please your grace , the neer alliance between divinity and medicine , whose relation is as intimate as the union of soul and body , hath setled such a sympathy in both professions , that they necessarily partake of the infelicity and prosperity happening to each other ; and thence it was , that when the reverend clergy ( during the late rebellion ) suffered according to their sworn enemies implacable fury , the professors of physick also by the prevailing invasion of empericks shared in the common calamity ; and since not without a miracle that storm is over , and the god of order hath moved upon our chaos , so that the heavens are divided from the earth , and our stars shine in their proper spheres , yeilding continually influential vertues in good measure to dispose the feculencies below into a compliance with their refining efficacies : i say , since the restitution of our religion and clergy , physicians do justly congratulate the success of both , and most heartily wish that the church may never fall again into the hands of empirical divines who as rudely treated peoples souls , as the present quacks in physick do their bodies , their crude and extemporary effusions directly answering the others unskilful and dangerous medicaments . and although the condition of physick and physicians is very little bettered , as if it were to be quite excluded from the benefits of the publick deliverance , yet we despair not by reason particularly of your graces readiness and zeal to patronize learning , that the profession of physick and legitimate physicians will after a long confusion be separated and distinguished from the dregs of illiterate practisers : such it seems is the boldness both of our common empericks and upstart pseudochymists , that they presume to entertain as great hopes of their prevailing over all academicks , as the churches enemies impatiently expect a revolution , but i trust god almighty in his providence will utterly disappoint both ; 't is in the mean time our advantage that some of our highest pretending adversaries have made addresses to your grace , whose judgment we esteem as the grand test to discover all those fallacies both in books and men , which by reason of their cunning adulteration pass currantly with others ; but so soon as their mercurial tincture is evaporated , the remain will appear to be only lead or some base mettal . because your grace and many other persons of great honor and worth do approve chymistry as the most probable means to discover a sensible philosophy , and to furnish noble medicines for the benefit of mankind ; some of our mountebanking vulcans have presumed to appropriate these high favors , as if your countenancing all true sons of art did comprehend all who in order to their delusion of the people call themselves philosophers by fire , having neither satisfied the universities nor any other legall judges concerning their abilities and fitness to undertake the most difficult profession of physick : no other construction can be put upon that transaction then a necessary invitation of academical physicians to seek out and prepare the most effectual remedies by art acquirable , and to give the people a just esteem of this way of practice , to which because of the mis-carriages of pseudochymists they are yet utter enemies : but as for ignorant quacks , who being master of reason can suppose that authority will indulge them to abuse the people and oppose a faculty established by law ? as these are diseases in the state , so wholsom edicts in time may happily be provided to deal with their most obstinate complications . i shall not intimate any distrust by the use of many arguments importuning your grace to promote the speedy enacting of convenient lavvs whereby illegal practisers may be restrained and punished ; as medicines when judiciously and according to art applied , are worthily reputed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so your grace in giving an opportunity of their right use will merit the greatest share in their success and commendations . this small treatise and the author being engaged to encounter multitudes of monsters , like those which pliny mentions whose eyes are fixed in their breasts , their knowledg being naught else but passion , have made bold to shelter themselves under your patronage . may it please your grace to accept this little book on the account of the subjects which it attempts to vindicate , and the author as one who devotes himself to be your graces most obedient servant , nath . hodges . authori clarissimo in vindicias medicinae & medicorum . carmen gratulatorium . ingenium oxonii , dum terrae filius , author protulit , & gratos sparsit ubique sales ; aptius experto erexit medicina theatrum civibus hinc summo parta labore salus : hic liber ingenium sapit oxoniense , stupendum judiciumque artitum medicis dat opem . quum te discipulum clegit turquettus in herba messem conspexit , foenora speque dotum , non instar tumuli condis documenta , magistri funus , at extincti spirat imago senis quicquid spagyrica ars tibi suppeditare valebat calles , galeni scriptaque nota tibi . sic bene miscetur veterum medicina recenti , aetatem inventis ars renovare solet . deficerent laudes si digna encomia tanto authore aggrederer , vel metra digna libro vindicias metuent hostes , calamumque volantem plectere , cum nequeant effugere arte enecem victrices sic quondam aquilas plaga barbara mundi horruit & simili cessit in antra fuga histrio , tonsor , anus , medicaster & omnis eodem succumbent fato , vindiciisque tuis . j. b. m. d. carmina encomiastica ad amicum dignissimum vindicias medicinae & medicorum edentem . non te scribendi cacoethes corripit , urgent sed pia vota , librum facit indignatio , cum tot undique conspicias a crebro funcre doctos depopulaturos patriam ni vindice strictum ostendente ensem , properantia fata pavescant hi mortis socii humanae vitaeque tyranni : audet quisque sacram violare machaonis artem et miscere aegis laethalia pocula , spondens a tumulo vitam , phoenicem suscitat ignis non aliter prolem scintillae , damna salut is vivida spes reparet ; neque morbo pressus ut olim expetat auxilium , cum sola pericula salvum more novo reddant ; medicinae insignia poscunt , carnifices , & quot capitalem infligere poenam officiose optant , scelus illud morte piandum siquis de morbo quaerat , proh ! quanta latronum insidias aegro struat uni turba , crumenam et vitam simul eripiens , his maxima cura est infandis , ut nemo evadat , tollitur ansa tuto occumbendi , ad mortem mors altera ducit . acrius in medicos unita insania frendet quae modo causidicos , clerosque momordit , anhelans doctrinam reduci invidia sub nomine tantum paeoniae artis plectere ; vos exurgite somnum excutite altum , nā fractis ruitura columnis ars asclepiadis jacet , in vos ordine recto odia festinant , medicinae expulsa facultas mox expectandae praedicit signa ruinae vobis causidicis & cleris , quodque dolendum vere , amborum tunc erit immedicabile vulni● qui studia omnino spernunt academic praxi● non volvendo libros certam se discere jacta● ast exercitio , dum pellem quilibet ips●● porrigat infaelix , & ut experiantur 〈◊〉 artes concedat , dum caemeteria dignos testentur , merito doctoratuque 〈◊〉 astrologus , nutrix , obstetrix , 〈◊〉 copol● tonsor , anus , stultus , mendicus , pseudochymaste● perditam eunt medicam conjunctis viribus artem haec malesana cohors sistat vestigia , nondu●● voti compos , hic author ab ipso limin● fat● faelici medicinam languentem arte reduxit . splendescet posthac medicorum famae perorbem non metuens hostes : sic nos servavit apollo . s. i. m. d bella per angliacos plusquam civilia campos grassata , immunis nec stetit ulla domus , per tot lustra suis jacuit medicina medelis , plebs & apollineae surripit arma togae , horum par certamen erat , quot sustulit ensis martius , indocta tot cecidere manu : discrimen superest majus , cessante triumpho mavortis , gliscit perdere saeva cohors , et dum pace fruit liceat , quam poscimus , alta accelerat clades de grege quisque novas ; nulla quies populo , sunt mortis mille fenestrae , certius occidunt pharmaca , quam gladius : sufficit exanguis quae parta est gloria palmae humanum extinguant ne chymica arte genus undique poscit opem gens nostra laborat agyrtis vindiciis pereat noxia turba tuis , nullus inexpertam post hac exerceat artem , pristina compenset damna futura salus ; vindiciae praestant patriae ( vir docte ) perennem pacem , unum exitium morbus & hostis habet : eia agite o cives tranquillam ducite vitam vivere non , sed ab his vita valere dolis j. a. m. d. be pleased ( courteous reader ) passing by literal errors ▪ to correct these following mistakes which escaped observation . page 49. for spermatick , read wo matick , p. 57. lesbian , r. lesbiam , p. 62. proponabit , r. propina●it , p. 84. pilats , r. pilots , p. 62. gradatim est , r. gradatim & , p. 93. arrive , r. arriving . p. 101. firmissa , r. firmissima , p. 109. but chymical , r. but difficult . vindiciae medicinae , et medicorum . or , an apology for the profession and professors of physick . chap. i. of empericks , and their practises . self-conservation acted from an innate principle , most powerfully inclines all creatures , especially mankind , to a full compliance with such injunctions , as may best conduce thereunto ; which being our chiefest natural concernment in point of interest , as well as duty , requires our utmost endeavor in avoiding what may be prejudicial , and choosing what may promote this , so just and necessary intent : external dangers hereupon impressing a deep sense of their destructive events , do incessantly sollicite for suitable helps to rescue from those threatning mischiefs , and by a more cogent propensity all the powers of nature are set on work , and medicine called in to assist with its effectual co-operation to oppugn diseases , in order to an happy restoration to that state which suffered by reason of their invasion . so then , medicine is commended to us as the proper means whereby the proposed end of sanity may most probably be attained ; to which application is naturally made in sickness , from a well grounded confidence of its corresponding efficacy , which good opinion of physick , and the general conformity to those primitive dictates of self-conservation , give advantage and opportunity to very many of insinuating their zeal and forwardness to contribute towards the better satisfaction of this obligation to nature ; and most people being easily convinced of the necessity incumbent on them to seek out for help when seized by sickness , and not discerning the deceits of meer pretenders to the science of physick , from the real abilities of true physicians , are upon this account frequently misguided to imploy those who frustrate the end of medicines , and miserably disappoint their ( otherwise regular ) tendency , to preserve themselves . that this delusion may no longer prevail in affairs of such consequence as health and life ; i have essayed to distinguish between those who without requisite qualifications undertake the practice of physick , and such whom learning and experience have accomplished for the accurate discharge of their noble profession . i shall under the notion of empericks treat of the first sort ; and however the term emperick is notoriously known in respect of the vast * swarm of them which pester all places , confidently pretending to physick : yet to avoid mistakes , i shall explain what i intend by it . i style him an emperick , who , without consideration of any rational method undertakes to cure diseases , whose frequent periclitations ( as he conceits ) surpass the notional theory of physick , and his proof of receipts seem to him more satisfactory then the scholastick odd rules of practice : but what can be expected from such rude experimentings , not respecting any indications , or other circumstances very considerable in the right effecting of a cure ? who questions but that such morbos andabatarum more impugnantes , proceeding blindfold to their attempts , must inevitably err ? indeed the empericks voice up their experience , and think it an authentick diploma , capacitating them to practice physick ; i shall therefore enquire what experience is , and then a right judgment may be made whether these answer their pretences herein . true experience is constituted of reason and sense ; for as a judicial observation of sensible experiments produceth apt theorems , so thereby the intellect forms universal conceptions and essays their confirmation by repeated experimental operations , whence issued what men call science , together with all its eternal and immutable truths ; henceforth unquestionable by sense , which having the royal assent affixed to them are standing laws not subject to future censures : so then there is no cause why we should return to the first more rude and imperfect way , since the science of medicine is not only already invented and discovered , but adorned with intelligible rules and aphorisms , and thereby improved to general use . the experience therefore of these empericks being altogether void of reason and dissentaneous from the known maxims of medicine is meerly the effect of sense , and consequently bruitish ; for the enumeration of their presumed successes because of this defect of principles , is not argumentative to conclude an attainment of experience , in regard that reason did not make due collection from those tryals and periclitations ; but these in their practice act not unlike some who take pains rudely to heap stones together , designing thereby to erect an artificial structure , the event being far otherwise ; for the higher the heap adspires , the neerer is its downfal and ruine : and so when the empericks multiply their inartificial experiments to meliorate their knowledg , and to acquire experience , fruitlesness attends their labors , and destruction those who confide in their promised experience : they in the mean time who have the luck to be the a b c of the empericks first attempts , and patiently submit to their embrio experiments run no small hazard , when their best grown endeavors prove molas-like , unshapen , and monstrous births . it is confessed that the advantages to physick have been very considerable upon the account of dissatisfaction with some old tenents , whereupon just occasions of further search and inquiry were administred to make new and more useful discoveries ; but yet i cannot allow the inference by some late writers in favor of the vulgar experimenters , from hence deduced , as if because the medicinal science by successive discoveries was so much improved , a through alteration of what remains , seemed no less necessary to its compleatment and perfection ; and therefore empericism ought to be encouraged as the likeliest means to advance this hopeful work , for the consequence is altogether illogical , and fallacious to conclude from some particular defects in physick , that the whole art is thereupon impleadable of the same misprision of insufficiency and uncertainty ; and that reasoning equally absurd , which pleads for the empericks to be countenanced as if their experimentings might very much further this pretended reformation in physick : the new doctrines are so far from designing the subversion of the ancient foundations , that they appear considerable additions * confirming and establishing them , and they who have been prosperous in making discoveries , did not in order to their scrutiny devoid themselves of all artificial helps , but proceeded under the conduct of firme and allowed principles to their succesful disquisitions , nay were it granted that not only every age ( as is abundantly evident ) but each person should take notice of something before unobserved , yet would not these hereby ruine the settled constitution of the medicinal science , which notwithstanding all such successes , is still permanent and unshaken : indeed many who applaud their service , have troubled themselves rather to question opinions in physick , which are conjectural and the product of fancy , then well formed aphorisms drawn immediatly from sensible observation on which the science of physick is chiefly founded : and to this purpose , not a few have misplaced their pains in examining and disputing the hypotheses of hippocrates , galen , and their disciples about the humors , qualities , and the like sentiments of those authors who thought fit thereby to express their conceptions , if any quarrel with those notions , they may take the same liberty of substituting others more agreeable to the phaenomena of nature ; but the substantials of physick are not altered by the various dresses wherein they appear suitable to every age. as for the empericks fitness to enterprise this pretended renovation of physick , there seems to be no sufficient ground for any such expectation because they in their experimentings wanting directive precepts , can make no true judgment of their performances ; from whence also no rule can be formed as their natural result : they who would become physicians are not educated as the raw lacedemonian souldiers were wont to be , first learning to fight in the dark , being emboldned to desperate attempts by this initiation in night service ; for gross ignorance is so far from accomplishing to attain the greatest difficulties in physick , that it utterly incapacitates for such undertakings . when i have given an account of the several sorts of empericks , their inabilities to advance physick , may be easily apprehended : of which in the next place . the first sort of empericks are such who try accidental and chance experiments on the diseased , not having any sufficient ground of perswasion that the medicaments thus proved are proper : it may seem strange that any who pretend to reason , should after this manner sacrifice to fortune , * and yet they cannot be numbred whom good luck and presumptuous hopes of success encourage to give physick : the business is not so much , how likely or contrary the applications are to the disease , if a cure is wrought thereby ; and i will not deny but that some of these are very prosperous by the use of medicines , not reduceable to any known rules of art ; if the reason is demanded , i know not how to avoid the attributing of their successes to any other power then the infernal spirits assistance : the divines term this an implicite compact , for that person ( as a reverend and late writer notes ) who applies the creatures to those ends and uses , to which either by its own propensity or by god's institution it was never inclined , is at length taken in the snare of prestigious and diabolical delusion : and the excellent matthias mairhofer is of the same judgment ; quando aliquis assequitur effectum propositum non adhibendo causas legitimas & legitimas causarum conditiones licet sciens & deliberate non expetat diaboli auxilium , dat tamen operam in procurando effectu quibusdam occultis dubiisque modis , qui à viris bonis merito judicantur symbolum diabolicae operationis clam intercedentis ( says he ) when any person designs the attainment of any effect without respect to natural causes , and not heeding the conditions necessary to its production , although he doth not wittingly , and with deliberation implore the divels help , yet working by occult and dubious waies he is most deservedly censured by all good men as guilty of a private and more secret covenant with the divel to co-operate with him . i cannot distinguish between charms and other known and solemn methods of sorcery and witchcraft , and these no less prestigious and hellish practises ; in a business of such consequence , i am willing to speak plain , that the busie and officious people of both sexes may understand their adventure , when either out of an ambition to gain the popular repute of doing good , or for profits sake they give medicines at random , not being able either to satisfie themselves or others concerning the true vertues thereof , and the reason of application ; if what is thus given , succeeds not , then must they answer ( at least to god ) the death of the patient , if the party recovers , then is there just cause of suspition that the evil feind is their adjutor with his long experienced skill , being willing to cure the body of one to destroy the soul of another : when learned and experienced physicians are at hand , what occasion is there that these empericks should hazard their best part , and so highly injure themselves in hopes of doing good to others , or any people be so deluded , as to let the devil practise upon them , and even possess them with health . the common plea of these empericks in respect of the hazard of their fortuitous experimentings is altogether vain , they perhaps thought the medicaments by them thus used at random to be innocent and safe ; but i must rejoyn that not only time and opportunity is lost by the interposition of these empericks with their supposedly harmless medicines , and nature thereby suffers an interruption in her methodical course , on both which physicians most judiciously do lay great stress but granting that the things in respect of their nature are not deadly , yet being indirectly given , the event may possibly prove them such : for when a little saphron ( as a good observator writes ) did immediatly kill , a familiar clyster presently occasioned death , a little oyl of roses ( which i have seen ) threatned the same fate , and an opiate collyrium ( if we credit avicenna ) straight-ways depriv'd of life ; i say , when the safest medicines are by these empericks unduly and at all peradventure applied , though contrary to the true and genuine indications of cure , they are so far inexcusable upon the account of such hazards , as that they deserve the severest censure , who kill with reputedly safe medicines . well then , there is no reason why these empericks should make a lottery of mens healths , and in hope of a prize or cure , hazard natures stock ; for in this business there is not only an extraordinary number of blanks , meer negations of advantage and success , but infinite positive evils destructive , and poysonous to mens bodies , and these are most frequently drawn by the unfortunate empericks : ptolemeus therefore ( as a good historian affirms ) not upon a much different occasion , wisely answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , h. e. there ought not to be the same hazard of mens bodies as of dice . i shall conclude this head with a weighty saying of a late writer , fortuita nullo modo censenda sunt remedia ; chance applications deserve not the very name of remedies . 2. they are also empericks who make experiment of any medicine or receipt from an opinion only of its sufficiency and fitness to cure , as chance periclitations prompted on the others , so credulity spurs on these to practise physick , who have no other direction then what proceeds either from fancy or history . geber gives us an apposite description of the first ; qui animam habent opinantem phantasiam quamlibet , & quod credunt se verum invenisse , fantasticum est totum , à ratione devium , errore plenum & semotum à principiis naturalibus , says he , such persons who are wholly guided by fancy , when they please themselves with an opinion of true discoveries , they are meerly deluded and run into error , wanting the safe conduct of reason and natural principles to be the sure foundation on which they ought to build their knowledg . but the profession of physick requires the most improved judgment to a right management and exercise of it , and by no means is the proper business of fancy , which being uncapable of deliberation cannot weigh all necessary considerations in order to a regular cure . 't is true , that the operations of fancy have oftentimes appeared very powerful , so that many wonderful effects owe their production chiefly to their energy ; but yet i deny that the strong conceit of any person can naturally impower any medicine with new vertues to eradicate the disease for which it is to this end directed : the true physicians endeavor to beget a good confidence in their patiens of their abilities , the properness of the medicaments prescribed by them , but the design is only to compose the spirits that they may act uniformly in promoting the efficacy of the remedies , whereas these empericks possess the fancies of the sick by the prevalency of their imaginations , and hope thereby to work something answerable to the impression made upon them ; and i question not but that the effect will resemble its cause , and the presumed cure also prove phantastical and imaginary , yet by all possible means do the empericks strive to credit these operations of fancy , perswading people to obey the strange inspirations and secret impulses , which at any time either they suggest , or else happen to those who give themselves up to follow such delusions : did these consider that their fancies are frequently as diseased as their own , or patients bodies admitting impressions according to the acuteness or greatness of the morbifick invasion , they would seek to physick for help , rather then profess it by the tutorage of fancy , or be matriculated in bedlam before they attempt such kind of practices : i shall produce a sad example to caution others ; a revelation was communicated to one being indisposed , that she must in order to her recovery drink the decoction of an hearb growing in such a place ; but alas ! the hearb proved hemlock , and that impulse of fancy dispatched the patient to another world. i pass over the fond conceit of many who pretend familiarity with their genii or good angels , from whom , as they relate , they learn effectual secrets to remedy most diseases ; for since that the events are not answerable to such extraordinary communications , there is just cause of suspition that these empericks either most pitifully cheat themselves by their easie perswasion , or others by imposture . by history , i intend medicines learn'd by reading and report , for the empericks do sometime study receipt-books to stock themselves with medicines against most diseases , and when they have proceeded so far , they are impatient for an opportunity , to give an account of their ripe abilities ; if also a receipt or medicine is well vouched , many think that they may safely experiment its admirable vertues , and as in some places the execution of the prisoner precedes his tryal , so it is here , for these being fully perswaded that such secrets are not inferiour to the commendation of them , make proof , and afterwards ( oftentimes too late ) reason about their fitness for the disease and patient , because so many employ themselves , their friends and purses , to procure or purchase receipts or secrets in physick : i shall enquire how far not only such as are ordinary , but the extraordinary arcana may enable to practice , and if an ordinary measure of skill by the help of directions and cautions in the use of either may be sufficient for persons not indiscreet . were it not confessed that receipts do little in acute diseases , i would easily prove it , for almost every hour varies the case , nature being in a continual agony to extricate her self by all possible means from the fury of the distemper , and solicitously finding out the most expeditious way , respecting the peccant matter and parts chiefly affected , to free her self from imminent danger , in which sharp dispute sometimes she gains and sometimes loses , altering accordingly all the concomitating symptomes , so that she must be traced in all her anomalous motions , in which hurry what place can there be for a set receipt most commonly fixed to some general intent ? neither in chronical diseases can ever the extraordinary arcana be at the same time physician and medicine , for such diseases are never at a stand , but ( if not interrupted ) do regularly observe their encrease , state , and gradual declination , in which several tendencies though obscure and almost indiscernable , nature is yet highly concerned to promote their methodical completion ▪ and if any defect or obstruction , either delaies or stops this orderly course , it is the physicians business by his experienced skill according to that exigency to remove all impediments , and effectually assist nature in the due prosecution of this hopeful transaction ; but that these arcana should be so fitted to the successive alterations of diseases , as by the same operation to carry on different agencies , seems to me as improbable as the doctrine of elective catharticks ; i rather think that the patrons of these secrets will urge their universal power , as if they were plenipotentiaries , not tied up to a strickt observance of any either private or publick instructions , but left at liberty to act according to the exigency of affairs , and the truth is , these need no physicians if they can rationalize their noble arcana ; but since that these pleaders for such like conceited remedies cannot produce one medicine to verifie and confirm their assertion , we are not obliged to give them credit : fabritius ab aquapendente gives us another account , nihil magis medicos in facienda medicina preclaros reddat , quam distincta differentiarum intelligentia cujusque morbi , & ea accommodata ad singulas remediorum administratio , ubi indicationes potissimum attendendae , says he , the right distinction of diseases , and apt prescriptions according to their several indications , do chiefly advance the repute of physicians . but how can these empericks by the help of their receipts and arcana , and the common directions about the dose , the manner and time of giving them , and such like circumstances be enabled to know the disease to which their secrets are appropriated , distinguishing it from others , which in most of the symptomes agree with it , and exactly discerning the strange intimate complications , of great consequence in the performing of a cure. these empericks with their noble arcana the lawful issue of physicians , but unhappily nursed abroad , seem not unlike him who having procured the pensils of an excellent limner did conceit himself capacitated thereby to draw pictures to the life as the painter was wont to do , whose they were , but upon tryal , he quickly found his error , for it was the direction of the pensil that produced such admirable pieces of work , wherein lay his deficiency : so in physick , an ignorant person may have receipts and noble medicaments which avail nothing without an artificial application by them not acquirable . 3. the most plausible part of the empericks rely on their observation of what doth well or ill under their hand , with a resolution to prosecute or reject according to their success or miscarriage , these herein presume to justle with true physicians , but should people be as prodigal of their lives as these are of their skill , or had they full license for their accomplishment to depopulate whole countreys , yet cannot they make any certain and infallible observation to be a sufficient directory to them in their future undertakings : * i grant indeed that these empericks do rudely imitate their preceding experiments , with what hopes of success i know not ; for should we admit that one of their receipts or medicaments wrought a cure on a patient , yet why should it have the same effect on another , who it may be differs in many respects more from the person so cured , then another disease from that ; and therefore such a preparation or receipt may by the same rule as well respect distinct diseases as distinct persons : whereas a right practice of physick consists in a due appropriation of medicines or methods to the several constitutions and conditions of the sick ; if the same body every moment somewhat varies from what it was , and the repetition of the same medicine upon this account is not alike beneficial , what probable expectation can be had from the same application to all who labour under the same disease , which more disagree amongst themselves , then the clocks in london and paris . the dialogue in plato between socrates and phaedrus is very pertinent : socrat. si quis dicat , ego quidem illa scio corpori admovere quibus & calescat pro arbitrio meo & frigeat , & vomitus & dejectiones perficiantur & hujusmodi plurima teneo , quibus cognitis & medicum me esse profiteor , & alium quemlibet medicum me facere posse dico , quid alium responsurum autumas ? phaedr . nihil aliud quàm percunctaturum nunquid etiam sciat , quibus , quando & quousque singula horum sint adhibenda , quod si nesciat , necessum est eum insanire qui quod ex aliquo medicorum audierit quicquam vel in medelas nonnullas inciderit à se probatas neque artis aliquid intelligat medicum se evasisse putet , h. e. socrat. if any person says i can dexterously apply those things to the body which at my pleasure shall heat or cool it , and i understand emeticks , catharticks , and other ways of evacuation , besides very many medicines , by which i am not only able to profess physicks , but be a fit instructer or tutor of others ; what thinkest thou a stander by would answer ? phaedr . i suppose he would enquire of him whether he knew to whom , when , and how long those remedies might be useful , and if he satisfies not these questions and doubts , although he fancies himself to be an expert physician , yet seems he rather to be besides himself and distracted , who adventures to give physick by the help only of some receipt-books , or a few medicines learn'd from physicians , not being acquainted with the very rudiments of the medicinal science . besides , it many times falls out that these empericks in their strict noting of the events of their medicines , do greatly mistake in not rightly distinguishing between a true effect and cure performed by their vaunted receipts and the succesful labour of nature , to be with the same pangs delivered of their medicine and the disease for which it was appointed : that deplorate diseases may be sometimes cured by such desperate irritations is altogether undisputable ; as also that these * ignorant practitioners do commonly use such medicaments , but let the world judge what will be the issue , if the empericks not apprehending how it came to pass that the patient recovered , shall be invited and encouraged to give the like medicines as having their probatum annexed to them . neither can these empericks tell when their arcana , or receipts infallibly cure , by which the fierceness of the disease may possibly awhile be check'd , and the raging symptomes so becalmed as if all was well , but soon after like flames suppressed , the distemper breaks out again with more violence . i shall instance in the pox , for which every emperick pretends a secret receipt , and if nocturnal pains cease , the gonorrhea stops , and the virulent ulcers heal , 't is immediatly concluded that the patient is rescued from that tyrannical disease , and the excellency of the medicine is cry'd up , as if it was powerful enough to extirpate certainly this foul distemper in all who shall make tryal of it , but within a few months at least a year or two , it becomes too manifest that the cure at first was only palliated , in regard that it returns so notably improved , when many hundreds , thus abused , are witnesses to the truth of this accusation ; i wonder with what face these empericks can pretend from such disappointments of their patients to an observation , emulating the true physicians collection * made by reason and experience . thus much for the brief discovery of the several sorts of empericks , who notwithstanding their insufficiency , would yet be tolerated and have full liberty ( as they phrase it ) to do what good they can ; 't is not to be questioned but that if such an universal license should be granted , these empericks would more boldly impose on the credulous people : when i consider the mischief which would undoubtedly happen in trade , if all persons at pleasure without serving an apprenticeship or allowance of the respective company or corporation , might set up and enjoy the same priviledges as those who were trained up in those callings , this being the directest way to ruine trade ; since that hereby private interest is advanced above the publick ; he who hath but half an eye may foresee of what ill consequence this universal indulgence will be in physick of an higher concernment then trade ; in this he who miscarries doth chiefly ruine his own fortune , but in the other by how much more unfit the person is who practices , by so much more hazard and danger attends all who have to do with him : i cannot resemble the issue of such a toleration in physick to any thing better then to the ocean which rests not because of its community , either one billow continually dashes against another , or many conspire together to croud themselves into a publick storm : so such liberty to practice physick will as surely produce rude clashings amongst those who so earnestly press for it , raise dismal storms endangering the * peoples lives , and shipwrack the most excellent science of physick . i very much wonder that the honorable mr. boile * should so much favor the practise of empericks , he thinks that the knowledg of physicians may not be inconsiderably encreased , if men were a little more curious to take notice of the observations and experiments suggested by the practice of midwives , barbers , old women and empericks , and the rest of that illiterate crew , &c. and in another place wills that we disdain not the remedies of such illiterate people only because of their being unacquainted with our theory of physick , &c. which expressions seem very much to plead for free practice , for should midwives , barbers , old women , empericks , and the rest of that illiterate crew being unacquainted with our theory of physick , be restrained , then might physicians miss of that not inconsiderable encrease of knowledg promised ; verily the accomplishments of physicians are very mean in the opinion of this honorable person , that may not be inconsiderably encreased by such inferior and improbable additions : but the case of physicians as yet is not so desperate , as that to prevent sinking they should grasp at small rotten sticks and straws to be their treacherous support : did i not believe that these lines fell as a casual blot from this honorable persons pen , i should more strictly examine them . and since that not only a toleration to practice physick is so much desired , but an equal liberty to introduce new maxims into the medicinal science , most agreeable to the experiments of these empericks , i shall enquire whether hereby physick may be advanced , and this request may be gratified by authority , as conducing to the publick good . i am so much a latitudinarian as to conceive that learned and experienced physicians are not obliged to credit the dictates of any author against their own experience , not as if i supposed that the private judgment of such dissenters did ballance the authority of a continued and general approbation : but yet none acting like rational creatures ought to shut their eyes against new discoveries , when they have past a severe examination by competent judges : however the empericks and others alike ignorant ought not from this liberty very cautiously used by those who only may lay claim to it , to fancy an enjoyment of the same priviledg , for should such unskilful persons have free leave to publish their rude conceptions , they would vent horrid & destructive notions suitable to their erroneous and preposterous actings , neither would there be any end of their absurd opinions , both in respect of multiplication and possibility of conviction ; for these illiterate empericks will * endeavor passionately to maintain their sentiments right or wrong , whose zeal is the chiefest argument in the propagation of their absurd perswasions : it was a good law which commanded that all monstrous births should immediatly be destroyed , as well to prevent their encrease least also like conceptions should be formed by means of such impressions on the imagination of teaming women ; and there is as much reason that the monstrous products of the brain should by some publick edict or censure be forthwith stifled to hinder their spreading and progress , considering also how much they may influence in the practice of physick , to the great prejudice of mankind . i shall in the next place give some reasons which incline such a multitude to invade the profession of physick , who if the restraint was taken off , would be numberless . 1. the excellency of physick invites so many empericks to pretend to it , even as the value of gold makes it more subject to adulteration , when vile and ignoble mettals are not regarded ; the greatest monarchs and potentates in the world have esteemed the knowledg of medicine an addition to their majesty and glory , and the sublimest wits and most enlarged souls exercising themselves herein , find copious matter adequate to their contemplation ; the meanest people also are ambitious to improve that common natural principle inclining them to a desire of knowledg , apprehending that although they cannot reach the highest and most obscure truths in physick , they yet may gain as much skill as will be necessary to their practice : such indeed is the abstruseness of physick , that few have by their indefatigable scrutiny attained to so much perfection , as that all doubts were satisfied and uncertainties insured ; some mysteries surpassing and baffling humane reason and diligence : the empericks taking notice of these difficulties which puzzle the most learned , immediately conclude that they are in the same condition with the eminentest physicians , being as much admirers of what is concealed from both as they , and thinking themselves equally capacitated to understand vulgar notions in physick as the others : i say , the most ignorant of the empericks despair not in a shorter time then trallianus his six months to commence lucky conjecturers ; and if to profess the knowledg of nothing , in respect of the great improbability of a right conception is the sum of ingenuity , and the shortest cut to true knowledg , these have good hopes to deserve promotion and be as soon graduates in ignorance as any . thus do the empericks insinuate themselves into the common peoples favour , who not being able to understand the fallacy , entertain their suggestions as oracles , and are willing to be deceived ; but although the excellency of the medicinal science may be one cause why so many desire to profess it , yet there is reason why hereupon they should be discouraged , since that they are insufficient to arrive at an ordinary measure of knowledg in these profound mysteries : i might instance in the several parts of physick , but having occasion elsewhere to treat of them , i pass to the next reason of the empericks adventuring to practice ; which is , 2. because the magistrates either want power to punish unskilful practisers of physick , or are remiss in the execution of penal laws upon them : so soon as barbarism was expeld the confines of any nation , and government civilized mens unnatural cruelty into a peaceable deportment to their superiors and an amicable society , respecting the good and welfare of each other ; lawes were timely enacted to restrain the dangerous attempts of ignorant practitioners , but yet physicians in all countreys have not causelesly complained that there still wants another law to command the due execution of the former . i shall not set down the arguments which moved the high-court of parliament heretofore to guard both the people and physicians with fitting laws from the injuries of the numberless illiterate pretenders to the profession of physick ; for the passing of those acts imports the grand concernment and unquestionable necessity thereof for the publick good : and therefore since it appears that those laws by reason of some circumstantial omissions or defects , cannot be effectually observed according to their true intent , we may easily believe that the present parliament being no less careful of the nations welfare then their predecessors , especially in an affair of such consequence , will either vigorate the old statutes with convenient power and enlargements , or make new to prevent such notorious abuses as are now without redress practised on his majesty's subjects . in regard the people claim liberty to employ whom they please , the empericks as well as physicians , i shall enquire whether they ought to enjoy such freedom ; fabritius hildanus thinks it unfit that they use whom they best approve , the ignorant as well as learned and lawfull practitioners ; non licet unicuique ( quod nonnulli objicere solent ) corium suum cuicunque libuerit venale offerre , i know not whether the law will adjudg them felones de se , who take destructive medicaments from the hands of others being well informed of the hazard they run therein , as those who buy and use poysons with intent to destroy themselves ; indeed the first is a more solemn conspiration then the latter , but they differ not in the event , for thereby the king loses a subject and the common-wealth a member ; and however these do not seem to design their own deaths , yet when they take the directest course to it , what good interpretation can well be put upon such practises ; it is at least the highest imprudence wilfully to run upon death in hopes of life . * that all persons ought to be just to themselves will be easily granted , this being their pattern in relation to others in their converse , and wherein can they better express their sense of this duty , then in the use of the best and likeliest means to rescue them from diseases ? they then seem dishonest to themselves who intrust their lives in the hands of those who more certainly kill then cure , whereupon the law which restrains the empericks doth chiefly respect the people , that the opportunities of their harming themselves might be taken away , and all mischief thereby prevented . why the world should so fondly dote on these illiterate , impudent and cruel practisers , as to prefer them before the most learned , modest and experienced professors of physick , he cannot imagine who is unacquainted with the stratagems * by which they insinuate themselves into the peoples esteem . it is my next task to discover the empericks practises , and to strip them naked of their plausible pretences . 1. the empericks undertake to cure infallibly all diseases in all persons ; if we can think that certain news of recovery can be welcom to a dying man , surely the author of those comfortable tydings exceedingly merits an interest in him who is to partake of such an unexpected and valuable a benefit as life : so then the emperick hereupon is entertained , for great expectations do naturally beget confidence , and self-love works easily a through conformity to multiplied assurances of an escape from imminent danger ; pliny hath a very remarkable passage to this purpose , adeo est cuique pro se sperandi blanda dulcedo ut cuique se medicum profitenti statim credatur cum sit majus periculum in nullo mendacio majus , says he , every sick person doth so please and satisfie himself with hopes of a restoration to health , that he readily commits his body to the care of any one who pretends that he is a physician , whereas there is no such cheat in the world as this . however if these universal undertakers can screw themselves into esteem with their patients by promising what is incredible , not within their , nay , many times any humane power , yet they hereby lay a sure foundation of popularity on which they build steadfast hopes that either by well wishing friends and relations , or else by the patients themselves they shall be called in , that it may appear upon tryal whether they fail in their secured performance : so that the contrivance is subtle , for if these empericks are not employed , what ever they presume to say , speaks them to be no less then what they pretend , there being no publick or sufficient conviction of their vain boastings ; and if by the artifice of promising a certain cure they gain such an opinion of their abilities as to be employed then ( be the event what it will ) their design of being entertained is thereby compassed . the digression may be pardonable , if before i take a prospect of the empericks sufficiency to carry on his rash undertakings , i spend a little time in explicating what is commonly understood by incurable diseases : by the learned , diseases are reckoned incurable in respect of themselves , the patient and the physician . of the first kind are those diseases which tincture the very rudiments of our nature and being , which are conceived , born and grow up with us ; he therefore who imagines himself to be such an expert engineer as to turn the microcosm at his pleasure , must have some unmoveable point whereon to fix his instrument ; who ever ( i mean ) attempts a total alteration of any mans constitution and nature , must suppose some parts free by whose assistance he may perform his engagement ; but the deep stain of hereditary diseases not only antidating the moors blackness , who are not unlike the europeans some minutes after they are born , but being as inseparable as that from its subject , cannot by the ocean of pharmancy be washed out and changed : i might to this add the plague , at least that which is most fierce and severe , which being the rod of the almighty to punish mens impieties , cannot by any medicinal means be frustrated of its designed execution , there being a vast disproportion between natural remedies and supernatural causes , and hereupon the same remedies being divinely impowred , prove effectual to rescue some , when left to their own vertues are baffled and become unsuccesful : i urge not this as if i conceived that the same medicines or methods were applicable to all seaz'd by the pestilence with good hopes of the same benefit , for in this sad disease , as well as others , respect must be had to all considerations necessary to a regular cure ; and hence it is that men are not only commanded but encouraged to use all proper and lawful means upon the account of the frequent reprieves which the great majesty of heaven issues out when and to whom he pleases : but fearing least i should transgress the limits of my intended digression , though i might produce many more instances , yet i shall pass to the patients in respect of whom some diseases are incurable ; and i must in the first place very much blame the carelesness and inadvertency of some patients , who enjoying for a long time good and uninterrupted health , when they find themselves only indisposed , the disease as it were by stealth insensibly creeping on them , are not awakened by such distant alarms to prevent their enemies incursion upon them , by which imprudent delay the distemper takes deep root , and the fomes or minera being inconsiderable at first , quickly enlargeth it self to the circumference of the whole body , so that no part neither internal nor external is free from its insinuation , till like ivy it inevitably throws down its kind support . the impatience and refractoriness also of the sick make their diseases incurable , some of them choose rather to sink under a chronical disease , then submit to a methodical cure , being more weary of necessary preparations then the grand seigneour was of the tedious tuning the instruments , when as a piece of high entertainment he was invited to hear a most harmonious consort of musick : did these patients rightly apprehend the strict regard that must be had to the several intricacies of complicated diseases , and that very often contrary symptomes are to be dealt withal at the same time , and many other like circumstances , they might ( i doubt not ) more securely and speedily be recovered from their distempers , otherwise even upon this account incurable . thus the leprosie , quartane agues , the epilepsy , most consumptions , the stone , dropsy and gout , and many others of the same family ( if not hereditary ) are chiefly remediless by reason of the patients obstinacy and irregularities . besides the tenderness and natural weakness of some persons incapacitating them to struggle with very slight and easie distempers , much less with those which are more formidable and dangerous , makes their condition helpless , when robuster tempers affected with the same disease , by the help of convenient medicaments may be cured , to conclude this digression , diseases may be incurable in respect of physicians , who by reason of the * inextricable difficulties which occur in the discovery of the disease and parts primarily suffering thereby cannot make a true judgment , and this may sometimes be the case of those who are most able , not by reason of any deficiency in them , but either from an ill relation or account from the sick , or a strong and perplexing obscurity in the disease ; but however true physicians may ( though rarely ) in such obscure cases be nonplus'd or mistake , yet they will not be over confident and secure , acting as if they fully understood how to direct exactly what was most fit to be done , as in other known diseases : this excuse will not serve the turn of our emperical conservators , who want skill to distinguish between curable and incurable diseases , engaging to cure both alike . let paracelsus who knew very well their devices give the reason ; saith he , quaestus proprii studio aegros suscipiunt omnes quicunque demum offeruntur ipsis undecunque , h. e. hopes of gain prompts them on to undertake all who are willing to put themselves into their hands ; for let the disease be what it will ( that 's not the business ) the caution money not only rewards the boldness of their enterprize , but secures their patient to them ; and besides the advantage made by the empericks of their physick , good store of which must be bought in order to a cure , when the patient is well they expect a * quantum meruit , a reward answerable to their paines and cure ; if they chance to die , they are then satisfied by the gain of their medicines sold at an extraordinary rate ▪ as these empericks wanting the eye of reason difference not a mountain from a molehil , a great disease from an inconsiderable disorder , so do they often respecting their advantage use the microscope in the discovery of diseases , and what is as a mite almost imperceptible ; being thus greatned is rendred most formidable , hence it comes to pass that every stich , qualm or fancy of infection , is esteemed the most dismal effect occasioned by some of the unheard of epidemical ferments . as for this latter stratagem , although the fear into which these empericks put their patients doth so far prevail as that they immediatly are employed , in regard there is such an evident testimony of their skill in discovering a disease not observable by any others , yet most commonly it happens that what was even nothing when the emperick began to tamper , by his indirect courses proves dangerous , and then what remains , but that he make it answer his first opinion of it least he be discredited in not rightly apprehending the disease . 2. the empericks pretend cheapness as a prevalent argument inducing people to employ them , the poor shall be cured gratis to be decoys to some of better fashion , who being crazy even force their diseases to a composition , and make them accept of little least they should have no allowance at all , the whole gang of these ignorant undertakers lay very great stress on this project , being sensible that a cheap market will never want customers , and rightly apprehending how much the meer pretence of charity will commend them , especially when they publish their zeal and affection for the publick good , beyond their own profit . i must confess that the empericks herein have the advantage of the true professors of physick , who ( as affairs now stand ) cannot be so kind to the poor as they most sollicitously desire or reasonably may be expected ; for although they freely give their direction to such necessitous people , yet when their bill comes into the apothecary's hand , since there is no set tax on medicines , it is in his power ( notwithstanding the due care taken to prescribe what might not be too chargeable ) to make the physician seem uncharitable , for if the apothecary exacts because the physician took nothing , then is his friendship abused , and some ground of suspition ( though altogether without cause ) that the physician shares in the apothecaries unreasonable gains ; but i shall have a fit opportunity in the next chapter to discourse of this inconvenience both to physicians and the people , and therefore at present i dismiss it . these empericks ( i say ) ingratiate themselves by taking care that their physick may not be so chargeable as the physicians , hereby preventing the ruine of families ( as they would perswade the people ) and the relapsing of the sick , who are apt when cured , to regret at the great expence , and dislike that life which was so dearly purchased ; whereas price adds not to the efficacy of medicines which are only succesful , as they are rationally , and according to art directed : these empericks may poyson mens bodies for six pence if they please , and people may be executed by the hand of these at as easie a charge as by the hang-man : in earnest i think it is a dangerous thrift that men to save their purses ( i mean they who are able ) should be prodigal of their lives , it is doubtless worthy the consideration of physicians that by some special care , provision be made for the poor , and though i know that every true physician is as willing to help the poor for nothing , as the rich for fees , and cheerfully embraces all publick and private opportunities to express his readiness herein , yet these not taking notice of their charity herein run to mountebanks , who by their unskilfulness make their condition worse then they found it , rendring those miserable patients unserviceable to their families and the publick , and a continual charge to the parishes wherein they live . i remember an expedient proposed not long since to some physicians by an honorable person which then seemed very rational to all present ; it was to this purpose : that either the kings colledge in london would appoint certain of their members , or the physicians by mutual agreement oblige themselves twice every week at convenient places , the hour being prefixed , to receive an account from the poor who should bring tickets of recommendation subscribed by the minister , churchwardens and overseers of the poor , he conceived that three or four at one time in distant places might accommodate the city and suburbs of london , and that these having attended their month , others should be appointed to succeed them , and in relation to the physick that the publick officers of the respective parishes might when they received the bills , take care to provide it at reasonable rates ; those physicians consulting ( with respect had to the patients condition ) the nearest and cheapest ways of cure : the whole company returned their hearty thanks , especially the physicians , that a way was thought on , whereby they might do their countrey service , thinking it no disparagement to wait on the meanest person in the faithful discharge of their calling . as for others , there is no cause why they should be discouraged or hindred from the use of physicians , and run to these empericks when they are sick , because the one expects a better reward then the other ; for the expence is abundantly compensated by that success , which in all probability will be the issue of the skilful professors , whose chargeable education also extraordinary difficulties in the attainment of their art and restless care for their patients , are so many arguments pleading , that they deserve a better esteem and respect then empericks , who most of them are of the meanest rank , gained their practice in two or three days time , * and commit their patient to the good usage of the receipts , and the truth is , the people pay dearly for these low priz'd medicaments , when to boot they cost them their lives : but the able and judicious physicians do wisely manage their trust , endeavoring to procure good and lasting health at as easie a rate as possible they can , they daily experience that a common plant growing in every field which costs no more then the pains of gathering , if the use is skilfully directed , doth oft-times out-do a precious medicine , and frequently exquisite , and elaborate remedies of an higher estimate only conquer the radicated disease . the physicians act prudently more regarding the patients sickness then purse , yet are they no less sollicitous , when safely they may , to medicate according to their patients ability ; let strada determine between physicians and the empericks : medici finis est corporum salus quod si quis secus faciat ac medicamenta contra quam finis artis praescribit , usurpet , improbi civis ac proditoris personam gerit , multo magis , si nulla ad salutem , omnia ad perniciem medicamenta conficiat , suique jactet operis , pestem ubique spargere , cuncta venenis inficere & moliri exitium humano generi , says he , the chief end and use of a physician is to recover the sick , but if any one pretending to physick , shall provide medicines not answering that end , he is a profligate wretch and a trecherous villain , and much more if in stead of wholesom medicaments he vents those which in their nature are destructive , propagating the plague , poysoning all things , destroying his fellow citizens , and attempting the extirpation of mankind . if the people would be so considerate as to weigh the hazard , when they employ these empericks for the cheapness of their physick , i question not , but that they would be more cautious to avoid such specious delusions , since that keen medicines * unskilfully handled will certainly wound if not kill . 3. the empericks as not the least compleatment of their subtle iusinuations into the peoples esteem , do pretend new commanding and secret medicines , exclaiming against all ancient methods of practise as antiquated and obsolete ; these so much extoll'd and even adored receipts either ( as they suggest ) travelled out of some remote countrey meerly out of kindness to be acquainted with those who desire their familiarity , or else they are reported to be no less then the most precious jewels ransack'd out of natures cabinet , when she was by them forced to surrender both her self and treasure into their hands , and to color this design , these empericks do usually bestow strange titles on their medicines , as the planetary extract , the cardiaupnotick spirit , and magnetical balsom ; which tearms are as magical to the vulgar , as agrippa's vionatraba , masgabriel , and abuzana ; hereafter i shall give some account of these , and therefore i pass to the last of their practises . 4. the empericks to advance their own reputation , do perpetually rail at academical and graduated physicians , accusing either their insufficiency , or laziness ; these observe that by how much more they decry and asperse with false calumnies , those whom their just deserts have made their superiors , by so much the more they gratifie the rabble , desiring to vilifie that which distinguisheth others from them , when the idol called learning is removed , and all people are left to their mothers wit and common ingenuity , there being a common road opened to the science of physick , what impedes but that every one may without interruption journey to it ? and certainly there cannot be imagined a more perswasive argument to the vulgar , then that if they will joyn and yield their assistance to undervalue the true professors of physick ; by the same labour they make way for their own interest ; and hence it is that the empericks in their pamphlets and common discourses , talk so dishonorably of lawful physicians , not because of the art they profess , for then they should condemn themselves , but because of their university distinctions and the priviledges thereby derived to them : but until it be thought a fit expedient to put out the eyes of the nation both in order to phylosophyzing , and also a better way of practising physick , the true sons of art may keep on their course notwithstanding the vain barkings of these empericks . some perhaps may expect that before i conclude this chapter of empericks , i say something concerning those now on the stage in this nation , who are as busie and as ignorant as any of their predecessors ; i shall not defile my self so much as to retaliate their abuses , this course being unworthy of a physician , and contrary to the direction of hippocrates ; but i hope they have no reason to take it ill , if i remind them of the several callings in which they were educated , and ought still with care and industry to have exercised : the most eminent of our empericks are heel-makers , gun-smiths , taylors , weavers , coblers , coachmen , bookbinders , and infinite more of the like quality , beside a great number of the other sex , and these for the credit of the business , either make every post wear their livery , or else procure some booksellers and others to be their pimps , on whose stalls are hung large tables with fair inscriptions ; the sympathetick powder made by promethean fire , pilulae radiis solis extractae , famous pectoral lozenges , diaphoretick and diuretick pills , powders for all purposes , and what not : by which means many simple people are trapan'd to buy and use these preparations , supposing they may as safely venture on a medicine out of a booksellers shop , as read a book : but alas ! some too late perceive their error , for what a man reads may be soon blotted out of his memory , but such stuff taken into the body and appropriated to the patient and disease by the printed book or paper only , is not quickly dismiss'd , being oft-times a continual and lasting disease to them : in the chapter of chymistry , i shall more particularly give an account of these medicines and the way of their application : i shall conclude this subject with one brief observation , that whereas it was manifest that some thousands died more in london these last three or four years then the preceding , and it is as well known that the lawful physicians had less employment at those times then formerly , we may rationally infer , that the true reason of such a mortality was not ( as the author of medela medicinae ignorantly suggests ) from the increase and propagation of the venereal , scorbutick and spermatick ferments , but only by the emperick ferment and its pernicious malignity . chap. ii. of practising apothecaries . that physicians did originally provide and dispense their own medicines , will be ( i doubt not ) easily granted by those who are acquainted with the writings of the ancients , wherein it is evident that hippocrates , * galen , and the chief physicians as part of their employment , prepared what physick they had occasion to spend in their practise : and although their strict obligation to conceal their sacred art , least it should be prostituted to the rude invasion of persons unqualified , might be one argument inclining them ( as the most likely way for its security ) to confine their business to their own closets or repositories ; yet i conceive that other reasons might no less perswade their furnishing themselves with all necessary medicines both simple and compound , for these hereby very much improved their knowledg in the materia medica , so that they were not only able to distinguish all plants , animals and minerals , and being abroad ( if destitute of convenient helps ) readily find out what might satisfie the intent in the designed cure , but to prepare and compound them till they become apt medicines for their use , with all diligence observing the several alterations which hapned in tast , smell , or otherwise , by which means they were throughly informed how to change , add or diminish , as there was occasion , to advance the efficacy of the composition ; their patients also shared in the benefit of their industry and care herein , who having committed themselves into the hands of those physicians , looked upon them as the only responsable persons in that undertaking ; wherefore they prudently considering that their reputation lay at stake and the lives of their patients , durst not intrust others in a matter of such concernment to both , but managed all the business themselves to a general approbation . when the credit of physick by the singular caution of these great physicians , had gained almost an universal authority , so that most in their sicknesses applied themselves to physicians , the vast encrease of practise not allowing them leisure both to prepare their physick , and likewise to attend their numerous patients , and consult all things necessary to their condition , constrained them to commit the charge of answering their prescripts , to the care of others , in whose integrity they could safely confide : and soon after when the bounds of physick were enlarged , being limited before to select families ; as physicians multiplied , so proportionably they encreased whose office it was to dispense medicines : at length the profession of physick became a faculty , and being free to all whose laudable proficiency in its study and knowledg deserved academical diploma's ; the apothecaries art was likewise opened to all , who understanding its mystery passed the approbation of associated physicians , continual additions of such who were trained up in this calling made their number so considerable , as that for their better regulation they were constituted an incorporation , and since by means of innumerable accession of apprentices after a certain time of service made free ; this society is advanced to a bulk greater then the body from whence it came and on which it depends , and as it fares when one member doth monstrously enlarge it self , the rest are emaciated ; even so the vastness of this company deprives physicians of their proper aliment . i know that some give another account of the distinction of physicians and apothecaries , as if the magistrate apprehending the trust of life and death too great for one , did thereupon appoint the other that by two different offices all opportunities of mischiefing the people might be prevented ; but quercitans answer is very pertinent to the authors of this conceit ; saith he , quid aliud hi quam omnium medicorum & pharmacopoeorum iras in se exacuant , quos tam improbae fidei notant , ut si seorsim operentur ac medicentur , non saluti aegrotantium , sed morti accelerandae de industria studeant ? h. e. both physicians and apothecaries have just cause to quarrel with those , who by suggesting that neither ought to be solely intrusted , do thereby brand them with unfaithfulness , as if they rather sought the death , then life of patients . another plea is much insisted on by some of our apothecaries , whereby they endeavor to make a perfect separation between physicians and themselves , claiming a free exercise of their trade as members of the grand incorporation , and fully enjoying all the priviledges of the common charter , whereby they are authorized as well to buy and sell , as any other company ; but although they accommodate physicians in making up their prescripts , yet that is a voluntary undertaking , which they may either accept or refuse at their pleasure , it being their proper business to provide such medicines as the supreme power shall allow for the peoples use , and to furnish their customers , although there should not be any physician to write bills : and thus under the pretext of selling their medicines to all who come to their shops , they also take upon them to advise what they think most agreeable to their conditions who are sick : by this slight , ingratiating themselves with the people , and ( as they conceive ) avoiding the just censure of practising physick . i reply , that physicians did never design to hinder the apothecaries in their known and lawful trade of vending medicines , but on the contrary have much promoted it , by giving them daily opportunities to supply their patients with physick according to their prescripts ; yet if these because of their settlement as free traders , shall hereupon destroy the relation between physicians and them , as if their interest did not much consist in the practise of physicians , they will have no cause of complaint , if the professors of physick take their business again into their own hands , and imitate the most succesful practise of their renowned predecessors ; and the apothecaries may as freely as ever attend their trade in selling to those who will buy of them notwithstanding the physicians preparation of their own remedies . but i observe that very many apothecaries are so far from deviding between theirs and the physicians art , that they endeavor to unite them in their undertakings , as much professing to direct physick as to prepare or sell it , and these i call practising apothecaries , although some who would seem more modest and friendly to physicians ; suppose that none of their society ought to practice physick , yet these would not have any one debarred the giving of such medicines as they should think fit , when there is a special occasion : but since that these apothecaries so much favouring their own advantage must necesiarily be judges of those exigencies , i know not how to distinguish this more close and sly way , from that which being acted above board is owned and justified by these practitioners , for by practising of physick , is understood any application to the sick in order to a cure , comprehending not only long methodical courses in chronical diseases , but sudden directions in those which are acute , respecting as well their beginning * as their subsequent alterations . the ordinary account we have out of the best authors , describing the apothecaries office , mentions not a word of their practising physick , omitting what occurs in others , i shall only recite the opinion of renodaeus ; officium solummodo pharmacopaei est medicamentum tractare , & ad usum salutarem medici probati jussu adhibere , quod ut faeliciter consequatur , debet cognoscere , seligere , praeparare & componere , &c. h. e. it is the apothecaries business to meddle with medicaments only , and in relation to their use to follow the physicians prescript , and that he may be fitted to execute his office he must be instructed to know simples , to select the choicest , to prepare and compound his medicines . and if this be the utmost intent of the apothecaries trade wherein they are educated ; whence should these gain sufficient accomplishments enabling them to practise physick ? as for their knowledg of simples and skill in compositions , although these are necessary qualifications capacitating them to be able apothecaries , yet i understand not how these should upon this account any more become physicians , then cutlers and gun-smiths by their judgment of the mettals goodness on which they work , and their making and fitting instruments of war , be thereby rendred most expert commanders : but these practising apothecaries pretend sufficient helps for their instruction in the vertues of simples , and the true use of compositions , from physicians bills which they constantly book ; and by this means ( as they inform the people ) having seen the practice of many physicians , they may be as good doctors as any . i shall enquire whether the prescripts of physicians can so far improve an apothecary as that by their assistance he may be able to practice physick ? indeed the * lord bacon's opinion , that there ought to be a religious observance of approved medicines as well to retain the benefit of tradition , as to direct a more steady way of curing diseases : seems to favour very much these apothecaries , who are well stock'd with such receipts , which they without any alteration transcribe for their patients ; but i shall oppose what the learned alsarius relates , medicinae leges non ad polycleti immutabilem regulam referendae , sed ad lesbian normam , quam pro factorum personarum ac temporum conditionibus magistratus aequitas commutare solet . h. e. the laws of medicine are not like polycletus's unalterable rules , but the lesbian precepts which the magistrates might change and vary according to the nature of the crime , the condition of the offender , and the circumstance of time , &c. that such receipts without any alterations or substitutions may very much conduce to the cure of diseases , is by that noble and learned person rather presumed then proved : to omit what i mentioned in the precedent chapter concerning the insufficiency of those medicines , in respect of the vast difference of mens bodies , and a greater variation of diseases incident to them ; i assert that there is no medicine rationally prescribed , but what particularly relates to the principal indication which ought chiefly to be taken from the cause , and not from the disease , according to the usual design of those prescripts ; which is confirmed by galen , saith he , if diseases indicated their proper remedies , the patients best understanding what is to be done , might be most helpful to themselves : moreover the medicines shew that not diseases , but their causes do indicate their use , as being not primarily adverse to effects but efficients : so then it being the highest concern of a physician to form his medicaments as he sees occasion , of what use can receipts be , which by ignorant undertakers cannot be accommodated to the most prevalent indications respecting the cause ? these practising apothecaries having another employment , which ought to take up their thoughts , pains and time , may well be supposed uncapable of knowing and making a right judgment of the true causes of diseases which not only alter frequently the same disease as to its appearance and symptomes , but much more in relation to its cure : i remember a story which i have read , to this purpose , a patient by the faithful advise of his physician recovered from a most dangerous disease , but it seems not long after was ill again , the apothecary visits him , and apprehending that his condition was the same as in his former sickness , immediatly repeats the medicines which the physician had prescribed , but all to no purpose , the physician was then sent for , and the patient telling him of the apothecaries ill success , demands the reason why those remedies which before cured him , had not the like operation again , the physician wittily reply'd , medicamenta illa non profuere , quia ego non dedi , h. e. those medicines were not succesful , because i did not order the repetition of them ; insinuating that a physician ought to judg as well of the patients fitness for the remedies , as of the remedies fitness for the patients . to say no more , i cannot think that the apothecaries strict noting and transcribing of physicians bills can more inable them to practise physick , then stenography to profess divinity , the penning of a sermon verbatim , and committing it to memory being as infinitely short of the qualifications requisite to a divines preaching and exercise of his function , as the imitation of these prescripts of the accomplishments necessary to the profession of physick . but these apothecaries besides their unskilfulness to practise physick , are most injurious to physicians upon several accounts , who intrust them with their bills , for when those prescripts express their particular use , and as a weighty trust to that end only , are committed to the apothecaries care , if he ever imploys them without the physicians privity and direction , he is unfaithful in that trust ; and if his practise succeeds not , then doth the reputation of that physician suffer , whose prescript originally it was : as another considerable branch of trust , the true dispensation of all medicines directed by physicians is left to the apothecaries , in whose integrity they place great confidence , and therefore a good author tells us , praestat pharmacopaeum esse virum bonum , quam socratem , h. e. 't is better that an apothecary be an honest men then socrates , both physician and patient depending on his uprightness and the punctual discharge of his office : if then this apothecary shall ingage in the practise of physick , he must necessarily spend much time abroad in visiting his patients , and leave his shop to the management of raw apprentices , who wanting instruction by reason of their masters absence , and not understanding the physicians bill , make odd and too often dangerous substitutions ; neither are the physicians secure that such practising apothecaries do not out of design suffer their patients to be neglected or abused , that so miscarrying in their hands , the repute of the others may seem thereby advanced , as if their practise could not be more unsuccesful then the doctors : certainly these apothecaries cannot give a satisfactory account of the trust reposed in them , and therefore to me it is evident that they give timely warning by forsaking their trade and practising physick , that none commit the breeding of their children to them who have business of more concernment to mind , then to spend their time in teaching ( according to their engagement ) their servants the art which they must be made free to exercise , that the people be not hasty to imploy them in either way , who incapacitate themselves for both ; and lastly , that physicians send not any bills to them , lest they be guilty of prejudicing both themselves and patients . if then these practising apothecaries are so kind to physicians as publikely to acquaint them what may be expected at their hands ; i hope no member of that worthy faculty is so stupid but that he will leave them and their patients to the same adventure which both run , and not be either forward to help them out at a dead lift , or take the miscarriage on him for the advantage of one or two fees ; but it is observable that some of these , conceiving that an open breach between physicians and them may be prejudicial to their design , do plead as an excuse to acquit themselves that the importunity of their customers prevailed with them in such cases wherein was no appearance of danger to direct what they thought most convenient ; but let rondeletius give these an answer , pharmacopaeus inconsulto perito medico nihil cuiquam proponabit , praesertim magnarum virium , sed neque quantumvis parcarum , cum vires nesciat , & auxilia haec quamvis ( ut videtur ) imbecilla , tamen quantitate , qualitate , tempore insalubria , magnorum saepe morborum sunt occasio , & legitimam curandi rationem pervertunt , h. e. apothecaries ought not to give any medicines without the foreknowledg and direction of an allowed physician , neither those which are more or less operative , because they being altogether ignorant of their vertues may err in those which seem weakest and most safe in respect of quantity , quality or time , so as they may prove the causes of most dangerous diseases , the opportunity also of a methodical cure is by this means lost . indeed such is the increase of the apothecaries company , that all of them cannot reasonably expect imployment ▪ who therefore hunt abroad after patients , and prey one upon anothers business ; these inconveniencies would be remedied if the counsel of a grave writer was observed , who adviseth the magistrate to be very careful not to tolerate more apothecaries then are sufficient for the discharge of that profession ; implying , that if they superabounded , they would most infallibly injure the publick , and rather then their medicines for want of timely use should decay and grow worthless , choose to spend them by their own practise , and think it a less crime to harm the people then suffer any damage in their shops ; and when these practising apothecaries have by their insinuations inveigled some to take physick of them , as it is not improbable but that these being ignorant of the direct way of curing diseases must necessarily hereupon spend more medicines then physicians who exactly knowing what is to be done , will not multiply prescripts to tire out their patients and advance their charge ; so how can such patients assure themselves that their apothecary-physicians do not make use of that opportunity as much to rid their shop of physick , as them of diseases : however if the whole is cast up , such patients will find no cause to commend the cheapness of their cure in respect of what it had been , if they had consulted physicians ; not to mention that some of these do confidently take and demand fees for their visits , besides the profitable income by their physick ; i may safely affirm that most of them cannot afford to be so charitable as to wait on their patients without some recompence for their time and trouble , which are usually accounted in the price of the medicines : so then , what a delusion do they lie under who seek to these apothecaries , hoping thereby to save physicians fees. i question not but that these practising apothecaries do also discourage the people from seeking to physicians , not only by undervaluing their skill , but by misrepresenting the charge of such advice , exclaiming against their excessive fees for every little distemper , if they are called in : i answer , that if in such little distempers ( as they tearm them ) any thing is to be directed , a physician ought to be consulted therein , for perhaps what these mis-judging did account light and inconsiderable , when better understood by those who are able to look deeply into it , and have a right notion of the causes , may prove a business of great concernment , and being throughly known by the prudence of the physician in his timely applications the danger so much threatned may be succesfully obviated , and the patient restored without any great expence either in the physicians fees or apothecaries medicines ; i must add to vindicate the physicians from the false adspersion of exacting from the people more then the condition of such patients can bear , that no society of men in this nation can in this point so much clear themselves as physicians , who although they have no publick stipends ( some few excepted ) are yet so moderate in their takings , that without a lessening the honour and repute of their faculty they cannot well condescend lower , and if the seniors whose worth merits a greater respect , and age requires more rest and quiet , shall excuse themselves from night calls , and the drudgery of attending ordinary business ; the junior physicians when sent unto , most readily ( desiring to appear conscientious in the discharge of their calling ) take care of the meanest people either gratis expressing their charity , or at a rate suitable to their condition who employ them . moreover these practising apothecaries are injurious to physicians , by encouraging others to the like attempts , who straight-way conclude , that if these whose chief concernment it is to advance the credit of physicians , and to be faithful to them in their profession , shall so disesteem them as to enter the list , & contend with them in their own science ; well may the common empericks be more emboldned to vilifie them ; nay , physicians would have reason to take it ill from such apothecaries , if it appear that most of the quacks are not only supplied , but assisted by them in their undertakings , and that they most approve of these because they help them with their best endeavor to empty their shops : i might proceed to shew how much the profession of physick suffers by such practisers , and give instances of the fatal mistakes of these pretenders to the medicinal science , but i am not willing to prosecute this argument as far as the subject will bear ; i shall insert some edicts published by the magistracy of brussels , to be a pattern to other states , and to manifest that it is not so much the physicians , as the peoples interest that the apothecaries be not allowed to practise physick . statut. vii . admissi pharmacopaeii ( jure jurando se prius adstringentes ad id quod in articulis eos concernit ) cavebunt absque medici praescripto medicamenta elective purgantia vel scammoniata curandis aegris divendere vel medicorum paradigmata immutare , aut quid pro quo substituere quod si vel in lectione , sensu , aut forma compositionis laborent , medicum adibunt , qui eos dirigat , instruatque sub mulcta septem florenorum duplicandorum , & dividendorum ut ante . statut. viii . nequaquam verò absque medici probati & admissi licentia , venena , philtra , opiata periculosiora , aut abortum mensesque provocantia pharmaca cuipiam porrigant , vel per ministros suos tradi permittant sub mulcta , vii florenorum , &c. h. e. statute vii . they who ( being first sworn to observe faithfully the statutes relating to them ) are admitted to exercise the art or mystery of an apothecary , shall not without a lawful physicians prescript sell any purging medicines either elective or scammoniate to cure the sick , neither shall they alter the physicians bill , or substitute one ingredient for another , and if they are deficient in reading or understanding the prescript , or skill not the preparation , they shall consult the physician upon pain and forfeiture of vii florens to be doubled and divided according to the foregoing direction . statute viii . the said apothecaries shall not upon pain of the like mulct without an approved physicians license , sell or suffer to be sold by their servants any poysons , philtrums , opiates , or medicines either provoking the menses or causing abortion . this senate was doubtless no more concerned to enact such laws on the behalf of the people under their government , then any prince for the welfare of his subjects : if then such edicts were only the natural result of reason and prudence , the like general principle commends the imitation of them to other countreys , and certainly if these apothecaries in this nation did observe their own charter , they would not so much transgress as to assume liberty never intended them , when they were made an incorporation . to conclude , these practising apothecaries are injurious to themselves as well as physicians , for when they fail in their cures , which by reason of misapplications are very unlikely to succeed , the people are apt to suspect that such persons despair of excelling in their own profession , upon which account they betake themselves to quacking : i do not think that the example of the author of medela medicinae , is a sufficient encouragement to others that they should be as free as he professeth himself , to instrust their lives in the hands of prudent apothecaries ; since that person hath not scrupled to adventure greater hazards — then others , either in this respect or any like case are obliged to imitate ; and it is very probable that these apothecaries when they fall sick , will not retaliate his kindness , and with the same danger intrust their lives in his hands . that the design of this discourse may not be misconstrued by any , as if there was an intent to reflect on the whole society of apothecaries , i shall in the next place speak of those who utterly dislike these irregularities of their brethren , foreseeing the event that except some effectual course be taken to restrain such unwarrantable actings , the amicable knot between physicians and them will be either untied or broken , to the prejudice and disadvantage of both , at least theirs ; and therefore these being the worthier , and ( i hope ) the major part of that incorporation , taking notice that notwithstanding the late publick disobligements ( the physicians being yet so generous and friendly as to trust them with their prescripts and patients ) have an honorable esteem of their practise and prudent deportment , sufficient to convince their adversaries , if they had not lost all sense both of humanity and their own true interest , for although there are very many arguments which might perswade physicians to prepare their own medicines , particularly to take off those sugillations , as if either they know not how to make their compositions , or that they are unwilling to undergo so much trouble , and to improve their art , &c. yet had they rather lie under a vain conjecture of their insufficiency in that business or laziness , then be guilty of destroying the company of apothecaries , especially such who confine themselves to their own profession , and religiously over-see the dispensation of their medicines . this better part of that society in testimony of their gratitude to physicians , for that excellent skill they have by their direction acquired in the genuine preparations of vegetables , animals , and minerals , wherein they are inferiour to none of the like profession in any nation , do not only publish the physicians abilities , and prefer them before all pretenders , but by their improuement silence the idle calumny of their doctors being unskilful in pharmacy ; these members of that company have diligently promoted an acommodation between physicians and them , and would gladly that the law , to restrain illegal practitioners might reach any offenders amongst their number as others , being sensible how much the whole company is prejudiced by the extravagancies of some who in hopes of a little gain , do not care to ruine their society , there being at length a good correspondence between the colledg of physicians and the incorporation of apothecaries , each member imploying himself in his profession as the law directs , all will go on with more comfort in their several vocations , and the people reap the benefit . chap. iii. of the lord bishops and their vicar-generals power to license physicians . it doth not appear either by the canon law or prescription , that the bishops and their vicar-generals as ecclesiastical officers , had power to license any to practise physick , or that physicians in respect of their profession were subjected to the jurisdiction of spiritual courts ; 't is confessed that the care of hospitals did appertain to the bishops who provided physicians to cure the sick , but it would seem a strange inference to argue that the bishops exercised the like priviledges elsewhere , because to them was committed the supervision of these hospitals , or that they had a legal right to license physicians who entertained them ; wherefore until good evidence is produced to make out their claim to this authority preceding the statute ; i cannot allow the opinion of episcopal right of licensing to practise physick , besides should i admit that they had such a power in them as ecclesiasticks , yet they must demonstrate the force thereof , since the statute took place , but if it be found upon inquiry that neither de jure nor de facto , the bishops and their vicar-generals did license , and that the statute is of full vertue , notwithstanding any pretence of former authority , it is unquestionable but that all persons therein concerned , the bishops and their vicar-generals , as well as the people are obliged to take notice of it , and to the end that the original and extent of their licensing physicians may be fully known , i shall recite part of the statute relating thereunto . no person within the city of london , nor within seven miles of the same shall take upon him to exercise and occupy as physician or chyrurgeon , except he be first examined , approved , and admitted by the bishop of london , or by the dean of pauls for the time being , calling to him or them four doctors of physick ; and for surgery other expert persons in that faculty , upon the pain of forfeiture for every month that they do occupy as physicians and surgeons not admitted , nor examined after the tenor of the said act , of five pounds , to be employed the one half to the use of our soveraigne lord the king , and the other half to any person that shall sue for it by action of debt , in which no wager of law nor protection shall be allowed ; and over this that no person out of the said city and precinct of seven miles of the same , take upon him to exercise and occupy as a physician and surgeon in any diocess within this realm , till he be first examined and approved by the bishop of the same diocess or ( he being out of the same diocess ) by his vicar-general , either of them calling to him such expert persons in the same faculty ( as their discretion shall think convenient ) and giving their letters testimonials under their seal to him , that they shall so approve upon like pain to them that occupy contrary to this act ( as is above said ) to be levied and imployed after the same form before expressed : provided always that this act nor any thing therein contained be prejudicial to the universities of oxford and cambridg , or either of them , or to the priviledges granted to them , &c. thus the high-court of parliament was pleased ( as the statute imports ) to authorize the right reverend bishops and their vicar-generals , as a trust , to license all persons qualified to practise physick , which business of trust intimates an extraordinary confidence in their faithful execution of it according to direction , and that the same authority may demand an account of the discharge thereof , and accordingly either continue it in their hands or alter it , as may best answer their intent in relation to the peoples health and welfare : 't is not to be doubted but that the parliament was moved by very weighty reasons to intrust the bishops , &c. with the execution of this law , being satisfied that they whom singular piety , learning , and other endowments had advanced to those dignities , would act circumspectly and prudently in the management of a publick trust of such consequence to the nation , in the exact performances of which , the people also promised to themselves much happiness , expecting by means of this devolution of power on the bishops sound minds in sound bodies : and the bishop being out of his diocess , the power of licensing descended with the same limitations to the vicar-generals , who may not plead liberty to act otherwise then the statute allows , because there is no penalty annexed , as if thereupon they were not engaged to observe the several conditions enjoyned : methinks the parliaments good opinion of these chancellors integrity should so far prevail with them , as at least not to seek out ways how they may safely break their trust , and therefore offend because the law doth not provide due punishment ; i want words to express the exquisite dis-ingenuity of such practises , which encourage the violation of all publick and private trusts at pleasure , if thereby no penalty is incurred . i shall in the next place briefly consider the injunctions in the body of the statute , according to which both the bishops and their vicar-generals are to be guided in granting their licenses , and although the bishop of london and dean of pauls , may examine , approve and admit , yet they must call to them four doctors of physick , a competent number to avoid all suspicion of favour or partiality , and that the candidate be throughly sifted before he obtain a license : then it follows that the bishop being out of his diocess , his vicar-general may license according to the statute , whence i collect that if the bishop is in any part of his diocess , his vicar-general may not exercise this power , neither can any such interpretation be put on the bishops being out of his diocess , as if this related only to his judicial attendance in court , and so often as he is not there , his vicar-general may license ; for this is contrary to the letter of the statute , and ( as i conceive ) the designment of it , which was primarily to authorize the bishops and their chancellors only in the others absence from their diocess . i further observe that this power of licensing was by the statute placed in the bishops and their vicar-generals , no mention being made of their surrogates or officials , * in regard that this trust of licensing to practise physick is no part of their office by vertue of the bishops patent to them , i quaere whether they commissionating surrogates according to those patents , can legally invest them with the like authority , since it is limited by the statute to the bishops and their vicar-generals ? it is in the last place observable that four doctors of physick must be called in before the person to be licensed can be approved and admitted ; i question then whether certificates under the hands of three or four doctors of physick without such examination in the presence of the bishop , &c. do answer the command of the statute ? in respect of the whole untill these vicar-generals and their surrogates can produce any legal authority constituting them interpreters of such statutes so as to put what sense and construction they please upon them most agreeable to their profit , and till the reverend judges have otherwise determined , i hope it may not be unwarrantable to understand the statute according to the literal meaning thereof , and then all transgressions of the power granted by it seem illegal , as that bishops should license without a previous examination by four doctors , that the vicar-generals if the bishop be in any part of his diocess , should exercise this power , and without the examination by doctors , or that any surrogates should attempt to license , that authority being incommunicable by patent : and lastly , that certificates should be admitted , most of which probably may be counterfeited : besides i shall leave those who are learned in the law to decide whether since the president and censors of the kings-colledg of physicians in london , by other statutes of later date , were appointed to examine and allow all licentiates , unless such whom the universities authorize to practice physick , the power of the bishops and their vicar-generals granted before , * is not void in law ; and although the bishops and their chancellors proceed on the license , yet whether such licentiates without either the universities or colledges examination and approbation can plead their authority , so as to acquit them from the penalty to be inflicted on illegal practisers ? to pass by other points of great importance in this controversy , because i would not seem to intrench on the profession of others ; i shall endeavor to shew the inconveniencies which happen to the faculty of physick and physicians , by reason of this power of licensing placed in the bishops and their vicar-generals : as for the right reverend fathers in god the bishops , if such a weight of business did not lie on their shoulders , much more considerable , by which they may possibly be taken off from looking after this trust , 't is not to be doubted but that they would be very severe and just in this , as in other affairs , respecting a due encouragement of those who have been equally members of the universities as themselves , and thereupon grant out very few licenses to practise , especially in those places and countreys wherein are seated a sufficient number of learned and experienced physicians , who having performed their exercises are graduates in physick : were the bishops ( i say ) at leisure to regard this business , the true professors of physick could not possibly be more secure , or desire a better improvement of that power to the honour of their faculty ; but their vicar-generals are well pleased that their respective bishops do at least permit them to license whom they think fit , and however there is some engagement on them not only to follow the directions of the statute , but to be kind to the faculty of physick and its professors ; yet i wish that there is no cause of complaint , as if too many of these multiplied their licentiates for their own more then the benefit of the publick , and that since his majesty's most happy restoration , every court-day hath not been a physick act , the fees being incomparable respondents , as if the custom of leiden had prevailed . accipiamus pecuniam , dimittamus asinum . his money's currant , and will pass , though he who 's licens'd is an ass . for on the same account by the master of the revels , are licensed the dancing horses and well-bred bares . i do not at present undertake to accuse any particular persons , as if they have already licens'd so many that there are left no more pretenders to physick unfurnished , but i should wonder if all manner of rude and illiterate quacks , should at the charge of a mark or some such inconsiderable rate , be as much capacitated to practise physick , as those who are academical physicians : mantuan affords us a notable description of such licentiates ; his etsi tenebras palpant , concessa potestas excruciandi aegros hominesque impunè nocendi . although the art of physick these don't skill , to them are granted licenses to kill . had these vicar-generals and their surrogates by law an unlimited power to license all who are minded to practise physick , yet should they exercise it in the utmost latitude , the people might suffer as much by the provision of that statute as they did before , there being little difference between the bold attempts of those who then practised , and very many since no less unfit to undertake the cure of the sick ; indeed these last ( pleading the authority of their licenses ) are without much scruple entertained , as if they had been examined by four doctors of physick , and in every respect were allowable according to the direction of the statute , and thereupon may take more opportunities to injure the people then the others , who being well known never could obtain to be trusted as persons of sufficient abilities : certainly the whole nation will be very sensible of a manifest grievance upon the account of numberless licentiates to practise physick , for it would not serve the turn if each licentiate should apply himself to the cure of a distinct disease , as the egyptians did heretofore in the like case , and that each parish should employ one , but every person will have a distinct spy on his body , who being his diaetical genius must order every bit of meat and draught of drink , and after this manner be inslaved to live physically . as it doth not seem probable that the parliament did intend more , then that the people instead of ignorant practisers who abused them , should be provided with learned and able men to help them in their sickness , so neither can we think that any prejudice to the universities was thereby designed , but if notwithstanding that our academies have sent forth a convenient number of true sons of art , to take care of all that concerns their practice throughout the whole nation , these chancellors and their surrogates should at such a rate license as if there were none to practise , unless such whom they pass , taking no notice of the universities provision , what other conclusion can be deduced , then that such persons seek all opportunities to void the priviledges of the universities , to blast the hopes of many excellent physicians , whose abilities for want of exercise contract themselves and wither : and lastly , to disgrace the profession of physick by admitting such who as they cannot avoid the contradicting of their instruments , so perswade the people that they do as much as the art can perform . physicians do not yet despair that both their faculty and themselves may out-live the boisterous storms raised against them , because the lord bishops sit at the helm as most skilful pilates , who ( as before ) being chiefly intrusted , can direct the power of licensing to the best advantage , either taking it into their own hands , least they suffer in the peoples esteem by reason of the mis-application of the episcopal seal , or resigning it up to the universities , whose concern it is to attend such businesses : when church affairs are compleatly setled , 't is not to be doubted but that every bishop will take an account of all licentiates within his diocess , and inform himself of their abilities for such an imployment , by what means they obtained instruments authorizing them to practise physick , and if the conditions expressed in the statute were punctually observed , calling in all licenses illegally granted , and preventing any further abuses of that parliamentary trust by any of their officers : physicians ( i say ) are so well perswaded of the lord bishops good inclination to uphold the honour of their useful profession , and , to prefer those who are skil'd in all kinds of learning before others whose mother-wit and mother-tongue are their chiefest accomplishments , that they cannot harbor in their breasts any thoughts unworthy of the religious care of their answering every just expectation , and of expressing a particular respect and devotion towards medicine of a divine extract , if we credit st. augustine , saith he , * corporis medicina si altius rerum originem repetas non invenitur unde ad homines manare potuerit , nisi à deo , cui omnium rerum status salusque est tribuenda ; h. e. if we strictly enquire after the original of medicine , it will appear that god was the author thereof , to whom every thing ows it conservation . should the time in which that statute was made , be compared with this present season , an argument might be drawn thence to shew , that although there was a necessity ( in respect of the rareness of academical physicians ) that some should be licensed who satisfied the directions of the statute , yet since that the universities can as well furnish the nation with physicians as divines , these right reverend bishops will no more exert what authority they may have to make such physicians then priests , who never had relation to the universities , but spent their time either in following pass-times , in service , or a mechanical trade . chap. iv. of a collegiate way of physicians , and the kings-colledg in london . the chiefest argument inducing several princes most gratiously to institute corporations , was the advancement of trade , all obstructions which hindred its progress , being thereby removed , and apt priviledges granted to promote the interest and reward the diligence of the respective members of such commonalties : and in order to the perfection and dignity of the medicinal science , a collegiate way was thought on and setled as a meet expedient to free it from all those prejudicial incumbrances , which before were invincible lets , and suitably inlarging its power and authority , to render it more publickly useful and illustrious . the general obstacles as well in medicine as trade , preceding their incorporation as self-seeking , envy , discord , and want of government , being taken away , community , union , and a decent regulation have most fitly supplied those defects , and the additional advantages secured both from all extraneous injuries , and established a full and lasting liberty to improve them as far as they be capable of proficiency . i need not acquaint the world with the wonderful success of trade , which by no other way could possibly arrive at such an height , all scattered and distinct professors by an happy coalition combining together to manage their several arts with twisted ingenuity and counsel , that they might eminently flourish ; the growth of physick hath been no less considerable in those nations wherein are founded colledges of physicians , nay , the medicinal science stood in greater need of this course then trade , being more subject to invasion , every * unskilful person ( as is shewn in the first chapter ) undertaking to profess physick , and the people rather applauding , then discouraging such practises , whereas if any one uneducated in a trade should adventure to set up , the people would be quickly sensible of that injury , and exclaim against any such encrochments as most destructive to trading , and openly tending to undo them who have spent much time and pains in the attainment of their art or mystery ; so that the common dislike of all ( who in respect of trade are competent judges ) was more effectual to prevent an inroad into their callings , then severe laws to restrain those who are ignorant from the practice of physick , besides there is no difficulty in the profession of physick ( as they presume to practise it ) which may equally deterr them from this as any other ( though the meanest and easiest ) imployment , for as panarolus well observes , praxis qua ipsi utuntur trium dierum spatio ab homine vel vilissimo acquiritur : h. e. the arrandest blockhead may learn all their skill and practice in three days time . moreover trade in respect of the event not being of such concernment as the science of physick , did not alike want incorporation , for in traffick the buyers understand whether the commodities are well conditioned , and fit for their use , the chapmans skill preventing all manner of circumventions and cheats , more then the particular laws of societies ; and one bad bargain may be recompensed by future caution and vigilancy , whereas it is otherwise in medicine , for very few know what belongs to the medicaments they take , not discerning the impostures of ignorant practisers ; and 't is too late to repent of inadvertency when once the deadly bolus is swallowed , promises of circumspection for the time to come being good warnings to others , but not available to him who is by such delusions surprized ; for this cause king henry the eighth was most gratiously pleased to found his colledg in london , as the words of the charter express ; cum regii officii nostri munus arbitremur , ditionis nostrae hominum felicitati omni ratione consulere : id autem vel imprimis fore si improborum conatibus tempestive occurramus , apprimè necessarium ducimus improborum quoque hominum qui medicinam magis avaritiae suae causâ quàm ullius bonae conscientiae fiducia profitebuntur unde rudi & credulae plebi plurima incommoda oriantur audaciam compescere , &c. collegium perpetuum doctorum & gravium virorum qui medicinam in urbe nostra londini , &c. publicè exerceant institui volumus atque imperamus , &c. h. e. forasmuch as to our princely care and soveraignty belongeth the welfare and happiness of our subjects , which cannot by any means be better secured , then by a timely disappointment of wicked mens evil designs and practises , we judg it expedient and necessary to restrain the bold attempts of impious and unworthy pretenders to physick , who acting from a principle of covetousness rather then conscientiously , do injure and deceive those who are ignorant and too credulous , &c. it is our royal pleasure and command to appoint and establish a colledge of learned and profound physicians in our city of london , &c. dissention also amongst physicians in respect of their opinions , promoted partly through emulation , and partly by the thirst of not a few after gain , transcending what was in this kind observable amongst traders , earnestly called for a speedy and convenient remedy , and since the settlement of a collegiate way of physicians , in the room of animosity , uncharitable emulation , and private inconsiderable designs , are introduced a decent respect of each other with all manner of mutual kindnesses , and the common interest and joynt improvement of the medicinal science for the benefit of the publick ; if the learned johannes de espagenet had reason to affirm , that love was one of the principles to which all bodies owe their original ; i may well assert , that it is no more a principle of bodies natural then politick , especially in the affairs of medicine , by which means the great business of consultation is regularly carried on , distinct abilities concurring to overcome the strange intricacies of complicated diseases : this love is the bond knitting the whole associated body together by its gentle ligaments in due symmetry , so that the juniors do chearfully adhere to what the seniors propose , submitting to their aged reason and experience , and the seniors as candidly communicate their observations , and admit of partnership in their vast stock of knowledg . as in other corporations great care is taken for the education of apprentices to their several trades , so a collegiate way herein may be more profitable , and i might hence take a fit occasion to recommend the practice of the ancients , who undertook the tutorage of young students in physick , which laudable practice is still continued in some countreys , and helps more in the profession of physick , then the bare turning over of voluminous authors , who ( at least many of them ) designed chiefly their own fame by their books ; the junior physicians ( i say ) being after this manner initiated , can more safely fight under such conduct against the desperatest diseases , and the seniors will be forward to transplant their abilities , and even immortalize themselves in the continued series of their successors . i hope now that the tearms doctor and colledge , do not suffer in the opinion of understanding men , by reason of the unworthy language and vain scoffs which the author of medela medicinae vents against them , for , doctor ( as serjeant dodridg well argued ) is no addition , but a degree , quia gradatim est progressione doctrinae provenit , being the universities reward of learning , and the tearm colledg intimates a lawful association or constellation of physicians to preserve the nation by a prosperous influence , and to advance and improve the medicinal science : neither is that idle objection allowable , as if a collegiate way by differencing its members from other practisers , and seeking for an effectual power to punish ill practice in physick , tended only to make the profession of medicine a monopoly , for there is no stop put to the industry of those who take a regular course to become lawful physicians , the universities embrace and cherish all hopeful students , and when fourteen years are expired , being not wasted , but carefully employed in a most exquisite search after the concealments of nature , these having succesfully run through a course of natural philosophy , they are thereby enabled to enter upon the most difficult study of physick , till at length their abilities arrived at a due maturation , and deserving the approbation of the universities , they come abroad , and may ( satisfying the statutes ) be admitted members of the colledg , and by the same rule every incorporation would be a monopoly , but i need not spend more time in answering such an empty argument ; every person may apprehend the reason why not only that pamphletter , but others of his gang do so bitterly inveigh against the order and government of physick , were these capable either to attain degrees in the faculty of physick , or to be licensed by the colledg , they would be as forward for discipline in physick , as now they are for liberty . it remains that i endeavour to vindicate the kings colledg of physicians in london , from the scandalous suggestions of some , as if they had not answered those ends for which their society was founded ; and although i am very sensible of my insufficiency to undertake a just description of the deserts and performances of this colledg , and likewise that what ever i can say will be judged the product of interest , yet i shall rather hazard their censure for my deficiencies , then be guilty by silence of a seeming compliance with their malicious accusers , and that cannot be interpreted vain ostentation , when there is no other intent then to vindicate our society from the indignities of those who would lessen its splendor : well then , since that the necessity of answering such high provocations makes my apology , and prevents the charge of immodesty , i shall attempt to give some brief account of this colledg and its members ; should i begin with the first doctors whose names are recited in the charter granted by king henry the 8th , and confirmed by parliament , and continue the catalogue to this day , the worth and fame of each collegiate would compleatly evidence that they were according to direction profound , discreet , groundly learned , and deeply studied in physick ; nay , i confidently affirm , that the most considerable discoveries which in these later ages have merited applause and credit in the world , were most happily made by some members of this society , witness the renowned doctor harvey 's circulation of the blood , doctor jolive 's first observation of the lymphaeducts , and many others , who , though dead , do yet live in their physical inventions , and not a few of the present members of this colledg have paid the first fruits of their vast attainments , whose books having stood the brunt of humorous contradiction unanswered , are above censure , or my panegyrick , and their second prosperous voyages into the america of medicinal truths , cannot but raise large expectations of further discoveries , many of this incorporation did heretofore warehouse their learning and experience , and hoarded up such plenty of all necessary accomplishments , as if they intended to ingross the medicinal science , who being prevented either by mis-guided modesty or untimely death , suffered their acquirements to die with them , leaving a despair in their successors to retrieve those hidden and buried treasures , and the rest of the colledg when they are secured from injurious blasts , will in due time blow with mature and acceptable performances , these are now giving the world an edition of themselves , and at length will publish their most elaborate works wherein the progress of physick may be most legible . i shall further add , that since his majesty hath most graciously pleased to honour his colledg with his presence , and to take notice of their exercises , the whole society is inflamed to approve themselves worthy of their soveraigns favour and patronage ! the reason why these collegiates do at present conceal their abilities , is , because they would avoid the prostitution of them , observing that even their free converse hath emboldned amazon practitioners to handle the two-edged sword of medicine , since therefore the profession of physick is only guarded by the prudence of physicians , there is good cause why they should so far imitate the ancients as not to disclose those mysteries and depths in physick which distinguish them from others ; and although candor opens their breasts to all sons of art , yet their choicest conceptions will be fast locked up , till law secures them , and their authors from usurpation and injuries . chap. v. of chymistry , and the pseudo-chymists in this kingdom . the fierce digladiations between the galenists and chymists , each party contending not only to advance their opinions , but to vilifie their opposites , have in the judgment of most prudent men rather inconvenienced both , then gained to either more credit or authority ; i shall present some of these hot disputes , by which all may observe the weakness of such ineffectual argumentations , and meerly rude and passionate censures , saith zacutus , sanguineis lachrymis deploranda esset calamitas haec ab iis qui hippocratis & galeni se filios esse gloriantur , & horum magistrorum sanissimam doctrinam ex limpidissimis fontibus exhaustam combibere solent , quod chymici omnino adversam & contrariam hippocratis legibus observantes disciplinam impune , proterue & indecore medicinam , summum-omnipotentis donum , dicteriis , facetiis & preposteris auxiliis infament , medicus fugiat a chymicis & documenta eorum parvi faciat : h. e. the true disciples of hippocrates and galen who have drawn all their accomplishments from their pure fountains of learning , have cause to weep blood seeing that the chymist who profess a contrary way of physick , are permitted without restraint by their malevolent reproaches , scorns , and unartificial remedies to blaspheme medicine which is the gift of the great god : and therefore let every physician take heed of these , and lightly esteem their doctrines . but in answer ro this , nemo docti & sapientis viri nomen aut titulum obtinere potest nisi sit chymista , quia nec principia naturalia , nec vera universalis materia cuipiam unquam innotescent nisi per artis chymicae experientiam : h. e. he is most unworthy the name or repute of a learned or wise man , who is not a chymist , because neither the natural principles nor the universal matter can be known to any who are not skilled in the spagyrick art : what riolanus writes is not behind this , princeps tenebrarum delectatur fumis , & ministros habet fumi vendulos , alchymistas , sufflones , carbonarios quorum scientiam cur non appellem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum proprie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicantur fornacarii chymistae , sed veritas filia temporis perdet gratiam novitatis eorum , & fumus iste disparebit : h. e. the prince of darkness doth affect fumes , and his officers trade in smoak ; these chymists busie themselves in kindling charcoal not differencing themselves from colliers , since that amongst their furnaces they are not unlike chimney-sweepers , i know no reason but that i may compare their art to chimney-sweeping , but truth is the daughter of time , and when the novelty of their practice is over , their smoak will dis-appear . penotus extols chymistry as much as riolanus decries it ; quid jucundius quam ea noscere atque oculis pene cernere manuque tractare quae procul a sensu & cognitione nostra peccatum posuit ? quam in ipsam penitus absconditam naturam descendere , quam partes universi in particulas quasque minutissimas scindere ? ipsaque naturae principia in manu habere ? quid publice , privatimque utilius , quam mortalitati nostrae quantum quidem licet subvenire ? morbosque aliaque corporis incommoda arcere & depellere ? & languentem proximum atque jacentem restituere , haec omnia praestat ea philosophiae atque medicinae pars quam spagyricam vocant : h. e. what can be more pleasant then to know by the sure information of the eye and hand , those things which sin hath so far distanced both from our sense and apprehension ? then to dive into the depths of nature ? then to anatomize the universe , and to handle the first principles of all things ? what can be more publickly and privately useful then to retard death as much as may be ? to vanquish diseases ? to recover our sick neighbour ? and all these feats are performed by chymistry . billichius on the other side tells us , medicamenta chymica membris principalibus corporis pravam dispositionem imprimunt , calorem nativum & spiritus individuos animae satellites destruunt , remediis itaque chymicis , quasi periculosis , inutilibus , & pestiferis , jus civitatis in republica medica denegetur ; and more particularly gluckradius , salia arrodunt & extimulant , spiritus caput petunt , olea ventriculum conviscunt & adherent : h.e. chymical medicines are hurtful to the principal parts of the body , by fixing an ill disposition there , by dissipating natural heat , and overthrowing the spirits which are the life-guard of the soul , and therefore such chymical remedies ought to be expunged the catalogue of medicines , being hazardous , unprofitable , and pestilential : and gluckradius further adds , that chymical salts are corrosive and irritate , spirits injure the brain , and oyls by their glutinousness and adhesion do even plaister the stomach . the author of the pharmacopaeia spagyrica tells us another story , says he , ars spagyrica omnium scientiarum nobilissima , utilissima & praestantissima nihil aeque medicum ornet , nobilitet , clarumque reddat , haec firmissa naturae claustra reseret , ei quandoquidem virtutum omnium , terrestrium , coelestium , animalium , vegetabilium & mineralium clavis conceditur , in qua non modo rei essentiae perpenduntur , verum in lucem conspectumque omnium adducuntur , purum ab impuro segregatur , cortex a nucleo , contrarium a contrario , multa denique miranda praestat , & multo majora , quam quae humanus intellectus excogitare possit : and faber seconds this , * siquid est in natura pulchritudinis nobilitatis & utilitatis , id omne a puro ortum habet , quo sola chymia uti novit , quae jure merito scientias omnes naturales tantum antecellit quantum purum illud reliquum naturae superat & vincit : h. e. chymistry is the most noble , useful , and excellentest of all sciences , nothing doth so much grace a physician and make him eminent as the knowledg hereof which readily admits him into natures recesses , and discovers all true vertues terrestrial and celestial , and the nature of animals , vegetables , and minerals ; so that not only the essences of things are made intelligible , but they are subjected to our touch and view , the pure hereby being separated from that which is impure , the kernel from the shell , one contrary from another ; its effects to conclude are so wonderful , that they surpass mans reach or understanding : and faber writes to the same purpose ; if there is any beauty , excellency , and worth in nature , it is the product of that which is most pure , the ordering of which is the proper business of chymistry , and therefore it doth as much out-shine other natural sciences , as this pure the grossest feculencies . i perceive that i need an apology to excuse this tedious recitation of the absurd mutual * clashings of these galenists and chymists , who most earnestly endeavor to perswade the people that they design the sanity of mankind as the common end of their , though divers , nay , contrary directions and practises ; because most authors engaged in this controversie instead of rational argumentations , do chiefly abound with vain boastings and suspitious commendations of their way , no less deriding all those who are not of their mind ; i thought my self concerned to reflect on this fruitless opposition joyning with angelus sala in his just reproof of both . clamant alii a partibus sumus galeni , alii partes tenemus paracelsi mutuas contentiones & dissidia subinde moventes , & interim paucissimi reperiuntur qui in sinceritate proximo suo succurrere contendunt : h. e. some devote themselves to be galens disciples , others are for paracelsus , jangling amongst themselves whilest very few endeavor in sincerity their neighbors restoration . in my opinion 't is preposterous to conclude that any person is to be therefore accounted a good physician , because he stifly adheres to one or the other party , or thinks fit to conjoyn them ; for to the accomplishment of a true physician is required an exact knowledg of all things belonging to his practise , whether they relate to his right judgment of diseases and their diagnosticks , or the regular applications of medicaments artificially prepared in order to a cure , and so far as any one who undertakes to profess physick is deficient in any part of his business , he personally errs , and falls under the censures of an ill practiser , although he either vaunts himself to be a galenist or helmontian : physicians are truths perpetual candidates , more allowing , nay , improving chymistry ( as part of their profession ) then any pretenders to it , who not only employ themselves in the advancement of pharmacy by its help , but in compleating the sensible theory of philosophy and medicine , of which with indefatigable pains our worthy predecessors have most auspiciously laid the sure foundation ; should i use any arguments inciting physicians by the assistance of pyrotechny to analyze all sorts of bodies , as if this was the probablest way to conduct them to all acquirable knowledg of their nature and vertues , other courses proving unsatisfactory , i might herein seem too much an imitator of some late writers , who take upon them to blame the defects of physicians in the study and practice of chymistry , for no other reason then that they by their experimental essays may be thought their dictators , degrading them to advance their own reputation ; methinks these deal herein very unkindly in attempting to ecclipse their brightness from whom they borrowed all their light : certainly physicians need no advertisement to observe the constitution of bodies in their discovering the principles of them , and that the universe after the creation ( when the spirit moved upon the waters ) in an analogous way to chymistry was methodized , the more subtle and etherial parts ascending , and those more feculent , becoming the footstool of the almighty , that also the grand affairs of generation and corruption seem nothing else but spagyrical processes , which i might illustrate if i did not study brevity ; hereupon ( i say ) physicians wisely trace the true original of bodies in the same order as they were made by an artificial anatomy of individuals , rightly judging of the whole in respect of the congruity of all its parts . although chymistry hath not been so succesful to determine the number of principles some resting in the trinity of sal , sulphur , and mercury , others accounting five , water , spirit , sulphur , salt , and earth ▪ zephyriel , thomas bovius making the number eight , and it being not improbable but that our successors may discover more as simple as these , yet in respect of the apt preparation of medicaments , it hath fully answered expectation , physicians being thereby furnished with noble remedies , which skilfully used , give ample proof of their activity in the extirpation of diseases : but these spagyricks take great care in their opening of bodies , especially such as are most compact that the innate or seminal vertues thereof be not altered or marred by corrosive and poysonous dissolvents , * or by destructive heat or fire , antidating the day of judgment in respect of those things which in order to their preparation it consumes * and utterly spoils ; the imitation of nature in her most perfect operations do best direct an artist in his experiments , and therefore as by the mutual conjunction of the celestial and terrestrial sun together with a due supply of an homogenious and natural menstruum , a vegetable is raised and impowred with medicinal vertues , so if the physician conceives that this vegetable needs a further exaltation , at least a preparation to be unloaded of its clogging feculencies , and desires to make a separation of the pure from that which is impure , by the help of chymistry he performs what he designed , choosing an inlivening heat to advance the signatures of that vegetable , and an apt menstruum to which it may readily resign up all its efficacy and vertue , being thereby freed from its useless excrements ; which course is followed likewise in the preparation of animals and minerals , not as if the same heat and menstruum would serve the turn for all vegetables whose vertues are contrary ( as the pseudo-chymists ignorantly practise ) which need diverse and proper menstruums , and what sufficiently wrought on vegetables will not operate alike on animals and minerals ; for although physicians are better acquainted with the universal dissolvent , then some phantastical pretenqers , yet they aim chiefly in their medicinal preparations at the preservation of the true genuine and seminal vertues , and make not each simple to be alike catholick as the menstruum imployed ; besides they respect the safety of their medicaments as much as their prevalency in the cure of diseases , and when by much industry and sweat such powerful remedies are provided by the true physician , he doth not expect that they should work miracles , help incurable maladies , or raise the dead , but if a just occasion is offered , he makes use of them , hoping that by reason of a right application they may be effectual ; however these do not because of their expertness in chymical preparations , impiously conceit that god hath bestowed on mankind no vegetables , animals , nor minerals as effectual helps to oppugn the irreconcilable enemies of life , unless they are renovated by the hermetick art ; for not only the constant experience of the greatest part of the world contradict this fancy , few nations understanding the use of chymistry , and yet the sick in those countreys by nature ▪ provision of remedies recover ; but an observation may be drawn from bruits , which i urge not , as if i imagined that the medicines curing them may be applicable to men , and that the farriers skill may accomplish a physician ; in this point the opinion of jobertus * seems most rational , saith he , quod in brutis animantibus observare quis potuit ad hominem traducere velle ineptum est , quoniam longe lateque differunt hominum brutorumque naturae vel hoc argumento , sturni cicuta & helleboro coturnices tuto vescantur , quae nobis sunt venena & pharmaca : h. e. 't is absurd to appropriate the physick of bruits to men whose natures are so different , which is evidenced by the starelings feeding securely on hemlock , and the quails eating hellebore , which to our bodies are poysonous and medicinal : bruits , i say , when diseased employ no operators , but supply themselves from natures laboratory with convenient remedies , which succeed so well with them that they out-live the proudest pretenders to the great elixir or panacaea , nay , as seneca * affirms by aristotle's authority , quina & dena saecula edurant , they last five , nay , ten ages at least some of them , having no other medicinal help ; and hence it is that the true physicians do not think fit to employ themselves in gaining the quintessence of every simple they use , well knowing that many simples do irrecoverably loose their seminal vertues by ordinary preparations . the anomymus author * of the pharmacopaeia spagyrica before mentioned , doth very well determine this controversie ; quando morbus non est admodum pertinax simplici medicamenti preparatione subigi & everti queat , in diuturnis autem , gravibusque morbis , in delicatulis & his quibus ventriculus nausea premitur , & qui solo adspectu odorem & saporem perhorrescunt longiori artificio utimur nam crebris coctionibus filtrationibus clarificationibus & distillationibus ea adeo gustui palatoque grata reddimus ut ipsis aegris in delitiis veniant : h. e. if the disease is not rebellious it may be cured by an ordinary preparation , but chymical and obstinate distempers require more exquisite remedies , and if the patients stomach is squeemish , or he cannot endure the sight or tast of the medicine , then by frequent coctions , filtrations , clarifications , and distillations , it may be made so grateful , that the patient may be delighted with it . i shall add solon's counsel , consule non quae suavissima sed quae optima : h. e. the patient ought rather to be pleased with that which most conduceth to his recovery , then mind the satisfaction of his palate , which is vitiated in sickness , and hereupon true physicians are not so sollicitous to prescribe palatable medicines * as those which may most powerfully overcome the disease . if i should launch out into a just commendation of the excellency and usefulness of chymistry , it would i am perswaded , by our pseudochymists ( concerning whom anon ) be interpreted an extorted confession , as if their pamphlets had opened our eyes , or forced us to close with them in the advancement of its repute in the world ; but i need not extoll that in words , which we more suitably praise by practice , and i shall comprehend what i intend to say on this subject under these two assertions . 1. that physicians have been the chief promoters of chymistry , and are best qualified to bring it to perfection . 2. that the lawful physicians in this kingdom are the truest chymists . he is a meer stranger to this science , who is ignorant that the chiefest chymists were physicians ; i should insert a large catalogue , if i did not suppose that the truth hereof is famously known by their learned works , wherein all chymical operations are more perspicuously delivered then in any other authors , but this will further appear when i have shewn that the qualifications of a physician are the principal requisites for the study and practice of chymistry , of which in the next place . i begin with the physicians skill in the tongues and in philosophy , what * hoglandus writes concerning the necessity of knowing the tongues is acknowledged by all true sons of art , saith he , non putet quis libros chymicos ca facilitate aut veritate in aliam linguam , transferri atque aliarum scientiarum libros : h. e. he will be deceived who imagins that chymical authors can be so faithfully translated as books treating of other sciences : he then who is a sufficient linguist is most capable of interpreting truly and beneficially the mystical and obscure writings of the ancients ; and in relation to philosophy as hippocrates requires a physician to be excellent in it * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , * so arnaldus and geber thinks this knowledg most necessary to accomplish a chymist , saith the first ; qui vult ad hanc scientiam pervenire & non est philosophus , fatuus est , quia haec scientia non est nisi de occultis philosophiae : h. e. he who is ambitious to attain this science without philosophy , is in plain terms a fool , because this science comprehends the secrets of philosophers : and * geber more fully , oportet artificem in scientiis philosophiae naturalis eruditum & perfectum esse , quia quod per ingenium naturale non adipiscitur , hujus defectui per doctrinam subvenitur : h. e. the artist must be compleatly skill'd in natural philosophy that his learning therein may supply all defects of his ingenuity . sagacity is no less necessary to enable a physician , upon which account the forementioned alsarius * tells us , sapientissimus senex artem longam esse jure merito dixit ut tarda & hebetia ingenia ab ea capescenda deterreret , fervida vero & vivida ad comprehendenda atque retinenda medicinae mysteria magis inflammaret : h. e. hippocrates did most wisely pronounce the medicinal art to be long and tedious , that he might discourage at their onset all those who were stupid and thick skull'd , and provoke the acutest wits to pry into the knowledg and mysteries of physick , and sagacity is as considerable in chymistry , if we credit moresinus , saith he , ut quam ingeniose possint chymici naturae secretos thesauros in usus publicos depromere : h. e. that these eagle-ey'd chymists may pierce into the secrets of nature : indeed there is nothing obvious in the spagyrick art , and therefore answerable to the depths of knowledg sought after , are the difficulties in the disquisition of them ; he who observes himself to be besieged with errors , ought to have his wits * about him , as well to secure him in his right proceedings , as to prevent a surprize by false and erroneous suggestions . to conclude , studiousness and industry do compleat a physician whose knowledg and pains encrease alike , for if minima mundi res totius vitae contemplationi sat superque est : h. e. the most inconsiderable thing in the world may imploy the whole time of a mans life to attain a perfect and unerring knowledg of it . certainly then he hath no leisure allowed him who by his diligence is engaged to understand all the affairs of the greater as well as the little world : and assiduity is requisite in chymistry , according to the advice of an excellent adept in that art , exerceat se artifex donec studendo & experimentando cum laboris instantia ad cognitionem pervenerit : h. e. the artist must continually exercise and busie himself that by his constant study and experiments he may gain knowledg . i need not spend time in running over more qualifications both of physicians and chymists , in which they also agree ; by all which it is very apparant that physicians are best capacitated to be chymists , to whom also the spagyrick art is more advantageous then to any others who spend their time and pains in it : curiosity and covetousness are the general ends propounded by all not engaged in the profession of physick , moving them to erect laboratories , that by the help of chymical experiments , they may satisfie their earnest desire either of knowledg or profit , but upon neither account can these be equally benefited thereby as physicians , not they who seek only to gratifie their curiosity , because these rather hunt after rarities in nature then what is vulgar , and then most applaud their happy discoveries when some strange and unexpected effect doth occur ; quod naturae ludus illis miraculum ; the sportings of nature delight them most : and indeed these may at pleasure , sever , mix , make and marr , behaving themselves lasciviously towards nature and her divine mysteries , and at length if these err , their deceptions are not dangerous , so long as their innocent affectation of curiosity is confined to try conclusions on vile and ignoble bodies , which are then dignified when they afford real discoveries of new truths , in subserviency to the good and welfare of mankind : but physicians are not allowed liberty to pick and choose their work , they difference not the subjects on which they operate so much by their disguised variety , as estimate them according to the true and powerful vertues they afford for the recovery of their patients ; being also obliged to more accurateness then the others , for if they mistake in dissolving the intimate closure of bodies on which they work , in stead of separating by such a preparation between what is sound and the peccant matter , they possibly may part the neer embraces of soul and body : physicians then being satisfied that their enterprizes in chymistry relating to their practice be rational in the discharge of their weighty employment , more benefit thereby then those indagators invited to be spectators only of natures curiosities . as for the alchymists , although these out of an insatiable thirst to gain wealth by the great elixir or philosophers stone , and such like tantalizations do night and day moil amongst their furnaces , yet are not they so much profited by chymistry as physicians , for these being deluded , after an endless search for the true matter , and as idle a quest for the mercury of the philosophers , that these two natures whose essence notwithstanding is one , may , being timely after copulation impregnated , bring forth an aethiopian capable of changing his complection by vertue of the milk he sucks , and a suitable education : i say , these alchymists not understanding such and many more like parabolical expressions after their fruitless expence and pains learn only the insufficiencies of their processes , and howbeit they reiterate their work to try if they can hit right , yet nothing comes on it , their skill at length amounting to little more then a treasonable adulteration of coyn , or a pitiful circumvention of novices who are invited to sow gold plentifully in hopes of a succeeding harvest , or turning desperate quacks in physick ; but on the contrary , a physician is never frustrated in his chymical essays , as one well notes , faelices medici qui materiae differentias circa quas versantur optime tenent . he knows the matter on which he works , and brings it by his endeavors to that perfection he at first designed , powerful remedies to vanquish diseases are the chiefest treasure he seeks after , the spagyrical art which he professes , not being concerned to metamorphize base mettals into gold , but sickness into health , which as far excels that red though adored earth as that the basest mettal . physicians also are best qualified to bring chymistry to perfection ; that something already hath been performed in this kind , will appear if the long and tedious processes set down by the ancients be compared with those of later date ; 't was usual with those primitive operators to spend not only months but years in preparing their medicines which they esteemed according to the labour bestowed on them , and stil'd them precious in respect of their cost , which after all was done recompenced not either their trouble or charge , and if it hapned that any patient stood in need of such medicines , he usually had warning to prepare for death before the medicine could possibly be provided to cure him ; but this inconvenience is in some measure helped by the succesful industry of neotericks , who have found out more speedy ways of preparing their chymical medicines then formerly were used , and questionless when the profession of physick in all its parts and offices is established by law , and the apish pseudochymists stopped in their career , the world will have an account that the present physicians are acquainted with variety of powerful menstruums by which they can sooner obtain the vertue of any vegetable , then by expressing its juice or decocting it , and and so proportionably open both animal and mineral bodies to answer all exigencies how sudden soever in their practise ; this i insinuate not by way of ostentation , but that ( if authority shall require ) a publick proof may be given of it . it remains now that i evidence the physicians in this kingdom to be the truest chymists , for certainly they are most able who make it best answer the ends for which it was invented , set down by sennertus ; finis chymiae internus est corpora naturalia concreta purificare , solvere & componere alterare & exaltare , & ita elaborare , ut vel partes seorsim & singulae vel omnes iterum junctae & compositae sint quam purissimae & efficacissimae , atque ad usus in vita humana peculiares , & necessarios aptissimae & commodissimae , finis externus est praecipue sanitas & corporis humani conservatio : h. e. the internal end of chymistry consists in purifying , dissolving , and compounding , altering and exalting , and so ordering all concrete bodies that both the parts distinct or conjoyned , may be more useful and efficacious to cure diseases , and the external end is sanity . i shall rather choose to prove my assertion by shewing that these physicians are skilful , faithful , and succesful chymists : in the universities and colledg in london have flourished heretofore , some physicians eminent for their knowledg and practice of chymistry , though not in those days valued according to their merits ; but this inquisitive age encouraging learned men to employ themselves in spagyrical operations can not only produce a greater number of such artists , but may boast of their accurate search into the phoenomena of nature , as well making new observations , as experimenting the truth of those doctrines they receive by tradition . did i affirm that the lawful physicians in this kingdom are as knowing in rational chymistry as any society in the world ; i should impose an hard task on him who would undertake to oppose me herein : 't is not improbable but that the dispensatory will be objected to me as a publick confutation of our physicians skill in chymistry ; i answer , that the persons ( at least many of them ) intrusted by the supreme authority to compose the london dispensatory , were excellent chymists , i could instance sir theodore de mayerne , and many others : so then , if these who ( as will be easily acknowledged ) knew more in this art both as operators and practisers ) then our pseudochymists , thought fit to insert no more chymical preparations , certainly then we may conceive that they supposed their dispensatory as useful and compleat without , as with them ; however i must inform these pretenders to chymistry , that no publick dispensatory is so well stock'd with spagyrical preparations as this against which such clamors are raised as if it was insufficient to furnish any prevalent remedies : it is clear , that the colledg were not enemies to the spagyrical art , when they appeared for it before any academy or society of physicians in europe , and owned it in their pharmacopaeia as far then as safely they might , for their dispensatory was chiefly intended as a direction to the apothecaries , who though at that time very capable of dispencing vulgar medicines for ordinary use , yet were they not sufficient operators to prepare the noblest and most difficult remedies , wherefore the colledg most prudently attempted by more obvious operations at first to initiate them in chymistry , reserving to themselves the provision of what other medicines they should need in their practice , and those worthy collegiates were so forward to promote this art , that some physicians have rather blamed them for committing such remedies to the care and use too ( as it since falls out ) of every apothecary , the mistakes in both too often ruining patients , and discrediting physicians ; wherefore it seems more adviseable that they who use spagyrical medicines would not confide in common operators who may disappoint their hopes and expectations , but see to their preparations , whereby they may satisfie themselves and all that employ them , and when physicians take this business into their own hands , they can be fully secured that their remedies are no less faithfully then artificially prepared : the trust and confidence reposed in physicians being as considerable as life , calls upon them to express singular readiness and integrity to discharge their whole office which consists not only in prescribing apt medicaments , but a due regard that they be well dispensed according to direction ; when so many contingencies ( especially in such almost unimitable operations ) may intervene to spoil their vertues , and deceive the confidence reposed in them : the faithful physician , i say , ( unless he is extraordinarily perswaded of his honesty and ability , whom he imploys ) will not be guilty of doing his work by halves ; and being experimentally convinced that many who undertake to be operators , are either defective or fallacious , will not lie at stake for anothers miscarriages which he so easily may prevent by preparing what chymical preparations his patients take : but if we compare the physicians practice of chymistry with the pretences of our pseudochymists , according to the old axiom , contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt , the ignorance of the latter will serve as a foil to set out the eminency of the former : chymistry it seems hath not escaped the common fate of other sciences , and , although by it other things are brought to the test , yet very many illiterate persons , not fearing the subtle exploration of the fire , dare call themselves filios artis hermeticae , hermetick philosophers , and because they erect furnaces , spend charcoal , and break glasses , do fancy and would perswade the world , that they are prime spagyrists , these observe that physicians in some cases do succesfully administer chymical preparations , and hence they take liberty by strange artifices to commend their absurdities to the people , inventing quintessential lyes to carry on their horrid designs , as if they could delude the world by their zeal for the good cause of chymistry , on the behalf of which they express a ready submission to undergo all manner of persecution , and even martyrdom it self , they mean ( i suppose ) by their own furnaces : what ever is produced to justifie or advance the usefulness of chymistry ; these pseudochymists strive to interest themselves in it , as if they were the only qualified persons to renovate the science of physick , and intrust physicians in their profession : because our pseudochymists have dared to sollicite his maiesty to incorporate them , fondly conceiting that they could have deluded authority with the same arguments wherewith they daily cheat their patients : i shall more particularly examine their abilites , answer their pleas , and present the ill consequence to the faculty of physick , and the whole nation if they should obtain a patent or lawful settlement : i shall consider these pseudo-chymists either as university-men or mechanicks , the abilities of the first seem questionable , because they shun tryal , whereby ( if they be found worthy ) they may not only obtain a license to practise physick , but an opportunity of improvement wil be offered them by the friendly assistance of the whole society : and when these procaim most impudently their unjust censures of the learnedst colledg of physicians in the world , i cannot but assent to the comaedians character of insufficiency ; homine imperito nunquam quicquam injustius , qui nisi quod ipse fecerit , nil rectum putat . no person is so censorious as he who is ignorant , thinking nothing well but what he does himself . their association also with illiterate men , shews what may be expected from them , according to our proverb , birds of a feather will flock together : the truth is , these have so mixed with the mass of quacksalvers , that i cannot know one from another , whereupon i am apt to believe that these dealt chymically with the universities when they took degrees , and deluded them with false assurances of their highly volatiliz'd abilities , soon evaporating and taking flight into the land of forgetfulness , where i leave these , and return to the pseudochymists who were educated in several trades suitable to their ingenuity ; can we imagine that he who leaps out of a shop into a laboratory , is fit to mend both philosophy and medicine ? indeed the chymists who are shoomakers may be kind to the peripateticks , and prevent their being gravel'd , and the taylors may patch a mystical garment together taking pity of truths nakedness : but to be serious , what paracelsus said of their predecessors , i may affirm of these ; dolendum graviter tantam artem a tam inscitis , levibusque hominibus tractari , & eo corruptelae agi ut ne ipsi quidem veritati deinceps fides addicatur : h. e. 't is pity that such an excellent art should be practised by such ignorant and unworthy persons , upon whose account truth it self can scarcely be credited . i cannot guess by what means these unlearned pseudochymists should acquire that knowledg they pretend to ? these din in our ears the purity and efficacy of their preparations , but gross conceptions of the phaenomena of nature and medicinal truths , are of worse consequence in the practice of physick then feculencies and excrementitious parts to hinder the full energy of any medicine in the cure of diseases ; should i undertake to discourse of the abilities of these chymists , i should imitate him who attempted to treat de nihilo , for my part i cannot allow them capable of being spagyrical apothecaries , because he ought to be both well read & exercised too in chymistry , who is a good operator & prepares fit medicaments for the physician , a good author alledges , qui in legendis libris deses extiterit , in praeparandis rebus promptus esse non poterit , liber namque librum aperit , & sermo sermonem explicat , quia quod in uno est diminutum , in alio est completum non enim in practica bene assuescere potest , cujus mens in theorica renuit desudare , quoniam procedit ad practicam non secus ac asinus ad coenam ignorans quomodo & ad quid porrigat rostrum & os : h. e. he who is not well vers'd in books cannot be an expert operator , one book comments on another , and one saying interprets anothers obscurity , so that the mysteriousness and abruptness of one is illustrated and compleated by the perspicacity and fulness of another , neither can he excel in the practical part , who hath not by indefatigable industry and pains acquainted himself with the theory , for otherwise he comes to practise , as the ass to his supper , not knowing what choice to make of the things set before him : let me note that by books , arnoldus did not intend shop-books , as if any one skil'd in them , might thereby be enabled to operate in chymistry : if then these pseudochymists are not fit to be allowed the preparations of spagyrical medicines , what qualifications have they to practice physick , the artificial collying of their hands every morning will no longer serve their turn to shadow their ignorance , for experience shews that they are rather nigro carbone notandi ; to be known from black sheep , methinks the blackness of their hands seems a proper emblem or hieroglyphick of death to all who unhappily come under them : let a jew inform us christians concerning these pseudochymists , saith he , multum de arte pollicentur qui eam vix a limine salutarunt unquam , quid mehercle magna remedia aurumque potabile in votis habere , & minimis morbis ne tantillum opis adferre , artis magistros convellere , & inscitiae & supinae ignorantiae incusare , nonne est audax & temerarium facinus ? quorum in pollicitationibus nulla veritas , non modo calumniatores verum insignes mendaces & garruli impostores apud probos merito censebuntur : h. e. these promise much in an art in which they are scarcely initiated , but what do they tell us of noble remedies and potable gold , who cannot rationally cure the most inconsiderable disease ? are not they very impudent and unadvised , who dare boldly censure the ablest professors , accusing either their ignorance or laziness ? there is no truth in their promises , wherefore all good men will account them slanderers , notorious lyars , and pratling impostors ; although the just repulse which these pseudochymists lately suffered when they petitioned for a charter , hath as effectually answered all their arguments as wisdom and prudence can determine for the welfare of the publick , yet because they cease not to make continual addresses both in print and discourse to the people , seeking to elude authority , and to perswade the nation that the design set a foot by them will yet be countenanced ; i shall examine the strength of their arguments which are grounded on the uselesness and imperfection of vulgar methods and medicaments in the curation of diseases , the most certain improvement of physick in all its parts by chymistry , and that there is not any expedient so proper to renovate the art of physick , and to rescue mankind from the tyranny of diseases , as that a society of chymical physicians be founded , who will be obliged to spend their time and pains in promoting this most necessary work altogether unregarded and slighted by the scholasticks or academical physicians : in the next chapter i shall endeavour to shew how far the old methods and medicaments are useful and sufficient , and what rational physicians may expect from them , as also the ignorance of these pseudochymists who undertake to censure them ; as for their commendation of chymistry , the true physicians think them as much unable to express its worth and excellency , as to practice it with credit ; if these pseudochymists by any means can mis-represent the lawful professors of physick to the world , describing them to be mean and dangerous practitioners , they imagine that the common voice will be for them and their preparations , but the colledg did no less heretofore take care to * prevent such injuries , then are still vigilant to secure themselves from their assaults . when these plead a necessity that a corporation of chymical physicians should be instituted , because no particular society takes care to advance the spagyrical art , i must plainly tell them , that their information is notoriously false ; for all academical physicians , especially collegiates ( as said before ) have ever accounted chymistry part of their profession , and if this should be taken from them and committed to the management of others , by the same rule more pretenders may request the like priviledges of exercising distinctly all those offices which joyntly appertain to the accomplishment of a physician , and then one corporation might undertake to feel patients pulses , another to view the water , and a third visit the sick , no more entrenching on the physicians proper business , then these in their presumption to claim the sole use and authority of chymical preparations : but it seems these pseudochymists conceit that their challenge , or appeal to the magistracy is an unanswerable argument , imitating herein their vain-glorious leader , van helmont , to whom his contemporary henricus ab heer affords no better a character then to call him , * semi-virumque asinum , semi-asinumque virum , quo arcadia non peperit asiniorem ; * and in another place rails against his preparation of euphorbium , nay , 't is well known that when he was in england ( where he learned most of his notions ) he generally failed in his cures : but yet his disciples like those of jacob bhemen will presume to understand more then the author , and admire what is not intelligible : the reasons which prevailed with the learned physicians in that age , not to answer him in his folly , hinder us from such unworthy encounters , since that by other ways the impostures of these pseudochymists may be discovered then by tolerating their desperate practice to experiment their unskilfulness ; their strange promises of curing certainly sixteen patiens in twenty laboring of feavers , are intelligible evidences of their deceitful proceedings , seeking only to gain employment by such presumptuous engagements ; if not by chance , but according to a sober expectation two or three more die then they allot , nay , all the twenty , as these cannot make satisfaction for one life , much less for so many , so will not they abate their confidence which stands them in such stead , recommending them to the credulous multitude . furthermore , that no manner of crafty insinuation may be omitted , no stone left unturn'd , these pseudochymists print lists of their pretended cures ; it is not worth any ones pains to examine the truth of them , their expressions and language do sufficiently discover how little they understood the diseases which they treat of , and did not they conceal their preparations , there is no doubt but that the meanest capacity might censure their worthlesness or danger . i having accidentally met with some of their performances , content my self to judg of the rest thereby ; one of this select society of pseudochymists found a patient entred on a course of salivation , to whom ( it seems ) by a chyrurgeon without acquainting either the patient or his friend , an apposite mercurial medicine had been given ; this simple quack looking into the patients mouth and taking notice that his gums were very much tumified , forthwith pronounced that the disease was the scurvy , which was arrived at the height ; and in order to the cure he sends an antimonial medicine which ( not without much hazard ) both vomiting and purging the patient , inhibited the flux by a speedy evacuation & revulsion of the serous humor whereby it was maintained , and this is reckon'd a wonderful cure : another being called to see a large tumour , which by able physicians and chyrurgeons was known to be an aneurisme , and accordingly dealt with by them , most readily undertakes the patient , and promises present help ; then he falls to work , and foments the parts affected with hot chymical spirits and oyls , till the tumour blushed at his ignorance : another when his patient complained that his cough hindred him from sleep , gave a narcotick ; but alas ! expectoration being thereby suppress'd , the patient was suffocated and slept quietly . these few examples may suffice to warn others that they intrust not their lives in the hands of such unskilful practitioners who are altogether ignorant of the causes and symptoms of diseases , right methods of curation , and proper remedies . the ill consequences are so many which would be manifest , if such a charter should be granted , that they cannot be easily reckoned up , for not only physicians would be debarred the exercise of a considerable part ( as hath been shewed already ) of their profession , or two distinct charters grant the same priviledges ; but the apothecaries company will be prejudiced , who are authorized to provide as well chymical as other preparations , and can more skilfully execute both , then these pretended operators , some of them having spent only three or four weeks with mr. johnson operator to the colledg ; others professing chymistry by the assistance of a small crucible or a bal. mariae , and not a few being such titularly , knowing as little in the spagyrical art as in other qualifications necessary to the practice of physick : it was a laudable custom ( expressing the honorable esteem heretofore had of the profession of medicine ) that spurius ad medicinam non erat admittendus ; no bastard might be a physician : if this deserved observation , then certainly no spurious brood of pseudochymists ought to be admitted to practice being neither legitimate physicians or apothecaries : but the universities will mostly suffer if such a corporation should be established , for who will spend their time and pains in those places , when a society calling themselves chymists shall not only scorn and vilifie their book-learning , but be impowred to take in an allotted number of members as they shall think fit , by which means in a few years the most excellent science of medicine will necessarily fall into the hands of ignorant and illiterate practisers ; and as the university will then be deprived of one faculty , so the people ere long would be sensible of their loss , when they must rely on such assistants as gun-smiths , heel-makers , taylors , and the rest , &c. he who pretends not to the spirit of prophecy may foresee what will be the event , for these already slight anatomy , which all true physicians account a most useful and necessary introduction to the knowledg of medicine informing them concerning the admirable fabrick of mans body , its structure , confo●mation and consent of parts , the various liquors and juyces contained in several vessels , their changes and alterations , as also the causes and symptomes of diseases , and the right use and application of medicaments : we as much approve the anatomy of bodies by pyrotechny as they , but judg him an incompleat practitioner who knows not what or where the defect is in the noble engine of mans body , and what remedies whether chymical or others are most convenient to rectifie what is amiss ; and therefore true physicians take especial care to conform their medicaments to this exquisite machine , and when they observe as bausnerus elegantly expresses , in corpore humano nihil sine lege , nihil sine ordine , nihil sine pondere , mensura & numero , nihil deficit , nihil redundat , nihil otiosum aut superfluum omnia summe utilia , semperque operantia : h. e. there is nothing in mans body without law , order , and concord , nothing without proportion , measure and number , there is no defect nor redundancy , nothing idle and unnecessary , but all parts are primarily useful and continually operative : so in like manner , nothing ought to be prepared for , and given to the body without rule and method , without a due correspondency with it , no imperfect or empyreumatical preparation , nothing must be ineffectual or superfluous , but all act vigorously and effectually to set to rights all disord●rs in the body : but these pseudochymists rightly apprehending their deficiency in anatomy to conceal their ignorance , disallow it , at least judg it not of such importance as physicians commonly affirm in the curation of diseasees . also phlebotomy and purgation are by them condemned , the first stiled impious , and the other reputed destructive ; i am sure that botallus was of another mind in relation to phlebotomy , saith he , nos non opinamur , sed cognoscimus & certo scimus in missione sanguinis plus esse opis ad curandā maxmā morbo●ū partem ( si rite usurpetur ) quam in quoquam alio artis auxilio , immo dicere ausim quam in caeteris aliis omnibus simul junctis ; non propterea nos caetera praesidia à medicina excludenda esse censemus , sed omnia suo tempore & modo usurpanda : h. e. i do not guess , but experimentally know that letting of blood ( if regularly ordered ) is more efficacious in the cure of most diseases then any other direction ; nay , i may add then all other remedies put together , and yet i exclude not the use of other helps , which in their season may be beneficial ; because in the next chapter i shall particularly discuss these opinions about phlebotomy and purgation , i shall at present dismiss them . if these pseudochymists shall still prosecute their design and yet dream that a patent may be obtained , i doubt not but that the colledg ( when they shall be called to deliver in their objections against the settlement of such a society ) will offer such weighty reasons , that the expectation of these pretenders will be frustrated . this i thought fit to insert least any one should imagine that my arguments do conclude the colledg , what is observed by me may possibly inform the people concerning the most dangerous project of these pseudochymists ; if i have discharged the duty of a faithful scout in descrying the common enemies of mankind , i return into my rank again , being not engaged to oppose my self to their body drawn up in battalia , my work is done if the intelligence i bring of our adversaries approach alarums every one to arm himself against their publick and private assaults . chap. vi. of the ancient and galenical way of medicine . before i enter upon the examination of the doctrines delivered by the ancients , 't is fit that i remove some stumbling blocks laid by the pseudochymists in our way to imprint a prejudice against the truth and authority of their writings ; the first accusation laid to their charge , that they were pagans , implying that christians hereupon ought not to credit their books ; because all the learning transmitted from them to us , either stands or falls according to the validity or weakness of this censure , i shall spend a little time in discussing it , 't will not be expected that i defend the opinions of these philosophers and physicians relating to religion , the soul and other knowledg distinguishing us as christians from them , but the task i undertake is to evince that hippocrates , galen , and the rest ( though heathens ) were capable of understanding the appearances of nature , and might discover useful truths for the benefit of their posterity ; i am not ignorant that many have taken great pains to prove that most of these both philosophers and physicians saw the books of moses , and many arguments are brought to declare their devotion and piety ; i shall not dispute the reasons urged by these advocates of the ancients , but rather grant that they were heathens : well then , since that the knowledg of which we discourse is acquirable by sense and reason , i scruple not to assert that the heathens might attain it as well as christians , for their sense was sufficient , if not more exquisite then their degenerated posteritie's , and they possess'd rational souls which could readily improve all the communications of their sense ; nay , who doubts but that god endowed these heathens with extraordinary gifts and abilities for the good and welfare of mankind , that their successors might more profitably contemplate the universe with all its admirable furniture ; when the little ant is constituted our tutor , and almost every creature by divine appointment instructs us in natural mysteries , much more may be expected from rational pagans , who diligently observing the causes of things , and their true effects , the several alterations of bodies , and what possibly could fall under their cognizance , might invent and publish those humane sciences we still enjoy ; the most elaborate works of these authors do abundantly express their indefatigable pains , which in spight of opposition to this day continue accurate comments on the book of nature ; considering then that these pagans lay under no impregnable difficulties hindring the success and issue of their studies , what could intervene to frustrate their publike undertakings , or render their industry vain and fruitless ? but i would not be mistaken as if i thought these infallible in their discoveries , if the moon , nay , the sun is spotted , well may these have their imperfections ; yet errorem in homine calumniari , est toti ipsi mortalitati convicium facere : h. e. the exprobation of error in any one is no less then an accusation of all mankind ; but why heathens ? this appellation having neither relation to their mistakes , nor true opinions in natural knowledg : indeed when these ancient philosophers and physicians soared so high in their thoughts , and contended to pierce into the magnalia dei , such profound secrets might disappoint their scrutiny and search , and it is apparent that they never err'd so grosly as in their attempts to discover such close concealments : if these did not make use of the knowledg bestowed on them as they ought , and from second causes ascended not up in their contemplation to an owning and adoration of the first , being unacquainted with the deep mysteries of religion , we ought not to condemn them who have not made the difference between them and us , but gratefully receive their endeavors and carefully avoid any unjust reproaches of those who spent themselves to be promoters of their successors in knowledg , at least pointed out directly the way to us in our disquisition of natural truths . another objection is brought in against the ancients , as if they exercised tyranny over their successors , cramping their industry and strictly confining them to their dictates , the aggravation of this pretended crime stuffs most of the late writers books ; but i must answer , that most of our innovators may be well suspected to condem what they either never read or understood , for hippocrates enjoyns us to make truth the standard of all the notions we entertain ; galen also and the rest are so far from this kind of usurpation , that they not only by example , but by particular direction exhort their readers to examine well all traditions before they give their assent to them : but suppose that the ancients had been so severe as to seek the inslavement of their posterity , yet what restraint could they lay on any physician to conform to their precepts ? if any person who is at liberty will subject himself voluntarily to the government of another , he makes his own condition servile , and the brand of pedantism may possibly reach these who of their own accord swear allegiance to their masters , choosing rather to err with them , then to think right with the neotericks : but i cannot be informed what effectual obligation the ancients can lay on them who follow reason only and are sons of truth , indeed antiquity commands a just veneration when it still triumphs in its mature and aged conclusions only capable of successive confirmations ; but whensoever true physicians cannot be fully satisfied that some old doctrines are true , they as freely and chearfully leave them , as any traveller that path ( though pleasant and easie ) which may misguide him in his journey ; however when these recede from the positions of the ancients , after due reading , and well pondering the arguments on both sides , they adhere to that which affords clear manifestations of its certainty , contrary to the practice of our innovators who are zealous to demolish the ancient structure of medicinal truths under the pretence of a reformation , before they have taken an exact survey of its faults , or laid a new and more rational platform , acting thus not for want of ignorance ; the palace must be turned into cottages suitable to such inhabitants ; the works of these incomparable physicians because they surpass their capacity , deserve their severest censure , and envy prompts them on to poyson these fountains that the reputation at least of all may be destroyed who come thither in order to the satisfaction of their thirst after knowledg ; but true physicians take another course and first inform themselves what progress the ancients have made in their medicinal discoveries , and then note their defects which they supply with new choice observations , and since that by reason of the restless endeavors of physicians in their continuall search after the hidden treasures of nature , no science hath been so considerably advanced as medicine , they candidly and gratefully receive the new doctrines , and expunge the old , but do not imitate him who foolishly commanded that his house should be pulled down because the rain pashed in through three or four faults in the covering or roof , so these do not think fit to cast off the whole science of physick which they received from the ancients for no other reason then because some defects are detected therein : physicians also are not so unworthy as to calumniate the ancients , being ascertain'd that they did not write with design to deceive and abuse their readers or disciples : to conclude these are so prudent as neither to dote on old errors or admire new phrensical hypotheses . did i not avoid prolixity , as also suppose that all sober men are satisfied that the lawful physicians in this kingdom have sufficiently asserted their liberty by forsaking the ancients when they forsook truth , i should here produce all those new opinions which are received as irrefragable conclusions though not consonant to the dictates of hippocrates or galen : that physicians do still savor the old , i mean , the galenical way of medicine no other account can be given , then that it is most agreeable to their reason and experience , and transmitted to them from such skilful practitioners that deserve more to be credited then their antagonists who profess medicine without any rational method , slighting those rules of art which they can't observe by reason of ignorance . i should exceed the intended bounds of this discourse , did i undertake to run over the body of galenical physick , and subject each part distinctly to examination ; it may suffice therefore that i trace our pseudochymists in their opposition of those tenents which seem to them most questionable , relating either to the theory or practice : 't is well known that every scribler thinks himself highly concerned to bawl against the three aristotelian principles ; matter , form , and privation , the four elements ; fire , air , water , and earth ; the four first qualities , hot , moist , cold , and dry ; the four humors , choler , blood , phlegm , and melancholy ; the temperaments and other opinions of galen , and his followers , not unlike these : but when physicians do rightly understand that these terms of art are the products of fancy , and by no means the fundamentals of medicine ( as i hinted before ) these spend their time in beating the air and fighting with shadows which elude their strokes , when other more apposite terms are found out not alike fantastical , we shall soon exchange the old for new : because physicians are obliged in the universities to read aristotle , hippocrates , and galen ; must they needs approve all their notions ? did these apprehend that the mind doth change as much or more then the body , and as this alters by new accessions of aliment , so the other is progressive in its conceptions by further illumination and discoveries , * they would not so peremptorily conclude the physicians knowledg by the books which they are engaged to turn over : if the ancients have not been happy in their expressions , so that their writings are dark and uncertain , yet ought we to esteem them for their noble attempts to reason out and discover the first inclinations of nature ; should i insist longer on these notions , or plead for the necessity of retaining them both in our philosophy and medicine , or repeat the arguments against them , i might deserve as sharp a censure as he who was solicitous to determine whether a crow or goose-quill might be most serviceable in writing . because these terms are by so many accounted prejudicial to right conceptions of natures operations , and thought worthy of no better an appellation then figments ; i shall enquire whether the case is much altered by a substitution of other notions more agreeable ( as our innovators would perswade the world ) to the phaenomena of nature ; and in the first place the term specifick occurs , and although most late writers endeavor to reduce the whole of pharmacy to this notion , yet none have been so kind as to interpret what was intended by it , if they explain themselves by the internal and seminal vertues , that is ignotum per ignotius : i shall guess at what they mean , and i suppose that hereby they would express a peculiar vertue flowing from the essence of any simple , whereby in operation and effect it is distinguished from another , as it is approp●iated to the cure of a particular disease . well then , every simple according to this doctrine is specifical , or else this pretended universal notion comprehends not the true vertues of all simples , but if every simple is distinctly in respect of use specifical , then it necessarily follows that there are as many diseases as specificks , otherwise this defect of a correlate would contradict their chief intent of being specificks ; but let the world judg what an absurd fancy it is to conceive that there are so many different diseases to which mankind is subject , as there are distinct vegetables , animals , and minerals whose vertues are different , as if the great creator did equally furnish the universe with diseases as with simples , and notwithstanding the patrons of the term have not unriddled its obscurity , nor declared the soveraignty of ares , yet do they most confidently assert that diseases may chiefly be cured by their irresistable power , and least physicians should not know where to look for such excellent helps , by good advice they are sent unto illiterate practisers , and common rude empericks , in whose hands ( it seems ) such specificks may be found , because these being altogether ignorant of methods , do wholly rely on them , by frequent experimentings attaining knowledg of their proprieties . but as it is evident that no specifick can be produced which will certainly cure that disease to which it is appropriated , and that if such remedies help three or four , yet failing in the fifth , * the miscarriage is chargeable on their insufficiency , and not on any mistake in application , because the same person might as probably by mistake cure the first , as fail in the last ; so there is no specifick but what may be easily reduced to some common intention as much answering that in divers diseases as the same . the doctrine also of fermentation is as intricate and mysterious as some opinions of the galenists which are laid aside , and thought useless in the explanation of the appearances of nature : i confess that the learned treatise of doctor willis hath fully satisfied very many scruples , and yet they who have made the greatest progress in the discovery hereof , are conscious that they understand little in respect of what is unknown about this doctrine ; before i pass from this subject it may be expected that i take notice of the three notable ferments mentioned by the author of medela medicinae ; if i was appointed to determine , i could not readily judg whether mr. m. n. through ignorance doth more abuse this term then the galenical notions condemned by him , for because the famous doctor willis tell us , that atomical effluviums may act instar fermenti , analogously to ferment : this author disputes not to call them ferments , and because hippocrates acquaints us that there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , morbid expirations which may pass from one body to another , and in other authors he reads that not only the pox , but the scurvy are contagious diseases , and that there have happened peculiar putrefactions of the air producing worms ; hence he wisely infers , that no body is secure from the most subtle insinuations of those active particles as powerfully penetrating another body at distance as by an immediate contact : should i critically set down this authors errors in these assertions , the reader would be tired with their absurdity ; for in the whole i observe he misapplies the design and intent of those learned authors he cites : but that which i chiefly intend is to distinguish between those who are infected with the mentioned ferments , and the rest who are free . i shall in few words state the business , we deny not that the pox and scurvy may be contagious diseases , but a learned author affirms , non omnem luem esse contagiosam , & plerunque minus contagiosā , esse vetustam & confirmatam , quam recentem & mediam & lues quae ex tophis tantum seipsam prodit non est contagiosa , and the same author gives us two or three histories to confirm his opinion , i shall not transcribe them least any should be encouraged to that vice from which they are deterred by the severity of this punishment , and however mr. m. n. hath put a plausible excuse into their mouths who have deserved the pox , teaching them to plead that some infectious air passed only through their pores insensibly which hath so wonderfully wrought upon them by its power that no part is free from pain and torments ; yet as his phantastical ferments reach not those who avoid impure contacts , so all sinners can experimentally difference the time of their health , and sickness when they meet with persons who communicate that horrid disease to them . mr. m. n. should have set down the conditions necessary to contagion , as that there be such little particles continually transmitted from unsound bodies , a fit mediū or vehicle to receive and carry them to their journeys end , a disposition in the other body to receive them , and a due stay there ; for if any of these necessary conditions are wanting , contagious diseases cannot be propagated mediately or at distance . 1. 't is granted that to this kind of infection a sufficient emission of minute substances or corpuscles tinctured with the infection must invade another body ; it is possible that in the french disease , as also the scurvy some venemous effluxes may happen , but by no means such as m. n. fancies rendring these diseases as contagious as the pestilence , because the putrefaction in these being imperfect in respect of that , cannot communicate a venom which it was not capable of producing : what kind of taint arises from the pox and the scurvy , and how forcible it is to transmute a distant body , is a business above the reach of m. n. and not my task at present to inform him , i shall only object against his vast collection , that experience confutes his romance of the most powerful effluxes of such venereous and scorbutick ferments , it being most apparent that they who eat , drink , and familiarly converse with , nay , dress the ulcers and sores of both pocky and scorbutical patients are not infected ; to say no more , if these diseases are generally so contagious as without any corporeal commerce to infect , how comes it to pass that some parts in that body from which these exhalations expire are more free then others . 2. to contagion a fit medium or vehicle is required , authors do very well distinguish inter fomitem perflatum & non perflatum , between contagions which may by the air be diminished , dissipated , and extinguished , and others wherein notwithstanding the several alterations of the air , infectious particles preserve their malignity till they fix in some apt seat or place of abode , and such as pass from body to body directly by reason of ( as it were ) the stagnation of the air ; had m. n. affirmed that no change in the medium could prevent the power of his three ferments from possessing distant bodies , i would have answered him in the words of an author not inferior to him for abilities , si medium tantum aut calescat aut refrigeretur , siccetur aut humectetur aut aliam quamlibet qualitatem nudam suscipiat , alterabitur similiter corpus proximum & non proinde suscipiet morbum corporis longe positi : h. e. if the medium only is hot or cold , dry or moist , or is otherwise qualified then it was , the adjacent body is equally changed , and hereupon not subject to contagion ; and i hope he will not adventure to say , the air may be so quiet between two remote bodies that rays may as indisturbedly pass from one to the other , as between the needle and loadstone , since that the motion or agitation of the air will hinder their operations , which being natural are within their sphere more potent then such preternatural ferments he mentions . 3. there must be a disposition in the body to receive their impression , whereby i do not only mean passages open to let them in , although to atomical penetration such figures are requisite which fit the pores or passages admitting them , but a similitude in respect of impurity in the body to be infected , i now speak of mediate contact for that which is immediate being more prevalent and discharging more venomous or infectious particles needs a less fomes or preparation of matter disposing to receive such a tincture ; whereas by how much more the bodies are distant from each other , which communicate and receive such contagious diseases , answerable to the intermediate space must be the apparatus morbificus , or fomes to entertain the malignity ; if then all bodies do not abound with humors which tend to such putrefactions , 't is vain to imagine that the pretended ferments do prevail upon those which are free from such impurities , as on others , which being loaded with them , do most easily suffer by such venomous effluxes ; i might here question whether a common or peculiar putrefaction of congested and mixed feculencies , or of some particular juice or humor did more especially if not altogether dispose to the entertainment of the pocky and scorbutick ferments , but such speculations would take me off the business at present designed in this chapter . 4. the contagious effluxes must have a due stay in the body they infect , but if mans body in a state of health is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in all parts transpirable , or a thorow-fare , these contagious corpuscles may be as soon passed out as let in , and by this means do no execution on other bodies where they lodg not , but if these vapors ( as some conceive ) are viscous , which cannot well be granted , seeing that they so easily separate from their mine , or rather if they meet with any glutinous humor they immediately are intangled , and may infect that body in which they are long detained . if then so many impediments may prevent these most dreadfull effluxes from affecting ( to use the expression of m. n. ) all the families of mankind , which are not infected by immediate contact , but most by these fine and subtle corpuscles darting into grosser bodies , which there settle somewhat of their nature , tincture , or leaven , disposing them by degrees to be unsound ; as also if experience otherwise informs us , with what confidence can this author broach such opinions ? and with his corrupted ink infect more families then the severest contagion that ever hapned to mankind ? but he explains his meaning , and as he takes good care never to want patients who can so easily perswade the whole world that they are diseased , so is he also very kind to provide remedies , for he writes , that he hath on purpose invented fit remedies , the nature of which is to fight against humors both great and small , in old or young , which have been any way touched with such tinctures either through their own default or by figillation of those seminal principles which contribute towards the being of mankind in the act of generation , &c. and this is the natural result of his design : i cannot divine what the medicines are which he hath invented , but i am confident no slight , and at the long run pernicious preparation of antimony and mercury will perform what he promises . but 't is probable that such pretences both of inventing diseases and new remedies may not seduce the world into a credit of either : if any be of such an easie perswasion as to intrust themselves , and neither of the hazardous preparations by vomiting and purging violently can effect a cure , they may be dispatch'd into the country air with a soveraign and rare chymical cordial made by the infusion of three or four dates in a pint of malago : what this authour writes concerning worms is no news to physicians , because they are fully acquainted with the several products of corrupted matter , and in relation to the cure of diseases , take especial care as to prevent any stagnation and putrefaction of humors so to expel all verminous matter , and worms if any whether in acute and malignant , or chronical diseases are bred in the body . i might produce some other opinions besides these of specificks and fermentation , which not being sufficiently explained and demonstrated continue as liable to exception as some galenick notions very much disliked by those who affect novel errors rather then old truths ; but i shall come to that which is of greater concernment , and endeavor to defend the practice of phlebotomy and purgation , which are accounted by the two champions of the pseudochymists , the supporters of the galenick physick , m. n. page 374. writes that there is seldom any tolerable cause for bleeding in our climate : afterwards in the head of his pretended arguments , p. 383. he pleads only that we ought to be very wary thereof , as if physicians were not of the same judgment being most circumspect in their direction of phlebotomy ; but if m. n. had been as diligent to understand their books as to cavil at shadows , he would never have mistaken cautions and contraindicants set down frequently in their writings , as reasons to abolish its true use : what is alledged concerning our climate proves nothing , and might pass without observation , if the vanity of such triflers did not beget a dotage in the people to imagine that cause to be just which with verbosity is pleaded . his first objection is , because the scurvy is predominant in most of our diseases , and consequently a crude acid serum in the mass of blood , p. 383 , i answer , that neither of his suppositions are apparent in practice , for we see often in most acute diseases , crises , digestions and separations orderly made by nature truly govern'd , nor if they were would they hinder the use of bleeding when its indication happens ; he had done well to explain himself what he means by the words scurvy and scorbutical tincture frequently mentioned , for i do not remember in all his book one sensible sign or symptom set down to discern them by , and am apt to believe that his young studies are not yet acquainted with such speculations ; to say they are signified , when there is in the blood a crude or an acid serum ( which are all one with him ) implies that the blood must be first seen and tasted before that disease can be discovered ; wherefore i may well suppose that he undertaking practice before he understood physick and meeting with difficulties and diseases , not yielding to his opinionated receipts , fathered his failings on this universal disease , thinking to excuse his ignorance of particulars thereby . 2. 't is urg'd that the spirituous part of the blood being but little and less in our northern bodies then those of other climates , it must needs be a pernicious course to make it less , p. 393. i very much wonder by what staticks he measured the proportion to make our spirits fewer then others : we have larger , stronger , and more active bodies , why not then as many spirits ? 't is not good to be fond of an unreasonable opinion , and then dream absurdities to make it plausible , i know not what reason this author hath at this juncture of time to dispirit his native countrey . but the main drift and argument against phlebotomy is , that the letting out the spiritous part of the blood with the rest is a pernicious course , which g. t. urges likewise with a subtle distinction of sanguis and cruor never to be found in any living mans veins , as if hereby many vital spirits were lost , good blood and bad put out together , and the remainder left more liable unto diseases . but what is all this ? by the same arguments they might disswade procreation , suckling of infants , least some vital spirits should be spent , whereas nature is not so penurious of her store , but still furnishes the whole body plentifully to execute all necessary offices whereby life is prolonged , and diseases conquered , and after bleeding like a lamp freed from its choaking snuff shines forth brighter : the want of strength is reckoned amongst the ancients as a contra-indication of phlebotomy , but the loss of a few vital spirits were never accounted a sufficient barr to the practice of physicians who respect the inestimable benefit accruing to their patients by it , though perhaps it may not be approved by empericks and nurses from whom these gather their knowledg and instruction ; and i think that their dislike of phlebotomy because they discern not when it is proper and useful is very commendable , and if they would likewise refrain from other ways of curing diseases upon the same account which are as dangerous , if mistaken , they would free themselves from much guilt not of shedding mens blood , but of keeping it in their veins to their ruine and destruction , and of giving vomits and other medicines unseasonably whereby not a few miscarry . in his other objections are recounted some cases besides the true intention of phlebotomy , when the blood is depauperated who opens a vein ? his conjecture or supposition that our blood in this climate is more inclinable to coagulation proves nothing , neither hath he shewed that sanguification succeeds not well after phlebotomy judiciously directed , every physicians observation overthrows such imaginary prejudices by bleeding ; 't is well known , that some aged persons have for the space of thirty or forty years opened a vein spring and fall , if not oftner , losing seven or eight ounces each time , by which evacuation chiefly they avoided the great inconveniences which otherwise they might justly fear much threatned their lives . i might likewise instance the female sex whose blood is not so spirituous as mens , and yet these suffer not by their customary tribute to nature , but very much when this sanguinary expiation doth not succeed : the physicians by this author termed galenists are so rational , as that they respect strictly the indications of phlebotomy , and if these signifie a necessity of bleeding they stick not to order it even in the small pox , malignant feavers , nay , in the plague it self , as knowing what service the patient will reap by it , and the danger of such a considerable omission : but i am apt to believe that this author and his brethren not understanding the indications of bleeding , may by some miscarriages be deterred from using it ; for my part i think that he deserves a severe censure who lays open the secrets of medicine to such bold practitioners ; had this author been vers'd in the writings of the ablest spagyricks he might have taken notice that some of them being germans commended bleeding in most diseases to their countreymen whose bodies ( as he suggests ) are most like ours in this kingdom ; but perhaps he will answer , that these wanted such arcanums which he and his associates pretend to , as might prevent bleeding : i shall be so charitable as to suppose that he was not ignorant of the practice of these chymists , but rather that he willingly passed them by , least their authority should justifie the galenists in this point . to summ up all , although this author adventures to judg of the state of our blood without any good and warrantable foundation , and thereupon disswades bleeding , and at length plays the mountebank by promising such remedies as may allay the fermentation of the blood , and cure diseases without phlebotomy ; yet cannot physicians by such a weak plea be perswaded to forbear the use of this evacuation which nature directs to by hemorrhages and constant experience confirms , when there is a just cause and proper indication . when so much is said against phlebotomy , it may seem strange that hippocrates should be blamed , because he ( as some interpret the aphorism ) dislikes it in teeming women , i shall recite the aphorism , and then we shall see who is most culpable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 't is urged that physicians being misguided by this aphorism have suffered multitudes of female patients to die under their hands , who probably might have been rescued by a discreet phlebotomy ; but had such censurers of the physicians practice heretofore apprehended the right sense and import of the words , and the construction which hath bin continually put upon them by the ablest commentators , their charity would have preceded their zeal to carp at not only the aphorisms of hippocrates , but the practice of skilful physicians who admired and conformed to these succinct aphoristical sentences ; i shall produce amongst many ( writing to the same purpose ) two authors who explain the meaning of hippocrates , * christoph . a vega says , non putare oportet hippocratem omnino denegare sanguinis missionem utero gerentibus , sed eam esse vult de indicationibus quae dehortantur à sanguinis missione , & est scopus qui viribus correpugnat & docet minori copia sanguinem esse mittendum quàm aliàs : h. e. 't is not to be imagined that hippocrates did absolutely forbid the bleeding of women with child , but only when there happen contra-indications to it , and there is a sufficiency of strength , and he cautions to take away a less quantity in such cases then otherwise might be allowed : and the same author after he hath declared the usefulness of bleeding such patients ratifies his opinion with an eminent example and tells us , that he hath taken away ten ounces of blood twice in the eighth month with very good success and advantage to his noble patient and the child ; but he aptly concludes , non tamen vult hippocrates esse exercendam sanguinis missionem in utero gerentibus nisi magno urgente usu , praesertim ubi faetus est major : h. e. hippocrates advised not to blood teeming women , especially if the child is big , unless there be a necessity or important cause . * heurnius also after he hath affirmed that the upper veins ( as he terms them ) may be opened , more positively gives us his sense of this controverted aphorism , loquitur hippocrates de larga sanguinis missione quae non solebat esse libra minor , hodie autem minorem sanguinis effusionem non aversamur modo vires admittant , morbusque validus id suadeat : h. e. hippocrates did only oppose the exhausting of the veins by drawing a great quantity of blood which in those days was not less then a pound at a time , but we may safety take away a less quanity if the patients strength will permit and the diseases require this evacuation : if then the most excellent hippocrates did not by this aphorism restrain a cautious bleeding of women with child , as well to prevent abortion as to cure diseases to which their condition is liable , and his legitimate disciples have constantly phlebotomized such patients both by their great masters example and authority , when ever a proper indication discovered a necessity of this course ; i understand not with whom our adversaries contend , stigmatizing them with the brand of murderers , and aggravating their crime which at once destroys both the tree and fruit , the mother and child ; what ! must physicians be accused for suffering their female patients to die because their accusers mis-interpret this weighty aphorism ? imitating those who having sore eyes or the jaundice , imagine all others on whom they look to be in their condition ? all that i shall observe from this severe animadversion , is , that such persons do express a great disrespect towards the ancients , who rather then fail will invent a charge against them , and this example gives a sufficient cause of suspicion that other censure of them are as contrary to the common principles of humanity , as besides the sense of their exquisite writings . to proceed , our pseudochymists inveigh also against purgation , which by the galenists is reckoned a medication , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby the body is drained from the mass of vitious and peccant humors which are at least the fuel of diseases , and by their timely removal and expulsion oftentimes a cure is performed : the argument urged against catharticks , is , that they purge out of the body both good and bad together : we are sensible that the patient doth very much suffer when he is causlesly purged , and when good and bad are promiscuously emptied , but when catharticks are given to those who need them not , he errs who indirectly prescribes them ; whereas true physicians do imitate and assist nature in her critical elimination of concocted humors , and not in her symptomatical excretions wherein by means of some powerful irritation the alimentary juice is evacuated , and the spirits be exhausted ; 't is confessed that catharticks operate by way of irritation , upon which account also natural dejections are caused , and when these succeed not well , 't is the physicians office to quicken nature in her work , who therefore do artificially graduate their catharticks according to the quantity , quality , seat , and motion of these excrementitious humors , and this is not only effected by varying the dose of some purgers , but by selection and choice of those which may best answer their designment ; acting otherwise then our empirical pseudochymists , who when they are most wary do only alter the dose of their antimonial preparation , and then very much boast of the safety and inoffensiveness of their emetico-catharticks , inviting the people by the smalness of the dose to make use of it , being ignorant that one or two grains may impregnate a mass of humors , and diffuse into them the same emetick and cathartick vertue ; and hence it comes to pass that by such small quantities of that powder most dreadful evacuations are caused , enervating diarrhaeas , hazardous dysenteries and fatal colliquations , nay , sometimes periodical vomitings and purgings ( of which i could produce not a few examples ) these patients continually languishing until they died ; i hint this because many patients are so apt to nauseate wholsom galenical potions preferring * these which offend not the sent and taste , but the event doth sufficiently prove the difference ; our senna , rubarb , cassia , manna , agarick , &c. are benign catharticks , and so safe that they may be given to teeming women , young children , and in such diseases where other purgers may do harm : our colocynthis likewise and scammony , &c. being more prevalent to extimulate when artificially prepared , and rationally directed are sufficient to cleanse an augaean stable ; and whereas these pseudochymists boast their catharticks to be also diaphoretical , i confess that by accident they are so , for most who take them fall immediatly into cold sweats : thus do they deal subtlely who would have such agonies be reckoned an advantage to their patients . i have followed our adversaries in their way of argumentation who first oppose purgation in general , and then considering that they vomit and purge oftner and more violently those who employ them then any pretenders to the practice of physick , admit the use of catharticks which yet they limit to their mercurial or antimonial preparations , * concealed from all others , least they should judg of their malignancy , and justly censure these arrogant pseudochymists then they all those who dissent from them . galenick medicines in the next place are by our pseudochymists condemned as languid , insufficient , and faulty both in respect of their preparation and composition , in relation to their preparation , the galenists do not pretend to that accurateness which the chymists promise , but yet they suppose that their way doth more preserve the true and seminal vertues of the simples used by them then the other , since that 't is questionable whether spagyrical distillations , calcinations , and other like artifices do not destroy the proprieties of those ingredients on which they work and substitute something else effected and produced by their operation ; if this doubt is cleared , and it is demonstrated that by chymistry the vertues of such simples are exalted only , and not altered , i shall willingly fall in with the ingenuous determination of this point by a galenist , nemo inficiatur , remedia chymice praeparata in morbis propulsandis efficaciora , palato gratiora , & in exigua dosi exhibenda , si dextre exhibeantur , ea ratione galenicis palmam eripiunt . hoc tamen asseverare ausim , si qui obtigerint aegri in assumendis pharmacis morigeri , non nauseabundi & delicatuli , quin per vegetabilia aeque galenicorum , praesertim à medico prudente in cognitione morborum & methodo medendi probe exercitato , à gravissimis & desperatis affectibus liberari , & citius in integrum restitui queant : omnia probanda , quae bona observanda , non autem omnia vetera promiscue rejicienda , & cum animi vehementia sceptice traducenda : h. e. medicines chymically prepared are undoubtedly more efficacious and powerful , more grateful to the tast , and may be given in a far less dose then galenical : but yet if patients will be obedient and not so nice and squeemish , by the direction of an able physician who understands the disease and a right method of curing it , they may more securely and certainly be helped by galenick medicines : 't is convenient to experiment all things , and retain what appears most rational , however they err who promiscuously reject and passionately censure all the remedies which the ancients left us as the fruit of their experience . the galenick compositions in respect of the vast and exorbitant number of simples mixed together are likewise esteemed rather pompous then beneficial medicines , treacle by some reckoned a confused mass of ingredients , the dream of waking andromachus , and discordium a fermented heap : much may be said on behalf of these grand dispensations comparing them to a well disciplin'd army , wherein are some field-officers able in respect of their skill in martial affairs singly to conquer the enemy , but these commanding the body of the army , will more probably by their conjunct fortitude and courage become victors ; i might also liken them to a well governed state , in which every member in his place and station acts uniformly to oppose all who endeavor to disturb the publick peace ; what these at first view do think to be only a farrago or hotch-potch of many things jumbled together , when more strictly examined will appear most artificial and admirable compositions to encounter the several complications of diseases : i need say no more in their defence , then that long experience hath given them a repute in the world which cannot be prejudiced by the satyrical invectives of such who like nothing but their own conceited preparations : physicians also in this age may without any imputation of ignorance in the knowledg of simples , and their peculiar vertues , be allowed to form long compositions not only because of complications which are more frequent and intricate * then heretofore , but that they may hereby conceal their skill , for when the medicine is disguised by putting in such ingredients which obscure its intention , but hinder not its vertue , they are puzled who would make an indirect advantage of such a prescript ; there will be no occasion for this stratagem , when physicians to rescue their profession from the abuses of unworthy and illiterate practisers do dispense their own medicaments , who may then more securely use one simple then now a perplexed composition , and when they have occasion to add auxiliary forces to them in complications , prevent those inconveniencies which , as the case now stands , they cannot avoid . but why should i insist longer on particulars when the whole method of physick is rejected by our pseudochymists as useless , and if multitudes of words would prevail , scurrilities were argumentative , as their stiling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , satans device and plot to destroy man-kind , and telling us of vast numbers being methodized into their graves , if aenigmatical hypotheses had power to perswade , or the novelty of their notions to bewitch ; the old galenistical method had long received its doom , and its adversaries had triumphed over its ruines ; but true and rational methods * take deeper root by means of these boisterous agitations . i cannot understand the meaning of some stories which i meet with in our late writers , who give us an account that some physicians were not sollicitous if their patients died secundum artem , by the fairest method in the world ; i cannot excuse any personal miscarriages in physicians , but i should be unjust to the most faithful physicians if i did not vindicate them from the failings of others , these subtle accusers of all methodists would not approve of a retaliation , and that i should affirm that one who professes himself to be a philosopher by fire , is not ashamed publickly to thank god that he is no scholar . if that good law was observed , qui affectat ignorantiam est puniendus : h. e. he who affects ignorance ought to suffer severe punishment ; our pseudochymiaster would fall his crest and cease to be proud of his blindness ; or did i relate the words of a famous pseudochymist , who when the patient did suddenly die after a dose of his antimonial pills , commended the excellency of such medicines * which dispatched without much pain and procured an easie death : it were no difficult matter to parallel any stories they can produce to make the methodists infamous , but the meanest people can discern the sophistry of such argumentations , and may suppose that they observe the same way in their curation of diseases ; as for the methodus medendi , our adversaries complain that by it the cause and nature of diseases are not sufficiently discovered , their symptoms not rightly described , and that the remedies set down are impotent , and rather encrease then cure diseases : certainly they presume that their own bare negation or affirmation of what they dislike or approve , is a perswasive argument to others who expect satisfaction in particulars , and are cautious to escape the cheat and delusion which lies in such universal conclusions ; nay , to assert that because some errors may be found in it , the whole hereupon ought to be proscribed and deserted were alike mad and impious practise , as immediately to bury that man whose toes are sphacelated , when an expert chyrurgeon by a mature amputation of the joynts which are mortified may preserve the life of his patient ; but i shall choose to deliver my sense in the words of a learned author , as i have throughout this treatise done in matters of controversie , saith the experienced seidelius , nullus unquam morbus qui curatus arte humana aliter curatus est quam juxta veteris & verae medicinae fundamenta , methodumque ; objicient hic statim , nonne curavimus nos quamplurimos a vobis pro desperatis relictos ? quibus respondeo , nescire me illud , neque hactenus certo rem ita se habere comperisse , praeter privatas enim praedicationes atque laudes & domestica testimonia in conventiculis clandestinis ad libitum conficta levissime , aliud fide dignum nihil auditu percepi ; quot vero homines diris modis jugulaverint , de quo publicis quorundam scriptis sunt accusati id altissimo silentio obruunt & interim de quintis , atque arcanis essentiis immani precio auri extractis nugantur ut imperitis fucum faciant , &c. h. e. there was never any cure wrought by humane art and skill which derived not its succesfulness from the sure foundations and method of the ancient and true way of medicine : but here they will object , have not we recovered very many forsaken by you , i answer , that i know no such matter , neither am i satisfied that what you speak is true , for besides your vain boastings , self-commendations and forged subscriptions and certificates made in your conventicles , i perceived nothing that was credible , but they are willing to conceal how many men by their most horrid devices have been murdered , they crack of their quintessential medicines and precious extracts with design only to delude and cheat those who want capacity to understand their impostures . this author hath afforded us such a description of our pseudochymical non-methodists , that i need say no more concerning them , nor write a comment when the text is so plain and obvious , but because the opposition both by m. n. and g. t. is made between the writings of galen and helmont ; i am willing before i end this chapter ( in which many things are omitted ) to shew the difference between them according to the judgment of thonerus , whose authority in another case is allowed by m. n. saith he , * plaustris librorum carere facile poterit qui scripta galeni sibi familiaria reddiderit , dum omnes authores exin velut e magno oceano depromant & hauriant , ut qui in galeno non sunt versati , existiment ab eorum ingenio profecta , suam hinc prodeuntes imperitiam dum omnia a galeno sint mutuati , and goes on , quid esset ipse helmontius , ni quicquid boni ex galeni & hippocratis monumentis primitus deprompsisset , sed post omnia corrumpens & invertens suas exin nectens argutias , malam rependens gratiam in eos retorsit , aquam veritatis limpidam ex illorum fonte haustam suis sophismatis inquinavit , & totaliter faeculentam reddere attentavit , fretus arguto & insolenti genio : h. e. he needs no library who is well vers'd in the writings of galen , from whom all authors as from the ocean derive their streams , and they who have not read galen conceit what notions they broach are the products of their own brain and invention , betraying their ignorance , when galen was the author of those opinions ; and what is helmont if strip'd of the most considerable truths , which he transcribed out of hippocrates and galen ? and at length he corrupted them , introducing his own whimsies , like an ungrateful person illy requiting them who informed him in medicinal knowledg , sophisticating their sincere doctrines , being of a subtle and insolent temper . it may be expected that i should vindicate the doctrines of critical days and pulses ( which are opposed by m. n. but since that nothing is brought against them worth observation or an answer , and considering also that these are not of such concernment to patients as to physicians , who daily experience the usefulness thereof in their profession , and can discern the motions and concoctions of the peccant and morbifick matter , as also the strength by the pulse , and what other information they can afford , as also that this innovator who measures the knowledg of others by his own , hath effected nothing by his pains ; so until something to better purpose without the mis-interpretations and abuses of authors is offered , i think my self excused from particular replies to his most impertinent cavils . chap. vii . of the pseudochymists pretended panacaea , or universal medicine . amongst the vain-glorious boastings of the pseudochymists , there is no pretence so universal as their acquirement of a panacaea to cure all diseases , generally deceiving hereby all those who through too much credulity become their patients : for not to repeat what hath been already said concerning the incurableness of some diseases , or to add a discourse of the inhability of subjects and of other impediments which may frustrate the highest and most probable attempts of curation , it doth not appear to a rational inquirer that there can be any such medicine which in respect of its puissance can infallibly vanquish all the enemies of mans health : the great disagreement of authors about the matter of this panacaea sufficiently expresses their uncertainty , conjectural suppositions , or fond hopes in relation to their attainment of it , whilest some place it in the essence of individual vegetables , animals , or minerals , choosing those which are most energetical , and fancying that the more incorruptible part of these being by art separated from all terrestrial impurities , and advanced to the condition of the heavens , is the true phaleia , and as one commends it , poterit vitam servare & quodamodo producere & tum ratione similitudinis quam habet essentia haec cum calore insito , tum quia est quodamodo quoddam incorruptibile & temperatum omnibus morbis medicamentum esse contrarium : h. e. such an essence is not only powerful enough to preserve life , but to prolong it , and because of its likeness to and correspondence with our innate heat , as because of its incorruptibility and temperature overcomes all diseases : but should it be granted that the principles constituting that body from which this essence is drawn were catholick , yet when once they are firmly link'd together , and most intimately united , their artificial resolution may possibly alter the individuum , or substitute another particular product , but not reduce it into its original universality ; and however some individuals are of a more durable nature then others , and these are us'd to imprint their perpetuity on bodies more subject to putrefaction , yet such essences being capable of change by that body into which they are received , do lose their supposed universality in operation . the history related by crollius , that he saw a man with one drop of a certain spirit from a dying condition in the space of one night perfectly restored to health , the celestial heat of that medicine being immediately communicated to the heart , and soon after diffusing its rays throughout the body , this , i say , and such like histories do not prove the effect of it in all diseases , or evidence that the preparation of an individual may not perform as difficult a cure ; i know that some conclude that by the same rule an individual especially if essentiated may change the body from a diseased state to a condition of perfect health , as that which is poysonous may cause such a sudden alteration , as that the person who even now was well , may quickly expire by reason of its destructiveness , but such venom hath the advantage on the bodies proneness to putrefaction , and may sooner dissipate the spirits which are upon the wing , then the other fix them or illuminate their darkness ; so that what promotes the effect of the one is the greatest impediment imaginable to the other : i deny not that an individual may remedy a particular disease , and notwithstanding the proneness of our nature to corruption , act so vigorously as to cure a threatning distemper , and i suppose that very many have seen as much done by laudanum ; and other medicines , as crollius mentions in that patient , but yet it were a vain conclusion to infer that such an essence , or that laudanum would hereupon cure all diseases and perform the like impossibilities as are spoken of the panacaea ; no person can be ignorant of the experiments made on gold , because it ( as many think ) contains in it all necessary conditions to the universal medicine which i need not recount ; but unless something is performed by the diaphoretical vertue of the menstruum , no wonders have been wrought by it , so that billichius calls aurum potabile , aurum putabile ; since that all true philosophers in their preparation of their medicinal stone did not mean the common gold , but that of the philosophers , as they mispent their pains who sought out dissolvents to make our gold potable in expectation of making thereby the elixir , so it would be to as little purpose to discourse the possibility of gaining a dissolvent not corrosive to elicite its medicinal tincture which at length will satisfie only a particular intention . the hyperbolical encomiums which have been given to the essences of individuals , might easily delude those who approve all things according to their commendations ; and doubtless in many respects such noble preparations might deserve a just esteem : but the more prudent and wary of the hermetical philosophers * observing the absurdity to expect an universal operation from a limited agent , did busie and employ themselves to find out the universal matter which is so enygmatically discoursed in the writings of chymical authors , as if they rather designed to encourage humane industry in the search after that which for no other cause they would seem to have known , then give them any hopes of interpreting and unriddling their most obscure , perplexed , and mysterious descriptions of it , saith one , fove fodeam usque ad genua & accipe terram nostram in qua est rivulus & unda viva scilicet universale menstruum & aquam nostram ponticam , in qua habitat sal armoniacum nostrum , & spiritus vivus universi qui omnia in se continet : h. e. dig a pit knee deep , and take our earth in which is a living stream , viz. our universal menstruum , and take our pontike water in which is found our sal armoniack , and the universal spirit which contains all things in it ; and saith bacon , elegant rem supra quam naturae tantum primas operationes incepit : h. e. such a matter must be chosen on which nature hath only done her first work . he who is acquainted with the parabolical expressions of the ancients relating to this subject , will be convinced that although they who write best , hint a necessity of some universal matter which may yield by a philosophical preparation a most noble medicine to cure diseases , may yet apprehend their dissentions about this matter , and the improbabilities of others finding it out by their direction ; but if i should grant that the true sons of art might rightly understand the ancients and gain the knowledg of the universal matter , yet in regard that there is not an universal intention in the cure of diseases , i cannot see of what use it can be in medicine ; to comfort the archaeus and to garrison the heart which is the royal fort with invincible vertues , answers only a particular intention : that all diseases do spring from one root is only the supposition of some who would patronize this panacaea , whereas others more rationally inform us that sanity consists not in indivisibili , but that different members in the body enjoy a different sanity , and having a divers complexion , conformation , and operation , stand in need of a variety of medicines to cure their distinct and sometimes contrary diseases : what though there sometimes happens a metastasis of the morbifick matter , which varying its seat alters the symptomes according to the parts in which it fixeth , it is not proved that hereupon what opposed it in one part is as proper and applicable notwithstanding the remove as before , and that in curation no particular respect ought to be had to the parts constitution which is affected ; it may be , that before the metastasis 't was convenient to use diaphoreticks , and afterwards if the matter lodgeth in the breast , what may evacuate it by promoting expectoration , if in the lowest ventricle catharticks or diureticks which may discharge : he certainly knows little of the causes of diseases who discerns not their difference in respect of the vessels or parts which they seize or most afflict , whereupon the methodus medendi is to be altered , i need not enumerate the several causes of diseases which the galenists reckon , but content my self with an observation that the best chymists do account two grand causes of the constant alteration in mans body , disposing it to diseases and death , which are the consumption of radical moisture and the putrefaction of humors ; it is therefore incumbent on the pretenders to a panacaea , to prove that by the same medicine they can prevent this putrefaction of humors , and hinder the consumption of radical moisture : the universalists have been very sollicitous to appropriate to their medicine such vertues as might answer the indication both of a drying vertue to withstand and resist putrefaction , and of moisture or unctuosity to supply the decaies and spendings of natural heat , and therefore they assert that their panacaea in respect of its activity and solar heat doth brighten , fortifie , and encrease our innate heat , and hereby evaporates and dissipates all morbifick meteors which otherwise would stagnate and putrifie , in respect of its substance is oleagenous fix'd and incombustible , aptly recruiting any loss or spending of the radical moisture : it this panacaea can certainly do what is pretended , it may seem strange that they who were esteemed possessors of such a medicine , did not defend themselves and their patients from the disease of old age , and from death ; for old age creeping on gradually , may more probably be opposed then violent diseases , but when its apparant that neither in themselves nor others they were able to stop the course of old age and disappoint the stroke of death , they would excuse their art and medicine by blaming some great neglects whilest they were young , and tell us that if they had then taken such a medicine it might have effected much in the prolongation of life ; but others well pondering the vertues attributed to it unde fit restauratio corporum per morbos debilitatorum prompte & perfecte ea curans & postea juventutem primumque vigorem diminutum & per frigidum annorum acconitum fere extinctum restituens : h. e. it is sufficient to restore the decaies of mens bodies , most expeditiously and perfectly helping all diseases , changing the ruines of old age into youthfulness . these ( i say ) being convinced by experience that such empty vaunts of the panacaea are ridiculous , do otherwise state the business and make little difference between the polychresta of the galenists and these more noble medicines , and if the panacaeas which have been or at present are pretended to in the world are duly examined , they undoubtedly will be found to answer some more general intention , and by no means deserve the appellation of universal medicines in the common and known sense and notion of the term , i might instance in begwins preparation of vitriol , quercitanus of antimony , &c. but above all others andwaldins panacaea in the highest esteem , which as hoffman relates in sherbius's judgment was poysonous , and another author gives us a more accurate account of it , panacaea anwaldina summopere in propulsandis morbis decantata eum effectum assecuta est , non tam naturam confortando quam vi diaphoretica operando quam libavius per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignis probavit & deprehendit concinnatam ex hydrargyro & cinnabari quae duo mineralia nullam corroborandi facultatem obtinent : h. e. anwaldins universal medicine of such fame for its wonderful effects in the cure of diseases did not operate by comforting nature but by provoking sweat , and libavius examining it by pyrotechny detected that it consisted of mercury and cinnabar which have no corroborating vertue in them . every true chymist who is acquainted with artificial either simple or compound preparations especially mineral , very well skills their efficacy in the satisfaction of either general or particular intentions as they are skilfully applied , these know that a just mixture of mercury , antimony , and gold , or apt chymical compositions will do more in the curation of some diseases then either of them in like manner singly prepared and given , but to conceive that any medicine can keep off old age , and by the same way cure all maladies , is an opinion which no sober person did ever entertain ; if then by a panacaea is only signified any noble preparation which respecting some general intention which in the curation of diseases is observable , 't is not improbable but that the true chymical physicians do not only assent to them , but are furnished with some as powerful as any yet known in the world ; for we must grant that the polychresta of the chymists do infinitely excel those of the galenists , but yet it is considerable that even those authors who are famed to be masters of these panacaeas , did in most cases both use for themselves and others galenical medicines as they had occasion , or the known rules of art required . but our pseudochymists it may be by purchase obtaining one of these noble preparations , and not understanding the true use of it do in hopes of custom proclaim the vertues of their medicine , as if it would most speedily and certainly cure all diseases , strengthning the archaeus , to whose error and debility they adscribe all the several affections of mans body , and enabling nature to discharge her self by the most convenient ways according to the condition and quality , or seat of the morbifick matter , and if all manner of evacuations or most of them can be caused by the same medicine then a proof ( as they suppose ) is given of the wonderful efficacy of their medicine , and a notable stratagem devised to seduce them that are most pleas'd when they are under the hand of a cheating montebank : hence it is that one cries up his mercurial preparation , another his antimonial remedy , a third spirit of salt which is diuretical , and almost every pseudochymist would be accounted the inventor or professor of one ; but methinks people should be better advised then to give ten shillings for a grain , or five shillings for a drop of that which being either illy prepared or mis-applied , more universally kills then cures , and stake their lives against the brags of such empericks , crede & salvus eris , promissis certa fides , nam cum te interficient morb● curaberis omni . believe , all 's well , trust them , there word is sure , in killing thee they work a perfect cure. although i have pretermitted very much which might be said on this subject , yet i hope that it is sufficiently made out that there is no panacaea to cure all diseases in the vulgar acceptation of the word , and as a confirmation of my assertion i shall produce the testimony of angelus sala , with whose words i conclude , quis non vanitatem eorum agnoscat qui vel ipsi persuasissimum habent , vel aliis persuadere conantur esse in rerum natura vel artis beneficio confici posse medicamentum quod instar universalis cujusdam universalissimi nullis vel limitibus , vel terminis circumscriptum , non tantum qualitates elementares aequali proportione commensuratas in se contineat , sed & omnibus insuper proprietatibus specificis quae vel ex varia illarum commixtione , vel a certa aliqua praedestinatione oriuntur , abundantissime dotatum sit ? quod suppresso calore suo jam refrigerare possit , jam humectare , sicut exiccandi potestate nihil damni faciat , jam adstringat , jam incrasset & contrarias interim facultates plane occultetquod idem interdum pervomitum , interdum per fecessum purget , sudores cieat , urinam provocet , venenis tanquam alexiterium resistat , somnum conciliet : denique ut in unum omnia conferam omnes alios effectus quos causarum morbificarum tam particularium quam universaliū diversitas requirit omni tempore & loco , in omni sexu , aetate , complexione & personarum constitutione praestet , omnibus adeo infirmitatibus medeatur , ac nulla unquam ratione corpus offendat ? h. e. how conspicuous is their vanity who either believe themselves or would perswade others that either art or nature can produce any medicine which shall be impowred with the operations attributed to the most universal medicine being unconfin'd and boundless in its efficacy , not only containing in it all the elementary qualities in exact proportion , but endowed with all specifick proprieties flowing from their mixture or essence , which notwithstanding its heat can sometimes cool and sometimes moisten , not at all suffering in its drying vertue , can adstringe or bind and incrassate , and in the mean while conceal its contrary faculties , that now can vomit , anon purge , sweat , prove diuretical , become an antidote against poyson , and cause sleep ; and to say no more , can certainly remove and take off all effects flowing both from the diversity of universal and particular causes at all times , in all places , sexes ages , complections , different constitutions , curing all these diseases without any prejudice to the body ? finis . a letter to the author from a person of quality . sir , your most wonderful preservation during your late imployment of visiting the infected families within the city of london and liberties thereof , hath justly provoked all your friends in our countrey to congratulate your success in that great and hazardous undertaking ; you have doubtless by a faithful discharge of your duty as a physitian in that adventure , when few were free to engage in such service , highly meritted of those honourable persons on whose behalf you endangered your life , and no less obliged all ingenuous persons to esteem your worth : sir , you may easily suppose how big we are with expectation to receive from your hand , an account of what remarkably hapned in this severe visitation ; your promptness to give rational satisfaction , especially in most perplexed cases , wherein difficulty promotes the birth of your happy products , is the onely argument i shall use inviting you to this task ; be pleased also to acquaint me in your next what is become of them who assume liberty to qualifie themselves chymical doctors , in opposition to the kings colledge of physitians in london ; i crave pardon for this interruption of your more weighty business , and shall earnestly expect your answer , which will be most acceptable unto sir , your humble servant c. w. the authors answer . sir , your candid acceptance of the observations , which i have made on this p●st , is a most prevalent argument to incourage the communication of them in answer to your desire : but before i ingage in this task i must crave your pardon , if i proceed not in that method , which is requisite in an exact treatise ; for in this brief answer i can onely point out cursorily some discoveries , which doubtless will be improved by your most sagacious judgment . to omit therefore all those most obvious notions of the pest in general occuring in every author writing on that subject ; i shall confine my self to a particular disquisition of the peculiar nature of this plague as severe as any recorded in our annals . that london or other populous places are seldom free from malignant and pestilential diseases , is confirmed by the long experience of able physitions , who find that humors upon several occasions acquire a venenate quality , and hereupon prove most pernicious ; it is not pertinent to my business in hand to state the question ; whether such ferments are sometimes generated in mans body , which may be exalted to a condition aemulous of the most exquisite poysons , or of the pest it self ? hence is it that some term such putrified humors , arsenical , aconital , &c. as they seem to correspond in operation with such poysons , i may without all dispute affirm , that where the pest meets with matter so prepared , it more inevitably destroys . the highest degree of malignity flowing from the putrefaction of congested humours , however it may be most fatal to the body , wherein it was produced , being yet but the effect of a private cause , is limited at most to an hereditary propagation , and cannot be imagined the original of epidemical diseases , especially of the pest , whose original is adaequate to its effects : but in regard the cause of the plague is most mysterious , and not yet hitherto plainly discovered , most writers after a disappointment in there scrutining the series of natural causes , do betake themselves to supernatural , and acknowledg a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this disease : i cannot think that because god doth frequently send out the plague as his severe judgment to punish mankind , we ought wholly to desist from all manner of search into natural causes , on the knowledg of which depends the cure , procured both by our devotion , and the commanded use of natural means . amongst natural causes the conjunctions of some planets , eclypses , comets , and such like appearances in the heavens , are by many accused as the authors of the plague , and upon this account some addicted to astrology observing such appearances the forgoing year , have confidently asserted that our pest was the issue of those malevolent influences ; i shall not at present determine how far these have contributed to the spreading , if not the original of our plague , but passing by all other opinions , deliver my thoughts touching its rise . after a most strict and serious inquiry , by undoubted testimonies i find that this pest was communicated to us from the netherlands by way of contagion , and if most probable relations deceive me not , it came from smirna to holland in a parcel of infected goods , whether it began there , or in any other place being unresolved , i shall not intangle my self in a conjectural discussion of its cause , or give a tedious narrative of the nature and effects of pests in those hot countreys ; give me leave to hint , that the same pest grassant in divers regions of a different temperature , may so much vary in its phaenonema , that it may seem totally changed , which i premise least our plague should be judged of another nature from that in smirna or holland , because its symtomes are not exactly the same in all these places . before i proceed , i must advertise that the pest , doth complicate with most maladies which happen during its grassancy , especially such as are contagious , every little disorder at such times ( which i might confirm by many examples ) turning to the plague , and infectious diseases more neerly combining , and symbolizing with it : hence i collect that the scorbute being popular and epidemical in holland , the pest when it fell in with it , did very much partake of its nature , which afterwards invading this kingdom gave ample testimony by its symptomes of this association ; in which condition i shall throughout this discourse consider it : if then the pest by reason of its most subtile and excessive venenate nature is most feral and destructive , when it conforts with another ferment most powerfully ( though not so suddenly ) corrupting the juyces of our bodies , how prodigious must be the issue ! as i have designedly wav'd at present to deliver my theory concerning this pest , so i upon the same account do forbear to intermeddle with the hypotheses of others , but because the learned kirchers late experiments have put most inquisitive searchers into sensible truths upon the quest to discover that animated matter in the air mentioned in his treatise of the pest , i shall transiently deliver my observations touching this particular : i must ingeniously confess , that notwithstanding my most careful and industrious attempts by all means likely to promote the discovery of such matter , and that i have had as good oppertunities for this purpose , as any physitian ; it hath not yet been my happiness ( if such minute insects caused this pest , ) to discern them , neither have i hitherto by the information of credible testimonies received satisfaction in this point ; whereupon i infer , that in regard pests are of a different nature , though i allow that famous authors experiments in that plague at rome , yet it follows not that ours was caused by the like production of worms or insects , as some have rather fancied then demonstrated . the consequences of putrifaction are so well known by an ordinary inspection into the transactions of nature , that the production of worms and various insects upon this account may not be rightly judged a new discovery , considering especially , that malignant diseases do not less then the plague evidence putrefaction by such products ; indeed amongst all that vast number i conversed with during the visitation , i noted very few to have either vomited worms , or by unerring symptomes to have given an indication of verminous matter lodged in any part of their bodies , i onely had a relation of one , who in vomiting threw up a strange figured insect , which appeared very fierce , and even assaulted such as were busie to observe it , whereupon it was crushed by a rude hand , so that its shape is not very discernable ; but t is as absurd from such a particular instance , to draw a general conclusion , as to argue from private causes to universal effects . since that the nature of this pest in relation to its primary cause is most obscure , we cannot more surely arrive at the knowledge of it , then by the discoveries it makes of it self in propagation ; when therefore i do well ponder the wonderful energy of pestilential effluviums , which can instantaneously imprint indeleble characters on bodies before found and healthful , and conform them to the like efficacy in contagious communications , i am induced to think that its principles are chiefly saline , which appears by its activity and power ; i need not produce examples to illustrate the inexpressible vigor of these ferments , it being well known that many have dyed without the least sense of contagion or apprehension of illness thereby : it is reported by such who have seen experiments of the poysoned darts in india , that a fleshy part being prickt or scratched with them , the person so hurt , is not onely killed in very few moments , but his body is so putrified , that one limb falls from the other ; the like is written of some pests in hot countreys by which some places have been depopulated , whether any poisons artificially prepared do in power and activity excel the pestilential tincture which is animal , is besides my business at present to decide . i come in the next place to the manner of the pests invasion , which is unanimously agreed on to be by contagion , viz. when venenate expirations are transmitted from infectious bodies to others working a like change and alteration in them ; whereupon i conclude , that no person is seized with the plague except he receives into his body these pestilential effluxes , which however they do more effectually infect by how much nearer the bodies are , yet it is not to be doubted but that at a very considerable distance where no person is sick , these most malignant corpuscles being carried in the motion of the aire , may so preserve their venome , as to surprize such bodies amidst their greatest securities ; and i am apt to think that such effects are oftimes appropriated to imagination , the operations of which can easily ferment the juices of the body , and raise symptomes not unlike those of the pest ; i was called to three or four affected after this manner , whose conditions at first did seem as bad as theirs who by reason of abode with some labouring of the sickness most apparently took the infection , but upon a strict inquiry into these cases , i addrest my self with success to settle the fancies and bodies of such patients ; whence i opine that pestilential and poysonous emissions or ferments ( as i noted before ) do solely contribute to the spreading of the contagion . notwithstanding that infection is so apparent in the pest , yet some have lately in their discourses and pamphlets , argued that it is not contagious , such persons deserve rather the magistrates censure then my refutation : the order published by queen elizabeth was in those days the most proper expedient to suppress that opinion , which is not otherwise now then by authority to be silenced : these ground their hypotheses upon the escape of some persons who converse with the infected , but this proof is not admittable as sufficient , because there are very many causes why such bodies are not equally obnoxious to contagion as others ; for besides the particular providence of god who is pleased to protect some in the same danger in which others do perish , the security of such persons may be attributed to the shape of their pores not admitting pestilential atoms of a disproportioned figure , or vigour of the spirits to expel this enemy before he can fixe in their bodies , certainly such persons might as rationally affirm that bullets will not wound and kill , because some in the hottest battails amidst showers of small shot walk untoucht by any of them , when as these escape rather upon the account of the various happy postures they are in during the charge , then their fancy of being shot-free . these infectious irradiations flowing from bodies inflamed with the pest , as they constantly issue out by transpiration , and other more open passages , so they diffuse their malignity accordingly as they are more or less subtile and spiritual ; if therefore the snuff of a candle , which emits a gross and visible fume , can in few moments so taint the circumambient air in a large room , so as to render it most offensive to our smell ; certainly pestilential exhalations by very many degrees more fine and subtile , can insensibly and beyond such narrow limits spread their poison , corrupting the air , and making it pernicious to bodies dispos'd to receive such impressions ; the motion of these malignant corpuscles cannot by any help be discerned , neither can any account be given of their sent as some do vainly imagine : touching the steam of infected bodies , i confess that when buboes are opened , carbuncles cast off their eschar , the pestilential emanations being imbodied in grosser vapours issuing from such sores , may possibly be hereupon sensible to the nose , as in opening other impostumes , and dressing common sordid ulcers is evident ; the like reason may be given of their vomitings , stools , and sweats ; hence it is that some have perceived the moment of their seisure , which sent they could not otherwise express , then by a cadaverous , and as it were a suffocating stanch ; but ( although i have been very inquisitive in this particular ) i may confidently averre , that not one in two hundred hath been apprehensive by sent of the infection , the venenate particles communicating their malignity in a way imperceptable to our senses . how these pestilential effluxes do operate on mans body comes next under consideration , supposing that the infection hath newly insinuated it self , the blood and juices do immediately receive the alarum as being to undergo the first assault ; the blood in some by the deleterious quality of the poyson in few moments is mortified , not unlike what happens in the death of such who are kil'd by lightning ; in others the blood is forthwith put into a fermentation , either higher or lower according the state of the blood before infection , or the condition and degree of the contagion , on which also depends the depuration of the blood producing blaines , buboes , and carbuncles , and such patients except something accidentally intervens to contraindicate for the most part escape , but most commonly in this fermentation the blood coagulates in fewer or more vessels , and according to the dissolution and discharge of these grumous parts before further putrefaction , the condition of such persons is more secure or dangerous , if the coagulation encreases , a period at length is put to the bloods circulation ; lastly , the blood doth sometimes suffer a fusion , for when the sulphureous parts are consumed , the pestilential tincture proves a dissolvent , and destroys the fibres of the blood , not onely by way of liquation making it most fluid , but corrupting its saline particles : i have observed that such blood in hemorrhages would not coagulate , but remained like a tinctured ichor , the reduction of such blood to its former state being impossible the case of such patients was most desperate , medicines affording not the least ease or relief : the nervous liquor did also share in this common calamity , and according to its quality suffered as great and many alterations as the blood : in fine those juyces and parts of the body did principally suffer in this pest , in which the scorbute first discovers its self , but i shall have occasion to discourse this more at large in another place . before i proceed to the symptomes of this distemper , it may not seem impertinent transiently to give some remarkable observations which occurred in the propagation of this disease ; as that the infected , were commonly seized after the same manner , and generally had the like issue in respect of a recovery , or death as those from whom they took the contagion , except any thing hapned extraordinary in the case of one more then the other , so that the effects of the plague not onely in relation to the number of buboes , blaines , or carbuncles , but the part and place , did abundantly evince its peculiar and strange designation : physitians in their practice do frequently meet with pestilential ophthalmie's , angina's and pleurisies , which ( as some express it ) specifically communicate their malignity , but these diseases are fixed in this course afflicting alwaies after the same manner all those to whom they are imparted ; whereas although there hath appeared a great variety in this pests propagation in respect both of it self and the subjects it meets with , yet notwithstanding all this difference , there hath been noted a tendency in the malignant corpuscles , as acting by a natural impress , idea or signature to produce their like without any assistance of the fancy , or more immediate disposition of such parts to those particular disafections . furthermore , that opinion that the pest invades no person a second time , if his sores at first sufficiently discharged purulent matter , is now plainly confuted by two many experiments during this sad visitation ; i have known many who although all things succeeded well the first and second time , and each cure was perfected , yet the third seizure upon the account of a new infection , and not a relapse hath proved fatal to them ; some this last year fell the fifth , others the sixth time , being before very well recovered , each of these invasions i supose was not onely from an higher degree of malignity , but a diverse complication of the pest , besides nature being much weakned by preceding assaults , was thereupon more unable to make her defence : such therefore who by gods blessing , and the use of proper remedies are restored to health , may by these examples be duly cautioned , not to run unnecessarily ( according to the practice of some ) into infected houses , presuming that their condition is more safe then others . the symptomes of this pest were many , but i shall content my self , to set down such as were most common and notorious ; most persons upon their first invasion by the sickness perceived a chilness to creep on them , which produced in very short space , a shivering not unlike the cold fit of an ague , which shivering was doubtless an effect of the pestilential ferment insinuating it self into the blood and juices of the body , and rendring them either sharpe , pungitive , or so corrupt by its venerosity that hereupon there happens a vellication of the nervous parts , whence proceeded convulsive motions ; soon after this horror and shaking followed a nauseousness , and stronge inclinations to vomit , with a great oppression , and seeming fulness of the stomack , occasioned by the poison irritating the ventricle , which being a nervous part , is and thereupon most sensible of what will prove so injurious to it ; the pest did sometimes seat it self in the stomack more eminently shewing it self there in carbuncles and mortifications : a violent and intollerable headach next succeeded by reason of the bloods tumultuousness and ebullition exceeding by distending its vessels and convulsing them , hereupon some fell into a phrensie , and others became soporose and stupid , according to the quality and nature of the malignity ; afterwards a feaver began to discover it self , without which no person escaped during this visitation , when therefore the blood was throughly impregnated with the pestilential firment , then the blood fermented and the oeconomy of the body was violated , all parts both internal and external extreamly suffering and expressing their several conditions in this extream agony upon the account either of idiopathy or sympathy . i shall not here dispute , whether the true pest is alwaies accompanied with a feaver , i conceive that in some pests , as also in the highest degree of this , the several parts of the blood have instantaneously been separated , there being no time for any ebullition ; but since that i undertake onely to deliver my own observations , i must ingeniously confess , that during this pest , ( except in the case of such who suddenly died ) i met not with any one patient free from a feaver , which in some was more slow and occult , in others peracute and notoriously apparent , as the blood did more or less abound with sulphureous particles apt to kindle and be inflamed ; and more particularly i noted that those who were over-run with the scorbute , and afterwards took the infection of the plague , had a more obscure and remiss feaver , so as it seemed many times very doubtful whether they laboured of any or no , which i cannot attribute to any thing else then to the state of their blood by reason of its much abounding with a fixed salt , the like assertion will hold true of the several other defects in the blood : in relation to the paroxisms which were observed in this feaver , t is most certain that generally there was some kind of remission so as that the patients could easily find their condition altered thereby , but these fits were altogether irregular and uncertain , however they seemed in some much to resemble a double tertian , i conceive those often exacerbations did proceed rather from the violent impulses and prevalency of the malignity , then from any certain and set ebullitions of the blood , yet in many when the virulency was expel'd and spent , these fits did keep and observe their types , and became either pure or bastard tertians . so soon as this feaver began to appear strange faintness seized the patient , which was seconded by most violent palpitations of the heart ; and hereupon many have suspected that the pest by a peculiar disposition most vigorously bends all its strength to storm the heart which is the most royal fort , but since that we are well assured that the heart doth principally suffer by reason of this heterogeneal matter mixed with blood , and circulating with it through this noble part , i cannot think that the heart is otherwise injured , then in being hindered in its office of animating , and inflaming the blood by its innate ferment to perform its appointed stage of circulation , for if the heart cannot alter or overcome these pestilential ferments mixed with the blood , with its utmost vigour it attempts to expel and dissipate them , and and if the poison of the disease is so powerful as to destroy the ferment of the heart , the blood soon coagulates , the sequel of which is death . here i might particularly take notice of that strange lassitude which was very observable in most affected with this scorbutical pest , as well by reason of the distention of the vessels , as the immediate mixture of the malignity with the serous humours abounding in such bodies , but i shall not any longer insist on the symptomes which are common in pestilential feavers , but descend to those diagnosticks which most peculiarly discover the pest , as blains , bubo's , carbuncles and discolorations , vulgarly called tokens , of which briefly in their order . blains , are pustles , or rather blisters , sometimes greater , or sometime less ; and for number , fewer or more , according to the quantity , or quality , of the pestilential matter segregated from the blood , and other liquors of the body by their fermentation , these were obscurely incircled , and coloured according to the serous humour either flowing to , or discharged upon those parts where they appeared , but as no place could plead exemption , so those parts were most subject to these blaines which did lye nearest to this poysonous humour when it was forced out ; the liquor , contained in these blysters was of the same nature with that which produced carbuncles , but more diluted and dispersed , wherefore the pest was rightly judged not so dangerous where onely blaines were discovered , however if these grew numberless , as i observed in one , who from head to foot was full of them ; as the condition of that patient was most desperate , so a multitude of these blaines do indicate the excess of malignity , and great hazzard thereupon . bubo's are tumours of the glandules , if under the ear they are called parotides , others happen under the armes , and in the groin ; pestilential matter in circulation with the blood being retained in these glanduls whereby they are tumified and inflamed : that some persons without any sense either of the contagion , or any illness by it have complained of these tumors , must be ascribed to the mildness of the malignity , having before upon others spent its virulency ; but most commonly these buboes were an effect of the second sweat promoted by proper alexipharmical remedies , and such risings gave hope of the patients recovery ; some of these tumours were indolent and hard continuing so many months notwithstanding means either to discuss or suppurate them , and when these were unadvisedly opened by incision , nothing else but an ichor gushed forth , and the part wounded was very apt to mortifie : but these risings were generally so painful that most could not endure the fierce and frequent lancinations , and the extream burning they felt until the time of suppuration approached , which upon this account was hastned by suitable applications of cataplasmes and plaisters : the number of these buboes was not certain , some had two , others three , many four , neither was their bigness limited , the risings in some being very large , so as to equal an half-penny loaf , in others not exceeding an hens egg ; very many of these tumors were discussed if the patient at first submitted to effectual sweats , and if afterwards they encreased , great care was taken to further their enlagement , and to break them , the feaver usually going off and declining as these tumours ripened , and were fitted for apertion ; and here i must not omit , to intimate , that according to the condition of the pus discharged , these buboes were more or less secure , but i shall discourse more of these when i come to the method of curation . a carbuncle , is a pestilential sore , appearing at first with a very small pustle , and a circle about it of a red flaming colour , which pustle either opening , or rather the liquor in it being spent by the extream heat of the adjacent part , soon hardens and growes crusty , the incompasing inflammation spreading it self , and by reason of the corrosive quality of the humour cauterizing that place where it fixes : i have seen carbuncles in most parts of the body which proved more or less dangerous in respect of the part affected , and the degree of the malignity ; here i might produce innumerable cases which i have met with during this visitation , but i shall onely relate two or three ; i was called to one patient who had a carbuncle within two or three fingers breadth of a bubo in the groin , though they were differently handled in relation to the cure , yet the business succeeded very well ; also one recovered when there was a large carbuncle directly opposite to the heart , a third with one in her breast , at the same time she gave suck , and the child discovered no other infirmity then a loosness during his mothers cure ; another was afflicted with a large carbuncle very neer the bottom of the stomack , and she lived until cicatrization , but then the malignity retiring within took her away ; my designed brevity in this answer forbids me to relate all necessary circumstances in these histories . carbuncles are sometimes very large , i saw one on the thigh above two hands bredth with a large blister on it , which being opened by the chirurgion , and scarisication made where the mortification did begin , the patient expired under this operation ; but most commonly these carbuncles do not exceed the breadth of three or four fingers , after few hours the skin shrivels into a crustiness of a duskish or brownish colour : at certain times and in some especially scorbutical bodies these carbuncles did mortifie , and except timely care was taken by immargination , scarifications or applications of actual cauteries , the gangreen in few houres overspread that part , and destroyed the patient ; this most saline corrosive humour was not easily and by ordinary means brought to digestion , and consequently not without much difficulty cured , i shall not at present inlarge on the accidents attending these carbuncles , but proceed to the tokens of which in the next place . these tokens are spots upon the skin of a diverse colour and figure , proceeding from chiefly extravased blood , which by reason of its stagnation putrefies and produceth such mortifications discolouring the skin , so then those spots which are the true tokens , are profound mortifications caused by the extinction of natural heat upon the account of highly prevaling malignity , because many spots arising upon the skin were onely cutaneous , and so farre imposed on many searchers and unskilful veiwers of them that they declared them to be true tokens , experiment was alwaies made upon these discolorations by a lancet or large needle to try whether that part so affected was sensible , if not , then it was most apparent that such persons had those fatal marks upon their bodies which were most certain forerunners of death , but if the patient did discover sense upon the pricking or incision , then such spots being onely cutaneous were not esteemed deadly , and i have seen very many recover who were in this condition . anatomical observations have likewise informed us that these tokens have their original and rise from within , and afterwards externally shew themselves , which is evident because the basis of them is larger then their outward appearance , and the internal parts are found very often spotted when there is no discoloration visible on the skin : the figure of these tokens is not alwaies certain , but generally they are orbiculary shaped as i suppose by the pores , to which the extravasated blood most readily tends , and for want of circulation fixing there , corrupts ; the pores thus closed up by any cold check , the dyaphoresis whereupon the malignant corpuscles being retained in the body their attempt to sally out proves unsuccesful , so that they cause a very great putrefaction in the parts where they settle , and soon after , if a speedy vent is not given , these tokens straightwaies appear , foreshewing the event of the distemper , not to number up all those waies by which these deadly mortifications are produced , i shall onely assert that wherever these marks are found , they evidently express a full conquest of natural heat by the highest degree of malignity . these tokens are not of one size or bigness , some being broader then a single penny , others at first very small , by degrees enlarging and spreading themselves , to the touch they seem hard , not unlike little kernels under the skin the superficies being smooth , yet i saw one where these tokens put out with little blisters upon them : very many were puzled to distinguish aright between these marks and the petechiae pestilentiales , or pestilential appearances in spotted feavers , as also scorbutical spots frequently interspersed amongst them , i have taken notice of many mistakes upon both these accounts : some of our mountebanking chymists much vaunted of their in comparable medicines effectual as was pretended to cure such who were stigmatized with the tokens , when as they not for want of ignorance opinionated those little rednesses like fleabites to be these true signs of the pest , which indeed were scorbutical marks and soon vanished , and if other contracted feaver spots were discovered , though these with one sweat usually disappeared , they concluded them to be nothing less then the tokens , and the removal of them an absolute cure of the plague in its worst condition . the colour of the tokens was various , in some reddish with a circle inclining towards a blue , in others they represented a faint blue the circle being blackish , many were of a brownish dusky colour , like rust of iron or moles in some bodies ; that the reddish and blackish tokens were from blood is most evident , but whether the others might not proceed from the nervous liquor extravasated , concreted , and mortified by the malignity , is more doubtful ; when i assayed to prove them , i found them almost impenetrable . i do at present onely mention this , that further experiment may be made by such who have fit opportunities . although no part of mans body is secure from these most pestilential marks , yet the neck , breact , back and thighes are most apt to them , but these things are so vulgar that i may very well spare my pains in giving any further account : that which did seem at first most strange to me , was that many persons who had continued in a delirium throughout their sickness , so soon as the tokens appeared , they came to themselves and apprehended that they were in an hopeful and recovering condition , i might here relate two eminent stories , which i can onely without circumstances mention , one was of a maid whose temper seemed good , her pulse equal and stronge , her senses were perfect at that time when i was called to see her , she complained of no disorder or pain , and concluding her self secure , but when i veiwed her breast and discovered very many tokens , i left her with a prognostick , and within two or three houres she died , not long after i visited an ancient woman and found her at dinner with a chicken before her on which she fed greedily , and had eaten half before i came , after a due inquiry into her case , finding no satisfaction either from her pulse or temper i searching her breast observed the tokens , and she expired within one or two houres : these clear intervals ( as i conceive ) did happen when all manner of fermentations were ceased , the pestilential ferment having gained a compleat victory , and quieted all oppositions which nature made in order to her preservation : that the tokens do sometimes appear after death , is to be attributed to the high ferment in the pestilential matter which vainly seeking to force its way thorow the skin , imprints there indeleble characters of its excessive malignity : to these tokens i might add those oblong stroakes like lashes discovered on the backs of some , but because i saw during the whole time onely one thus marked , and have not been informed of many , i suppose that these are not common ▪ however their cause is the same with the tokens , and they are to be esteemed of the same consequence , the contiguity of these marks not at all altering their nature or effect . what is often mentioned in most authours concerning the flexibleness of bodies kild by the pestilence , hath not been confirmed in this plague , for although such bodies were not so soon rigid and stiff as those which dyed of chronical or common acute diseases , yet due time being allowed , or if the bodies were exposed to the cold air , there appeared no difference between them and others , but i shall not hence conclude that in no pests there is not to be found this flexibleness . the prognosticks in this pest were very fallacious , for oftimes when all things presented fair , and the patient seemed past danger , on a sudden the case was altered by the near approach of death , and on the contrary in some whose condition upon many accounts was judged desperate , an unexpected change at a dead lift hapned , which gave full assurance of a speedy recovery , besides considering that the pest did primarily seat it self in the spirits , it was not easie to determine positively the success of their contest , for the spirits which for a while were almost suffocated and extinguished being almost over-powred with the pestilential venome , did frequently like the fire for some time suppressed , break out into an aspiring flame and thereby evidence their victory ; and many times the spirits which maintained the combate very well the first charge , by the second onset were utterly defeated ; so that the transactions of the spirits are not so certainly foreseen as the progress of diseases fixed on any internal or external member of the body , the best prognostick is taken from the strength of the patient under a skilful hand directing a proper and methodical cure . before i come to the cure of the pest , i shall say something touching the great business of preservation from it , nature instructs us that by all means possible we preserve and safeguard our selves from all things prejudicial to our lives , and art hath most happily by its discoveries furnished apt remedies for this purpose , and the great success of proper and fit preservatives doth irrefragably plead from their use : in this answer i shall not publish any prescripts , but onely hint the intentions which are alwaies to be observed in a true and regular preservation from the plague . care in the first place must be taken to free the body from superfluous humours , which may be a fit fomes for the pestilential ferment , this ought not to be performed by violent catharticks but gentle and yet effectual de-obstructing medicines , and then the noble parts must be corroborated , their ferments and use maintained , and lastly the blood kept in a due and equal briskness ; and hereupon all passions especially fear and anger are worthily censured by physitians as conducing much to the introduction of the pest , a moderate and wholesome dyet must be cauteously observed , and no error committed in the other things termed non-natural , to conclude the society of infected persons is carefully to be avoided , for certainly it is an high presumption , that because some preservatives are and have been effectual to secure some persons , others taking the like antidotes should thereupon adventure into the utmost danger , as this opinion hath cost many their lives , so i fear , if the fire should break out again ( which god forbid ) some will be bold notwithstanding the miscarriage of others , to attempt the like adventures . the therapeutick part comes next in order , but before i enter upon this subject , if the scruple made by some whether the pestilence is curable , was grounded either on authority or reason i would indeavour to remove it , for however medicines do prove alike effectual to rescue all infected persons from the jawes of death , mortality amongst people denoting the plague ; yet since that by gods blessing and the care and skill of experienced physitians very many recover , these living testimonies do suffficiently evidence the absurdity and great impiety of that suggestion ; i rather think that a cogent argument may be drawn from the deadly nature of this distemper provoking all persons concerned to look out speedily for suitable help , especially considering that dispondency is so considerable a promoter of the pests fatality . in relation to the cure of the plague , all the intentions which offer themselves must be diligently observed and truly answered , otherwise no better account can be given of proceedings then what is produced by ignorant nurses , or our pretended chymists , who are arived at such an height of confidence , as that by warranting simple people their lives in order to their entertainment and thereupon advancing some rude and dangerous preparations not fitted to any intention , they do surpass even the pest it self in destructiveness : so soon as any person findes or apprehends himself to be seized by the contagion ( every little illness in time of the plague being justly suspected ) t is adviseable that he forthwith do betake himself to his bed , taking warning by the miscarriage of very many , who if they were not violently sick at first would struggle with the disease , and vainly imagine by walking abroad in the fields to overcome their distemper , until the best opportunities of applying remedies were ircoverably lost ; besides when the patient is in that condition , nature may more certainly shew the waies she designs to expel the malignity and discovering her deficiencies , directs the physitian who is alwaies intent on her motion to succour her by his art : although it is found most convenient that the patient secure himself in his bed , yet t is not allowable that he sleep until a check is given to the venenosity , indeed some not well advised finding themselves drowzy , who perhaps were seized with a stupidness or dulness signifying the worst quality of the contagion committed themselves to rest , and little thought that by calling in the pestilential matter from the habit of the body and fixing it in the brain , such sleep was onely preparative to their deaths ; if then any find themselves thus disposed they must be kept waking and roused up by vesicatories their use , number , and places , the physitian who is called in will advise ; if the patient vomits , judgement must be truly made whether the stomack is clogged and loaded with undigested meat or fruit or ought else taken unseasonably or immoderatly that may burden it , and become a fit fomes for the pest , if the stomack suffers upon this account by carduus posset drink taken in a large quanity with oxymel of squills , not ascending much higher it must be disburdened and cleansed , but if such vomittings are onely symptomatical , as indeed most were , proper remedies must be directed which may stop those inclinations to vomit , and expell out of the stomack that pestilential matter which so strongly irritates , restoring likewise the ferment of the stomack much weakened and injured by this means , for which purpose i cannot too much commend the fixed salts of wormewood , carduus , rue , scordium , masterwort , &c. if likewise symptomes appear of the poysonous ferment fixing in the bowels , and a flux hereupon happens , it is not safe without a most urgent cause to use catharticks , least a dysentery ensue , and the pestilential matter be drawn by such evacuations from the circumference to the center ; our ignorant , but bold practisers , not understanding either this or any other danger in their desperate undertakings , have chiefly dealt in emetocatharticks , not regarding the sad event which generally attended such attempts , and acting herein in opposition to the advice given by the colledge of physicians in their book ; these rash medicasters not so much valuing the lives of the sick , as their appearing in a contradictory way to the skillfullest and most learned society in europe ; and when these chymical cheats have spent the patients strength by such evacuations , they immediately as to a refuge fly to narcoticks ; and if the violent workings of such medicines are a little quieted thereby , and procured sleep alleviates somewhat , and refreshes , they applaud their accomplishments untill the approaches of death do too plainly manifest their unpardonable abuse and delusion of people in the great concern of their lives . but to return unto my business in hand , the chief intention in the cure consisting in an early expulsion of the malignity , proper alexipharmicks did mostly contribute to this end , which by the expert physicians skill were adapted to the constitution and present condition of the patient , their vertue and power perfectly preventing the great danger threatned by delay or the use of insufficient medicines ; for although in the cure of other diseases a progress from lower to higher and more prevalent processes is very allowable , yet in the pest where occasion must be taken by the foretop the slip of one opportunity being infinitely disadvantageous , all true sons of art imployed their utmost abilities to select most proper sudorificks , one dose of which might provoke a seasonable and effectual sweat whereby the blood and juices of the body were depured and freed from that pestilential ferment with which they were lately imbued ; and since that this intention was chiefly to be observed all other directions having respect unto it , physicians were hereupon very cautelous least they should by any means either divert nature from this course , or prejudice her in such designments , hence was it that phlebotomy was justly censured as a matter of dangerous consequence in the pest , by which the fermentation of the blood was abated , the spirits took flight , and nature became so debilitated that she could no longer combate with her implacable adversary . i am not ignorant that in some plagues bleeding hath proved very successful , but in this complicated with the scorbute it was upon every account inconvenient , the confirmation of which truth two many have sealed with their lives , who being easily perswaded by ignorant practisers , did prodigally wast natures treasure , and soon were imprisoned in their graves . it was also matter of great deliberation , to determine , whether in some urgent cases glisters might safely be administred least the poyson of the distemper shall take downwards , and the diaphoreses be thereby interrupted ; of such high concernment it was to maintain a constant and free transpiration , which every fifth or sixth hour , oftner or later , as there was just cause , was to be forced by repetitions of remedies mightily promoting its expected success and benefit , and here another grand difficulty arises , whether during these sweats it is convenient to nourish the patient ? which i shall thus resolve , if by reason of such sweats the patient finds his condition to be bettered , his appetite not much dejected , his thirst abated , and the paroxisme in declination , as also his strength neer spent , in such a case it is most adviseable that the patient be often indulged chicken-broath or what ever may recruit all losses of spirits in the incounter , and by this means that person being refreshed , will be enabled to undergo cheerfully the succeeding paroxisme and to continue his breathings , but if all requisites shewing the necessity of allowing nourishment , do not concur , t is far better to abstain from this course , then adventure its inconveniencies which are so many that i may not at present recite them ; such patients may by taking of cordidials fit themselves for a more opportune season of nourishment . the continuance and length of such sweats were rightly measured by the patients relief and sufficiency of strength to bear them , but unless i should state the several cases which happened in the pest , it is impossible that full directions can be given , especially considering that applications in medicine altogether relate to individuals , and therefore as there is a difference in the same disease seizing many persons , so likewise not onely various methods of cure , but diverse medicines are subservient to that end , upon which account i forbear to set down the remedies , vegetable , animal and mineral , which were used in the curation of this distemper . sir , it is now high time that i should make my apology for this rude entertainment of your with a most imperfect and confused discourse on this subject ; the truth is i have intentionally omitted very much which may seem pertinent to this business , as to assign the reason why the poor were mostly infected which i might have adscribed to the rotten mutton they fed on the preceding autume preparing their bodies for the contagion , their being crowded in little roomes and close alleys , as also their unrestrainable mixing and converse with the infected , and their great want and poverty notwithstanding the magistrates industrious provision for them , i have likewise forborn to express the cause why children were most subject to the plague and so many dyed of it that it may be fitly called the childrens pest ; neither have i touched upon the business of amulets , though many suffered by such as were arsenical , and other things very significant are passed by , as nassalls , issues , fumes , &c. nor have i particularly related any medicines or their designment , or delivered the several waies to treat patients in different conditions , relating to the several complications with the pox , scurvy , &c. but all these pretermissions may fitly serve to inform you of a design in hand to publish a compleat history of this pest in latin , which i hope will recompense the many defaults in this account ; to the end therefore that there may be no deficiency in so great an undertaking , if legitimate physitians , who have made observations , specially our learned friends in your country , would do me the favour to communicate their notes , i shall own their kindness and faithfully insert both their names and such observations . i am so well assured of your candor that you will not measure that work by this loose and hasty essay , pen'd in an hurry and tumult of other businesses , in which great care is taken not to prevent the novelty of those histories and notions which will then be produced : i shall not detain you with any more excuses , least i be forced to supplicate for them also . as to that part of your letter wherein you desire satisfaction concerning our pretended chymists , i can onely make you this return , that the people are now convinced of their designs , their most admired preparations proving altogether unsuccesful , and their contrivances being chiefly bent upon more secret waies and a shorter cut to gain estates , their intituling medicines by strange names , as the quintessence animae mundi , oil of the heathen gods , &c and requiring three pounds for a dose , is a trifling and slow way to grow rich by , when as an estate may be gained by giving one little but most effectual draught ; now the vulgar perceive the practise of the philosophers by fire who can soon upon advantageous accounts sublime mens souls , you will doubtless ere long have a better and more particular information of their transactions , which i at present forbear to recite . these scandalous opposers of the colledg are now for ever silenced , since that so many members of that most honourable society have ventured their lives in such hot service , their memory will doubtless survive time who dyed in the discharge of their duty , and their reputation florish , who ( by gods providence ) escaped : certainly the magistrate will protect and suitably encourage all legitimate physitians who have appeared most ready to serve their countrey in the greatest exigency . worthy sir , i am your most faithful servant , n. h. may 8. 1666. from my house in red lion court in watlinstreet . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44061-e1990 * omnes homines , viri aequè ac foeminoe , anus aequè ac virgo omnes inquam medici videri pruriunt ut si omnes qui medicae artis cognitionem atque scientiam falso nomine sibi adscribunt , numero comprendere velis , prius quot fluctibus mare à condito aevo agitatum sit sermone atque oratione expedias seidel in praefat . lib. de morb . incurab . * multum egerunt qui ante nos fuerunt , sed non peregerunt multum adhuc restat operis multumque restabit , nec ulii nato post mille saecula praecludetur occasio aliquid adhuc adjiciendi , sen. quod aevum tam rude aut incultum fuit quo non aliquod medicina sive ab ingenio sive ab exercitatione additamentum ceu ornamentum quo locupletior quam ante fieret acceperit , 1 carolus pisc . in praefat . lib. de serosa colluvie . * inexperientia facit fortunam , ut experientia artem. sapienter empedocles asserit nervos sapientiae esse non temerè credere . fabrit . ab aquapend . p. 309. * in medicina cum laude facienda multa & poenè infinita sunt animadvertenda quae à rudi empiricorum popello non annotentur , hieron . b●rd . p. 30. * sibi egregie sapientes videntur tamen in maxima rerum ignorantia versantur , & ignorantiae tenebris circumfusi doctrinae causas intueri mentis suae acie nequeunt , shegk . in epist . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gal. lib. 3. meth . med . * medicina infamis propter eorum qui eam exer●ent imperitiam . * experim . philos . lib. 2. p. 220 , 221. * quilibet etsi à veritatis s●●p● saepe multum aberrans tot techins f●catisque demonstrationibus suas palliare studet opiniones ut à cunctis cuncta ferè ingenia primo occursu seducantur : gul. du vai● in nov . mund . subl . anat . nullum fere hominum genus est quod non alat rivalitatem cum medicis , freitag . fabritius hild. p ▪ 916. * furor e st nè moriare , mori . * em●irici maximam arti faciunt injuriam infignem inurunt maculam , ut periti apud vulgus non modo imperitum , verum etiam prob dolor ●sanioris judicii homines obtineant authoritatem , seid . * medicina exact● indiget contemplatione & laboriosa in operibus exercitatione , utpote quae tantis rerum difficultatibus scatet , alsat . p. 5. defens . 5. p. 259. * sicut prothagoras sophisista qui discipulis & auditoribus relinquebat estimationem suarum lectionum , ut quisque eorum tantum mercedis ei persolveret quantum existimaret se ex ejus lectionibus profecisse atque didicisse , aristo . ethn. p. 838. * praxis qu● ipsi utuntur trium dierum spatio ab homine vel vilissimo acquiritur , panar . epist . strad . probos . p. 58. * non licet bis peccare in medicina uti nec in bello . notes for div a44061-e13750 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. hippocrat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quer● . phar. mac . p. 221. * principiis obsta , &c. renodaei instit phar. p. 6. * de augm . scient . lib. 4. p. 2●3 . alsar . de . quaes . per epistol . p. 309. gal. de opt . secta . l' obell . p. 6. med. medicin . p. 432. notes for div a44061-e20750 ann. 3. hen. 8. * foelix esset artibus si soli artistae de illis judicarent , f●b . * leges posteriores abrogant priores . mant. * aug. lib. 3. de civitate dei. notes for div a44061-e25170 * omnes qui vix communem intelligere queunt sermonem , & opera similiter cum difficultate discunt vulgò communia medicinam exercere ambiunt , geb . lib. de invest . sum . perf . notes for div a44061-e29240 zacut. lus . p. 14. tract . de sal● dom. de neus . riol . in epist . dedic . pharmac . spargyr . p. 2. * fab. propugn alchym . p. 8. * ut turpe esset in senatu patres dum de salute reipublicae deliberatur à votis ad convitia descendere , ita pudend●m est eos qui scriptis editis rem literariam auctam & amplificatam cupiunt rebus missis convitiis certare . sen. p. 844. angel. sal. de error . pseudochym . p. 7. * corrumpunt mixtum perduntque , non autem dividunt in sua simplicia . * accidit iis qui se igne oblectant & exhilarant quod ad extremum omne in luctum vertitur , ignis enim multò subtiliora venena contra eos evomit quam minerae , paracels . cap. 4. tract . 2. de morb . metall . * dec. 2. paradox . 10. p. 523. * sen. de brev . vitae , p. 559. * pharmac . spagyr . p. 3. * medici quidam adulando in pharmacis administrandis aegros interficiunt panarol . p. 135. * de difficult . alchym . p. 6. * hippocrat . de dec . hab . * ubi desinit philosophus ibi incipit medicus . * geb . cap. 7. * de quaes . per epist . p. 434. * debet chymicus errori subvenire inpuncto . sanch. p. 89. mor. de metall . metamorph . sennert . de natura , chym . p. 755. paracels . p. 289. abrah . è port . leon. mant . p. 126. * quò vide ant pseudochymici & metito nomine medici celeberrimum hoc nostrum londinens . collegium singulis praeceptis singulisque instrumentis utriusque philosophiae affluere & abundare in arenam descendo , &c. tho. rawlins in praefat . alphabet : ceu admon . pseudochymic . * observat . medic . in spa. cap. 7. * cap. xxv . leonard . botall . de curat per miss . sanguinis , p. 155. notes for div a44061-e41290 * heroici viri quamvis nullam artem quam humana excogitavit industria absolutam nobis reliquerunt praeclara tamen in omnibus artibus indefessis laboribus longissimisque observationibus in venerum posterisque instar testamenti fideliter tradiderunt , bruel . in pref . * illa habentur specifica quae omnibus differentiis alicujus morbi , omnibus hominibus , & omni tempore prosunt , fab. p. 476. hercul . saxon . de lue ven . p. 3. med. medicinae , p. 37. lib. 5. aphorism . 31. * christoph . à vega , p. 846. * heurn . in aphorism . p. 358. * nihil juvare videtur nisi quod è sanctuariis chymicorum depromptum tamque attonita quorundam animos persuasio occupavit , ut prodesse nisi chymica non putent , billish . in epist . * his parium & superiorum contemptus acsi iis solis cerebrum & cor natura formasset , & reliqui vel in truncos & stipites abiissent , vel peponem pro corde fungum pro cerebro gererent . jonst . * olim non opus erat remediis diligentibus nondum in tantum nequitia surrexerat , nec tam late se sparserat , poterant vitiis simplicibus obstare remedia simplicia , nunc necesse est tant● operatiora esse munimenta quanto valentiora sunt quibus petimur , &c. sen. p. 785. * ubi de salute humana agitur non standum uniuscujusque judicio sed eorum qui authoritatem longo tempore sibi compararunt , caesalp . p. 10. * laudo tuam experientiam qui non finis infirmos computrescere sed eos statim è vita liberas , strat. philos . seidel . p. 133. * thon . epist . medic . p. 32. notes for div a44061-e54940 * multi sunt qui ex particulari materia medicamentum universalissimum clicere volunt frustra tamen omnia fuisse experientia attestatur universalissimum siquidem ex universalissimo elici debet . thon . epist . med . p. 14. angel. sal. de chrysol . p. 422. god's terrible voice in the city by t.v. vincent, thomas, 1634-1678. 1667 approx. 387 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64990 wing v440 estc r24578 08251084 ocm 08251084 41186 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64990) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41186) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1243:1) god's terrible voice in the city by t.v. vincent, thomas, 1634-1678. [6], 262 p. s.n.], [london? : printed in the year 1667. "wherein you have i. the sound of the voice in the narration of the two late dreadfull judgments of plague and fire, inflicted by the lord upon the city of london, the former in the year 1665, the latter in the year 1666, ii. the interpretation of the voice, in a discovery, 1. of the cause of these judgments, where you have a catalogue of london's sins, 2. of the design of these judgments where you have an enumeration of the duties god calls for by this terrible voice." reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -fire, 1666. london (england) -history -17th century. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion god's terrible voice in the city : wherein you have i. the sound of the voice , in the narration of the two late dreadfull judgments of plague and fire , inflicted by the lord upon the city of london , the former in the year , 1665 , the latter in the year 1666. ii. the interpretation of the voice , in a discovery , 1. of the cause of these judgments , where you have a catalogue of london's sins . 2. of the design of these judgments ; where you have an enumeration of the duties god calls for by this terrible voice . by t. v. micah 6. 9. the voice of the lord cryeth unto the city , and the man of wisdome shall see thy name : hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . printed in the year 1667. to all such of the city , who have seen the desolations of london by the late judgments of plague and fire . it might have seemed more seasonable unto some , if a work of this nature had come forth unto view more immediately after the sound of gods terrible voice , and execution , at least , of the last dreadfull iudgment of the fire ; because if a man strikes whilst the iron is hot , it is likely to make the more deep impression , which when it grows cool , growes hard and unmalleable ; and if the hammer of the word had been used , when london was newly come forth of the furnace , some might think they would have yielded the more easily unto it's strokes , and the better have received the fashion , which this hammer would work them unto ; and that , since the fresh and lively remembrance of the judgement is more worn off , it is to be feared , that they are more cooled and hardned , and therefore in likelihood , it will be more difficult to effect a due impression of the iudgements by the word upon them : yet , besides that it was not in my thoughts to attempt this work , until the greatest part of the winter was spent : i may further adde , that , though a discourse concerning the plague , would have been most seasonable under the iudgment it self , when people who were generally taken off from their trading , had room and time for retirement and consideration , more than ever they had in their lives before ; and therefore were more likely to lay to heart , what might be spoken or written unto them on that subject : yet the reason is not the same in the iudgement of the fire , which ( however startling and astonishing ) was so far from giving them retiring time for consideration , as the former iudgement of the plague had done , that it did engage them unto more labourious works than ever they had , not only while london was burning , in removing what they could save of their goods from the fire ; but also since , in looking out new habitations , and fitting their houses and shops for trades ; which hath given them occasion for so much distraction , that i fear they could hardly settle their mindes to read and consider so seriously as they should , what the lord hath been doing with them , & speaking unto them by this terrible voice , which hath sounded so loud in their ears : but by this time , i hope , that the most have attained to some kinde of settlement , at least so much , as to give them leave to sit down and ponder upon the meaning of god , in these strange and dreadful iudgements of plague and fire in the city ; and therefore this book may be more seasonable unto the most , than if it had been written , and presented to them immediately after the fire had burnt them out of their habitations . friends , it is high time for all of you to retire your selves , and bethink your selves , and wisely to consider gods dealings with you , to open your ear , and labour to understand these speaking iudgments , least if god be provoked , by your deafness , and incorrigibleness , to speak a third time , it be in your utter ruine and desolation . if these papers be any wayes helpfull to revive in your memories the iudgments themselves , by the historicall narration which here you have of them ; to work your hearts to some sense of sin in discovery of the cause ; and to perswade you unto a ready compliance with gods design in the declaring of what god now expects from you , after such dreadfull executions ; as yours will be the benefit : so i desire that god may have the whole glory ; and that you would make this return for my help of you , to help me with your prayers , that i may be the more helpfull to you in mine , who am your dearly affectionate friend and servant in the lord. t. v. gods terrible voice in the city . psalm 65. part of the fifth verse . by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . introduction . shall a trumpet be blown in the city , and the people not be afraid ? shall there be evil in the city , and the lord hath not done it ? the lyon hath roared , who will not fear ? the lord god hath spoken , who can but prophesie ? am. 3. 6. 8. when the pharisees spake to our saviour to rebuke his disciples for their loud praises of the lord with hosanna's , he tells them , if they should hold their peace , the stones would immediately cry out , luk. 19. 39 , 40. and we read in habakkuk , chap. 2. 11. of the stone crying out of the wall , and the beam out of the timber making answer . certainly we in london have lately heard the cry of stones and walls , of timber and beams in their fall and flames ; i mean in the late dreadful fire which hath laid out ierusalem in heaps ; or rather we have heard the voice of god in this and other terrible things which have come upon us ; let none then rebuke , if one so unfit do make an attempt to speak something of the meaning of londons fire , or of gods terrible voice in this and other judgements , when by the mouth of babes god can declare his will. sect . 1. by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . this whole psalm breathes forth nothing but grace and goodness unto the people of god , from the beginning of it to the end ; yea , in the verse of my text where god speaks most terribly and righteously in the judgements and destructions which he bringeth upon their enemies , yet he is called the god of their salvation , and those terrible things by which god speaks , are not only a righteous answer unto their enemies sins , but also a gracious answer unto his peoples prayers . by terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us . i shall not speak of terrible things in the restrained sense , as they befall the enemies only of gods people , and the wicked , whilst the righteous do escape , and it may be hereby are preserved ; but as they may befall any people , not excluding gods people , whom the lord may answer by terrible things in righteousness . two doctrines we may observe . doct. 1. that god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things . doct. 2. that when god doth speak most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . first , that god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things . here i shall show : 1. how god may be said to speak . 2. what those terrible things are by which god doth sometimes speak . 3. why god doth sometimes speak unto a people by terrible things ; and then apply . 1. how god may be said to speak . god being a spirit , hath no mouth nor tongue properly as men have , who have bodies , and therefore his way of speaking is not like ours ( though sometimes he hath created a voice in as articulate sound as if it had proceeded from the mouth of man to declare his will ) but there are several wayes in which god hath spoken and doth speak unto the children of men , by which he doth as really and effectually make known his mind , as if he spake with mans voice . 1. god hath spoken formerly unto men immediately , in extraordinary wayes , and that sometimes more terribly ; as when he gave the law upon mount sinai , when the mount burned with fire , and there was blackness , and darkness , and tempest , thundrings and lightnings , and the sound of the trumpet exceeding loud , and the voice of words so exceeding terrible , that it made the whole camp to tremble ; and moses himself said , i exceedingly fear and quake , exod. 19. 16. heb. 12. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. this way of gods speaking the children of israel were not able to bear , therefore they desired that moses might speak unto them , but that god would not speak unto them thus any more , least they should die , exod. 20. 19. at other times god spake with a more still and gentle voice , and in a more milde way , as when he spake to samuel in the night , he thought at first that it had been the voice of eli , 1 sam. 3. 4 , 5. thus god spake unto abraham , unto iacob , unto moses , to whom it is said , he spake face to face , as a man speaketh to his friend , exod. 33. 11. god spake also in an extraordinary way to his prophets of old , when he made known unto them his counsel , that they might declare it unto the people : sometimes he spake unto them with an audible voice , which he created when no shape was seen ; sometimes by angels , who appeared in bodies , which they laid down again when they had delivered their message ; sometimes by dreams and visions in the night ; sometimes by urim and thummim ; sometimes by more secret inspirations of the spirit . in the last daies of gods extraordinary speaking , he spake by the most extraordinary person , namely , by his own most dearly beloved and only begotten son , heb. 1. 1 , 2. whom he sent out of his bosom to declare himself , ioh. 1. 18. and reveal what he had heard of the father , ioh. 15. 15. who brought life and immortality to light by the gospel , and made known gods purpose and grace in mans salvation , 2 tim. 1. 9 , 10. and uttered such things as were kept secret from the foundations of the world , mat. 13. 35. the gospel began to be spoken of by the lord iesus himself , and was continued and confirmed by his apostles , who were his witnesses , to whom god also did bear witness with signs and wonders , and divers miracles , and gifts of the holy ghost , according to his will , heb. 2. 3 , 4. 2. and now , though not so immediately , and in such extraordinary wayes , yet still god doth speak unto the children of men . there are two wayes of gods speaking now unto men ; namely , his word and his works . 1. his word contained in the scriptures of the old and new testament , which holy men wrote as they were inspired by the holy ghost , 2 pet. 1. 21. and thus god speaketh either externally by his word alone , or internally with his word by his spirit . 1. god speaketh now unto men externally by his word alone , to some more silently , unto whom he gives his scriptures only to be read , and brings to their view his written word alone , without the advantage of other ordinances , which might more powerfully declare unto them his will. unto others he speaks more audibly , where the gospel doth sound in their ears , and wi●h the scriptures god sendeth his ministers to preach unto them . god speaketh by his ministers , who are his watchmen , in his name to warn the people of his judgements temporal and eternal , which in the scriptures he hath threatned , ezek. 3 , 17 18 , &c. isa. 63. 6. who are the lords embassadors , 2 cor. 5. 20. from whom they have a commission to preach the gospel , and declare the glad tidings of salvation unto all such as repent , and believe , and yield up themselves unto the obedience of the word . ministers stand in the room of christ ; and it is well for us that god speaks unto us by ministers , because we should not be able to endure , should he speak unto us immediately by himself ; should he speak unto us with an audible voice , as he did to the children of israel on mount sinai , when he gave the law , this would be so terrible , that with them we should desire to heat moses , and chuse ministers rather to speak unto us ; yea , if christ jesus himself should come down from heaven , however he might have been heard in his state of humiliation , when his deity was so much vailed ; yet if he should now appear in the glory he hath with the father ; or as he appeared unto iohn his beloved disciple , when his eyes were as a flame of fire , and his countenance like the sun when it shineth in its full strength , and his voice like the sound of many waters : i say , if christ should thus appear and preach unto us , such a dread and amazement would fall upon us , that we should fall down dead at his feet , as his disciple iohn did , rev. 1. 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. therefore it is better for us in this state of weakness , that god speaketh to us by ministers , men of like passions and infirmities with our selves , whom we may be able to bear , and whose words notwithstanding our weakness , we may be able to hear . 2. god doth now also speak unto men internally with his word by his spirit , when god sends his spirit with his word for conviction only , or some common work : thus god calls upon the wicked , who sit under the preaching of the word , moves and strives with them by his spirit , but they resist the spirit , stifle convictions , & wil not hearken to his calls and motions , gen. 6. 3. act. 7. 51. but especially god speaks with his word by his spirit , when he sendeth his spirit for conversion , and to effect a saving change : thus god speaks when he calleth blind sinners out of darkness into his marvellous light , 1 pet. 2. 9. quickneth dead sinners , putting into them a new principle of spiritual life , eph. 2. 1. rescueth enslaved sinners out of satans snare , 2 tim. 2. 26. delivering them from the power of the devil , and translating them into the kingdome of his dear son , col. 1. 13. when by his spirit he draweth sinners , ioh. 6. 44. and joyns them unto jesus christ , 1 cor. 6. 17. god speaketh unto men with his word by his spirit , when he doth thus effectually call them ; and he speaketh unto men also by his spirit , when he graciously visiteth them which are called , when he teacheth , melteth , warmeth , quickneth , strengtheneth , and refresheth them by his spirit , as they sit under the influence of his ordinances , when he speaketh peace unto their consciences , sheweth them his reconciled face , sheddeth abroad his love in their hearts , and giveth such sweet comforts and ravishing joy as is unspeakable , and full of glory , ioh. 6. 45. ioh. 14. 26. luk. 24. 32. psal. 143. 11. eph. 3. 16. act. 3. 19. psa. 85. 8. rom. 5. 5. psa. 94. 19. 1 pet. 1. 8. 2. god speaketh unto men by his works ; and that either by his works of creation , or by his works of providence . 1. god speaketh by his works of creation ; the heavens have a voice and declare gods glory , psa. 19. 1. and the earth hath not only an ear to hear , isa. 1. 2. but also a tongue , as it were , to speak gods praise . we read of the seas roaring , and the floods clapping their hands ; of the mountains singing , and the trees of the wood sounding forth their joyful acclamations ; yea , beasts and all cattel , creeping things and flying fowl , dragons and all deeps , fire , hail , snow , rain , and stormy winde , as they fulfill his word , so they speak , and in their way declare what their maker is , or rather in them , and by them , god doth speak , and make known something of himself , psa. 148. 7 , 8 , 10. &c. we read of the voice of the lord in power , the voice of the lord in majesty , the voice of the lord upon the waters , the voice of the lord dividing the flames of fire , the voice of the lord shaking the wilderness of cadesh , breaking the cedars of lebanon , and the like , which is the voice of the lord in the terrible noise of thunder , psa. 29. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. and there is no one work of the lord ( though not with such a noise ) which doth not with a loud voice , as it were , in the name of the lord proclaim unto the children of men , how great and glorious the lord is , who hath given it its being , and use , and place in the world : especially the work of god in the make of man , his body the members and senses , his soul the powers and faculties , doth without a tongue speak the praise of that god , who curiously framed the body in the womb , and immediately infused the living soul , psa. 139. 14 , 15. zach. 12. 1. 2. god speaketh by his works of providence , and that both merciful and afflictive . 1. god speaketh by his merciful providences , by his patience , and bounty , and goodness , he calleth men unto repentance , rom. 2. 4. he giveth witness of himself , in giving rain and fruitful seasons , act. 14. 17. gods providing mercies , gods preventing mercies , gods preserving mercies , gods delivering mercies , the number of gods mercies which cannot be reckoned , the order and strange method of gods mercies , which cannot be declared , the greatness of gods mercies in the kinds and strange circumstances , which cannot be expressed , do all with open mouth call upon men from the lord to repent of their sins which they have committed against him , and to yeild all love , thankfulness , and obedience unto him . 2. god speaketh by his afflictive providences : there is a voice of god in his rod , as well as in his word , mic. 6. 9. hear the rod , and who hath appointed it ; when god chasteneth , he teacheth , psal. 94. 12. when god lifteth up his hand and strikes , he openeth his mouth also and speaks ; and sometimes openeth mens ears too , and sealeth their instruction , iob 33. 16. sometimes god speaks by rods more mildly , by lesser afflictions ; sometimes god speaks by scorpions more terribly , by greater judgements , which leads to the second particular . sect . ii. 2. what are those terrible things by which god doth sometimes speak ? the word in the original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth , he feared : terrible things are such great judgements of god , as do usually make a general impression of fear upon the hearts of people . take some instances . 1. the plague is a terrible iudgement by which god speaks unto men . the hebrew word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he spake . it is a speaking judgement ; where god sends the plague , he speaks , and he speaks terribly ; the plague is very terrible , as it effecteth terrour ; the pestilence which walketh in darkness , is called the terrour by night , psal. 91. 5 , 6. the plague is very terrible , in that 1. it is so poysonous a disease ; it poysons the blood and spirits , breeds a strange kind of venom in the body , which breaketh forth sometimes in boils , and blains , and great carbuncles , or else works more dangerously , when it preyeth upon the vitals more inwardly . 2. it is so noysome a disease ; it turns the good humors into putrefaction , which putting forth it self in the issues of running sores , doth give a most noysome smell : such a disease for loathsomeness we read of , psa. 38. 5 , 7 , 11. my wounds stink and are corrupt , my loins are filled with a loathsome disease , and there is no soundness in my flesh ; my lovers and my friends stand aloof from my sore , and my kinsmen stand afar off . 3. it is so infectious a disease ; it spreadeth it self worse than the leprosie amongst the iews ; it infecteth not only those which are weak , and infirm in body , and full of ill humors , but also those which are young , strong , healthful , and of the best temperature ; and that sometimes sooner than others . the plague is infectious , and greatly infectious , whole cities have been depopulated through its spreading , many whole families have received infection , and death one from another thereby , which is the third thing that rendreth the plague so terrible . 4. it is so deadly ; it kills where it comes without mercy ; it kills ( i had almost said certainly ) very few do escape , especially upon its first entrance , and before its malignity be spent ; few are touched by it , but they are killed by it : and it kills suddenly ; as it gives no warning before it comes , suddenly the arrow is shot which woundeth unto the heart ; so it gives little time of preparation before it brings to the grave : under other diseases men may linger out many weeks and moneths ; under some divers years ; but the plague usually killeth within a few daies ; sometimes within a few hours after its first approach , though the body were never so strong and free from disease before . the plague is very terrible ; it is terrible to them that have it ; insomuch as it usually comes with grim death , the king of terrours , in its hand : and it is terrible to them which have it not ; because of their danger of being infected by it ; the fear of which hath made such an impression upon some , that it hath rased out of their hearts , for the while , all affections of love and pitty to their nearest relations and dearest friends ; so that when the disease hath first seized upon them , and they have had the greatest need of succour , they have left their friends in distress , and flown away from them , as if they had been their enemies . 2. a deluge by water is a terrible iudgement : there have been several floods which we read of in histories , that have suddenly broken in upon some places , and overwhelmed habitations and inhabitants together . but god never did , and never will speak so terribly by a deluge of water , as by the great deluge in the daies of noah , when the whole world was drowned thereby , excepting noah , and those which were with him in the ark. and because the judgement was so dreadful , and the history so affecting , i shall set it before your eye out of gen. 7. from the 11th ver . to the end of the chapter . in the six hundredth year of noahs life , in the second moneth , and the seventeenth day of the moneth , in the same day were all the fountains of the great deep broken up . god withdrew the bounds which he had set to the great sea , so that the waters covered the earth as they did at the beginning ; and the windowes of heaven were opened , out of which god looked forth in anger upon the earth , and powered forth a viol of his wrath , causing it to rain forty daies and forty nights in dreadful showres , accompanied , as is probable , with stormy winds , and hideous tempest , which put the world into a fright and amazement ; when the element of air seemed to be changed into water , and such a torrent flowed in upon them on every side ; we may guess what fear they were over-whelmed withal ; but noah and his family were got into the ark , and the lord shut them in ; then the waters encreased , and bare up the ark , and it was lift up above the earth , and the waters encreased , and prevailed greatly upon the earth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the ark went upon the face of the waters , so that all the high hills and mountains were covered fifteen cubits : then all flesh died , fowl , and cattel , and beast , and every thing that creeped or moved on the earth , and every man , and noah only remained alive , and they that were with him in the ark. god spake then terribly indeed unto the wicked world by the flood , which devoured them all together in the midst of their security and sin ; but god hath promised he will never speak thus by water any more . 3. fire is another terrible thing , whereby god sometimes calls to contend by with a sinful people : fire is very dreadful when it hath a commission from god , and meets with much combustible matter , and prevails without resistance . god spake terribly by fire unto sodom and gomorrah , when he rained fire and brimstone on those cities , and consumed them . see gen. 19. from the 24th ver . to the 29th , the lord rained fire and brimstone out of heaven , and overthrew those cities and the inhabitants together ; and when abraham looked toward sodom and gomorrah , and the land of the plain , he saw the smoke of the country go up like the smoke of a furnace . god spake terribly , though not so terribly to ierusalem , when he suffered their city to be set on fire by the babylonians , and their temple to be burnt to the ground . see ier. 52. 12 , 13. but the most fearful instances of gods terrible voice by fire are yet to come : thus god will speak by fire unto spiritual babylon , which may easily be proved to be rome , from rev. 17. 18. she being the then great city , which reigned over the kings of the earth . babylons burning with fire you may read , rev. 18. 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. therefore shall her plagues come in one day , death , and mourning , and famine , and she shall be utterly burnt with fire ; for strong is the lord god who judgeth her : and the kings of the earth who have committed fornication , and lived deliciously with her , shall bewail her , and lament for her , when they shall see the smoak of her burning ; standing afar off for fear of her torment , saying , alas ! alas ! that great city babylon ! that mighty city ! for in one hour is thy judgement come . &c. god spake terribly by fire when london was in flames , of which in the application ; but he will speak far more terribly when babylon shall be in flames ; and not only in part , but wholly , and utterly , and irreparably burnt and turned into ashes : when not only the city shall be consumed , but also the whore her self shall be hated and made desolate , and devoured with fire by the kings of the earth , rev. 17. 10. the last instance of gods speaking terribly by fire will be the last day , when the lord jesus christ , the judge of quick and dead , shall come down from heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance on all those that know not god , and obey not the gospel , 2 thes. 1. 7 , 8. and the apostle peter tells us , that the heavens and the earth are reserved in store for fire against this day : when the heavens shall pass away with a great noise , and the elements melt with fervent heat , and the earth , and all the works therein shall be burnt up , 2 pet. 3. 7 , 10. then god will speak terribly by fire , and above all , most terribly to the ungodly world , when he will sentence them unto , and cast them into the fire of hell , where they must dwell with devouring fire , and inhabit everlasting burnings . 4. the sword is a dreadful iudgement , whereby god speaks sometimes very terribly ; especially when he draws it forth against his own and his peoples enemies . hear how terribly god speaks , as in , deut. 32. 39 , 40 , 41 , 42. see now that i , even i am he , and there is no god with me ; i kill , and i make alive ; i wound , and i heal ; neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand : for i lift up my hand to heaven , and say , i live for ever . if i whet my glittering sword , and my hand take hold on iudgement , i will render vengeance to mine enemies , and reward them that hate me ; i will make mine arrows drunk with blood ( and my sword shall devoure flesh ) and that with the blood of the slain , and of the captives , from the beginning of revenges upon the enemies . when god furbusheth his sword , and whets it ; when god girdeth his sword upon his thigh , and marcheth against his enemies ; when he draweth his sword , and maketh slaughter with it ; when his sword devoureth much flesh , and is made drunk with the blood of the slain ; when god gives commission to the sword , saying , sword , go thorow such a land ; as ezek. 14. 17. and powers out his fury on the land in blood ; as ver . 19. so that the sword is bathed in blood , and garments are rowled in blood , and the land is soaked in blood ; when blood is powred forth like water , and dead bodies are cast forth into the open field without burial ; and god makes an invitation to all feathered fowl to gather themselves together , and feast themselves upon the carkasses of the slain ; as ezek. 39. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. when god comes with died garments from bozrah , isa. 63. 1. when he gathereth the nations , and brings them into the valley of jehoshaphat , and thither causeth his mighty ones to come down against them , ioel 3. 2. 11. when the day of gods indignation doth come , and he makes such slaughter amongst his enemies , that the earth doth stink with their carkasses , and the mountains do melt with their blood , isa. 34. 2 , 3. when god treadeth the wine-press of his wrath without the city , and the blood comes out of the wine-press even to the horses bridles , rev. 14. 20. in a word , when the lord shall come forth upon his white horse with his armies , and shall destroy the beast , and all the powers of the earth that take part with him : as rev. 19. from the 11th ver . to the end : then god will speak terribly indeed against his enemies by the sword ; then he will roar out of zion , and utter his voice from ierusalem , and that in such a manner , as will make both the heavens and the earth to tremble , ioel 3. 16. and indeed god speaks with a terrible voice where-ever he sends the sword , and makes the alarm of war to be heard ; as sometimes he sends it amongst his own people for their sin , 1 kings 8. 33. when god brings into a land a people of another language and religion , of a fierce countenance and cruel disposition , and gives them power to prevail , and bring the land under their feet , so that the mighty men are cut off by them , and the men of valour crushed in the gate ; the young men fly and fall before them , and there is none to make any resistance ; when they break in upon cities , plunder houses , ravish women and maids , strip , and spoil , and put all to the sword , the young , with the grey-head , cruelly rip up women with-childe , and without any pity on little infants , dash them against the stones . god speaks more terribly by such a judgement , than by plague or fire . 5. the famine is a dreadful iudgement , whereby god speaks sometime unto a people very terribly ; when god stretcheth upon a place the lines of confusion , & the stones of emptiness ; as isa. 34. 11. when god sendeth cleanness of teeth into cities ; as amos 4. 6. when god shooteth into a land the evil arrows of famine , and it becomes exceeding sore , this is one of the most dreadful judgements of all judgements in this world , far beyond plague , or fire , or sword. see how pathetically the famine amongst the iews is described by ieremiah in his lamentations , chap. 4. from the 4th ver . unto the 12. the tongue of the sucking childe cleaveth to the roof of his mouth f●r thirst ; the young children ask for bread , and no man breaketh it unto them . they that feed delicately are desolate in the streets . they that were brought up in scarlet embrace dunghils . for the punishment of the iniquity of the daughter of my people is greater than the punishment of the sin of sodom , that was overthrown in a moment , and no hand stayed on her . the nazarites were purer than snow ; whiter than milk ; they were more ruddy in body then rubies ; their polishing was of saphire : their vtsage is blacker than a coal ; they are not known in the streets ; their skin cleaveth to their lones , it is withered , it is become like a stick . they that be slain with the sword , are better than they which be slain with hunger ; for these pine away stricken through for want of the fruits of the earth . the hands of the pittiful women have sodden their own children , they were their meat in the destruction of the daughter of my people . the lord hath accomplished his fury , he hath poured out his fierce anger . 6. the sixth terrible iudgment is a famine of the word , which is threatned , am. 8. 11 , 12. behold the dayes come , saith the lord , that i will send a famine in the land , not a famine of bread , nor a thirst for water , but of hearing the words of the lord : and they shall wander from sea to sea , and from the north to the east , and they shall run to and fro to seek the word of the lord , and shall not finde it . a famine of the word is a worse judgment , than a famine of bread ; indeed few do really think so , because the most judge according to sense ; but that it is so , is evident to a man of faith and consideration ; for as the soul is more excellent than the body , and the concernments of the other life , far beyond the concernments of this life : so the provisions for the soul are more excellent than the provisions for the body , and the means of getting eternal life to be preferred before the means of preserving temporal life ; and therefore by consequence the dearth & scarcity of provisions for the soul must needs be a greater judgment , than a scarcity of provisions for the body . unto which i might add , that the famine of the word doth usually bring with it many temporal judgments ; the burning of the temple at ierusalem , and the failing of vision was accompanied with slaughter by the sword , and captivity of the land. 7. and lastly , god speaks most terriblie unto a people when he sends divers of these iudgments together , as lam. 1. 20. abroad the sword bereaveth , at home there is death , when enemies without , plague and famine within . god speaks terribly , when fire and sword goeth together , or sword and famine ; or famine and plague , or famine of bread , and famine of the word . these are some of the terrible things by which god doth sometimes speak . sect . iii. why is it that the lord doth speak unto a people 3. by such terrible things ? the reason is , because people don't hearken unto him , speaking any other way , god speaketh once , yea twice , but men perceive it not , iob 33. 14. gods gentle voice is not heard or minded , therefore he speaks more loudly and terribly , that people might be awakened to hear . particularly god speaks thus terribly , 1. because people do not hearken to the voice of his word and messengers ; god speaks audibly by ministers , and when they are not regarded , he speaks more feelingly by judgments ; he speaks first by threatnings , & when they are slighted , he speaks by executions . god first lifts up his voice and warns by his word , before he lifts up his arme and strikes with his rod ; when men grow thick of hearing the sweet calls of the gospel , god is even forced to thunder , that he may peirce their ear ; when god speaks to the ears and they are shut , god speaks to the eyes and other senses , that his mind may be known ; especially when men obstinately refuse to hear , god is exceedingly provoked to execute his terrible judgments upon them , see zach. 8. 11 , 12. but they refused to hearken , and pulled away the shoulder , and stopped their ears that they should not hear : yea they made their heart like an adamant stone , least they should hear the law , and the words which the lord of hosts had sent in his spirit by the former prophets : therefore came there a great wrath from the lord of hosts . so also when god gave up ierusalem to desolation and ruine , see the sin which provoked the lord hereunto . 2 chron. 36. 16. they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . 2. because they do not hearken to the voice of his goodness and mercies . the goodness and forbearance of god doth speak unto men from him , and call upon them to forbear sin for shame , to repent and return to him , rom. 1. 4. but when men despise the riches of his goodness , and deafen their ear unto the language of his mercies , and trample his patience under foot ( though god hath appointed a day of wrath hereafter , wherein he will reckon with the whole ungodly world together , and give them the just demerit of their sin , yet ) sometimes his patience is turned hereby into fury , and his anger doth break forth into a flame , and consumes them by the blow of dreadfull temporal judgments . 3. because they will not hearken to the voice of lesser afflictions ; when gods word is not heard , he speaks by his rod ; when his rod is not heard , he shoots with his arrowes & strikes with his sword ; and if lesser afflictions be not minded , then god speaks by more dreadful awakening judgments : as the sins of men do precede the judgments of god : so usually lesser judgments do precede greater judgments ; and as there are degrees and steps which men usually do make before they arrive to a great heighth in sin , nemo repentè fit turpissimus : so there are degrees and steps which god usually doth take , in inflicting his judgments for sin . look into one place for all , which shews how god doth proceed from less to greater judgments , lev. 26. from the 15. v. to the 40 th . when his statutes are despised and covenant broken , first he threatneth to send upon them consumption , and a burning ague , then he threatneth that they shall fall before their enemies ; and if they will not hearken to his voice in these judgments , he threatneth to punish them seven times more for their sins ; and to make the heavens as iron ; and the earth as brass ; and send a dearth amongst them . and if they will not yet hearken , he threatneth to send wild beasts , which should devour their children and cattel . and if they would not be reformed by these things , but still would walk contrary unto him , he threatneth to walk contrary unto them , and to punish them yet seven times more for their sins : he threatneth to bring a sword upon them to avenge the quarrel of his covenant ; and when they should be gathered together in their cities , to send the pestilence amongst them ; and hereunto to adde the famine . and if they would not yet hearken unto god , but still walk contrary unto him , he threatneth that he will walk contrary unto them in fury ▪ and make them eat the flesh of their sons and their daughters , and lay wast their cities , and make their sanctuaries a desolation ; and upon them that are left alive he threatneth to send such faintness of heart , that they should flee at the sound of a shaken leaf , and fall when none pursued them ; and that they should pine away in their iniquities in the land of their enemies . thus god proceeds by steps and degrees in the execution of his fierce anger upon a rebellious people , when god speaks by ordinary diseases and is not heard , then sometimes he sends a plague ; and if after a plague , people will not return to him that smiteth them , nor seek to pacify gods anger which is kindled against them ; but walk so much the more contrary unto him , he may walk contrary to them in fury , and send fire into their cities to devour their habitations . and if the voice of the fire be not heard , he hath other judgments in readiness , sword ▪ famine and the like . and if temporal judgments be n●● heeded , he will bring upon them eternal judgments . god is not heard any other way , therefore he doth speak by such terrible things . sect . iv. the application . god speaks sometimes to a people by terrible things . these few last years have given sad instances hereof in england , especially the two last years in our city of london . the voice of the lord hath been in the city , it hath been loud and full of terrour ; the lord hath come forth against us with armed vengeance . frowns have been in his brow ; death and desolation in his looks ; thunder hath been in his voice : flames of fire in his hand : the pestilence hath gone before him , and burning coals at his feet : he hath sent forth his arrows which have scattered us , and shot forth his lightnings which have discomfited us ; the lord hath thundered in the heavens , and the highest gave his voice , hail-stones and coals of fire : the lord hath visited us with storm and tempest and great noise , yea he hath caused his glorious voice to be heard , and shewed the lighting down of his arme , with the indignation of his anger : and with the flame of devouring fire , with scattering and tempest and hail-stones : then the furrowes of the earth were seen , and the foundations of the city were discovered , the earth also shook , because he was wrath , and the inhabitants of london trembled , because of his fierce anger ; then the snares of death compassed us , and the fears of hell gat hold on us , and our hearts were moved within us , as trees when they are moved by the wind. dreadfull have gods late judgments been in london , the noise of which hath gone forth , not only throughout the land , but also unto the outermost parts of the world. three things we should remark in this terrible voice of gods judgments . 1. the iudgments themselves . 2. the cause of the iudgments . 3. the design of the iudgments . in the first , we have the sound of the voice . in the two last , the interpretation of the voice . 1. concerning the iudgments themselves . here i might speak of the judgment executed , august 24th 1662. when so many ministers were put out of their places ; and the judgment executed march 24th 1665. when so many ministers were banished 5. miles from corporations , the former by way of introduction to the plague which sometime after did spread in the land , but chiefly raged in the city ; the later by way of introduction to the fire , which quickly after did burn down london the greatest corporation in england . these judgments having been so lately , and general in the land ; and i presume so generally known , with all their circumstances ; that it would be needless to give here a narration of them . but this i must say , i could wish they were as generally believed to be judgments ; and accordingly laid to heart : for i fear that the great insensibility , which people have been under of these judgments ; because they have not reached the flesh ; and their sottish inconsideration of gods dreadfull displeasure herein , hath provoked the lord to send such judgments as have come nearer to sense : that they might perceive god was angry indeed before , and that his greater displeasure in the former might be known by his more sensible displeasure in the latter . let london seriously consider whether her gospel priviledges were not her best defence against temporal calamities ; and whether since her slighting , abuse and forfeiture , and gods seisure and stripping her so much of these , she hath not been laid naked to those heavy strokes of extraordinary judgments which she hath lately received . london had the gospel , ordinances powerfull , pure , plentifull ministers excellently qualified and rarely furnished with ministerial abilities ; london had as many burning and shining lights as any one such spot of ground under the cope of heaven . not to speak of their abilities for preaching and defence of the truth , such gifts of prayer london ministers had , which were no small defence of the city , as i believe no city in the world could parallel . o what prayers have there formerly been in london pulpits , especially on dayes of solemn humiliation ! how have the spirits of ministers been carried forth sometime in prayer for several hours together , ( without tautologies and vain repetitions ) in such variety of affectionate enlargements , and with such raisedness and transports of spirit ; as if they had been just leaving the body , and going to live and abide with god , and would converse no more with men or worldly things ! in their confessions of sin , how have they rak'd into the dunghill of a rotten heart , and laid abroad its inward filthiness ? how have they trac'd the foot-steps of its deceitfulness , through the maze and wilderness of its many windings and turnings ? how have they peirced into the very bowels of sin , and ript it up as it were to the back-bone , bringing forth its very entrals to open view ? how have they anatomiz'd as it were the body of death in all the parts and members of it , discovering withall the several diseases of every part , with their cause , and manner of working ? and all this in such pathetical cutting expressions , accompanied with such brokenness and bleeding of heart , as no form can imitate or effect . in their supplications for the pardon of sin , for spiritual and heavenly riches , o with what feeling and fervour did they express themselves ? o with what faith and importunity did they wrestle and plead at the throne of grace for such favours beyond the importunity of poor prisoners through the grates , or poor beggars at the doors , when they are most earnest for relief ? yea how did they besiege god as it were , and seem as if they would scale the walls of heaven it self , and take the kingdome of heaven with violence and force ? how have they even pressed in upon god with the dint of argument , and laid hold on him with the hand of faith , resolving not to let him go without a blessing ? in their supplications for the church and land , they have behaved themselves as if they had no private concernments . but how did they bear london upon their hearts when they came to the throne of grace ? what yearning bowels had they towards and for the city ? how many teares have they shed in bewailing her sins ? how have they stood in the breach , when the lord hath been coming forth against this place ? how have they held his arme when it hath been lifted up to strike ? how have they stood weeping between the porch and the altar , crying spare thy people o lord , and do not destroy london ! and many times have they prevailed to appease gods wrath and turn away his fierce anger which hath been kindled against us . gospel-ordinances , and gospel-ministers were the safe-guard of london , the glory and defence . but when the ordinances were slighted , and the ministers were mocked and misused by some who called themselves professors , and both were fallen so much in the esteem of the most ; and london did not yield the fruit which god looked for under such dressing , ( of which more when i come to speak of londons sins ) god is provoked not only to call for some of his messengers home to himself , but also to suffer the rest which were most consciencious to be thrust into corners . this , this did presage london's near approaching ruine and desolation , though few did believe it , and because they did not believe it , and were insensible of gods wrath in this judgment : therefore their danger was the greater of the other judgments which have come upon them : when so many stakes were pluckt out , no wonder if the hedge be broken ; when so many pillars were removed , no wonder if the building tumble to the ground . but i proceed to give a narration of the later judgments of plague and fire . sect . v. the plague so great , so lately , should not be forgotten ; yet lest the fire more lately , and propotionably more great , and the amazing fears , which since have risen within us , should shuffle former thoughts out of our minds , and rase out the impressions , which by the plague we had , and should labour to retain to our dying hour : therefore i shall give a brief narration of this sad judgment , and some observations of mine own ( who was here in the city from the beginning to the end of it ) both to keep alive in my self and others , the memory of the judgment , that we may be the better prepared for compliance with gods designe in sending the plague amongst us . it was in the year of our lord 1665. that the plague began in our city of london , after we were warned by the great plague in holland in the year 1664. & the beginning of it in some remote parts of our land the same year ; not to speak any thing whether there was any signification and influence in the blazing-star not long before , that appeared in the view of london , and struck some amazement upon the spirits of many : it was in the moneth of may that the plague was first taken notice of ; our bill of mortality did let us know but of three which died of the disease in the whole year before ; but in the beginning of may the bill tels us of nine , which fell by the plague , just in the heart of the city , the other eight in the suburbs . this was the first arrow of warning that was shot from heaven amongst us , and fear quickly begins to creep upon peoples hearts ; great thoughts and discourse there is in town about the plague , and they cast in their minds whether they should go if the plague should increase . yet when the next weeks bill signifieth to them the disease from 9 to 3. their minds are something appeased ; discourse of that subject cools ; fears are husht , and hopes take place , that the black cloud did but threaten , and give a few drops ; but the wind would drive it away . but when in the next bill the number of the dead by the plague is mounted from 3 to 14 , and in the next to 17 , and in the next to 43 , and the disease begins so much to increase , and disperse . now secure sinners begin to be startled , and those who would have slept at quiet still in their nests , are unwillingly awakened . now a great consternation seizeth upon most persons , and fearful bodings of a desolating judgment . now guilty sinners begin to look about them , and think with themselves into what corner of the land they might fly to hide them . now the profane and sensual , if they have not remorse for their sins ; yet dread and terrors , the effects of guilt , they could not drive from them ; and if by company , and carousing , and soft pleasures they do intoxicate and smoothen their spirits in the day ; yet we may guess what dread doth return upon them if they give but any room for retirement , and what hideous thoughts such persons have in the silent night , through fears of death which they are in danger of . now those who did not believe an unseen god , are affraid of unseen arrows ; and those which slighted gods threatnings of eternal judgments , do tremble at the beginning of his execution of one , and not the greatest temporal judgment . now those which had as it were challenged the god of heaven , and defied him by their horrid oaths and blasphemies , when he begins to appear , they retreat , yea fly away with terror and amazement . the great orbs begin first to move ; the lords and gentry retire into their countries ; their remote houses are prepared , goods removed , and london is quickly upon their backs : few ruffling gallants walk the streets : few spotted ladies to be seen at windows : a great forsaking there was of the adjacent places where the plague did first rage . in iune the number increaseth from 43 to an 112. the next week to 168. the next to 267. the next to 470. most of which increase was in the remote parts ; few in this month within , or neer the walls of the city ; and few that had any note for goodness or profession , were visited at the first : god gave them warning to bethink and prepare themselves ; yet some few that were choice were visited pretty soon , that the best might not promise to themselves a supercedeas , or interpret any place of scripture so literally , as if the lord had promised an absolute general immunity and defence of his own people from this disease of the plague . now the citizens of london are put to a stop in the carrier of their trade ; they begin to fear whom they converse withall , and deal withall , least they should have come out of infected places . now roses and other sweet flowers wither in the gardens , are dis-regarded in the markets , and people dare not offer them to their noses , lest with their sweet savour , that which is infectious should be attracted : rue and wormwood is taken into the hand ; myrrhe and zedoary into the mouth ; and without some antidote few stir abroad in the morning . now many houses are shut up where the plague comes , and the inhabitants shut in , lest coming abroad they should spread infection . it was very dismal to behold the red crosses , and read in great letters , lord have mercy upon us , on the doors , and watchmen standing before them with halberts , and such a solitude about those places , and people passing by them so gingerly , and with such fearful looks , as if they had been lined with enemies in ambush , that waited to destroy them . now rich tradesmen provide themselves to depart , if they have not country-houses , they seek lodgings abroad for themselves and families , and the poorer tradesmen , that they may imitate the rich in their fear , stretch themselves to take a country journey , though they have scarce wherewithall to bring them back again . the ministers also many of them take occasion to go to their country places for the summer time ; or it may be to find out some few of their parishioners that were gone before them , leaving the greatest part of their flock without food or physick , in the time of their greatest need . ( i don't speak of all ministers , those which did stay out of choice and duty , deserve true honour ) possibly they might think god was now preaching to the city , and what need their preaching ; or rather did not the thunder of gods voice affrighten their guilty consciences , and make them fly away , lest a bolt from heaven should fall upon them , and spoil their preaching for the future : and therefore they would reserve themselves , till the people had less need of them . i do not blame many citizens retiring , when there was so little trading , and the presence of all might have helped forward the increase and spreading of the infection ; but how did guilt drive many away , where duty would have engaged them to stay in the place ? now the high waies are thronged with passengers , and goods , & london doth emptie it self into the country ; great are the stirs and hurries in london by the removal of so many families ; fear puts many thousands on the wing , and those think themselves most safe , that can flie furthest off from the city . in iuly the plague encreaseth , and prevaileth exceedingly , the number of 470. which died in one week by the disease ariseth to 725 the next week ▪ to 1089 the next , to 1843 the next , to 2010 the next . now the plague compasseth the walls of the city like a flood , and poureth in upon it . now most parishes are infected , both without and within ; yea there are not so many houses shut up by the plague , as by the owners forsaking of them for fear of it ; and though the inhabitants be so exceedingly decreased by the departure of so many thousands , yet the number of dying persons doth increase fearfully . now the countries keep guards , left infections persons should from the city bring the disease unto them ; most of the rich are now gone , and the middle sort will not stay behind ; but the poor are forced through poverty to stay and abide the storm . now most faces gather paleness , and what dismal apprehensions do then fill the minds , what dreadful fears do there possess the spirits , especially of those whose consciences are full of guilt , and have not made their peace with god ? the old drunkards and swearers , and unclean persons are brought into great straits ; they look on the right hand , and on the left , and death is marching towards them from every part , and they know not whither to flie that they may escape it . now the arrows begin to flie very thick about their ears , and they see many fellow-sinners fall before their faces , expecting every hour themselves to be smitten ; and the very sinking fears they have had of the plague , hath brought the plague and death upon many : some by the sight of a coffin in the streets have fallen into a shivering , and immediatly the disease hath assaulted them , and sergeant death hath arrested them , and clapt too the doors of their houses upon them , from whence they have come forth no more , till they have been brought forth to their graves ; we may imagine the hideous thoughts and horrid perplexity of mind , the tremblings , confusions , and anguish of spirit , which some awakened sinners have had , when the plague hath broke in upon their houses , and seized upon neer relations , whose dying groans sounding in their ears have warned them to prepare : when their doors have been shut up and fastned on the outside with an inscription , lord have mercy upon us , and none suffered to come in but a nurse , whom they have been more afraid of , then the plague it self : when lovers and friends , and companions in sin have stood aloof , and not dared to come nigh the door of the house , lest death should issue forth from thence upon them ; especially when the disease hath invaded themselves ; and first began with a pain and diziness in their head , then trembling in their other members ; when they have felt boiles to arise under their arms , and in their groins , and seen blaines to come forth in other parts : when the disease hath wrought in them to that height as to send forth those spots which ( most think ) are the certain tokens of neer approaching death ; and now they have received the sentence of death within themselves , and have certainly concluded , that within a few hours they must go down into the dust ; and their naked souls , without the case of their body , must make its passage into eternity , and appear before the highest majesty , to render their accounts , and receive their sentence : none can utter the horrour , which hath been upon the spirits of such , through the lashes and stings of their guilty consciences , when they have called to mind a life of sensuality , and profaneness , their uncleanness , drunkenness , injustice , oaths , curses , derision of saints , and holiness , neglect of their own salvation ; and when a thousand sins have been set in order before their eyes , with another aspect , than when they looked upon them in the temptation ; and they find god to be irreconcileably angry with them , and that the day of grace is over , the door of mercy is shut , and that pardon and salvation ( which before they slighted ) is now unattainable ; that the grave is now opening its mouth to receive their bodies , and hell opening its mouth to receive their souls ; and they apprehend , that they are now just entring into a place of endless wo and torment , and they must now take up their lodgings in the inferiour regions of utter darkness , with devils and their fellow damned sinners , and there abide for evermore in the extremity of misery , without any hopes or possibility of a release ; and that they have foolishly brought themselves into this condition , and been the cause of their own ruin ; we may guess that the dispairful agonies , and anguish of such awakened sinners hath been of all things the most unsupportable ; except the very future miseries themselves , which they have been afraid of . in august how dreadful is the increase ? from 2010 the number amounts up to 2817 in one week ; and thence to 3880 the next ; thence to 4237 the next ; thence to 6102 the next ; and all these of the plague , besides other diseases . now the cloud is very black , and the storm comes down upon us very sharp . now death rides triumphantly on his pale horse through our streets , and breaks into every house almost where any inhabitants are to be found . now people fall as thick as leaves from the trees in autumn , when they are shaken by a mighty wind . now there is a dismal solitude in london-streets , every day looks with the face of a sabbath day , observed with greater solemnity than it used to be in the city . now shops are shut in , people rare and very few that walk about , in so much that the grass begins to spring up in some places , and a deep silence almost in every place , especially within the walls ; no ratling coaches , no prancing horses , no calling in customers , nor offering wares ; no london cries sounding in the ears ; if any voice be heard , it is the groans of dying perions , breathing forth their last , and the funeral knells of them that are ready to be carried to their graves . now shutting up of visited houses ( there being so many ) is at an end , and most of the well are mingled among the sick which otherwise would have got no help . now in some places where the people did generally stay ; not one house in an hundred but is infected ; and in many houses half the family is swept away ; in some the whole , from the eldest to the youngest ; few escape with the death of but one or two : never did so many husbands and wives die together ; never did so many parents carry their children with them to the grave , and go together into the same house under earth ; who had lived together in the same house upon it . now the nights are too short to bury the dead , the whole day though at so great a length is hardly sufficient to light the dead that fall therein into their beds . now we could hardly go forth , but we should meet many coffins , and see many with sores , and limping in the streets ; amongst other sad spectacles , methought two were very affecting : one of a woman comming alone , and weeping by the door where i lived ( which was in the midst of the infection ) with a little coffin under her arm carrying it to the new church yard ; i did judge that it was the mother of the childe , and that all the family besides was dead , and she was forced to coffin up and bury with her own hands this her last dead childe . another , was of a man at the corner of the artillery-wall , that as i judge through the diziness of his head with the disease , which seised upon him there , had dasht his face against the wall , and when i came by he lay hanging with his bloody face over the rails , and bleeding upon the ground ; and as i came back he was removed under a tree in more-fields , and lay upon his back ; i went and spake to him ; he could make me no answer , but ratled in the throat , and as i was informed , within half an hour died in the place . it would be endless to speak what we have seen and heard of some in their frensie , rising out of their beds , and leaping about their rooms ; others crying and roaring at their windows ; some comming forth almost naked , and running into the streets , strange things have others spoken and done , when the disease was upon them : but it was very sad to hear of one who being sick alone , and it is like phrantick , burnt himself in his bed . now the plague had broken in much amongst my acquaintance ; and of about 16. or more whose faces i used to see every day in our house , within a little while i could finde but 4. or 6. of them alive ; scarcely a day past over my head for i think a moneth or more together , but i should hear of the death of some one or more that i knew . the first day that they were smitten , the next day some hopes of recovery , and the third day that they were dead . the september , when we hoped for a decrease , because of the season , because of the number gone , and the number already dead ; yet it was not come to its height ; but from 6102. which died by the plague the last week of august , the number is augmented to 6988 the first week in september ; and when we conceived some little hopes in the next weeks abatement to 6544 ; our hopes were quite dashed again , when the next week it did rise to 7165. which was the highest bill ; and a dreadful bill it was ! and of the 130. parishes in and about the city , there were but 4 parishes which were not infected : and in those , few people remaining that were not gone into the country . now the grave doth open its mouth without measure . multitudes ! multitudes ! in the valley of the shadow of death , thronging daily into eternity ; the church-yards now are stufft so full with dead corpses , that they are in many places swell'd two or three foot higher than they were before ; and new ground is broken up to bury the dead . now hell from beneath is moved at the number of the guests that are received into its chambers ; the number of the wicked which have died by the plague , no doubt , hath been far the greatest , as we may reasonably conclude without breach of charity ; and it is certain that all the wicked , which then died in sin , were turned into hell ; how then are the damned spirits now encreased ? some were damning themselves a little before in their oaths , and god is now damning their souls for it , and is passing the irreversible sentence of damnation upon them . some were drinking wine in bowls a little before , and strong drink without measure ; and now god hath put another cup into their hands , a cup of red wine , even the wine of the wrath and fierceness of the almighty ; some were a little before feasting their senses , pleasing their appetite , satisfying the desires of the flesh , and being past feeling had given themselves up to lasciviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness ; but now their laughter is turned into mourning , and their joy into howling and woe ; now they have recovered their feeling again , but instead of the pleasures which they felt , and their sensual delights , which took away the feeling of their consciences , they are made to feel the heavy hand of god , and to endure such anguish and horrour , through the sense of gods wrath , as no tongue can express . now the atheists believe there is a god , and the anti-scripturists is convinced of the truth of gods word , by the execution of gods threatnings in the word upon them . now the covetous and unjust , the malicious and cruel , the scoffers and profane begin to suffer the vengeance of eternal fire ; and the ignorant person with the civil , who are unacquainted with jesus christ are not excused ; yea the hypocrites , with all impenitent , and unbelieving persons , are sent down to the place of weeping : and surely hell wonders to see so many come amongst them from such a city as london , where they have enjoyed such plenty of such powerful means of grace ; and place is given to them , even the lowest and hottest , where iudas and others are of the chiefest note . yet hell doth not engross all that dye by the visitation ; some there are ( though not the first or most ) who have room made for them in the mansions , which are above ; the plague makes little difference between the righteous and the wicked ( except the lord by a peculiar providence do shelter some under his wing , and compass them with his favour as with a shield , hereby keeping off the darts that are shot so thick about them ) yet as there is little difference in the body of the righteous , and of others : so this disease makes little discrimination , and not a few fearing god , are cut off amongst the rest ; they dye of the same distemper , with the most profane ; they are buried in the same grave , and there sleep together till the morning of the resurrection : but as there is a difference in their spirits , whilst they live : so there is a difference and the chiefest difference in their place and state after their separation from the body . dives is carryed to hell , and lazarus to abrahams bosome , though he dyed with his body full of sores : devils drag the souls of the wicked after they have received their final doom at the bar of god , into utter darkness where there is weeping , and wailing and gnashing of teeth : but angels convey the souls of the righteous into the heavenly paradise , the new ierusalem which is above , where god is in his glory ; and the lord jesus christ at his right hand ; and thousand thousands stand before him , and ten thousand times ten thousand administer unto him ; even an innumerable company of angels , and where the spirits of all just men and women made perfect were before gathered ; where there is fulness of joy , and rivers of eternal pleasures running about the throne of god , the streams of which do make glad all the inhabitants of new jerusalem . now the weak prison doors of the body are broken down ; and the strong everlasting gates of their fathers palace are lifted up ; and the saints are received with joy and triumph into glory , and they come with singing into zion , and everlasting joy in their hearts , and all sorrow and sighing doth fly away like a cloud , which never any more shall be seen . now the vail is rent , and they enter the holy of holies , where god dwells , not in the darkness of a thick cloud , as in the temple of old ; but in the brightness of such marvelous light and glory , as their eyes never did behold , neither could enter into their heart to conceive ; there they have the vision of gods face , without any eclipse upon the light of his countenance ; there they have the treasures of gods love opened , and his armes to receive them with dearest and sweetest embracements ; which kindles in their hearts such a flame of love , so ravishing and delightful , as words cannot utter ; there they are entertained by the lord jesus christ , whom in the world they have served , and he that shewed them his grace , which they have wondred at , when they were in the body , doth now shew them his glory , which they wonder at much more : there they are welcomed by angels , who rejoyce if at their conversion , much more at their coronation ; there they sit down with abraham , isaac and iacob in the kingdome of their father ; there they find moses , and david , and samuel , and paul , and all the holy martyrs and saints , which have dyed before them , amongst whom they are numbred , and placed , who rejoyce in their increased society . and as there is a great difference between the condition of the souls of the righteous , and the wicked , who dyed by the same disease of the plague , after their death and separation , so there is a great difference between the carriage of their spirits at their death , and upon their sick bed. some wicked men are stupid and senseless , and are given up to a judiciary hardness , and dye in a sleep of carnal security , out of which they are not awakened , till they are awakned in the midst of flames : others more sensible , and considering what hath been , and what is coming upon them , are filled with unexpressible terrour , through the roarings and tearings of a guilty accusing conscience , and the fore-thoughts of that horrible unsupportable torment they are so neer unto . now scaring dreams do terrifie them , and fearfulness of the bottomless pit , and the burning lake below doth surprize them , and some breaketh forth in the anguish of their despairing souls ; who can dwell with devouring fire , who can inhabit everlasting burnings ? and however jovial and full of pleasure their life hath been , yet at their latter end they are utterly consumed with terrours . but mark the perfect man , and behold the upright , the end of that man is peace , whatsoever storms they have had in their passage through a rough sea , the wind blowing , and the waves roaring , and sometimes have been ready to sink through opposition and discouragement , sometimes have been over-whelmed with grief and doubtings , sometimes have been dasht upon the rocks of terrour , and perplexity : yet now they are come to the haven of death , the winds are husht and still , the waves are smooth and silent , the storm is over , and there is a great calm upon their spirits ; they are past the rocks , and are out of the danger they feared , when they are in the greatest danger of approaching death . it was generally observed amongst us , that gods people who dyed by the plague amongst the rest ; dyed with such peace and comfort , as christians do not ordinarily arrive unto , except when they are called forth to suffer martyrdome for the testimony of jesus christ. some who have been full of doubts , and fears , and complaints , whilst they have lived , and been well ; have been filled with assurance , and comfort , and praise , and joyful expectation of glory , when they have layn on their death-beds with this disease . and not only more grown christians , who have been more ripe for glory , have had these comforts : but also some younger christians , whose acquaintance with the lord hath been of no long standing . i can speak something of mine own knowledge concerning some of my friends , whom i have been withall ; i shall instance only in the house where i lived . we were eight in family , three men , three youths , an old woman , and a maid : all which came to me , hearing of my stay in town , some to accompany me , others to help me . it was the latter end of september before any of us were toucht ; the young ones were not idle , but improved their time in praying , and hearing , and were ready to receive instruction ; and were strangly born up against the fears of the disease and death , every day so familiar to the view . but at last we were visited , and the plague came in dreadfully upon us , the cup was put into our hand to drink , after a neighbour family had tasted it , with whom we had much sweet society in this time of sorrow . and first our maid was smitten , it began with a shivering and trembling in her flesh , and quickly seised on her spirits ; it was a sad day , which i believe i shall never forget ; i had been abroad to see a friend in the city , whose husband was newly dead of the plague , and she her self visited with it ; i came back to see another , whose wife was dead of the plague , and he himself under apprehensions that he should die within a few hours ; i came home , and the maid was on her death-bed ; and another crying out for help , being left alone in a sweating fainting fit . what was an interest in christ worth then ? what a priviledge to have a title to the kingdom of heaven ? but i proceed . it was the monday when the maid was smitten ; on thursday she dyed full of tokens ; on friday one of the youths had a swelling in his groin ; and on the lords day died with the marks of the distemper upon him ; on the same day another youth did sicken ; and on the wednesday following he died : on the thursday night his master fell sick of the disease , and within a day or two was full of spots ; but strangely beyond his own , and others expectations recovered . thus did the plague follow us , and came upon us one by one ; as iob's messengers came one upon the heels of another : so the messengers of death came so close one after another , in such dreadfull manner , as if we must all follow one another immediately into the pit. yet the lord in mercy put a stop to it , and the rest were preserved . but that which was very remarkable in this visitation , was the carriage especially of those youths that died , who i believe were less troubled themselves , then others were troubled for them . the first youth that was visited being asked by his father , concerning the provision he had made for his death and eternity ; told him , he hop't if he died , he should go to heaven : being asked the grounds of his hopes , said , the lord had enabled him to look beyond the world ; and when he was drawing neer to his end ; boldly enquired whether the tokens did yet appear , saying that he was ready for them ; and so a hopeful bud was nipt ; but let not the father or the mother weep , and be in sadness for him , he is i don't doubt with their father , and his heavenly father , which may be their comfort . the other also was a very sweet hopefull youth ; so loving and towardly , that it could not choose but attract love from those that were acquainted with him . but the grace he had gotten in those years , being i suppose under seventeen , did above all beautify him , and stand him in the greatest stead : in his sickness he had much quiet and serenity upon his spirit ; and lay so unconcerned at the thoughts of approaching death , that i confess i marvelled to see it ; the sting and fear of death , were strangely taken out through the hopes which he had of future glory ; yet once he told his mother he could desire to live a little longer , if it were the will of god ; she asked him why he desired it ? he told her he desired to live till fire and faggot came , and above all he would fain die a martyr : she said if he died now he should have a crown ; he answered , but if he died a martyr he should have a more glorious crown : yet he was not unwilling to receive his crown presently ; and went away with great peace and sweetness in his looks , to his fathers house : and i could not blame the mothers grief for the loss of such an only son ; but to be so immoderate was not well ; now i am sure it is time to dry up tears , and lay aside sorrows for the loss of him , who hath been so long filled with joys in the heavenly mansions . i might speak of the carriage of the master in his sickness under the apprehensions of death ; when the spots did appear on his body , he sent for me and desired me to pray with him ; told me he was now going home , desired me to write to his friends , and let them know , that it did not repent him of his stay in the city , though they had been so importunate with him to come away : but he had found so much of gods presence in his abode here , that he had no reason to repent : he told me where he would be buried , and desired me to preach his funeral sermon on psal. 16. ult . in thy presence there is fulness of joy ; and at thy right hand there is pleasures for evermore . but the lord raised him again beyond the expectation of himself , friends , or physician . let him not forget gods mercies , and suffer too much worldly business to croud in upon him , & choak the remembrance and sense of god's goodness so singular ; but let him by his singularity in meekness , humility , self-denial , and love , zeal , and holy walking , declare that the lord hath been singularly gracious unto him . but when i speak of home concernments , let me not forget to look abroad ; the plague now increaseth exceedingly , and fears there are amongst us that within a while there will not be enough alive to bury the dead ; and that the city of london will now be quite depopulated by this plague . now some ministers , formerly put out of their places , who did abide in the city when most of ministers in place were fled and gone from the people , as well as from the disease , into the countreys , seeing the people crowd so fast into the grave and eternity , who seemed to cry as they went for spiritual physicians ; and perceiving the churches to be open , and pulpits to be open , and finding pamphlets flung about the streets , of pulpits to be let , they judged that the law of god and nature did now dispense with , yea command their preaching in publick places , though the law of man ( it is to be supposed in ordinary cases ) did forbid them to do it . surely if there had been a law that none should practise physick in the city , but such as were licenc'd by the colledge of physitians , and most of those , when there was the greatest need of them , should in the time of the plague , have retired into the country , and other physitians who had as good skill in physick , and no license should have staid amongst the sick , none would have judged it to have been breach of law , in such an extraordinary case to endeavour by their practise though without a license , to save the lives of those who by good care and physick were capable of a cure ; and they could hardly have freed themselves from the guilt of murther of many bodies , if for a nicety of law in such a case of necessity they should have neglected to administer physick : the case was the same with the unlicensed ministers which stayed , when so many of the licenc'd ones were gone , and as the need of souls was greater than the need of bodies ; the sickness of the one being more universal and dangerous , than the sickness of the other ; and the saving or losing of the soul being so many degrees beyond the preservation or death of the body : so the obligation upon ministers was stronger , and the motive to preach greater , and for them to have incurred the guilt of soul-murther , by their neglect to administer soul-physick , would have been more hainous and unanswerable , that they were called by the lord into publick : i suppose that few of any seriousness will deny , when the lord did so eminently own them , in giving many seals of their ministry unto them . now they are preaching , and every sermon was unto them , as if they were preaching their last . old time seems now to stand at the head of the pulpit , with its great sithe , saying with a hoarse voice , work while it is called to day , at night i will mow thee down . grim death seems to stand at the side of the pulpit with its sharp arrow , saying , do thou shoot gods arrows , and i will shoot mine . the grave seems to lie open at the foot of the pulpit ; with dust in her bosome , saying , louden thy cry to god , to men , and now fulfill thy trust : here thou must lye , mouth stopt , breath gone , and silent in the dust. ministers now had awakning calls to seriousness and fervour in their ministeriall work : to preach on the side and brink of the pit , into which thousands were tumbling ; to pray under such neer views of eternity , into which many passengers were daily entring , might be a means to stir up the spirit more than ordinary . now there is such a vast concourse of people in the churches , where these ministers are to be found , that they cannot many times come neer the pulpit doors for the press , but are forced to climb over the pews to them : and such a face is now seen in the assemblies , as seldome was seen before in london ; such eager looks ; such open ears , such greedy attention , as if every word would be eaten , which dropt from the mouths of the ministers . if you ever saw a drowning man catch at a rope , you may guess how eagerly many people did catch at the word ; when they were ready to be overwhelmed by this over-flowing scourge , which was passing thorough the city ; when death was knocking at so many doors ; and god was crying aloud by his judgments ; and ministers were now sent to knock , cry aloud , and lift up their voice like a trumpet : then , then the people began to open the ear and the heart , which were fast shut and barred before : how did they then hearken , as for their lives ; as if every sermon were their last ; as if death stood at the door of the church , and would seize upon them so soon as they came forth ; as if the arrows which flew so thick in the city would strike them , before they could get to their houses ; as if they were immediately to appear before the barr of that god , who by his ministers was now speaking unto them . great were the impressions which the word then made upon many hearts , beyond the power of man to effect , and beyond what the people before ever felt , as some of them have declar'd . when sin is ript up and reprov'd , o the teares that slide down from the eyes ! when the judgments of god are denounced , o the tremblings which are upon the conscience ! when the lord jesus christ is made known and proffer'd , o the longing desires and openings of heart unto him ! when the riches of the gospel are displayed , and the promises of the covenant of grace are set forth and applyed , o the inward burnings and sweet flames which were on the affections ! now the net is cast , and many fishes are taken ; the pool is moved by the angel , and many leprous spirits , and sin-sick-souls are cured ; many were brought to the birth , and i hope not a few were born again , and brought forth ; a strange moving there was upon the hearts of multitudes in the city ; and i am perswaded that many were brought over effectually unto a closure with jesus christ ; whereof some dyed by the plague with willingness and peace ; others remain stedfast in gods wayes unto this day : but convictions ( i believe ) many hundreds had , if not thousands , which i wish that none have stifled , and with the dog returned to their vomit , & with the sow , have wallowed again in the mire of their former sins . the work was the more great , because the instruments , which were made use of was more obscure , and unlikely , whom the lord did make choice of the rather , that the glory by ministers and people might be ascrib'd in full unto himself . about the beginning of these ministers preaching , especially after their first fast together , the lord begins to remit , and turn his hand , and cause some abatement of the disease . from 7155 which dyed of the plague in one week ▪ there is a decrease to 5538 the next , which was at the latter end of september , the next week a farther decrease to 4929. the next to 4327. the next to 2665. the next to 1421. the next to 1021. then there was an encrease the first week in november to 1414. but it fell the week after to 1050 and the week after to 652. and the week after that to 333. and so lessened more and more to the end of the year : when we had a bill of 97306. which dyed of all diseases , which was an encrease of more then 79000 , over what it was the year before : and the number of them which dyed by the plague was reckoned to be 68596 this year ; when there were but 6 which the bill speaks of who dyed the year before . now the citizens , who had dispers'd themselves abroad into the countries , because of the contagion , think of their old houses and trades , and begin to return , though with fearfulness and trembling , least some of the after-drops of the storm should fall upon them : and o that many of them had not brought back their old hearts and sins ▪ which they carryed away with them ; o that there had been a general repentance and reformation , and returning to the lord that had smitten the city : the lord gave them leisure and vacation from their trades ; for the one necessary thing ▪ which had they improved , and generally mourned for sin , which brought the plague upon the city , had they humbly and earnestly sought the lord to turn from his fierce anger , which was kindled against london , it might have prevented the desolating judgment by fire : but alas ! how many spent their time of leisure in toys and trifles , at best about feeding and preserving their bodies , but no time in serious minding the salvation of their souls ; and if , some were a little awakned with fear , whilst the plague raged so greatly , and they lookt upon themselves to be in such danger ; yet when they apprehended the danger to be over , they dropt asleep faster than before ; still they are the same or worse than formerly : they that were drunken , are drunken still ; they that were filthy , are filthy still ; and they that were unjust and covetous , do still persevere in their sinfull course ; couzenilng , and lying , and swearing , and cursing , and sabbath-breaking , and pride , and envy , and flesh-pleasing , and the like god-displeasing , and god-provoking sins , ( of which in the catalogue of london's sins ) do abound in london ; as if there were no signification in gods judgments by the plague ; some return to their houses , and follow their worldly business , and work as hard as they can to fetch up the time they have lost , without minding and labouring to improve by the judgment , and gods wonderfull preservation of them : others return , and sin as hard as they can , having been taken off for a while from those opportunities and free liberties for sin , which they had before : most began now to sit down at rest in their houses when the summer was come , and the plague did not return ; now they bring back all their goods they had carried into the country because of the plague ; they did not imagine they should be forced to remove them again so soon . thus concerning the great plague in london . sect . vi. i proceed now to give a narration of the judgement of the fire ; in which i shall be more brief , it being dispatcht in fewer daies then the plague was in months . it was the 2. of september 1666. that the anger of the lord was kindled against london , and the fire began : it began in a bakers house in pudding-lane by fishstreet-hill : and now the lord is making london like a fiery oven in the time of his anger , and in his wrath doth devour and swallow up our habitations . it was in the depth and dead of the night , when most doors and ▪ sences were lockt up in the city ; that the fire doth break forth and appear abroad ; and like a mighty gyant refresht with wine , doth awake and arm it self , quickly gathers strength , when it had made havock of some houses ; rusheth down the hill towards the bridge ; crosseth thames-street , invadeth magnus-church at the bridge foot , and though that church were so great , yet it was not a sufficient barracado against this conqueror ; but having scaled and taken this fort , it shooteth flames with so much the greater advantage into all places round about ; and a great building of houses upon the , bridge is quickly thrown to the ground : then the conquerour , being stayed in his course at the bridge , marcheth back towards the city again ; and runs along with great noise and violence through thames-street . westward , where having such combustible matter in its teeth , and such a fierce winde upon its back , it prevails with little resistance , unto the astonishment of the beholders . my business is not to speak of the hand of man ; which was made use of in the beginning and carrying on of this fire . the beginning of the fire at such a time , when there had been so much hot weather , which had dried the houses , and made them : the more fit for fuel ; the beginning of it in such a place , where there were so many timber houses , and the shops filled with so much combustible matter ; and the beginning of it just when the winde did blow so fiercely upon that corner towards the rest of the city , which then was like tinder to the sparks ; this doth smell of apopish design so hatcht in the same place where the gunpowder plot was contriv'd , only that this was more successful . the world sufficiently knows how correspondent this is to popish principles and practises ; those , who could intentionally blow up king and parliament by gunpowder , might ( without any scruple of their kinds of conscience ) actually burn an heretical city ( as they count it ) into ashes : for besides the dispensations they can have from his holiness , or rather his wickedness the pope , for the most horrid crimes of murder , incest , and the like ; it is not unlikely but they count such an action as this meritorious ( in their kind of merit ) which , in the issue , they will finde to merit the flames of eternal fine , instead of a crown of glory , which i wonder that in their way they can have the least hopes of . i believe that the people will now take more heed of them and their waies ; and instead of promoting their cause , i hope that a contrary effect is produced ; and that the before indifferency of a generation more newly sprung up , who did not know them , is now turned into loathing and detestation of such a religion , as can allow of such practises ▪ my work is not to declare what hath been proved against the papists before the honourable committee of parliament appointed to enquire into their insolencies ; and the proofs which have been given in concerning the fire , and who have been accessory thereunto . no , i would rather endeavour to turn peoples eyes from men to god ; for whoever were the instruments , god was the authour of this evil , which hath come upon us ; there being no evil in the city ( that is , evil of punishment ) which the lord , as a righteous , and the supream judge , doth not inflict . and surely more of the extraordinary hand of god , than of any men , did appear in the burning of the city of london . god could have prevented men , by discovering their plots ( as he did that of the gun powder-treason ) before they had taken effect . god could have directed and given a blessing unto means for the quenching of it when it was first kindled . god , who hath the winds in his fist , could have gathered in the wind , and laid it asleep , or so turned it the other way , that it should have been a defence to the city ▪ or god who hath the clouds at his command , and the bottles of heaven in his hand , could have gathered his thick clouds together , and squeez'd them ; opend his bottles , and poured down rain in abundance upon the city , so that if the wind had blown as it did , it should have blown water upon the fire , which would quickly have put it out . but the heavens at that time were brass , no showring clouds to be seen : the fire begins , is quickly taken notice of , though in the midst of the night ; fire , fire , fire doth resound the streets ; many citizens start out of their sleep ; look out of their windows ; some dress themselves , and run to the place . the lord maior of the city comes with his officers ; a confusion there is : councell is taken away : and london , so famous for wisdom and dexterity , can now find neither brains , nor hands to prevent its ruine . the hand of god was in it ▪ the decree was come forth : london must now fall : and who could prevent it ? no wonder , when so many pillars are removed , if the building tumbles ; the prayers , tears , and faith which sometimes london hath had , might have quenched the violence of the fire ; might have opened heaven for rain , and driven back the winde : but now the fire gets mastery , & burns dreadfully ; and god with his great bellows blowes upon it , which makes it spread quickly , & go on with such force and rage , overturning all so furiously , that the whole city is brought into jeopardy of desolation . that night most of the londoners had taken their last sleep in their houses ; they little thought it would be so when they went into their beds ; they did not in the lest suspect , when the doors of their ears were unlockt , and the casement of their eyes were opened in the morning , to hear of such an enemies invading the city ▪ and that they should see him , with such fury , enter the doors of their houses , break into every room , and look out of their casements with such a threatning countenance . as it is said , lam. 4. 12. the inhabitants would not have believed that the adversary should have entered the gates of ierusalem : so the inhabitants of the city would not have believed that the fire should have entred and prevailed to burn london to the ground . that which made the ruin the more dismall , was , that it was begun on the lords day morning : never was there the like sabbath in london ; some churches were in flames that day ; and god seems to come down , and to preach himself in them , as he did in mount sinai ; when the mount burned with fire ; such warmpreaching those churches never had ; such lightning dreadful sermons never were before delivered in london . in other churches ministers were preaching their farewel sermons , and people were hearing with quaking and astonishment : instead of a holy rest which christians have taken on this day ; there is a tumultuous hurrying about the streets towards the place that burned , and more tumultuous hurrying upon the spirits of those that sat still and had only the notice of the eare , of the quick and strange spreading of the fire . now the train-bands are up in arms watching at every quarter for outlandish men , because of the general fears and jealousies , and rumours that fire-balls were thrown into houses by several of them , to help on and provoke the too furious flames . now goods are hastily removed from the lower parts of the city ; and the body of the people begin to retire , and draw upwards , as the people did from the tabernacles of corah , dathan and abiram , when the earth did cleave asunder and swallow them up : or rather as lot drew out from his house in sodom before it was consumed by fire from heaven . yet some hopes were retained on the lords day that the fire would be extinguished , especially by them who lived in the remote parts ; they could scarcely imagine that the fire a mile off should be able to reach their houses . but the evening draws on , and now the fire is more visible and dreadful : instead of the black curtains of the night , which used to be spread over the city , now the curtains are yellow ; the smoke that arose from the burning parts , seemed like so much flame in the night , which being blown upon the other parts by the winde , the whole city at some distance seemed to be on fire . now hopes begin to sink , and a general consternation seiseth upon the spirits of people ; little sleep is taken in london this night ; the amazement which the eye and ear doth effect upon the spirit , doth either dry up , or drive away the vapour which used to binde up the senses , some are at work to quench the fire with water ; others endeavour to stop its course , by pulling down of houses ; but all to no purpose : if it be a little allayed , or beaten down , or put to a stand in some places , it is but a very little while ; it quickly recruits , and recovers its force ; it leaps , and mounts , and makes the more furious onset , drives back its opposers , snatcheth their weapons out of their hands , seiseth upon the water-houses and engines , burns them , spoils them , and makes them unfit for service . some are upon their knees in the night , pouring out tears before the lord , interceding for poor london , in the day of its calamity ; but alas i fear there are too few weeping ieremiah's at the throne of grace : too few moses's to stand in the gap , too few iacob's to wrestle with the lord , and hang about his arm . londons sins were too great , and gods anger against the city was too hot , so easily & presently to be quenched and allayed ; and if by the intercession of some , a mitigation be obtained , so that the lord doth not stir up all his wrath , utterly to destroy the place , as he did sodom and gomorrah ; yet none can prevaile to call back that wrath , and reverse that decree which is gone forth against the city : the time of londons fall is come ; the fire hath received its commission from god to burn down the city , and therefore all attempts to hinder it are in vain . on the lords day night the fire had run as far as garlick-hithe in thames-street , and had crept up into cannon-street , and levell'd it with the ground ; and still is making forward by the water-side , and upward to the brow of the hill , on which the city was built . on munday grace-church-street is all in flames , with lumbard-street on the left hand , and part of fen-church-street on the right , the fire working ( though not so fast ) against the winde that way : before it were pleasant and stately houses , behind it ruinous and desolate heaps . the burning then was in fashion of a bow , a dreadful bow it was , such as mine eyes never before had seen ; a bow which had gods arrow in it with a flaming point ; it was a shining bow ; not like that in the cloud , which brings water with it , and withall signified gods covenant not to destroy the world any more with water : but it was a bow which had fire in it , which signified gods anger , and his intention to destroy london with fire . now the flames break in upon cornhill , that large and spacious street , and quickly crosse the way by the train of wood that lay in the streets untaken away , which had been pull'd down from houses to prevent its spreading : and so they lick the whole street as they go : they mount up to the top of the highest houses ; they descend down to the bottom of the lowest vaults and cellars ; and march along on both sides of the way , with such a roaring noise , as never was heard in the city of london ; no stately building so great , as to resist their fury : the royal exchange it self , the glory of the merchants , is now invaded with much violence ; and when once the fire was entred , how quickly did it run round the galleries , filling them with flames ; then came down staires , compasseth the walkes , giving forth flaming volleys , and filleth the court with sheets of fire ; by and by down fall all the kings upon their faces , and the greatest part of the stone-building after them , ( the founders statue only remaining ) with such a noise , as was dreadful and astonishing . then , then the city did shake indeed ; and the inhabitants did tremble , and flew away in great amazement from their houses , least the flames should devour them ; ratle , ratle , ratle , was the noise which the fire struck upon the eare round about , as if there had been a thousand iron chariots beating upon the stones : and if you opened your eye to the opening of the streets , where the fire was come , you might see in some places whole streets at once in flames , that issued forth , as if they had been so many great forges from the opposite windowes , which folding together , were united into one great flame throughout the whole street ; and then you might see the houses tumble , tumble , tumble , from one end of the street to the other with a great crash , leaving the foundations open to the view of the heavens . now fearfulness and terrour doth surprize the citizens of london ; confusion and astonishment doth fall upon them at this unheard of , unthought of judgment . it would have grieved the heart , of an unconcern'd person , to see the rufull looks , the pale cheeks , the tears trickling down from the eyes , ( where the greatness of sorrow and amazement could give leave for such a vent ) the smiting of the brest , the wringing of the hands ; to hear the sighs and groans , the dolefull and weeping speeches of the distressed citizens , when they were bringing forth their wives ( some from their child bed ) and their little ones ( some from their sick bed ) out of their houses , and sending them into the countreys , or some where into the fields with their goods . now the hopes of london are gone , their heart is sunk ; now there is a general remove in the city , and that in a greater hurry than before the plague ; their goods being in greater danger by the fire , than their persons were by the sickness . scarcely are some returned , but they must remove again , and not as before , now without any more hopes of ever returning , and living in those houses any more . now carts , and draies , and coaches , and horses , as many as could have entrance into the city were loaden , and any money is given for help 5 l. 10 l. 20 l. 30 l. for a cart , to bear forth into the fields some choice things , which were ready to be consumed ; and some of the countreys had the conscience to accept of the highest price , which the citizens did then offer in their extremity ; i am mistaken if such money do not burn worse , than the fire out of which it was rak'd . now casks of wine , and oyl , and other commodities are tumbled along , and the owners shove as much of their goods as they can towards the gate : every one now becomes a porter to himself , and scarcely a back either of man or woman that hath strength , but had a burden on it in the streets : it was very sad to see such throngs of poor citizens coming in , and going forth from the unburnt parts , heavy loaden with some pieces of their goods , but more heavy loaden with weighty grief and sorrow of heart , so that it is wonderfull they did not quite sink under these burdens . munday night was a dreadfull night , when the wings of the night had shadowed the light of the heavenly bodies , there was no darkness of night in london , for the fire shines now round about with a fearful blaze , which yeilded such light in the streets , as it had been the sun at noon day . now the fire having wrought backward strangely against the winde to billings-gate , &c. along thames-street eastward , runs up the hill to tower-street , and having marched on from grace-church-street , maketh further progress in fen-church-street , and having spread its wing beyond queen-hithe in thames-street westward , mounts up from the water-side through dowgate , and old fish-street into watling-street : but the great fury of the fire was in the broader streets ; in the midst of the night it was come down cornhill , and laid it in the dust , and runs along by the stocks , and there meets with another fire , which came down thred-needle-street ; a little further with another , which came up from wall-brook ; a little further with another , which comes up from bucklers-bury , and all these four joyning together , break into one great flame at the corner of cheap-side with such a dazling light , and burning heat , and roaring noise by the fall of so many houses together , that was very amazing ; and though it were something stopt in its swift course at mercers chappel , yet with great force in a while , it conquers the place , and burns through it , and then with great rage proceedeth forward in cheapside . on tuesday was the fire burning up the very bowels of london ; cheapside is all in a light fire in a few hours time ) many fires meeting there , as in the center ; from soper-lane , bow-lane , bread-street , friday-street , and old-change , the fire comes up almost together , and breaks furiously into the broad-street , and most of that side of the way was together in flames , a dreadful spectacle ! and then partly by the fire which came down by mercers chappel , partly by the fall of the houses cross the way , the other side is quickly kindled , and doth not stand long after it . now the fire gets into black-fryers , and so continues its course by the water , and makes up towards paul's church , on that side , and cheap-side fire besets the great building on this side , and the church though all of stone outward , though naked of houses about it , and though so high above all buildings in the city , yet within a while , doth yield to the violent assaults of the conquering flames , and strangely takes fire at the top ; now the lead melts and runs down , as if it had been snow before the sun ; and the great beames and massy stones , with a great noise fall on the pavement , and break through into faith-church under neath ; now great flakes of stone scale , and peel off strangely from the side of the walls ; the conqueror having got this high fort , darts its flames round about , now pater-noster-rowe , newgate-market , the old baily , and ludgate-hill have submitted themselves to the devouring fire , which with wonderful speed rusheth down the hill into fleet-street . now cheap-side fire marcheth along iron-monger-lane , old iury , lawrence-lane , milk-street , wood-street , gutter-lane , foster-lane : now it runs along lothbury , cat-eaten-street , &c. from newgate-market , it assaults christ-church , and conquers that great building , and burns through martin's lane towards alders-gate , and all about so furiously , as if it would not leave a house standing upon the ground . now horrible flakes of fire mount up the sky , and the yellow smoke of london ascendeth up towards heaven , like the smoak of a great furnace ; a smoak so great , as darkned the sun at noon-day , ( it at any time the sun peeped forth , it looked red like blood ) the cloud of smoak was so great , that travellers did ride at noon day some miles together in the shaddow thereof , though there were no other cloud beside to be seen in the sky . and if munday night was dreadfull , tuesday night was more dreadfull , when far the greatest part of the city was consumed : many thousands who on saturday had houses convenient in the city , both for themselves , and to entertain others , now have not where to lay their head ; and the fields are the only receptacle , which they can find for themselves and their goods ; most of the late inhabitants of london lye all night in the open ayr , with no other canopy over them , but that of the heavens : the fire is still making towards them , and threatneth the suburbs ; it was amazing to see , how it had spread it self several miles in compass ; and amongst other things that night , the sight of guild-hall was a fearfull spectacle , which stood the whole body of it together in view , for several hours together , after the fire had taken it , without flames , ( i suppose because the timber was such solid oake ) in a bright shining coale as if it had been a pallace of gold , or a great building of burnished brass . on wednesday morning , when people expected that the suburbs would be burnt , as well as the city , and with speed , were preparing their flight , as well as they could with their luggage into the countreys , and neighbouring villages . then the lord hath pitty on poor london ; his bowels begin to relent ; his heart is turned within him , and he stayes his rough wind in the day of the east wind ; his fury begins to be allayed ; he hath a remnant of people in london , and there shall a remnant of houses escape ; the wind now is husht ; the commission of the fire is withdrawing , and it burns so gently , even where it meets with no opposition , that it was not hard to be quenched , in many places , with a few hands : now the citizens begin to gather a little heart , and encouragement in their endeavours to quench the fire . a check it had at leaden-hall by that great building ; a stop it had in bishopsgate-street , fen-church-street , lime-street , mark-lane , and towards the tower ; one means , under god , was the blowing up of houses with gunpowder . now it is stayed in lothbury , broad-street , coleman-street ; towards the gates it burnt , but not with any great violence ; at the temple also it is stayed , and in holbourn , where it had got no great footing ; and when once the fire was got under , it was kept under , and on thursday the flames were extinguished . but on wednesday-night , when the people late of london , now of the fields , hoped to get a little rest on the ground , where they had spread their beds , a more dreadful fear fals upon them than they had before , through a rumour that the french were comming armed against them to cut their throats , and spoil them of what they had saved out of the fire ; they were now naked , and weak , and in ill condition to defend themselves , and the hearts , especially of the females , do quake , and tremble , and are ready to die within them ; yet many citizens having lost their houses , and almost all that they had , are fired with rage and fury : and they begin to stir up themselves like lyons , or like bears bereaved of their whelps , and now arm , arm , arm , doth resound the fields and suburbs with a dreadful voice . we may guess at the distress and perplexity of the people this night , which was something alleviated when the falsness of the alarm was perceived . thus fell great london , that ancient city ! that populous city ! london , which was the queen city of the land , and as famous as most cities in the world ; none so famous for the gospel and zealous profession of the reformed religion . and yet how is london departed like smoak , and her glory laid in the dust ? how is her destruction come , which no man thought of , and her desolation in a moment ? how do the nations about gaze and wonder ? how doth the whole land tremble at the noise of her fall ? how do her citizens droop and hang down their heads ? her women and virgins weep , and sit in the dust ? oh , the paleness that now sits upon the cheeks ! the astonishment and confusion that covers the face , the dismall apprehensions that arise in the minds of most , concerning the dreadful consequences which are likely to be of this fall of london ? how is the pride of london stained , and beauty spoiled ! her arme broken , and strength departed ? her riches almost gone , and treasures so much consumed ? the head now is sick ? and the whole body faint ; the heart is wounded , and every other part is sensible of its stroke ; never was england in greater danger of being made a prey to a forraign power , than since the firing and fall of this city , which had the strength and treasure of the nation in it . how is london ceased , that rich city ! that joyous city ! one corner indeed is left , but more than as many houses as were within the walls are turned into ashes . the merchants now have left the royal exchange ; the buyers and sellers have now forsaken the streets : grace-church-street , cornhill , cheapside , newgate market , and the like places , which used some time to have throngs of traffiquers , now are become empty of inhabitants ; and instead of the stately houses which stood there last summer , now they lie this winter in ruinous heaps . the glory of london is now fled away like a bird , the trade of london is shattered and broken to pieces , her delights also are vanished , and pleasant things laid waste ; now no chaunting to the sound of the viol , and dancing to the sweet musick of other instruments ; now no drinking wine in bowls , and stretching upon the beds of lust ; now no excess of wine and banquettings ; no feasts in halls and curious dishes ; no amorous looks , & wanton dalliances ; no ruffling silks , and costly dresses ; these things in that place are at an end . but if houses for sin alone were sunke , and fuel for lust only were consumed , it would not be so much ; but the houses also for gods worship , ( which formerly were a bulwark against the fire , partly through the walls about them , partly through the fervent prayers within them ) now are devoured by the flames , and the habitations of many who truly fear god , have not escaped ; and in the places where god hath been served , and his servants have lived ; now nettles are growing ; owles are screeching ; thieves and cut-throats are lurking : a sad face there is now in the ruinous part of london : and terrible hath the voice of the lord been , which hath been crying , yea roaring in the city by these dreadful judgments of the plague and fire , which he hath brought upon us . thus you have the narration of the judgments themselves . sect . vii . 2. concerning the cause of these iudgments ; why hath the lord spoken by such terrible things , in the city of london ? in giving an account hereof , i shall make use of the second doctrine observed from the words : that when god speaks most terribly , he doth answer most righteously . they are gods judgments , and therefore they must needs be righteous judgments ; can there be unrighteousness in god ? no , in no wise : for how then could he be god ? how then could he judge the world ? let god be true , and every man a lyar . rom. 3. 5 , 6. let god be righteous , and all the world unrighteous : for light may more easily depart from the sun , and heat be separated from the fire ; and the whole creation may more easily drop into nothing , than god cease to be just and righteous , in the severest judgments which he doth inflict upon the children of men . if any profane mockers do reply against god , and reflect upon his righteousness and goodness towards his own people , because these judgments have fallen so sore upon london , the glory of the land , yea of the world , for the number of godly persons ( as in scoff they call them ) which dwell in it ; if god were so righteous and favourable to the godly , would he bend his bow , and shoot so many arrows amongst them as he did in the visitation by the plague , whilst he suffered so many notoriously wicked persons to escape ? would he send the fire to consume so many habitations of the godly , whilst the houses of the most vicious and vile were preserved ? i shall labour to stop the mouths of such , who are ready to open them against the king of heaven , by proposing to consideration these following particulars . 1. that gods way is sometimes in the sea , and his paths in the great waters ; and his foot-steps are not known . psal. 77. 19. that his judgments are unsearchable , and his waies past finding out . rom. 11. 33. and that even then he is righteous in all his waies , and holy in all his works , psal. 145. 17. and when clouds and darkness are round about him , righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne . psal. 97. 2. and when his judgments are a great deep , his righteousness is like the great mountains . psal. 36. 6. we do not understand all the mysteries of nature , neither are we acquainted with all the mysteries of state ; and if there be some mysteries in gods way of governing the world , and distributing temporal mercies and judgments , which we do not apprehend in every thing the meaning of , and cannot so fully trace gods righteousness and goodness therein , let us say it is because our eyes are shut , and that we are covered with darkness : therefore let us shut our mouths too , and seal up our lips with silence , not daring in the least to utter any thing which may derogate from these attributes in god , which are as inviolable and unchangeable as his very beeing . this might be said if the reason were more abstruse than it is . 2. but secondly , the reason of gods judgments and righteousness therein , with the salve of his goodness towards his own people , may be apprehended , if we consider . 1. that these judgments of plague and fire are both of them national judgments . 1. the judgment of the plague was national ; in as much as london was the chief city , in as much as the kings court was here , and most countries had relations here ; and all countries had concernments here : moreover the plague was not only in london , and westminster , and and places neer adjacent , but it was dispersed into the countries at a farther distance , as cambridge , norwich , colchester , and other towns , where it raged either the same or the next year , as much proportionably as it did in london . 2. the judgment of the fire which burned down only the city , and left westminster and the suburbs standing , and did not reach into the countreys , yet was a national judgment , because london was the metropolis of the land , because the beauty , riches , strength , and glory of the whole kingdom lay in london : and it was not the inhabitants of the city who alone did suffer by this fire , but the whole land more or less , do and will feel the smart hereof . 2. these judgments then being national : it is not unreasonable to say , that national sins have been the cause of them : and if so , we may readily finde a reason of gods righteousness in these proceedings ; when the sins of the land are so obvious and so hainous . he is a great stranger in england , that doth not know how wickedness hath abounded in these later years ; his eyes must be fast shut , who doth not see what a deluge of profaneness and impiety hath broken in like a mighty torrent , and overflowed the land ; that hath not taken notice of those bare-fac'd villanies which have been committed amongst us , which is a great question whether any ages before us could parallel ; we read in scripture of sodom and gomorrah , and the wickedness sometime of ierusalem ; profane histories and travellers make mention of rome , venice , naples , paris , and other places very wicked , but who can equal england , which calls it self christian and protestant , for such desperate and audacious affronts and indignities which have been offered to the highest majesty , by the gallants ( as they are called ) of our times : how was hell as it were broke loose , and how were men worse than those which in our saviours time were possest with devils , who cut themselves with stones , and tore their own flesh ; even such who went about like so many hell-hounds and incarnate devils , cursing and banning , swearing and blaspheming , inventing new oaths , and glorying therein , delighting to tear the name of god , and to spit forth their rancour and malice in his very face ? and can we then be at a loss for a reason of gods righteousness in his thus punishing england , by beginning thus furiously with london ? when there were so many atheists about london , and in the land , who denied the very being of god , when so many gentlemen ( who lookt upon it as one piece of their breeding , to cast off all sentiments of a deity ) did walk our streets , and no arguments would work them to a perswasion of the truth of gods being , shall we wonder if the lord appears in a terrible way , that he might be known by the judgments which he executeth ? when so many denied the divine authority of the scriptures , the very foundation of our christian faith , and reckoned themselves by their principles amongst turks , pagans , and other infidels , however they called themselves christians , and hereby put such an affront upon the lord jesus christ , the only son of the most high god , is it strange that the lord should speak so terribly to shew his indignation ? when there was such blowing at , and endeavours to put out that light , which would shew men the way to heaven ; such hatred and opposition against the power of godliness ; when the name of a saint was matter of derision and scorn ; when there was such wallowing in filthy fornication , and adultry , in swinish drunkenness and intemperance ; when such oppression , bribery , such malice , cruelty , such unheard of wickedness and hideous impiety grown to such a heighth in the land ; may not we reasonably think that such persons as were thus guilty , being in the ship , were a great cause of the storme of gods anger , which hath made such a shipwrack . the plague indeed when it was come , made little discrimination between the bodies of the righteous , and the bodies of the wicked ; no more doth grace ; the difference is more inward and deepe ; it is the soul begins to be glorifyed hereby , and hath the seed of eternal life put into it , when it doth pass the new birth ; but the body is not changed with the soul , the body remains as it was , as frail and weak , and exposed to diseases and death , as before , and as the body of any wicked person ; and therefore the infectious disease of the plague , coming into a populous city , the bodies of the righteous ; amongst the rest , receive the contagion , and they fall in the common calamity ; there is a difference in the manner of their death , and a difference in their place , and state after death , as hath been spoken of before , but the kind of death is the same . so the fire doth make no discrimination between the houses of the godly , and the houses of the ungodly , they are all made of the same combustible matter , and are enkindled , as bodies infected , one by another ; indeed the godly have god to be their habitation , and they are citizens of the new ierusalem , which is above , a city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god ; an abiding city , which the fire cannot reach , and their persons are secured from the flames of eternal fire in hell , but they have no promise nor security for the preservation of their houses from fire here in this world. the judgments of the plague and fire being sent , work according to their nature , without distinguishing the righteous . but if we further enquire into the reason , why the plague was sent the last year , and such a plague as hath not been known this forty year , which raged so sorely , when there was no such sultriness of weather ( as in other years ) to encrease it ; and why the fire was sent this year , and such a fire as neither we , nor our fore-fathers ever knew , neither do we read of in any history of any so great in any place , in time of peace ; what shall we say was the cause of these extraordinary national judgments , but the extraordinary national sins . it was an extraordinary hand of god which brought the plague , of which no natural cause can be assigned , why it should be so great that year , more then in former years , but that sin was grown to greater heighth ; and that a fire should prevaile , against all attempts to quench it , to burn down the city , and that judgment just following upon the heels of the other ; what reason can be assigned , but that englands sins , and gods displeasure hath been extraordinary ; god is a god of patience , and it is not a light thing will move him ; he is slow to anger , it must needs be then some great provocation which makes him so furious ; he is highly offended , before he lifts up his hand ; and he is exceedingly incens'd , before his anger breaks forth into such a flame ; for my part , i verily think , if it had not been for the crying abominations of the times , which are not chiefly to be limited to the city of london , and if the means of gods prescription , according to the rule of his word , which england sometime could , had by england been made use of , that both plague and fire had been prevented . 3. moreover it may be said that some particular persons by some more peculiar , and notorious sins in the city may have provoked the lord to bring punishment upon the whole place , if the land were not so generally profane and wicked , the heathen could say . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a whole city may be punished for the wickedness of one man ; yea we read of david , though so good a man , yet when he numbred the people ( a small sin in comparison with the sins of some others in our days ) god was provoked to send such a dreadful plague , not on himself , but upon his people , that there dyed 70000 men by it in three days , and david said , i have sinned and done wickedly , but these sheep , what have they done ? 2 sam. 24. 10-18 . 4. if it be enquired how gods mercy to his people doth appear , when these judgments have fallen so heavy upon many of them ? i answer , 1. those of his own people , who have fallen by the plague , are received to greater grace and mercy in heaven , than here they were capable of , and they are moreover delivered from evil to come , which hath since , and may further come upon us . 2. those whose houses have fallen by the fire , the lord could , and confident i am , the lord hath made them greater gainers another way , they have lost it may be much in temporal things , but they are or may be , if they be not wanting to themselves , gainers in spiritual things , which are of a higher and more excellent nature ; i have known and heard of many of gods people whose houses are burnt , and goods spoyled , who have taken the loss with so much chearfulness , humility , meekness , patience , contentment , and thankfulness that any thing was saved , if it were only their lives , that it hath been my wonder and joy ; to gain such a spirit hath more of good , than the loss of all externall enjoyments hath of evil . 3. further , if these judgments have fallen upon gods people , we must know that they have their sins , which have deserved them , possibly some have begun now to comply with the wicked in their wicked wayes , it may be they were grown more loose in their walking , and formal in the service of god , & their hearts more set on the world , of which sins more largely when i come to speak of the sins of the city ; and the sins of gods people have more hainous aggravations , than the sins of the wicked , being committed against clearer light , dearer love , sweeter mercies , stronger obligations , and therefore provoke god the more to wrath ; therefore he threatneth his own people especially to punish them when they transgress , am. 3. 2. you only have i known of all the families of the earth , and therefore i will punish you for your iniquities . 5. besides , they may have need of awakening judgments to rouze them , and humble them for sin , to loosen and wean them from the world ; and it is in love and faithfulness , that god doth inflict such judgments upon them . 6. lastly , we must remember , that it is gods usual course to begin with his own house , 1 pet. 4. 17. iudgement begins at the house of god. 5. to conclude , do any of the ungodly question gods righteousness , because in these common calamities , they have hitherto survived and escaped ? 1. it is but an ill requital and ill use , which they make of gods patience and goodness which he hath exercised towards them , that hereby he might lead them unto repentance , rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. let them stay a while , and god will answer them himself , and give them an experimental conviction of his righteous judgments , 1 pet. 4. 17 , 18. if judgment begin at the house of god , what shall the end be of them that obey not the gospel ? and if the righteous scarcely be saved , where shall the ungodly and sinners appear ? we read psal. 75. 8. of a cup of red wine in the hand of the lord , he may give his people to drink the top of it , but the most bitter and dreggish part , which is at the bottome , the wicked shall wring forth and drink ; if god whip his children with rods , he will scourge his enemies with scorpions . i am perswaded that the notoriously ungodly of this generation will not go out of this world , without some remarkable temporal judgment ; and that the lord will make them feel something even here , what an evil thing , and a bitter it is so audaciously to fly in the face of the great god , by their hideous oaths and blasphemies , by their horrid wickedness and abominations , whereby they do as it were challenge god to do his worst against them ; and when god doth draw forth his glittering sword , and make ready his sharp arrow upon the string ; when god doth cloathe himself with fury , as with a garment , and his hand doth take hold on vengeance ; when their iniquities are grown fully ripe , and the day of their visitation and recompence is come , how then will these sinners of england be afraid , and what amazing terrour will there then surprize this vile generation ? can their hearts endure , or their hands be strong in the day that the lord shall deal with them ? ezek. 22. 14. then the lord will roar from his holy habitation , with such a terrible voice , as shall make their ears to tingle , their hearts to quake and tremble ; he will roar like a lion , and tear them in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver . if the shaking of his rod hath moved them , and the beginning of his judgments , which he hath executed upon others , hath affrighted them ; what will their behaviour be when the scourge is laid upon their own backs , and judgment shall fall upon their own heads ? surely the judgments intended purposely for the most ungodly , are not yet come ; yet , as they are like to be exceeding great , because more of pure , and unmixt wrath will accompany them : so they are like to be very neer ; because they are filling up the measure of their wickedness so fast , and they seem to be arrived even to the uttermost of sin ; surely their judgment doth neither linger , nor slumber , but is upon the wing , hastning towards them ; surely the arme of the lord is awakened , and lifted up on high , and though infinite patience doth hold it up a little while , to try whether the judgments already executed upon others , before their eyes will work any good effect upon them , so as to awaken them , and stop them , and turn them from their evil wayes ; yet , if they proceed in their sinfull course , his arm i am perswaded will come down with such force and fury upon them , that their destruction shall be remarkable to all that are round about them : and i have much of that perswasion , that the lord will as it were hang up many of the villains of our times , who have been guilty of such treachery and rebellion against the great king of heaven , as it were in chains , and make their punishment here as notorious as their sins have been , that the whole world may hear and fear , and take heed of such vile practises : i suppose they may not now expect it , nor fear it , no more than the old world did their drowning , or sodom and gomorrah did their burning , because deceitful sin hath hardned their hearts ; long custome in sin , with impunity hath seared their consciences , as with a hot iron : but then they are in the greatest danger , when they sleep with the greatest security ; when men grow desperately hardned against often , and all reproofs , by word , and rod too , what followes , but sudden destruction and that without remedy ? prov. 29. 1. and when men cry peace and safety , then sudden destruction cometh upon them , as travel upon a woman with childe , and they shall not escape , 1 thess. 5. 3. and if some of this untoward and wicked generation do drop away without a remarkable temporal destruction ; god will make his righteousness evident to them , in the other world , when he claps up their souls close prisoners in the lowest dungeon of hell , appointing black devils to be their jaylors , flames of fire to be their cloathing , hideous terrours and woe to be their food , cain , iudas , and other damned tormented spirits to be their companions , where they must lye bound in chains of darkness , till the judgment of the great day ; and when the general assize is come , and the angels have blown the last trumpet , and gathered the elect to the right hand of christ , then they will be sent with the keys of the bottomless pit , and the prison will be opened for a while , and like so many rogues in chains , they shall together with all their fellow sinners be brought forth , and finde out the dirty flesh of their bodies , which like a nasty ragg they shall then put on , and with most rufull looks , and trembling joynts , and horrible shreeks , and unexpressible confusion and terrour , they shall behold the lord jesus christ , whom in life time they despised and affronted , come down from heaven in flaming fire , to take vengeance upon them , who will sentence them to the flames of eternal fire , and drive them from his throne and presence into utter darkness , where they must take up their lodging for evermore . then , then there will be a clear revelation of the righteous and dreadful judgments of this great god unto the world , and upon this accursed generation . but more fully to clear up the reason of london's judgments , and the righteousness of god herein ; god hath indeed spoken very terribly , but he hath answered us very righteously . london was not so godly , as some speak by way of scoff : no! if london had been more generally godly , and more powerfully godly , these judgments might have been escaped , and the ruins of the city prevented ; no! it was the ungodliness of london , which brought the plague and fire upon london . there was a general plague upon the heart , a more dangerous infection , and deadly plague of sin , before there was sent a plague upon the body ; there was a fire of divers lusts which was enkindled , and did burn in the bosome , som t●mes issuing out flames at the door of the mouth , and at the windows of the eyes of the inhabitants , before the fire was kindled in the city , which swallowed up so many habitations . we have fallen , thousands of persons into the grave by the plague , thousands of houses , as a great monument upon them , by the fire ; and whence is it ? we are fallen by our iniquities . hosea 14. 1. the crown is fallen from our heads ; and what is the reason ? because we have sinned against the lord. lam. 5. 16. god hath spoken terribly , but he hath answered righteously ; as he gives great and especial mercies in answer unto prayer : so he sendeth great and extraordinary judgments in answer unto sin ; there is a voice and loud cry , especially in some sins which entreth into the ears of the lord of sabbath . 1 sam. 5. 4. when god speaks by terrible things , he makes but a righteous return to this cry . and though these judgments of plague and fire are national judgments , and may be the product of national sins , and i verily am perswaded , that god was more highly provoked by some that dwelt out of the city , than with those which dwelt in it , i mean the profane and ungodly generation , who chiefly did inhabit more remotely ; and that god , being so provokt , was the more ready to strike , and let his hand fall so heavy upon london ; yet since many of the ungodly crew were got into the city it self , and most in the city , that were not of them , & did not dare to commit their impieties , yet made themselves guilty , by not mourning for them , and labouring in their place what they could after a redress ; and since london it self hath been guilty of so many crying sins ( as i shall endeavour to shew . ) gods righteousness in the terrible things of london will be evident , especially if we consider 1. that god hath punished london no more than their iniquities have deserved . 2. that god hath punished london less than their iniquities have deserved . 1. god hath punished london no more than their iniquities deserved ; great sins deserve great plagues ; and have not the sins of london been great ? let us make an inquity after londons sins . here i shall offer some sins to consideration , and let london judge whether she be not guilty , and whether the lord hath not been plaguing her , and burning her , and possibly , yea probably will bring utter ruin and desolation upon her , except she see and mourn and turn the sooner : it is out of dear and tender love to london ( with whom i could willingly live and die ) that i write these things to put them in mind of their sins , that they might take some speedy course for a redress and turning away the fierce anger of the lord which is kindled against them for sin , lest he next proceed to bring utter ruin upon them : surely they have not more reason to think that gods anger is turned away since the fire , than they had to think it was turned away after the plague ; but rather they may conclude , that though the fire of the city bee quenched yet the fire of gods anger doth burn still more dreadfully , than the other fire ; and that his hand is stretched out still to destroy . therefore , o all yee inhabitants about lond●n open your eyes , and ears , and hearts , and suffer a word of reproof for your sins ; and deal not with this catalogue of your sins as iehojakim did with ieremiah's roll , who burnt it in the fire , not being able to bear his words ; but do with it as iohn did with his little book , eat it and digest it , though it be bitter in the mouth , as well as in the belly ; it is bitter physick , but necessary for the preservation of a sick languishing city , which is even ready to give up the ghost . and here i shall begin with more gospel-sins , which , though natural conscience is not so ready to accuse of , yet in the account of god are the most heinous sins : and i would have a regard not only to latter , but also to former sins , which , possibly , may now be more out of view , and forgotten , and which some may be hardned in , because the guilty have not been so particularly and sensibly punished ( though gods sparing of them hath been in order to their repentance ) or their punishments in some kinde hath been accounted by them no punishments , or their punishments have been mistaken , and their hearts have swelled against instruments made use of by god therein , instead of accepting of the punishment of their iniquity , and humbling themselves deeply before the lord. i say i would call to remembrance former sins , as well as latter , which are more visible now and apparent : for as god , being so slow to anger , hath not been quickly moved to such indignation ; but , as we have reason to think , that his wrath hath been a long time boiling in his breast , before it was raised to this heighth as to boile over , and pour down plague and fire upon the city of london : so we may reasonably infer , that sins committed by london long agoe , were the fuel put under , that caused this boiling of his anger , which , because other judgments have not wrought the kindly effect of repentance , the lord hath been provoked to express this way , which hath been more feeling and dreadfull . moreover when i reckon up london's sins , i would not reflect alone upon any one party , in as much as all parties have sinned , and i believe the lord hath been offended with all , as in his judgments he hath made no difference , that all might be awakened to see their faults with sorrow and shame . and if it were fit , i would begin here with my self , being perswaded that my sins , more then thousands of others , have helpt to fill up the viol of gods anger ; but as i go along , i shall endeavour by the grace of god to apply to my self the sins which conscience will accuse of , that i may bewail and amend : and i would beseech every one of you , that cast your eyes upon these lines , to do the like , and to compare them with those lines , which are written in the book of your consciences , and where you finde a transcript , read and read again , consider and lay to heart , get to your knees , confess and labour to drop , at least some teares into the bottle , which if this little book might help gather from your eyes , and you could be perswaded to pour forth such waters before the lord , they might help to quench the violence of the fire of gods anger , which we have reason to fear is still burning against us . sect . viii . a catalogue of london's sins , which have provoked the lord to speak with so terrible a voice in the city . 1. the first sin of london is slighting of the gospel . the gospel in england hath above this hundred years shined forth out of the clouds of popery and antichristianisme , which before did over-spread the land ; and in no place of england hath the gospel been preached with greater power and purity than in london ; and what entertainment hath it found ? hath it been valued according to its worth and excellency ? hath it been received as if it had come down from the god of heaven , expressing his love and good-will towards the children of men , as if it had brought such good newes and tidings , as salvation by jesus christ ? read the elogium which the apostle peter gives of the salvation made known by the gospel , 1 pet. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. of which salvation the prophets have enquired , and searched diligently , who prophesied of the grace that should come unto you : searching what , or what manner of time the spirit of christ which was in them , did signify when it testified before-hand the sufferings of christ , and the glory that should follow : unto whom it was revealed , that not unto themselves , but unto us they did minister the things , which are now reported unto you , by them that have preached the gospel unto you , with the holy ghost sent down from heaven , which things the angels desire to look into . the prophets of old did enquire and search , but did not so clearly understand the gospel , as now it is revealed , our saviour tells his disciples , luke 10. 24. that many prophets and kings had desired to see the things which they saw and had not seen them , and to hear the things , which they did hear , and had not heard them ; for indeed this mystery was hid from ages and generations which god then made manifest unto the saints , col. 1. 26. and the apostle paul tells us , that though the ministration of the law were glorious , in so much that it made the face of moses to shine , unto whom the law was revealed upon the mount , yet that it had no glory , in comparison with the ministration of the gospel , whose glory did so far excell , 2 cor. 3. 7 , 10. the mysteries of gods wisdome and love revealed in the gospel , being so glorious , surely are worthy of acceptation and esteem , especially when the angels who are not so much concerned , desire to look into these things , unto whom it is said , eph. 3. 10. is made known by the church the manifold wisedome of god. and yet these great things , which have been reported by them , who have preached the gospel , with the holy ghost sent down from heaven , have been undervalued in london . the gospel hath been slighted in london , and though some have been more notoriously guilty , yet who can altogether excuse themselves from this sin ? now that the conviction may be more full , i shall charge the sin more particularly . 1. the ignorant persons in london have been guilty of this sin , the light of the gospel hath shin'd about them , but they have mufled up themselves in darkness , and suffered sathan to keep them hood-wink'd , least the light of the glorious gospel should enter , and lead them out of his snare ; thousands in the city have been affectedly ignorant : though they have had means of knowledge , so near , and so easy to come by , multitudes have perished out of london , and multitudes still remain in their ignorance . o the neglect that there hath been of learning catechisms ! and how few have endeavour'd to acquaint themselves with the principles of the christian religion , that they might have the more full and clear understanding of the gospel ? 2. the vicious and profane have been guilty of slighting the gospel , how many such persons have there crouded , and are still crouding out of london into hell , when the light of the gospel shined upon them , which would have guided them in the way to heaven : because this light hath been too troublesome in its discovery , and reproof of their dear and sweet sins ; they have hated it , and endeavoured to fly as far as they could from it , or to shut their eyes as hard as they could against it . 3. the civil persons also have been guilty , there have been many sober citizens , and matrons , civil youths , and virgins , who have been free from the gross pollutions , which are in the world through lust , who have been diligent in their calling , just in their dealings , courteous , and sweet natur'd in their demeanour , and yet without the least degree of the power of godliness , without which it is impossible they should be saved , alas ! none of these have given any warme welcome unto the gospel in their hearts , which hath been so long preached in the city ; the kindness of a friend hath been esteemed by them , but the kindness of god hath not been regarded : if a messenger had come and told them how they might save their estates , when in danger of loss , or how to save their relations when in danger of death ; o how welcome would such a messenger and tidings have been ? but when ministers have preached the gospel unto them , which tells them how they should save their souls , in danger of death and hell , such tidings have had no relish with them , as if they had no souls , or were in no danger : the light hath shined before them , but there hath been a cloud in their eye , they could not discern it ; or they have look'd upon it afar off , they have not drawn neer , and brought it home , and set it up in their bosomes , that they might order themselves , and whole conversations , according to its guidance and direction . 4. the hypocrites have been guilty of this sin , these have drawn neerer to this light , than any of the former ; so neer , that they have seem'd to be cloathed with its beames , they have lighted their lamps hereby , and have shined forth in a glorious blaze of an outward profession , yet there hath been even in these an inward secret disrelish of the gospel , especially of some things in it ; there have been some secret rooms in their hearts into which they would not suffer the light to enter , least it should discover those beloved dalilah's which there they have nourished and brought up , they have been rotten at the core , and have had some unmortified lust within , which the world hath not taken notice of ; so that if the gospel hath been received by them , it hath been only in the outward form , not in the inward power ; if the light hath been received , it hath been without its heat and life . hence it hath come to pass that some of these hypocrites , who seemed to be stars of the first magnitude , have proved only blazing-stars and commets , which in a short time have fallen and sunk into wilde opinions , or fearful apostacy . 5. the errone us have been guilty of this sin ; some and not a few in london , under this glorious sun-shine of the gospel , which hath come from heaven , have lighted a candle at the fire of hell , and laboured to set it up in opposition to the true light of the gospel , crying out , new light , new light. sathan himself hath appeared in london like an angel of light , and employed his emissaries and wicked instruments ( who have seemed to be ministers of righteousness , but have had a wolfish ravenous heart under the dress and cloathing of the sheep ) to vent many damnable and destructive opinions in our church , under pretence of new discoveries and revelations of the spirit ; and though this false and taper-light could never abide the test , and put forth any beams of convincing truth , but darkned and disappeared upon the approach of the sun , where it shined in its power ; yet too many whose eyes were too fore to look upon the glorious beams of the sun , and yet withall their hearts too fearful to remain wholly in the dark without any shew of light , did withdraw themselves from the former , and sought after the later in dark corners , where alone such rotten wood could seem to shine , and such candles could give forth any light , and choosing night rather than day ▪ they followed these false wandring fires , though they were led by them into many a precipice . it is sad to remember , and seriously to consider what errours and strong delusions have abounded and prevailed in our gospel-daies . how many false teachers have there been among us , which have crept in at unawares ? how many jesuits and priests sent from rome and other places , to rend and tear our protestant church to pieces , that they might make way for the introduction of popery , at least to cast a disgrace upon protestantism , and delude many of us with the opinions they have broached , and to confirm their own in their delusions ; thus many cunning & learned jesuits have disguised themselves in the habit of taylors , shoo-makers , and of other mechanical tradesmen , that they might seem to the people to have been taught those things by the spirit , which have been the product of much study ; thus these cursed villains , of old ordained to condemnation , have privily brought in damnable heresies , some calling themselves quakers , others ranters , other seekers , others antinomians , others brownists , others anabaptists ; putting themselves into any shapes , that they might mis-lead , and the better lye in wait to deceive poor souls ; some denying the lord that bought them , setting up the fancy of a christ within them for their saviour ; others denying the foundation , undermining the divine authority of the scriptures ; others labouring to overthrow the doctrine of justification , and striking at most fundamental doctrines in the christian faith ; and all of them endeavouring to undermine the ministry of christs institution , and sending , calling them anti-christian , baals priests , false prophets , doing what they could to bring them and their ministry out of esteem , that they might the more effectually prevaile with the people to receive their false doctrines , and arm them hereby against an undeceivement ; and sweetning their poison with good words and fair speeches , they have deceived the hearts of the simple , so that many did follow their pernicious waies , by reason of whom the way of truth hath been evil spoken of , and what ever good words they had , they were but feigned words , whereby they made merchandize of souls , whose judgment now a long time lingreth not , and whose damnation slumbreth not . 2 pet. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. these the apostle calls spots and blemishes , sporting themselves with their own deceivings , wells without water , clouds carried about with a tempest , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , wandring stars , unto whom is reserved blackness of darkness for ever . 2 pet. 2. 13 , 17. iud. 13. and yet many of these were hearkned unto , and adheared unto by too many in london , rather than the true gospel ministers , commissioned by the lord jesus christ himself , and ordained according to the prescription of his word . then many lay-men , some gifted , ( who would have given a better account of their gifts at the great day had they kept their station ) and some without gifts , but with a great measure of ignorance and confidence , did step up sometimes into pulpits , often took upon them to preach in private , invading the office , and intruding into the work of christs embassadours , which he hath appointed a peculiar office for , and which he hath set a hedge about more than any other office we read of in scripture ; but they ventured to break over the hedge , i am confident to the affronting and displeasing of the great king , whose representatives in the world his embassadours are ; and not only silly women were led captive by the deceivers which crept in when so many took liberty to preach , but also men who professed themselves to be wise , and to have attained to a degree of light above the vulgar ; yet forsaking the ministery and ordinances of jesus christ , appointed to continue unto the end of the world , for the instructing , perfecting , and establishment of saints in knowledge and faith , they became fools and children , tossed to and fro with every mind of doctrine , by the slight of them which led them aside . eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. now all these persons have been slighters of the gospel of jesus christ , the ignorant , the profane , the hypocrite , and the erroneous ; and if you place them all in one company , how few will there remain in london , that have sincerely and heartily imbraced the truth as it is in jesus , and upon whom the gospel hath made a powerful and saving impression ? and even amongst those that have been affected and converted by the preaching of the gospel , and had it greatly in esteem at first hearing and believing ; how was their esteem of the gospel fallen , and their affection cooled ? did not gospel-ordinances begin to loose their worth and excellency , and grow tedious and wearisome unto them ? o how generally unthankful was london for the gospel priviledges and liberties ! yea , many began to be very nice and wanton , & the gospel was not relished , unless it were served up with such neatnesses & dressings , in which some ministers possibly did too much endeavour to please themselves and the people , and then the sauce was more relished than the food it selfe ; and the appetite of many was so spoiled , that plain wholsome soul-saving truths would not down with them . londoners began to be glutted with the gospel , and like the israelites in the wilderness , their souls began to loathe the mannah which came down from heaven ; a strange curiosity there was in spiritual pallates , which in many turned to a loathing of the food , in so much that the gospel became a burden unto them , and thence it was that many turned away their ears from the truth , and were turned unto errours , and they could not indure to hear sound doctrine , but having itching ears , heaped up unto themselves teachers according to their lusts . 2 tim. 4. 3 , 4. and those that continued stedfast in the truth , did not duly prize the gospel , none of them according to its dignity and worth . no wonder then if god grows angry at such contempts and affronts as were hereby offered unto him , and easeth them so much of their burden , and withdraws the food so much , which they grew so weary of : no wonder that he suffers so many of their teachers to be thrust into corners , and so much withdraws the beams of that light which was so much abused , and when they are not sensible of his displeasure in this , no wonder if he sends the plague and fire , to awaken them unto a sensibility . when the king sent forth his servants to call the guests to the wedding-feast , and they make light of it and excuse themselves , and go away , one to his farm , another to his merchandize , and the remnant took his servants and entreated them spightfully and slew them : the king was wroth , and sent forth his armies to destroy those murderers , and burn their city . matth. 22. from v. 1. to v. 8. god hath sent forth his fervants to call londoners to this feast ; how many invitations have they had to come unto christ , to accept of him , to save them , and feed upon him , from whom alone they can get any spiritual nourishment ; but how many in london have had their excuses , they have been following their merchandize and other business , and could not come ; and what entertainment his servants hath had ; the lord knows : i do not say that london hath entertained them despightfully , and slain them ; but have not their message been slighted by london ? and is it a wonder then if the king that sent them be wroth , and send a fire to burn down the city ? no greater favour could be shewed , no greater priviledge could be enjoyed , than to have the gospel powerfully preached , and ordinances purely administred ; but hath it been generally so accounted in london ? hath not merchandize , and thriving in the world ( which yet they have not thrived in ) been preferred before this by many thousands in the city ? when god hath been at such an expence to work out a way for mans salvation ; when he hath discovered such wonders of astonishing love in sending his only begotten son out of heaven to cloath himself in our flesh , that therein he might purchase life and salvation for us who were sunk so low from our primitive state by sin , and were exposed to death and wrath , & unavoidable endless misery in hell ; and hath sent his embassadours of peace to bring unto us the glad tidings hereof , and in his name to make known the thing , the authour , the tearms , the way ; and to intreat us that we would accept of life and reconciliation to god , who without any injury to himself could ruin us everlastingly , and get himself a name thereby ; and yet when the gospel is preached that we should undervalue and slight both messenger & message ; surely this hath been an affront to the lord , who hath sent his embassadours on this errand , and doth carry with it such ingratitude as cannot be paralleld . no doubt but this sin of slighting the gospel is a prime sin , which hath provoked god against london , to come forth in such fury ; and if london do not repent the sooner , and labour to recover its relish and esteem for the gospel , and make more evident demonstrations of it , i fear the lord will quite remove the gospel from them , and then nothing is like to follow but desolation and wo ; god doth not remove his glory at once but by steps ; first the glory of the lord departs from the inner-court , to the threshold of the house , ezek. 10. 3 , 4. from the threshold of the house to the door of the east-gate . v. 18 , 19. then it goes from the midst of the city , and standeth upon the mountain , chap. 11. 23. the gospel is the glory of london , and hath the glory of the lord made none of these removes ? is it not come forth of the inner-court ? hath it not left the threshold ? is not a departing of it quite from the city threatned ? will any thing recover it , if we do not recover our appetite , and prize , and cry after it . if the gospel go , god will go , the gospel being the sign and means of his special presence , and wo be unto us when god shall depart from us . hos. 9. 12. and if god depart with the gospel , farewel peace and prosperity in england , nothing i dare be confident but temporal misery and ruine will be the consequent ; if the ecclipse bring such misery , what will the quite darkning of the sun doe ? 2. the second sin of london is vnfruitfulness in such a fertile soile . this sin hath been an attendant upon , and a consequent of the former . london was not only a goshen , but an eden ▪ god chose out london to be his garden ; he hath hedged it , planted , watered , prun'd and manur'd it ; no place in the world hath had more plenty of the means of grace ; god hath given the former and the latter rain , and sweet dews of heaven both morning and evening did fall upon this place , in the morning seed was sown , and in the evening the hand was not with-drawn ; plentifull and powerfull hath preaching been in london , in season and out of season , on the sabbath day , and on the week day ; but hath london answered all gods care and cost ? hath not god come for many years together , seeking fruit , and found nothing but the leaves of profession ? hath he not often threatned to cut down the unfruitfull trees , and not suffer them to cumber his ground any longer ? and when through the intercession of the vine-dresser , he hath spared them this year and another year , hath not the same unfruitfulness still remained ? what could the lord have done more to his vine-yard than he hath done ? wherefore then when he looked for grapes , brought it forth only leaves , or wilde grapes ? and is it then to be wondred at , if the lord pluck down the hedge thereof , that it might be eaten up by the wilde boar and beast of the field , if he break down the wall thereof , and make it waste and desolate ? is it to be wondred at , if he with-hold the clouds that they rain not on it , and suffer briars and thorns to spring up in it , where the plants did grow ? the vine when it is unfruitful , is the most unuseful of all trees , it is fit for nothing but the fire , and the lord hath threatned to gather the unfruitfull branches , and to cast them into the fire and burn them ; and the earth which drinketh in the rain that often falleth upon it , and instead of herbs meet for the use of him by whom it is dressed , bringeth forth nothing but bryars and thorns , god rejecteth and curseth , and in the end burneth . o the unfruitfulness of london ! o the briars and thorns which have flourished in this ground , whereby the seed of the word hath been choaked ! o the hemlock , the thistle , and the wormwood , that have sprung up in the furrowes of the field ! o the tares that have abounded and overtopped the wheat , and how little good corn hath there been brought forth ! o the wilde olive trees which have grown up in gods garden , and wilde figges and wilde grapes , which the figg-trees and vines of god have yielded unto him ! o the leanness of his sheep in such fat pasture ! o the barrenness ! the barrenness ! of london under such plentifull showers of the word ! instead of the fruits of righteousness , which are to the praise and glory of god , there have been the fruits of unrighteousness and wickedness , which are to gods dishonour ; instead of the fruits of the spirit , which are love , joy , peace , gentleness , meekness , temperance , goodness , faith ; there have been the works of the flesh , fornication , uncleanness , lasciviousness , hatred , variance , emulations , wraths , strifes , seditions , heresies , envyings , murders , drunkenness , revellings , and such like ; of which the apostle tells us , that they which do such things , shall not inherit the kingdome of god. and those who have not abounded in the grosser works of the flesh , very few of them have been very fruitfull in good works . london hath had the means of grace , and yet most of them without grace , few of them have much grace ; london hath had powerfull ordinances , but but what powerful effect have they produced ? what have they to shew of all their prayers , and sermons , and sacraments ? have they attained unto a great measure of mortification ? is grace grown up to a great heighth ? what evidences , what experiences have the best got , which they might have got , had they been more diligent ? give me leave a little more particularly to instance the unfruitfulness of london in regard of repentance , faith , love and new obedience , the fruit which god so much looketh for , and so much delighteth in . 1. where have been the fruits of repentance in london ? calls there have been to repentance frequent , fervent : reason for repentance , sins numerous , hainous : need of repentance that judgments temporall , eternall , might be diverted , that pardon , happiness might be obtained : and yet o the impenitency and hard-heartedness of london ! few bleeding hearts under the sharp sword of the word ; little tenderness under the most melting discourses ; few converts and penitent persons did the most powerful preaching ( especially before the gospels eclipse ) bring forth in london : converting work was at a great stand , though there were so many unconverted persons in the city : and by the impenitency and hardness of heart in london , gods treasures of wrath have been filled up , which in some measure he hath opened in these late judgments , that he hath inflicted , and yet the great day of his wrath is stil to come , rom. 2. 4 , 5. 2. where have been the fruits of faith in london ? how hath unbelief abounded , the great gospel sin , more dangerous than any other , and more hainous in london than in any other place ? o the thick vail of unbelief which hath hid gospel mysteries , and things afar off from the eyes of this people ! o the evil heart of unbelief which hath shut the door against the lord jesus christ , who hath knocked so long for entertainment ! o the sottishness of london , to believe no more , when truths have been made so plain and clear ; when promises have been made known so great and sure ; when christ hath been preached and tendered ; and when heaven hath been reveal'd and proffered ; and when all have such need , for the most to shut the eye , and ear , and heart , and through unbelief to refuse ! to give god the lye , and turn upon him the back ; to give christ a wound , and tread his blood underfoot ; to give the spirit a repulse , and send him away griev'd from the heart , as men do by their unbelief ; this sin doth provoke the lord to great displeasure . 3. where have been the fruits of love in london ? o the want of love to god , and one to another ! the grace of love is necessary and sweet and hath been much pressed , but little exercised in london ; there hath been much love of the world , but little love of the father ; hatred of the brethren hath abounded , but there was little brotherly love ; burning anger there hath been , litle burning love ; burning lusts , litle burning love ; inordinate carnal love , little true spiritual love ; carnal love hath exceeded the bounds , but spiritual love hath been in a very low degree : and when love in london hath waxed cold , is it a wonder if gods anger hath waxed so hot , and broken forth into such flames , as we have seen ? 4. where have been the fruits of new obedience in london ? and expression of love to jesus christ by keeping of his commandments , though his commandments are not grievous ? 3. a third sin of london , is hypocrisy in the profession of religion . this sin exceedingly prevailed in the late times , when profession of religion was grown into fashion : religion was neer in the mouths of most , but far from the reins : there was a general face of religion , but it was no more than skin-deep ; it was seated in the countenance , not rooted in the heart : how many painted sepulchres had ▪ we in london , outwardly fair and beautiful , inwardly full of rottenness and wickedness ? how much sounding brass had we then in our streets ? a great noise and stir hypocrites did make , but they were hollow at heart ; our gold was most of it counterfeit ; water we had instead of wine , and dross instead of silver . o how was religion abused ! some made it a stirrop to get up by into the seat of honor ; others made it a cloak to cover their covetous practises ; many base and wicked designes were carried on under pretence of religion . it would ask too much time to set forth hypocrites in all their shapes , and to paint hypocrisy in all its colours . london hath formerly abounded with hypocrites , and more lately it hath not been free . if hell-fire be the portion especially of hypocrites hereafter , matth. 24. 51. no wonder then if god be angry with a place for this sin here . 4. the fourth sin of london , is formality and lukewarmness in the worship of god. there was much formality when there was no form ; and i suppose that forms have not quickned unto more liveliness ; there was a face of worship indeed in london ; and was there not only , or little more than a face in most places ? god is holy and jealous , a great king , and his name is dreadful , mal. 1. 14. god is a spirit , and they that worship him , must worship him in spirit and in truth , joh. 4. 24. but hath his worship been accordingly in london ? hath there been that spiritual worship which he requires ? let london seriously reflect upon their carriage towards god in their devotions ; have they had a due awe and dread of the great name of god upon them , when they have seemed to draw neer unto him ? have they worshipped him with reverence and godly fear ? outward reverence some have used , more than he hath required , in bowing at names and before places ; but have they had inward reverence and fear of god upon their hearts ? have they cloathed themselves with humility , when they have come into his presence ? hath there been inward fervour and delight accompanying their outward acts of worship ? alas ! how formal hath london been , especially of late in gods worship ? they have prayed , but what kinde of prayers have they been ? could they deserve the name of prayers ? were those prayers likely to prevent judgement , or turn away wrath ? some confessions of sin have been made , but so generall and formall , that they have been very unlikely to work up the heart to sorrow and repentance : and where some have been more particular , hath not much formality cleaved to them ? where hath hearty grief for sin , and sorrow been to be found ? would not a small viol hold all the tears that have dropt from the eyes of great assemblies , even in the day of their most solemn humiliations ? hath not sin been rolled under the tongue , when confession of sin hath been at the end of it ? have not the confessions of many been such as if they came to ask leave to commit sin , rather than humbly to bewail it ? at least have they not taken leave , whatever their confessions have been ? petitions have been made for pardon , and grace , and sanctification , but hath it not been lip-prayer , without hearty desire ? hath it not been in such a manner , as if they did not much care whether they did speed or no ? as if they could make shift well enough without a pardon ? as if they had no need of grace and holiness ; but they must say something for form and custom ? hath there not been an enmity in the hearts of many against that which they have seemed to desire with their lips ? who have stirr'd up themselves to lay hold on god ? who have wrestled in prayer with fervent desires , with faith , and importunity ? hearing there hath been in london ; but how little believing ? how little relishing the word , and receiving it with love ? singing there hath been , but how little joy and melody of the heart in the lord ? o how formal and lukewarm hath london been ? how much of the laodicean temper have they had in all ordinances ? and might not god say to london , as he did of old to ierusalem , isa. 1. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. to what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? &c. such services are to no purpose ; they are vain worship , and do not attain the end thereof , either to profit him that offereth them , or to please him unto whom they are tendered ; can such formal services be effectual to procure pardon or peace ? can they bear up the spirit in a day of trouble ? will not the morning cloud and early dew of such righteousness flee away and vanish upon the approach of the sun ? will not such spiders webs be broken to pieces by a stormy winde ? how do formalists behave themselves as if they had no religion when they fall into trouble ? when god thunders by his judgements , what can a cold , formal , empty prayer do ? when death appears before them with a grim countenance , what comfort can such reap by reflection on such services ? what evidences for heaven can they gather from any of their outside devotions ? and are not they to as little purpose in regard of god ? may not god say unto them of their fastings and prayers , did you fast unto me ? did you pray at all unto me ? zach. 7. 5. or as here to the iews , that he was full of their services , even to a loathing ; that he took no delight in them , and who hath required these things at your hands to tread my courts ? bring no more vain oblations , incense is an abomination unto me , i cannot away with your assemblies , my soul hateth them , they are a trouble to me , i am weary to bear them . the lord is much offended with formal , hypocritical services ; hereby they flatter and mock him , and is he taken with flatteries ? such services are like a dead , cold , black , mangled , rotten , stinking carkase without the soul and spirit , which must needs be very unsavoury and displeasing ; they are like the lame , blinde , halt , sick cattel , which were not fit to be offered up in sacrifice under the law , mal. 1. 8. if ye offer the blinde for sacrifice , is it not evil ? and if ye offer the lame and sick , is it not evil ? offer it now unto thy governour , will he be pleased with thee ? and will god then be pleased ? such persons when they seem to serve god with their outward man , they serve the devil and their own lusts with their inward man ; god hath the form sometimes , the devil hath the power ; god hath the show , the devil hath the substance ; god hath the bark , the rinde , the shell , the devil hath the kernel ; god hath the cabinet , the devil gets the jewel ; they give god the devils leavings and refuse as it were of their own lust ; for they spend the strength and vigour of soul and body in serving the devil , and gratifying their own lusts ; and then think to put god off with any thing ; giveing him only some dead , cold , faint , empty , heartless , lifeless , outward services ; and even in them they are sweyed by some carnal motives , which are the secret spring to the wheel of all external services . and o how abominable is all such worship in the sight of god ? hath not formality in worship , been one sin of london , which hath helpt to fill up the ephah ? when the means god hath appointed for the turning away of his anger is used in such a manner that it self becomes a provocation , no wonder if his wrath break forth without remedy . 5. a fifth sin of london is division amongst professors ; different perswasions have made wide breaches and divisions in london , and through divisions have arisen great animosities and contentions , unto the shame of christianity and the protestant religion ; and hath not god been provoked to anger hereby ? hath not he contended with professours , and by the common scourge he hath brought upon them , called aloud unto them for a union , and more hearty accord and affection then formerly they have had ? and hath not he given them liberty and opportunity , had they minded and cared to make use of it , for meeting together in order unto healing ? but have professours of different parties been sensible of gods meaning in the scourge upon their backs ? have they hearkened unto gods call ? have they laid hold of , and improved opportunities for closing up their wide breaches ? i hope some closing in affection there hath been amongst some ; but how rarely hath it been to be found ? and when there are such breaches still amongst us , is it not just with god to make further breaches upon us , as he hath done by his judgements ? 6. a sixth sin of london is neglect of reformation . neglect of 1 personal 2 family 3 city 4 church reformation . 1 neglect of personal reformation in heart . life . 1. who in london have seriously and very diligently endeavoured the reformation of their hearts ? when so unclean , and polluted , who have laboured to get them washed ? when such roots of bitterness have been springing forth , and such weeds of lust have been growing there , who hath endeavoured to pluck them up ? outward neatness there hath been in london , washing , and rincing , rubbing and scowring ; but o the inward sluttishness ! they who have had clean houses , and clean garments , and clean faces and hands , have had foul hearts : who have taken care every day to rince and scowre their inside ? to bring their hearts to the fountain set open for sin and uncleanness ; and to cleanse themselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , that they might arrive every day unto greater perfection in holiness ? they who have been careful to dress their bodies every day , have been very careless in dressing their hearts , neglecting to put on the white robes of christs righteousness which alone can cover their spiritual nakedness and deformity ; and to get the jewels of grace , which alone can adorn the soul , and render it amiable in the sight of god. heart work , is hard work ; and it is so hard that most have let it alone ; they have been discouraged with the difficulty ; the opposition of sathan and lust to this work hath been so strong , that they have been quickly overpowered upon their first attempts and endeavours after a change and rectifying of the disorders , which they have perceived . heart work , is secret work ; many have employed themselves in the more open work of religion ; few have taken pains with their hearts in secret ; many take heed to their tongues , what they speak , and before whom ; to their hands , what they do ; to their feet , whither they go ; but few take heed to their hearts ▪ murder , adultery , theft , and the like sins have been committed in the heart by many , who would have been afraid and ashamed of the outward acts . o the unwatchfulness there hath been in london over the heart ! citizens have watched their gates , and watched their streets , and watched their houses ; but how few have watched their hearts , what cometh in , and what goeth forth ? how few have set a watch before the door of their lips , and ears , and other senses , which are the inlets of sin ; and upon their hearts , from whence are the issues of sin ? how few have kept their hearts with all diligence ? how few have laboured to govern their thoughts , to rule their passions , to subjugate their wills to christ , and to deliver up all their affections to his dispose and obedience ? heart reformation hath been much neglected . 2. who in london have endeavoured life-reformation as they should ? how few have there been effectually perswaded to put away the evil of their doings from before the eyes of the lord , to cease from evil , and have learned to do well ? how few have broken off their sins by repentance , and throughly amended their ways , measuring out their actions , by the rule of the word ? how few have got the law of god written in their hearts , and the transcript thereof in their lives , exemplifying the precepts thereof in their conversations ? how few in london have been like so many epistles of christ , in whom the will and grace of their master might be read ? who have troden in christs steps , walking as he walked , and followed him in the way of obedience and self-denyal ? who have shined like so many lights in dark places and times , adorning their profession , and living as becometh the gospel ? great irregularities there have been in the lives of most londoners , little gospel-reformation ; little making religion the business ; little holy exact living . if a stranger had looked into our city , and observed the lives of the most , and not known them to have had the name of christians , would not he have judged them to be heathens , yea many of them in their dealing to be worse then turks and infidels ? thus personal reformation hath been neglected . 2. a great neglect there hath been of family reformation in london ; how few have with ioshuah resolved , and accordingly endeavoured that they and their houses should serve the lord ? how few have set up religious worship in their families ? have not many hundred houses in the city been without family-prayer in them from one end of the week to the other ? and is it strange that the lord hath burned down those houses , wherein the inhabitants would not vouchsafe to worship him ? and where there hath been some prayer in many families , it was but once a day , and that so late at night , and when the body hath been so tryed , and sleepy , and the soul so dull , and unfit for gods service , that the prayers have been no prayers , or lost prayers , such , which instead of pleasing him , have provoked him to anger ? how few did labour to instruct their families ; catechize their children and servants , to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord ? hath not god threatned to pour out his wrath upon irreligious families ? ier. 10. 25. 3. neglect of city-reformation ; have not the magistrates of london been faulty here ? let them ask their own consciences , whether to the uttermost of their power according to the trust and opportunity the lord hath put into their hands , they have endeavoured the reformation of the city ? whether as gods under-officers , they have improved their interest for the promotion of religion in the zealous exercise of it ? yea whether they have put the laws made , in execution against sabbath-breakers , swearers , drunkards , endeavouring to find out and punish such offenders ? 4. neglect of church-reformation ; and is there no blame to be laid upon church-officers ? hath there been that zeal for , and faithful execution of church-discipline according to the rules of the word ? hath not the lord jesus christ been affronted in his kingly office by some , who have imposed precepts of their own upon mens consciences , instead of vigorously endeavouring the execution of his ; and taken the power of the keyes out of the hands of those unto whom the lord hath entrusted it , hereby rendring the execution of discipline impossible according to the laws of christ ? have not the tender and most conscientious lain under the censures of some , rather then the openly profane and scandalously wicked ? neglect of reformation am i speaking of ? nay have not many , who call themselves ministers , endeavoured rather the overthrow , then the promotion of it ? have they not had girds in their pulpits at holiness and zealous profession ; which they have seconded by a conversation of dissoluteness , malitious opposition and persecution of those especially who have been the most religious ? sad neglects there have been of reformation in london ; and that when london lay under such obligations to reform : as christians they were obliged by baptismal and renewed vows : as protestants of the reformed religion , they were obliged to endeavour a reformation : by mercies they were obliged ; an● have they been under no other obligations ? and hath not the neglect of reformation , notwithstanding all obligations , rendred them guilty of disingenuity , infideliy , yea of perjury it self ? i verily believe this is the great sin god is scourging london for ; god is contending for a reformation ; and if they do not endeavour it more vigorously the sooner , i fear he will bring desolation upon them . 7. a seventh sin of london , is fearful apostacy , and a spirit of complyance with the sins of the times . how many in london who formerly were great profestours , have discovered themselves to be rotten hypocrites ? who casting off the sheeps clothing , and laying aside all profession , have given themselves up to dissoluteness , and licentious living ? formerly they have seemed true penitents , and to be washed from their iniquities ; but they have returned with the dogg to the vomit , and with the sow that is washed to the wallowing in the mire , 2 pet. 2. ult . formerly they have been swept a little within ; and garnisht outwardly with a fair profession ; but the unclean spirit hath returned , and without any great difficulty hath entered with seven worse spirits , and defiled them more then before , and made their last state worse then their first . i speak not so much of those who worship god in this mode or that mode , and of alterations herein ; but of those who sometimes professed religion , and now do not worship god in any mode at all , but wholly addict themselves to their lusts , and are ashamed to be called , or thought to be religious . they would not now look like a saint , or speak like a saint , much less live like a saint . thus have many in our dayes cast off all fear of god , and devoted themselves with the hell-hounds of the times to the service of the devil ; resolving to do what in them lies to promote the interest of his kingdom . and if some are a little more aukward in his service , and not altogether so like him , and such apt scholars presently , as others whose education hath been in his school from their childhood , yet they learn very fast , and wonderfull is their proficiency in a short time ; and in regard of apostacy they come neerer the image of the devil , than those that have been alwayes tutor'd by him . now for any in london to forsake god , that they might serve the devil ; to draw off from the wayes of holiness , that they might walk in the wayes of wickedness ; doth cast a great slurr upon god and his wayes . they do in effect say , that the devil is a better master than god ; and that the way of sin that leadeth to hell is more eligible than the way of holiness , which alone can bring to heaven . the lord threatneth , that his soul shall have no pleasure in such apostates , heb. 10. 38. it is a meiosis , and we are to understand , that the lord is highly displeased with such persons . see how god pleads with apostatizing israel , ier. 2. 9 , 10 , &c. wherefore i will yet plead with you , saith the lord. pass ye over to the isles of chittim , and see , and send unto kedar , and diligently consider , if there be any such thing ? hath any nation changed their gods , which yet are no gods ? but my people have changed their glory for that which doth not profit ! be astonished o ye heavens at this , and be horribly afraid , be ye very desolate , saith the lord ; for my people have committed two great evils ; they have forsaken me the fountain of living waters , and have hewen out unto themselves broken cisterns , that can hold no water : and hence follows , v. 15. the young lions roared and yelled upon him , and laid his land waste ; his cities are burnt without inhabitant : and v. 17. thou hast procured these things unto thy self , because thou hast forsaken the lord thy god : and v. 19. thy own wickedness shall correct thee , and thy back-slidings shall reprove thee ; know therefore and see that it is an evil thing and bitter , that thou hast forsaken the lord thy god , and that my fear is not in thee , saith the lord god of hosts . and may not god thus plead with the apostates of london , and punish them as he did his people of israel ? 8. the eighth sin of london is deafning the ear against all gods calls . the lord hath called upon london by his ministers , but they have been like the deaf adder which will not hearken to the voice of the charmer ; they have stopped their ears , and turned away their shoulder , and made their heart like an adamant stone . god hath called by his mercies ; but this voice hath been too low , and they have slept the more securely in sin . god after other means hath called by afflictions , first lighter , then heavier ; and yet how many in london have , and still do walk contrary unto god , and will not return to him that hath smitten them ? they have been incorrigible under all gods correcting rods. when god spake by the plague , they were a little awakened , but quickly dropt asleep again ; when the plague was a little over , they return to their trades again , to their sins again , but they do not return unto the lord. and when the judgement of the plague was so much lost and ineffectual for their good ; this no doubt hath provoked god so quickly and unexpectedly to turn his hand upon them , and bring the judgement of the fire ; and if they will still walk contrary to god , they must expect that god will walk contrary to them , untill he have consumed them . 9. a ninth sin of london is profaneness , and a loose and frothy spirit , especially in the youth and springing generation . i do not tax all ; for i am confident there is a serious and godly youth growing up . but o that there were not reason to say , that the generality of youth is profane and wicked , as well as those who are grown more mature in wickedness ! and this profaneness hath shewed it self in 1 profane using gods name . 2 profane breaking of gods day . 3 profane scoffing at gods people . 1. in profane using of gods name . how grosly hath the third commandment been broken in the city ? how hath the great and dreadfull name of the lord god , which should make men to tremble in the mention of it , and command their spirits into aw and reverence , been vainly taken by many , and used to fill up the sentence of their ordinary discourse ? and not only so ; but how hath the name of god been tossed in the black mouths of the children of darkness , and even torn in pieces by their hideous oaths and execrations ? what an hellish noyse hath the sound of full-mouth'd oaths , made sometimes in the streets ; enough to make the hair stand on end , of one who hath a sence of the greatness of that majesty upon his spirit , which hereby is so audaciously affronted ? oh the swearing that hath been used by londoners in buying and selling ! many parents have been so addicted to this sin in their families , that their little children have no sooner learned to speak , but they have also learned of them to swear by the name of god , which hath been all the teaching of god that they have given them ; a devilish teaching indeed ; which hereafter they will curse and bann them for in hell. but if you should have laid your ears unto the taverns , and ale-houses , and whore-houses , and other devil-houses once standing in london ; and harkened to the speeches of many of the devils imps , in their drinking and gaming , and other lewd practises , especially when a little cross'd and vexed ; oh what language of hell might have been heard ! how have those cursed villains , in the heat of their wine and anger , shot vollies of oaths in the face of the god of heaven ! and whetting their tongues like a sharp sword , they have not feared to wound the name of god , when they have received any injury from men . o what poyson of asps hath there been under their lips ? but a worse poyson of sin in their hearts , from the evil treasure and abundance of which , these oaths and blasphemies have proceeded . but who can find words to set forth the evil of this sin , which hath not the temptation of pleasure , advantage or honour , as other sins have ; and therefore is a great argument of a monstrous wicked heart ? and who can express gods displeasure for this sin , for which he makes sometimes a whole land to mourn ? and hath not this sin provoked the lord to utter his angry voice in plaguing and burning the city , that they might fear to abuse his name any more ? 2. in profanc breaking of gods day . sabbath breaking was an ordinary sin in london . i say not , it was so much broken in doing the ordinary works of the particular callings , but in that which was worse : how many did spend the sabbath in eating to excess , and drinking till they were drunk , in sleeping , in walking into the fields , in sports and recreations ? many wholly neglected the worship of god on that day ; and instead of that , did the devil more service on the lords day , then all the days of the week besides . the many weeks of sabbaths which london had in the time of the plague , methinks did reprove london for their profaning of the weekly sabbath : and the great fire , ( i will not call it bon-fire because so destructive to london . ) which was begun in the city on the lords day did reprove london for those lesser fires , ( i will not call them bon-fires because so offensive to god ) which not long before were kindled in the streets on that day which called for other kind of work . not to speak any thing whether there were any just occasion for those fires and ringing of bells , ( most of which were melted before they were rung so generally again ) and such a shew of mirth and rejoycing at that time . the citizens carrying forth their goods , and lying in the fields , with grief and fear , might put them in mind how often they had walked out into those fields on the lords day for their recreation ; when they should rather have been hearing the word preached , or if that were over , repeating it in their own families , giving and receiving instruction , or in their closets at the throne of grace , or employed in meditation . as god delights in those that call his sabbaths a delight , and makes sweet promises to them ; so he is highly displeased with sabbath breakers , and hath denounced severe threatnings against them , jer. 17. 27. if ye will not hearken to me to hallow the sabbath day ; i will kindle a fire in the gates of jerusalem which shall devour the palaces thereof , and shall not he quenched . 3. in profane scoffing at gods people . the name of a saint , and godly man , hath been ridiculous to many prophane spirits in london , and used by them in a way of reproach . how have gods people , especially the more strict and zealous , been made the drunkards song , and laughed at in the streets ? horrid impiety ! as if it were matter of more shame to be like the holy god , than to be like the foul devill ! and to be employed in the work of angels , than to drudge in satans chains ! no wonder if god is angry with such a place where such vipers have had their abode : prophaness is a great sin that hath brought ruine upon us . 10. a tenth sin of london is pride . this sin being so odious to god ; so destructive where it abounds ; and so universal in london ; i shall speak of it the more largely , both in regard of the inward workings , and the outward expressions of it : which when opened , i believe there are none that will be able to say they are wholly free from it . 1. in regard of the inward workings of pride . oh how hath the poison of this sin envenomed the spirits of the most in a very high degree ? how many self-admirers have there been in london , who have been puft up with an overweening conceit of their own excellencies ? what high , touring , swelling thoughts have they had of themselves ? what secret self-pleasing , and lifting up themselves in their own esteem ? some esteeming themselves for that which is matter of shame ; admiring themselves for their own wit and parts , when they have lain fallow , and not been employed for god , or when they have been employed to his dishonour : when they have been wise , but it hath been to do evil : when they have been men of understanding , but it hath been to practise iniquity : when they have had cunning craftiness , but it hath been to deceive , to defraud and over-reach ; or to plot and contrive others mischief ; when they have had a ripe wit , quick understanding , rich fancy , fluency of speech ; but the employment hath been about toyes and trifles , or that which is worse ; when the vent hath been in foolish , empty complements and courtship , jesting with scripture , scoffing at the religious , or in dirty and obscene discourses . others have admired themselves , for that which really they never had but only in their own imagination . some for their parts and learning ; thinking themselves great schollars when none have thought so but themselves : others for their grace and godliness , when their silver hath been dross ; and their grace either counterfeit in whole , or so mixed with unperceived corruption , that upon examination they might find themselves very poor , in that which they thought themselves so much enriched with ; and if they looked to the root and principle of their actions , they might find great flaws , and deficiency in those things which they had the highest conceit of . how many in london have had very honourable esteem of themselves ; preferring themselves above others , yea above the whole world ? few have measured themselves by the rule , but measured themselves by their own fancies , or by other mens esteem . how many have thought themselves to be something , when they have been nothing , and rejoyced in their actions as excellent , and admirable , not from their own proof and tryal of them by the word , but from others acceptation and commendations , and by comparing them with the actions of other men , whom they have conceited themselves to exceed ? o how have some lifted up themselves above others , looking upon themselves as far more worthy without any reall ground ? their eye hath been upon their own good things , overlooking the secret evil , because it cannot be seen by men : and their eye hath been upon others evil things ; overlooking the good which hath been out of ready view : their eye hath been upon their own best things , and upon others worst things , aggravating their faults , and extenuating their own . thus they have in their thoughts brought others down through uncharitableness , and lifted up themselves upon the ruines , which their uncharitableness hath made in others worth : and when they have had greater esteem because of their greater shew , this opinion of themselves hath been confirmed ; whereas in truth , others who made less shew , and had less esteem , have had more sincerity , and secret hidden excellency . i might further trace the inward workings of pride in the self-love which it hath effected ; what a marvelous affection have proud persons had towards themselves , notwithstanding their ugliness , and spiritual deformity , the rottenness and corruption within them ? and many lusts of their hearts ? all which pride hath covered and a thousand faults in themselves ; as charity doth cover a thousand faults in others : pride hath put a fair gloss and varnish upon all , and represented men to themselves as very lovely and amiable . pride also hath chosen for such , their friends , who have been loved , not according to the worth which those persons have had , but according to the estimation those persons have had of their worth ; which if those have fallen in estimation , these have fallen in affection . i might shew the workings of pride , in the hatred , anger , spight , revenge which it hath effected , when it hath met with disesteem or slighting : the grief at the substraction of its fuel , and provision ; the sollicitous thoughts , and cares concerning , and eager progging , and pursuit after others commendations ; the storm of commotion and disturbance which this winde hath raised , when the tide of applause hath run another way : the complacency and delight it hath yielded in drinking out of a full stream of others esteem , in chewing the cud , and revolving in the minde the praise of men . but so much concerning the inward workings of pride . 2. concerning the outward expressions of pride , and that , 1. in the speech : london hath been grosly guilty in boasting and vain-glory. what company could you come into almost , but you should finde many boasting spirits ? some foaming out the shame of their own praise , in high expressions , and direct self-commendations ( without any regard to gods glory , self-vindication , example , or excitement ; in which cases , modestly and sparingly , to do it may be lawfull and a duty ) but they have done it only to be well thought on , and admired : others driveling out their own praises more sliely and indirectly ; but a christian of eyes and brains , might easily perceive that the drift and scope of the discourse hath been self , and a tacit begging of a good opinion . as if one should say , pray friends , think a little better of me ; pray have me higher in your esteem ; for to say the truth , by this i give you to understand that i am a very worthy person . many we shall finde very forward to declare their own goodness , but few faithfull in speaking forth the praises of god ; yea many there have been who have discommended themselves , not that they might fall , but rise in esteem . thus some rotten-hearted hypocrites as full of pride as they can hold , and some sincere in the main , yet too much like them , have spoken so meanly of themselves , and so much against themselves as none other would do ; and what hath been the design ? even that they might be accounted humble : and therefore they have taken care in their self-commendations , to speak of nothing but common infirmities , concealing their more gross faults ; and those common infirmities , in a mourning and complaining way , as if they were very sensible of them ; as if affected , afflicted , and burthened with them ( as the humble , sincere christian is indeed ) that they might be esteemed for sensibility of small faults ; and then they have taken care to do it , not to those that are more rigid , severe and quicksighted christians , that would quickly have smelt out their pride ; but unto those , which they have lookt upon as the most tender , charitable persons , who are ready hereby to advance them higher in esteem ; or weaker christians , who are ready to confess more evil of themselves . and when they have thus spoken against themselves , they have not really thought so , but the contrary ; but they have spoken so , that they might be contradicted , and commended to their faces ; if they thought they should have fallen in esteem by such words , they would have held their peace , but because they supposed discommendation might most effectually promote esteem , and draw out a good word , therefore they have used it . proud hypocrites speak ill of themselves that they may be accounted humble ; they cannot endure to be humble ; they care not for the grace , yea they hate it ; yet they would be thought to have it , because it doth promote esteem : they love the reward of humility , but they care not for humility it self , they love humility in others , because such persons will stoop to them ; but they love not humility in themselves , for they will stoop to none . thus some also out of a secret design of pride have discommended others behinde their backs , that they might be thought to exceed them , whom they could correct , and finde fault withall ; they have laboured to bring down others that they might set up themselves . and the same design of pride they have had in commending others to their faces , and exalting them in words above themselves , not from a reall esteem which they have had of them above themselves , but only that they might draw forth a commendation from them . such expressions of pride have been to be found in professors , and have been more latent ; but i shall speak of the more gross and open expressions , which have been generall in the city . we read of the pride of the daughters of ierusalem , isa. 3. 16 , &c. they were haughty , and walked with stretched forth necks , and wanton eyes , walking and mincing as they went , and making a tinckling with their feet : and what was it they were proud of ? see from v. 18. to v. 25. their ornaments , their cauls , their tires , their chains , their bracelets , their mufflers , their tablets , their head-bands , their rings , their iewels , their changeable suits of apparel , and the like . and hath there not been this pride in london ? were not the daughters of london like the daughters of zion for pride , and haughtiness ? was there any place in england that could shew such pride of apparel as london could shew , which the female sex were not only guilty of ? was there any fashion , though never so antick and apish , which london did not presently imitate ? who can count the cost which hath been lavished out in cloathing , and rich apparel ? some pinching their bellies and families to lay it out on this lust. this pride of apparel is very shamefull and absurd , cloaths being the badge of apostasie , which were not made use of till after the fall , therefore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies cloathing , comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he prevaricated ; and it is as if a thief should be proud of his shackles , or any malefactor of his mark of disgrace : at least the gaudy attire of many persons hath signified the emptiness and frothy minde within ; and that they have had nothing to set them forth but their cloaths . i might also add ; the pride , which the daughters of london have had of their beauty , though it be but skin-deep , and the body but a skinfull of dirt , and the choycest beauty without discretion , like a jewel hanged at the ear or nose of a swine : and the lord knows what monstrous , and defiled , and deformed insides , the most of those have had , who have been so fair and adorned outwardly . many in london have been proud of their fine cloaths and fair faces ; and others of their fair shops , and stately houses ; pride has hung about the neck like a chain , and covered them like a garment , instead of the cloathing and ornament of humility , which before god is of so great price . now god is highly offended with the sin of pride , god resisteth the proud , 1 pet. 5. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he doth as it were set himself in battell array against them . pride goes before destruction , and an haughty spirit before a fall , prov. 16. 18. pride was one of sodoms sins , which city was burnt with fire from heaven , ezek. 16. 49. the scriptures speak of three cities that were burnt for this sin of pride among other sins , namely sodom , ierusalem , and babylon : and may not london come in for a fourth ? the botches , and blains , and loathsome sores in the bodies of many , when the plague was in london ; and the burning of so much fewel of pride , by the fire , methinks were a very loud reproof and rebuke of london for this sin . 11. an eleventh sin of london , is fullness of bread , or intemperance in eating : this was another of the sins of sodom . god did feed london with the finest of the wheat , and gave plenty of corn , and flesh , and other provisions ; but how have they abused plenty by their intemperance and luxury ? o the excessive feasting in halls , and private houses of them whose estates have been more plentifull ! what indulging hath there been to the appetite , as if self-denyal in regard of the appetite were no duty , or an enemy , and with the poor to be shut out of doors ? what curiosity of palat , and daintiness have many in london had , so that air , earth , sea , must be ransackt to please them , and all would not do ? what loathing have they had of ordinary food ? many good creatures of god must be cut and mangled , and spoyled , to make them new dishes ; which however pleasing , have but spoyled their stomachs , and bred diseases in their bodies . some have not eaten much , but have been so choice , that scarce any food hath pleased them ; and that not , through sickness of body , but wantonness of mind : others have been pleased with their food and overpleased , and all their pleasure hath been therein ; all whose god , as the apostle speaks , phil. 3. hath been their belly . such like the rich man , luk. 16. 19. have fared sumptuously and deliciously every day ; o the excessive cost that some have bestowed upon their tables daily ! o the excessive quantity of meat that some have devoured ! o the excessive time that hath been wasted in pampering the flesh ! what rioting and banqueting hath there been daily in london , many feeding themselves without fear ; as if gluttony were not any sin at all ? how many have been like fed horses in the city , or like fatted oxen , who as the apostle iames speaks , have lived in pleasure and been wanton , and nourished themselves as in a day of slaughter , jam. 5. 5. and as hos. 13. 6. according to their pasture so were they filled ; they were filled , and their heart was exalted , therefore have they forgotten me. this kinde of intemperance hath so strangely brutified many , that they have been even degenerated into beasts , only that they have been more unusefull ; for hereby they have unfitted themselves for all kinde of service , as if they were born only to eat : but withall they have prepared themselves for those ruining and slaughtering judgements which have come upon the city . 12. a twelfth sin of london is idleness ; a consequent of the former ; only that idleness hath been more generall : this was also a sin of sodom ; i will not say but many citizens of london were diligent in their calling , but how many idle vagrant persons were there in the city ? what idleness in many of the youth , if not held in the more strictly , and some breaking forth , and lavishing away stollen time , which was not at their own dispose whatever strictness was used ? moreover what an ill example for idleness , did many governours themselves give to their children and servants ? when masters were idle abroad , no wonder that servants were idle at home ; when mistresses were idle in their chambers , no wonder if the kitchin did imitate . though eating , and drinking , and cloathing were necessary , and called for some time ; yet the excess of time spent about these things , if not worse , was no better than idle time . many especially of the females in the city have spent so much time in the morning in their beds , if not in sleeping , at least in idle foolish fancies , and so much time after in neat and curious dressing their bodies , that they have had no time before dinner for prayer or reading , no time to dress their souls : and the afternoon being far spent in eating and drinking , the rest of the time hath run away either in visitings or entertainments , wherein ( if not worse ) vain , idle , unprofitable things have been the chief , if not the only subject of their discourse : and by that time they have again refreshed themselves with food at night , they have been too sleepy and unfit for prayer , and the service of god. and thus many careless women in the city have lived in ease and idleness from one end of the week , and one end of the year unto another . but methinks the lord hath by his terrible things in london , spoken unto them much in the same language as he did , isa. 32. 9 , 10 , 11. rise up ye women that are at ease , hear my voice ye careless daughters , give ear to my speech ; many dayes and years shall ye be troubled ye careless women : tremble ye women that are at ease , be troubled ye careless ones , strip ye , make ye bare , and gird sackcloth upon your loyns . but i would not charge this sin of idleness only upon the female sex : many men have been more shamefully guilty , especially those who have mispent so much time in gaming , ( not to speak of excess in eating and drinking , and other time-consuming sins which are reproved in their proper place ) o the time that many have spent in gaming ! some recreations wherein the body is exercised , may be lawful and necessary at some time ; so they do not steal away too much of their time and affections ; but for men to sit at games as hard as schollars at their books , what rational plea can be used for such wicked idleness ? thus silver , and gold , and great estates have been consumed ; and o the golden hours , the dayes , and nights , and precious time , that have been lost in gaming ! thus some have run out of all , and removed into the country to hide their shame , after their high port in the city ; some have gone into the high wayes , not to beg , but to do that which is far worse , which in some hath had a dreadful conclusion . and not only this kind of idleness hath brought poverty , but also that heedless , slothful spirit , which many of the city have had in their callings ; which hath made them blemishes to the city , and hath been an helper on of our ruine . 13. a thirteenth sin of london is unmercifulness , another of sodom's sins . ezek. 16. 49. she strengthened not the hands of the poor and needy . i shall not blame the whole for this sin , for the charity of london hath sounded throughout the land , and throughout the world . but yet have not many of the great men of the city been guilty of unmercifulness , who though more able , yet have been less forward to contribute to the relief of such as have been in distress ? it hath been the comfort of some who have lost much by the fire , that they had saved what before they had given to the poor , by putting it out of the reach of moth , or rust , or thieves , or flames of fire . but oh what marble bowels have some had towards the poor ! so that they could , ( whatever abundance they had by them beyond what themselves did make use of ) as freely part with so many drops of their blood , as pieces of money , though to help some of the needy and distressed members of jesus christ : not considering that the lord jesus is the heir of all things , and whatever estate they had , they were but his stewards ; and that relief of the needy is a debt , which though man cannot require it of them , yet god can : and is it unequal if for want of payment of gods debts ( which they owed out of their estates , by vertue of gods command , to the poor ) the lord hath dispossest them of his houses , and burnt them with fire , and taken away part of the estates which he gave them because they have employed them no more for his glory . 14. a fourteenth sin of london is vncleanness , another sin of sodom ; their sin indeed was unnatural uncleanness . i would hope that this sin hath been little known and practised in the city . but fornication and adultery have been too common . indeed there hath not been that boldness and impudency in this sin as elsewhere ; there hath not been that whores forehead so generally in london , and declaring the iniquity like sodom : but let the consciences of many londoners speak , whether they have not been secretly guilty of this sin ? would it not be a shame to tell of the chambering and wantonness , and privy leudness which hath been committed in london ? suppose that in all the remaining churches the sin of uncleanness should be reproved ; and all , both men and women that have been actually guilty of it , should be forced by an inward sting of conscience ( as sometimes those were upon the words of our saviour that accused the woman taken in adultery ) immediately to go forth out of the place : what a stir would there be in some churches ? what an emptying of some pews ? what a clearing of some iles ? and how few would there be remaining in some places ? suppose a visible mark were put by god upon the foreheads of all adulterers in the city of london , as god put a mark upon cain after he had been guilty of murther ; would not many who walk now very demurely , and with much seeming innocency , walk with blushes in their cheeks ? would not many keep house and hide their face , and not stir abroad except in the night ? or if in the day , would they not shuffle thorow the streets , and hate the fashion of little hats , and the court-mode of wearing them behind their head ; and rather get such whose brims are of a larger size , which might the more conveniently cover their brows ? and would not many unsuspected and seemingly modest women also , stain their cheeks with a vermilion dye upon their husbands or friends search into their countenance ? would not many of them walk with thick hoods , and wear continually deep fore-head-cloaths , as if they were troubled with a perpetual head-ake , that they might hide their shame from the view of man ? this sin is so nasty and filthy , that whatever swinish pleasure is found in the commission of it , usually those that are guilty ( unless the brow be brass ) are ashamed that it should be known : the holy and jealous eye of god hath seen them in their filthiness ; their secret sins are set in the light of his countenance , which above all should make them ashamed ; whoremongers and adulterers god will judge , heb. 13. 4. which should make them afraid . i have heard of smithfield haunts , and moore-field walks , whither there hath been too great a resort from the city under the shadow of the wings of the night , about these deeds of darkness ; the words and signs which such lewd persons have used to signifie their minds one to another i am unacquainted withall : the many whorehouses , under the name of alehouses about london , by report have had too many customers : and if the constables had been as zealous at other times , as they were when the strict press was in the city to disturb those conventicles , they might possibly have found more of that coat , and tribe who should have given better example . if there have not been publick stews in london as in other cities in the world ; yet have not some made their own houses little better , some men bringing in their whores in little better than publick view ? and of the other sex some by the open weare of naked breasts , and their light attyre and carriage , have enticed the eye and courtship , and after , basely prostituted their bodies to the lusts of filthy ruffians . o the boyling , burning lusts that have been in london ! o the wanton eyes and looks ! the speculative uncleanness , and secret self-pollutions ! the obscene and filthy speeches ! the toying and lustful dalliances ! and the gross actual uncleann●ss which god hath been witness to every day in london ! this sin of uncleanness doth debase the spirit made at first after gods own image ; defiles both soul and body , which should be the temple of the holy-ghost ; and renders men unfit for communion with an holy god , who is of such pure eyes that he cannot approve of the least iniquity ; much less of this , which is so gross ; and not only so but doth exceedingly provoke him unto anger and jealousie . this may be one sin that hath brought down such fearful judgements upon the city ; we read of twenty and four thousand men that fell in one day by the plague , for the sin of fornication , num. 15. 9. and have not many thousand inhabitants and habitations of london fallen for this sin ? it is said of the israelites , hos. 7. 6. they have made ready their heart like an oven , while they lye in wait , their baker sleepeth all night ; in the morning it burneth as a flaming fire . have not the hearts of many in london been like an oven for lust , and themselves like bakers putting fewel into it , and stirring it up ; and if whilest they have lain in wait , and have not had present opportunity for satisfaction of their lusts ; they have seemed to be asleep ; yet no sooner hath the morning light of a fit occasion offered it self to their adulterous eyes , but their adulterous hearts have burned within them , and broken forth into a flaming fire , in the actual commission of the sin . and hath this been the practice only of the court , and of westminster side ? hath not the cursed leaven of this common sin of the times , spread it self also in the city ? therefore the lord also hath made ready his wrath as in an hot oven ; and though like a baker he hath seemed to sleep while he lay in wait , and delayd to execute his judgments ; yet in the morning of his great provocation by this and other sins , his anger hath broke forth like a flaming fire , from whence that fire hath been kindled which hath burnt the greatest part of london down to the ground , ier. 5. 8 , 9. when the israelites were like fed horses in the morning , every one neighing after his neighbours wife ; the lord speaks to them in his wrath , shall not i visit for these things ? shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this ? 15. a fifteenth sin of london is drunkenness ; this sin hath been more visible and apparent ; i believe that scarcely any nation under heaven hath proportionably more taverns and ale-houses than england , and no place in england so many as london , and its adjacent parts : and of all the many thousands of these houses i believe there hath been scarce any but could give many instances of this sin . besides the many private houses where this sin hath been practised . how have men risen early in the morning to follow strong drink , and continued unto night , till wine inflamed them ? isa. 5. 11. come ye say they , and i will fetch wine , and we will fill our selves with strong drink ; and to morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant , isa. 56. 12. the corners and beds full of vomit , the reelings about the streets , the contentions and wranglings , the wounds without cause , the redness of the eyes , and such like have been to evident a demonstration , of mens tarrying too long at the wine , and distempering themselves with excessive drinking , prov. 23. 29 , 30. to be overtaken with drunkenness is a great sin , which makes men more bruitish than their very horses , who will not exceed their measure in drinking , except they be forced to it by barnacles : and if none in the city had yielded to receive the drench of a cup beyond the measure without barnacles upon their noses , i suppose that with their horses , they would have been more sober ; and hereby prevented many distempers of body , and worse distempers of mind , and which is worst of all , much dishonour of god , as well as of themselves , which excess in this kind hath been the cause of . but for men to follow after this sin , and make it their trade and common practice ; to delight in it , and seek for their god and chief happiness , in a cup of wine , or ale , and to grow men of might in drinking ; to exceed the bounds by many degrees without reeling , to entice others to it , yea to force them to drink healths ( that ungodly practice ) which would not in the least promote anothers health , but was likely to destroy their own , through the excess which such practices do introduce ; to take pleasure in drinking down others under their feet ; and after to glory in their shame and wickedness ; this is a sin that doth so far exceed bruitish , that it becomes devilish , and doth highly provoke the lord to pour forth his fury like water upon the places where such sins are committed . and hath not london been guilty of this sin of drunkenness with the aggravations of it ? have not some of londons magistrates been guilty , who should have punished this sin , and too many ministers , who should have reproved it both by word and example of sobriety ? and for such to be seen drunk and reeling in the streets , was very shamefull , and a great provocation . have not the late judgements in some sort pointed out this sin ? the dizziness of head , and reeling of persons that have been smitten with the plague ; the flaming of the heart of the city , and reeling of the houses , and tumbling of them to the ground by the fire , methinks were a reproof of the dizziness and reelings , about the streets and houses , of such persons as had inflamed and distempered themselves with excessive drinking . 16. a sixteenth sin of london is perverting of judgement . this is a god-provoking sin : when none calleth for justice , nor any pleadeth for truth ; when men make to themselves crooked paths , and there is no judgement in their goings ; yea when judgment is turned away backward , and justice standeth afarr off , and truth is fallen in the streets , and equity cannot enter ; when truth faileth , and he that departeth from evil , maketh himself a prey , &c. as the prophet speaks , isa. 59. when magigistrates are lovers of gifts , and followers after rewards ; when they judge not the fatherless , neither doth the cause of the widdow come unto them ; then the lord cryeth ah! i will ease me of mine adversaries , and aveuge me of mine enemies , isaiah 1. 23 , 24. i cannot charge london deeply with this sin ; not having been my self present much in their courts of judicature ; and i would hope that justice hath taken place here , as much as in most cities in the world : but when i read what the lord saith concerning ierusalem , jer. 5. 1. run ye too and fro through the streets of jerusalem , and see now and know , and seek in the broad places thereof if ye can find a man , if there be any that executeth judgement , that seeketh the truth , and i will pardon it : and when withall i consider the dreadfull judgments of god upon the city of london , whereby the glory of the magistracy and government of the city is so much stained ; i would submit it to enquiry whether there hath not been a failure and perverting of judgment in the city ? whether bribes and rewards have not blinded the eyes , and the edge of the law hath not been turned against well doers , instead of evil doers ? whe●her the fatherless and the widdow have not been sent weeping to their heavenly father to complain of injustice ? it is not a time to cover faults but to confess and leave them ; least unavoidable ruine come upon us when it will be too late . 17. a seventeenth sin of london is covetousness . how universally hath this sin reigned in the city ? so that it may almost be said of london , as it was of ierusalem , jer. 6. 13. from the least of them even unto the greatest of them every one is given to covetousness . those who have been free from gluttony , drunkenness , adultery , and the like expensive sins ; have on the other hand addicted themselves to the sin of covetousness . i do not charge all , but oh how almost universal hath this sin among tradesmen been ? which hath evidenced it self both in their getting and keeping riches . 1. in getting : what eager desires after the world , and their obtaining an estate by their trades ? what studies and consultations , what wracking the brains , and torturing the wits , to find out the best way of thriving in the world ? what earnest prosecutions have there been , and laborious endeavours , rising up early , and sitting up late , and wearying the body , and the mind all the day , eating the bread of carefulness , and mingling the drink with sollicitousness , crouding up the whole time with worldly business , so that their own health hath been disregarded , as well as the worship of god neglected in the families of these worldlings ; and all to scrape a little worldly riches together which some have mist of , notwithstanding all their endeavours : and if they have obtained , yet they have remained more poor in contentment , than when they were more poor in their estates ? for as their estates have increased , so their desires have increased and been farther off from satisfaction ; as they have enlarged their shops and trades ; and wealth hath flowed in upon them ; so they have enlarged their desires like hell , and like the grave have never said it is enough : when they have added bag to bag , and house to house , the more cares , and fears , and sometimes piercing sorrows have accompanied their gains ; but far have they been from finding the contentment and comfort in their riches that they looked for . 2. this covetousness hath appeared in keeping what they have gotten : keeping i say , for covetous persons have had little heart to spend though in necessary uses what they have scraped together : they have had wealth , but the use of it they have not had ; it hath been to them like a treasure in a chest of which they had lost the key ; or like another mans money in their keeping , which they must not meddle withall . whatever abundance they have had in the bag , and in the coffer , their families have been in want ; the table hath been penurious ; the back and belly have been pinched ; they have lived at a meaner rate than those that have been of a meaner degree . the poor might starve at their doors , no pitty towards others in want and misery , and the least pitty towards themselves : whilest they have saved , for fear least afterwards they should want ; they have all along wanted , whilest they have been saving ; and it may be at last they have lost what they have been keeping , to the unexpressible grief , and it may be breaking of their hearts , which have been so set upon these things . this sin of covetousness in some hath had deeper rooting , in most hath had too much footing : and in all hath been very heinous and abominable before god. this sin is termed idolatry in scripture , and the covetous are stigmatized with the name of idolaters , col. 3. 5. ephes. 5. 5. it is heart idolatry forbidden in the first commandment . that thing we make a god to our selves , which we chiefly affect : if it be the world , then we make the world our god ; which is inconsistent with the true love of god the father the only true god. 1 joh. 2. 15. love not the world , neither the things that are in the world , if any man love the world , the love of the father is not in him . this sin of covetousness is hateful to god and provokes his wrath , isa. 57. 17. for the iniquity of his covetousness was i wroth and smote him . hath not god smitten london with the plague and fire , among other iniquities , for this iniquity of covetousness ? when london was eagerly pursuing after the world , and all minding and seeking their own interest , without any regard to the interest of gods glory and kingdom , or care of their soul-interest and salvation , which their worldly business would not allow time for ; did not the lord send a plague to put a stop to their trade ; and gave them time to seek him , and to make their peace with him in their retirements , which they could not , or rather would not finde before ? and when they returned with more eagerness to their trades , after the plague was a little over , that they might fetch up if they could what they had miss'd by that intermission ; did not the lord send a fire to consume much of that which they had set their hearts upon , and in large legible letters write vanity upon this idol , which so many had worshipped ? let london consider and lay to heart this sin of covetousness . 18. the eighteenth sin of london is extortion ; thus covetousness hath expressed it self more grosly in some . i shall not here discourse concerning usury ; but the extorting use , which some have taken of those who have been in want ; the taking use upon use , and grinding the faces of the poor in their distress , no doubt is a great sin , and very offensive to god. how many extortioners have there been in london , who have enriched themselves by impoverishing of others ; who panting after the dust of the earth , on the head of the poor , have lent money to them , not for their help , but to catch them at an advantage , that so without mercy they might catch away all that they had , not leaving them so much as a bed to ly on ? thus some have been like lyons for cruelty , and like evening wolves unt the poor , tearing their flesh from their bones , and reserving their very bones to gnaw in the morning , as the prophet speaks , zeph. 3. 3. this sin of extortion was one of the abominations reckoned up by the prophet ezekiel , for which god was so highly offended with ierusalem , chap. 22. 12. thou hast taken vsury and increase , and hast greedily gained of thy neighbour by extortion ; and hast forgotten me ; for this and other sins there mentioned , it is said v. 3. therefore have i poured out my indignation upon them ; i have consumed them with the fire of my wrath. unto this sin of extortion i may add severall other wayes that many in the city have had of getting estates , which some may dispute for the lawfulness of , and because so common and gainfull , the sin is little heeded ; but when the lord hath been contending with the whole city , and hath inflicted a generall stroke upon tradesmen , yea one stroke upon another , and hath trodden their trade under his feet , as seeming to be offended with something therein ; methinks they should be awakened , and open their eyes , and impartially search , and labour to finde out whatever it is that doth offend him , whatever seeming disadvantage may come to them thereby . and if they will not hearken , god can take away the remainder , as he hath done a great part , and so force them to a sense of their sin . one sinfull way of getting estates , and i am perswaded displeasing to god , is engrossing and monopolizing of commodities , which many in london have done , that having all the commodities of that kinde in their hands , they might make their own market , and set their own price upon them ; which if they sold as cheap as otherwise they would do , or as others do when they are shared into many hands ( as possibly some may ) i could not condemn the thing : but when by getting the whole into their hands , they hoist and raise the price far beyond the just value , which they necessitate people to give , and that only that they might enrich themselves : this i dare confidently affirm to be unlawfull ; and my reason is , because hereby they prefer a lesser good , before a greater ; namely , the enriching of themselves , and their families , before the more publick good of making the commodity more cheap to the commonwealth . if they say , the injury which they who buy of it , will sustain , ( they being so many ) will be very small and inconsiderable ; but the good they shall get hereby will be great , and they may be in a better capacity of doing good ; i answer , that none ought to do the least injury for the reaping of the greatest advantage ; it being absolutely unlawfull to do evil , that good may come thereby , and the damnation of such will be just , rom. 3. 8. and consequently a greater injury will come to themselves , than to those whom they injure ; yea , the injury will be greater , than the good , which they obtain . and as for their being in a capacity of doing more good ; i believe that such persons , if they do spend such gains , are more forward to spend them on their lusts , than to lay them out in charitable uses ; i have not heard that the greatest monopolizers in london have been the most charitable persons . if i were more acquainted with the mysteries of trades in the city , i fear , i might finde out more than one mystery of iniquity among them . if the lord would put into the hearts of magistrates and citizens , to look into trades , and to consider the equity that they bear , and take some course for rectifying abuses in them ; it might be one way to obtain a more favourable aspect from heaven ; and the lord might revive again the trade of london , which now is dying and sinking to the ground . 19. a nineteenth sin of london is lying . it is said of nineveh , nah. 3. 1. that it was a city full of lies . o the lies that have been in london ! who can reckon them ? lies in the streets , loud lies , which have been cryed , false news which we daily hear . lies in the chambers , secret lies , privy false tales which are whispered in the ears : lies in the shop , trading lies ; lies told in buying and selling : officious lies , which some tell to do their friends a kindness : mischievous lies , which some tell to do another an injury . we read of some , that bend their tongue like their bow for lies , that will not speak the truth , but teach their tongue to speak lies , jer , 9. 3 , 5. how many liars have there been in london ? what age is free from this sin ? the children have learned to lie , as soon as they have learned to speak . what house hath been free ? how have tradesmen been guilty of lying , which some account a necessary adjunct to their trade , without which they could not live ? how many servants have excused one another and themselves when they have committed faults , with their lies ? but of all lies , mischievous lies have been the worst , which some have invented to do an injury to their neighbour ; such lies are more immediately begotten by the devil the father of lies , and such liars are his most genuine off-spring . but all lies in a sense are mischievous lies ; they are mischievous to the party that tells them ; even the officious liar cannot do so much kindness to his friend by his lye , as he doth injury to himself : what! will a man stab himself to do his friend a courtesie ? he that wounds his conscience doth worse ; he that gains in his trade by his lye , loseth more than he gains : a bag of gold is not to be compared with inward peace , and the favour of god ( better than life ) which by this sin is lost . surely , the lord , being a god of truth , is much offended with this sin of lying . god delights , saith solomon , in them that deal truly , but lying lips are an abomination to him , prov. 12. 22. lying was one sin of israel , for which their land did mourn , hos. 14. 2 , 3. and god threatneth to give all liars their part in that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , rev. 21. 8. methinks that one place should make all liars to tremble . and is not this one sin which some professors also in the city have been guilty of , to the shame of their profession ; for which the lord hath sent the fire to burn down the city , to awaken us to fly from this sin , as we would escape the future fire of hell ? 20. another sin of london is couzening and defrauding : this sin hath been the product of covetousness , and the companion of lying , and how ordinary hath it been among tradesmen , which many have been so accustomed to , that it hath been as easie to perswade the aethiopian to change his skin , as to perswade them to leave off their couzening ? this they have lookt upon as even essential to their trade , at least as necessary to their gains ; yea some have pleaded a necessity thereof , to get a livelyhood for themselves and families . but there is no necessity of any sin ; duties are necessary , but sins are never necessary , and the gain which is gotten by sin , is like the gain of a garment , which hath the plague in it , which if it bring warmth for the present , quickly also may bring sickness and death : and if couzening brings gain into the purse , it presently brings the plague into the heart , and quickly will bring the pain and punishment of hell. to defraud another in dealing , is but a more covert way of stealing , and it is as lawfull to take a purse upon the high-way , as to take a shilling by fraud in the shop ; the difference lies only in the degree , the nature of the sin which is theft , is the same in both . and the lord , as he hath expresly forbidden this sin , so he hath threatned to avenge it , 1 thess. 4. 6. that no man go beyond or defraud his brother ( not only in a greater thing but ) in any matter , because the lord is the avenger of all such . the several ways which tradesmen have had of defrauding , would be too large for me to speak of , neither am i so skilfull as to understand . the falsifying of weights and measures is gross , a sin practised among the iews of old , which god threatens to punish them for , hos. 12. 7. ephraim is a merchant , the ballances of deceit are in his hand . and both their sin and gods anger are set forth , mic. 6. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. are there yet the treasures of wickedness in the houses of the wicked , and the scant measure which is abominable ? shall i count them pure with the wicked ballances , and with the bag of deceitfull weights ? for the rich men thereof are full of violence , and the inhabitants thereof have spoken lyes , and their tongue is deceitfull in their mouth : therefore also will i make thee sick in smiting thee , in making thee desolate , because of thy sins . and was it not thus with london ? did they not falsifie weights and measures , and falsifie commodities , and speak falsly concerning the price of them , and take unconscionable gains , and yet profess kinde usage of their customers , whom they did most exact upon ? but if i could , i should not open the cunning wayes which some have found out , of defrauding and over-reaching , least any should learn , and be enticed to practise the sin by the very reproof of it , as i have heard some have done . now such persons , who have gotten their wealth by defrauding and over-reaching their brethren , bring themselves into such a snare of the devil , that very few ever get out , but are dragg'd by him thereby into hell ; because it is not bare grieving for this sin , which is necessary to the obtaining of a pardon ; but restitution is necessary ; they must refund , they must restore , either to the parties themselves , or to the poor , what they have gotten wrongfully , if they be able ; if not , as much as they have , otherwise they cannot be saved . no salvation came to zacheus till he was resolved upon restitution of what he had wrongfully gained , luke 19. 8 , 9. god smites his hand at dishonest gain , ezek. 21. 13. and this is one sin which i believe god hath smitten london for . 21. the one and twentyeth sin of london is prodigality and profuse spending ; some have spared too much through covetousness , others have spent too much through prodigality . liberality is a great vertue ; and bountiful charity an excellent grace , which london hath not been without ; but prodigality is a great sin . thus some have spent above their degree , lavishing out their estates on their tables , on their houses , on their cloathes ; but the worst prodigality hath been , in that which men have lavished out in the satisfaction of their lusts , in drunkenness , gaming , whoring , and the like ; and especially those , who have spent profusely that which hath been none of their own , but what they have taken up on credit of others ; have been most grosly guilty of this sin . and unto this sin of prodigality and profuseness , i may refer the sin of excessive mirth and jollity , which hath been in london , there is an harmless mirth which is lawfull ; and there is a spiritual chearfulness , which is the duty of christians : though in times of great sin and affliction of gods people , sackcloth and mourning doth become christians , and some expressions of joy which are more carnal , should be much forborn : but i am speaking of the mirth of such , who have had the least ground for mirth of any , namely the wicked , unto whom no peace nor joy in that estate doth belong : for them to be so excessively merry and jovial , and frolick , expressing it in their prophane , obscene , and scurrilous jesting ; in their musick , singing , and dancing ; in their ranting , roaring , and carousing ; in many wastfull and profuse wayes of spending ; when the church is in sackcloth , and lies a bleeding ; as too many in london have done ; surely god hath been offended with this , and hath been provoked to send down his judgements , to alter the cheer of london , and hereby to put them into mourning , which they were so averse unto . had they foreseen the plague , and how many of them should have fallen by it , surely it would have damped their mirth ; had they foreseen the burning of the city of london ; and that their houses should have fallen by the fire ; surely their laughter would have been turned into heaviness . these judgements they could not foresee ; but future judgment far more dreadful , they might have foreseen , which should have made an impression of sorrow upon them if possibly by repentance they might avoid and escape it . be afflicted , and mourn , and weep , let your laughter be turned into mourning , and your joy into heaviness , jam. 4. 9. such mourning if for sin might be a means to prevent future miseries , and eternal woe and weeping ; others they have reason to mourn for those miseries which will come upon them . go to now ye rich men , weep and howl , for the miseries that shall come upon you , jam. 5. 1. but for prophane wicked persons to sing , and rejoyce just upon the brink of the grave and hell , is very unreasonable and an aggravation of their other sins . 22. the twenty second sin of london is envying . and this sin was to be found not only in women , which envied others that exceeded them , in beauty of body , in cloaths , and dressing , and such like toyes ; but also in men , who envied them who were of the same trade , which had better houses and shops , more custome and wealth than themselves , as hesiod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yea this envying was to be found among many ministers , who envied others that had better parts , and more learning , greater applause , and more auditors than themselves . there was a spirit among us which lusted to envy , jam. 4. 5. which besides the great torment that it brings to the spirit where it reigns , is a very great provocation to the lord. 23. the twenty third sin of london is slandering and backbiting , which hath been the consequent of the former . the ninth commandment hath been exceedingly broken in london , especially in a private way of bearing false witness against the neighbour , and wounding his reputation by a slanderous tongue : some inventing lyes , and raising slanders , which they have in their consciences known to be false ; others taking up slanders , readily believing them without any just proof . this sin you have set forth with a caution to take heed of such persons , ier. 9. 4 , 5. london hath been full of backbiters and tale-bearers , and too many professours have been guilty of this sin : few have entertained backbiters with an angry countenance , which as the wind driveth away rain , would have driven them out of sight . i might here add the hatred of one another that hath been in london ( much through slanders ) the emulation that hath risen from hatred ; the wrath that hath risen from emulation ; and the wrath of god which hath arisen from these and other works of the flesh , spoken of , gal. 5. 19 , 20. 24. the twentyfourth sin of london is murmuring : and that not only in want , and under losses and crosses but also in fulness and plenty . many farmers in the countrey have murmured at the plenty and cheapness of corn ; many tradesmen in the city have murmured at the plenty of the commodities which they have dealt in ; because however such plenty is a publick and unspeakable mercy , yet they have had the less private advantage which hath been chiefly regarded by them . yea some in their murmuring have wished for a plague , that the survivers might have the better trade ; and i have heard that a fire also hath been wisht for , to take off the plenty of such commodities , that the remainder might bear the higher rate . is it a wonder then if god have sent plague and fire which some have called for by such murmuring speeches ? the israelites in the wilderness were plagued for their murmuring ; and the murmuring company of corah , that were not swallowed up with him were consumed by a fire from heaven . 25. the twenty fifth and last sin of london , which i shall speak of , is carnal security ; another of sodoms sins . it is said of the sodomites , luk. 17. 28 , 29. in the days of lot , they did eat , they drank , they bought , they sold , they planted , they builded : but the same day that lot went out of sodom , it rained fire and brimstone from heaven , and destroyed them all . when london had provoked god so highly by so many sins , yet how secure were they before his judgements broke forth upon them , they eat and drank , they bought and sold , &c. they sate at ease , and put far from them the evil day , as amos 6. they were still , and at rest , little expecting such changes as have come upon them , and taking little care to prevent them : they were secure and trusted in arms of flesh , broken reeds which have alwayes failed . and i might add here as a cause of the security of some , the presumptuous confidences of future events which belong only to god to foreknow ; which some have taken upon them so absolutely to determine as if they had looked into the book of gods decrees , or had an infallible revelation from him of what should come to pass . o the good dayes that some have looked for upon the presumption of what they had no ground for ▪ great expectations many had of the fall of antichrist and babylon in the year 1666. and other events , limiting times , which god hath not clearly revealed , which is an entrenching upon gods prerogative , and i believe a greater provocation than such persons are aware of . this may be one reason why london is fallen instead of babylon , in this year of such expectation and presumption . by this time it may be the reader may be wearied with reading , as i am with thinking and writing of londons sins . but how hath the lord been wearied with the bearing of them , how hath he been pressed with the weight of them , as a cart is pressed that is full of sheaves ? amos 2. 13. if when you have read of londons judgements , withall you consider londons provocations , you must needs acknowledge that god is righteous in that he hath punished london no more than they have deserved for these sins . 2. gods righteousness will further appear , if we consider that he hath punished london less than her iniquities deserved . 1. god might have punished london deservedly with more dreadful judgements here ; and that both in the same and another kind . 1. god might have deservedly punished london worse in the same kind , 1. in the judgement of the plague ; it was a dreadful plague indeed ; but god could have made it more dreadful ; where he shot one arrow , he might have shot an hundred : he visited many families ; he might have visited every family ; and swept every house with the beesome of destruction . though so many fell , yet i believe that five parts in six of the inhabitants of london were preserved ; god might have taken away the five parts , and have left but one alive : yea it might have been said of london , as it was of israel , amos 5. 2 , 3. the virgin of israel is fallen , she shall rise no more ; the city that went out by a thousand shall leave an hundred . god might have made every hundred that dyed by the plague , a thousand ; he might have sent out his arrows after all the inhabitants of london , that were gone into the countrey ; and smitten them wheresoever he found them : or he might have met with them upon their return home , and given commission to death to lay hold on them assoon as they entred into their doors . he might have depopulated the city of london by the plague ; so that every house should have had dead corpses lying , and none to bury them . he might have made our plague wonderful , fearful , and of long continuance . we that have survived so great a mortality , have reason to say , that deservedly it might have been greater ; that we deserved as much or more to fall , for our more heinous sins , than thousands that are gone down into the pitt , surely it is of the lords mercies that we are not consumed ; he was merciful in sparing of us ; he would have been righteous if he had destroyed us . think with your selves , you that are alive , and remain escaped ; how fearful would the plague have been , if it had come home to your houses ; you were afraid to hear of others houses visited and shut up ; what would you have been , if it had entered your doors ? you were afraid when others were struck with the disease ; what would you have been , if you had been struck your selves ? sinners , what would you have done if the arrow had pierced through your livers , if under such guilt and wrath you had been smitten ? when you had such a plague of sin in your hearts , if you should have had the plague of pestilence in your bodies ; if when you were so rotten and corrupt , and defiled inwardly , you should have had boyls , and blanes , and running sores outwardly ; if when conscience was so filled with guilt ; your bodies should have been filled with this disease ; in a word ; if when you had the marks of hell and damnation in your souls , you should have had the marks of inevitable death in your bodies ; oh the dread that would have seised upon you ! the judgement of the plague might have been worse to you ; you might have spent above a year in hell by this time among devils and damned spirits ; you might by this time have been inured to those torments which yet you could not have endured , but must have endured for ever without any possibility of deliverance for ever . many of you who have escaped , have your families unbroken , when other whole families are swept away . suppose thy dear wife had fallen , or thy hopefull children had been nipt by death in the very bud , and your families had been maimed ; the judgement would have been much sorer on you . none can say but god might have righteously punished london more severely by the plague . 2. god might have punished london also more severely by the fire . the greatest part of the city is fallen , it might have been the whole : most of the city within the walls is consumed ; the flames might have issued forth at all the gates , and consumed all the suburbs too : all the goods might have been burnt with the houses , and all the inhabitants with the habitations . the fire , though it burned dreadfully , yet it began at one end ; and came on so slowly , that most of the inhabitants of london had time to remove themselves , and the choycest of their goods ; some livelihood was left , and materials for a future trade . suppose the fire had been so sudden , or had been kindled in so many places , that there had been no possibility of removing any thing , except the persons themselves . suppose all the silver , and gold , and rich plate of the city had been melted by this fire , that all the wares and merchandize , all the garments , beds and houshold goods had been turned into ashes ; and many thousand families , that have been turned out of house had been turned out of all , and quite bereaved of all their substance , so that nothing had remained to them for necessary use , this would have been very sore . alas ! what would they have done ? whether would they have gone for relief ? would the court have supplyed them ? could the countrey have helped and maintained so many , when so much impoverished themselves , that in many places they are hardly able to live ? could they have hoped for relief from foreign nations ? are not all the world almost our enemies ? is charity so warm abroad ? alas ! what would they have done ? must not many of them have pined away in their wants , and starved under hedges , for lack of suitable provisions . this would have been dreadfull indeed . or suppose they had lugg'd their goods out of london from the fire , and the whole city had been burnt down with all the suburbs , and no habitations left standing hereabouts ; what would they have done with their goods ? where would they have disposed of them ? how could they any wayes have continued their trades ? where could they have disposed of their persons ? how could they have lived this cold winter season ? could they have struck up booths presently , fit for themselves to abide in , which would have sheltred them from the injury of the weather ? where would they have had materials , when all was burnt ? alas ! what would they have done ? must not their goods have been spoyled by lying abroad ? would not they themselves , who had been used to so much tenderness , have quickly grown sick , and died in the fields ? would not thousands have starved for cold ? and what provision could they have had for food and other necessaries ? besides ; would they not have been a prey to theeves and cut-throats ? would not many of their enemies , who laughed at the fall of the city , have rejoyced much more , and taken advantage to come upon them in their nakedness , and butcher'd them without mercy ? but , suppose the fire that begun at one corner , had been kindled in every gate at the same time ; when all the inhabitants had been asleep in their houses , and they had been inclosed with flames , and no possibility of escape , how dreadfull would the fire have been then ? if when they awakened in the morning they had seen the smoke ascending round about them , and the fire drawing neer to them ; if both ends of a street had been on fire together , and they in the midst , and had heard with the roaring of the fire , a greater roaring of the people that were burning with the houses ; o the ruefull looks ! oh the horrible shrieks by women and children ! oh the dreadfull amazement and perplexity which would have been in such a place and case ! to be burnt alive is dreadfull ; but think what tortures would have been in the spirits of guilty sinners , who had not made their peace with god , that had slept out the harvest and day of grace , that had made no provision for death and eternity ! the noise and roaring without , would have been nothing to the lashes and tearings within them ; the fire in their houses would have been but small , in comparison of the fire in their consciences ; and the flames of hell-fire , which if awakened , they would have seen just before them . this judgement of the fire might have been more dreadfull than it was : persons are escaped ; goods and wealth much saved ; houses standing to receive them ; trade going on ; god might have punisht london more sorely in the same kinde . 2. god might have punished london more severely in other kindes of judgements . 1. he might have brought upon them , and upon the whole land , the sword of a foreign enemy , as he did upon ierusalem , and the land of iudea , for their sins , which being so pathetically set forth by the prophet ieremy , 4. v. 16. to the end , i shall represent to the eye . a voice declareth from dan , and publisheth affliction from mount ephraim , make ye mention to the nations ; behold , publish against jerusalem , that watchers come from a far countrey , and give out their voice against the cities of judah : as keepers of the field they are against her round about , because she hath been rebellious against me , saith the lord. thy way and thy doings have procured these things unto thee ; this is thy wickedness , because it is bitter , because it reacheth unto thine heart . my bowels , my bowels , i am pained at my very heart , my heart maketh a noise within me , i cannot hold my peace , because thou hast heard , o my soul , the sound of the trumpet , the alarm of warr. destruction upon destruction is cryed , for the whole land is spoyled , and my curtains in a moment . how long shall i see the standard , and hear the sound of the trumpet ; i beheld , and all the cities were broken down at the presence of the lord , and by his fierce anger ; for thus hath the lord said , the whole land shall be desolate ; for this shall the land mourn , and the heavens above be black . the whole city shall flee for the noise of the horsemen and the bowmen , they shall go into the thickets , and climbe up upon the rocks ; every city shall be forsaken , and not a man dwell therein ; and when thou art spoyled , what wilt thou do ? though thou cloathest thy self with crimson , though thou deckest thy self with ornaments of gold , though thou rentest thy face with painting ; in vain shalt thou make thy self fair ; thy lovers shall despise thee , they will seek thy life : for i have heard a voice , as of a woman in travell , and the anguish as of her that bringeth forth her first childe ; the voice of the daughter of zion , that bewaileth her self ; that spreadeth forth her hands , saying , wo is me now , for my soul is wearied because of murtherers . this might have been the judgement , and these the complaints of london and england ; which would have been worse than plague or fire . the plague reached many , but the sword might have reached all ; the fire devoured houses , but the sword might have devoured the inhabitants . the lord might have brought a foreign sword , and open invasion ; or he might have given up london to a more private sudden butchery and massacre by the hands of cruel papists , as was feared ; which would have been more dreadfull than the massacre of the protestants by the papists in paris ; because our numbers do so far exceed those which were in that city . if bloody papists had come into our houses in the dead of the night , with such kinde of knives in their hands as were found after the fire in barrels ; and having set watch at every streets end , had suffered none to escape , but cruelly slaughtered the husband with the wife , the parents and the children together , ripping up women with childe , and not sparing either the silver hair , or the sucking babe ; if there had been a cry at midnight , they are come ; but no possibility of flying from them , or making resistance against them ; if instead of heaps of stones and bricks in the top of every street , there had been heaps of dead bodies , and the kennels had been made to run down with gore-blood ; sure this judgement would have been more dreadfull than the plague or fire , which have been among us . 2. god might have punished london with famine , which is a greater judgement than the plague or sword : if the lord had broken the whole staff of bread , and cut off all provisions of food from the many thousand souls that lived in and about the city ; how dreadful would this have been ! if a famine had been so sore in london ; that people should have been forced to eat one another and their own flesh , as it was in samaria and ierusalem ; if instead of houses in london , god should have made the people as fuel of the fire in this judgement , as is threatned , esa. 9. 19 , 20. through the wrath of the lord of hosts is the land darkened ; and the people shall be as the fuel of the fire , no man shall spare his brother ; and he shall snatch on his right hand and be hungry ; and he shall eat on the left hand , and not be satisfied ; they shall eat every man the flesh of his own arms : if london had been forced through hunger to eat the flesh of their own arms , and the fruit of their own bodies , oh what a dismal face would there have been in the city ! and how would death have been chosen rather than life ; in the by-us-unconceivable pain of gnawing hunger ! those which dye by the plague or are slain by the sword , would be counted happy in comparison with them that live under such a judgement . lastly , the righteousness of god in the judgements he hath inflicted on london , appears ; in that he might instead of plague and fire on earth have punished them with the plagues and fire of hell ; which such sins as we have reckoned up have abundantly deserved . tyre and sidon now in hell ; sodom and gomorrah under the vengeance of eternal fire , were not guilty of such sins as london was guilty of . and what are body plagues here , in comparison of soul plagues hereafter ? what is a fire that burns down a city , in comparison with the fire of hell , which shall burn the damned , and never be quenched . god hath punished london no more than her iniquities have deserved ; god hath punished london less than her iniquities have deserved , therefore in speaking most terribly , he hath answered most righteously . sect . 8. 3. concerning the design of these judgements . what doth god mean by this terrible voice ? by speaking such terrible things in the city of london ? the lord hath not only spoken but cryed and shouted , he hath lifted up his voice like a trumpet ; and his voice hath not been inarticulate and insignificant ; but hath had a meaning ; and they that have an ear to hear , may understand ; for as the voice of the lord hath cryed in the city , so the voice of the lord hath cryed to the city , mic. 6. 9. the lords voice cryeth unto the city , the man of wisdom shall see thy name , hear ye the rod , and who hath appointed it . some take notice of the judgements themselves , and the effects of them upon themselves and families ; they discourse of the plague , and how many dyed thereby , that they have lost such a relation , such a friend or neighbour was visited and dyed quickly ; they discourse of the fire , where it began , how it increased and prevailed , what day such a street fell , and where their houses were consumed , what they lost , and how much they saved : and it may be , some speak of the hands of men , that were suspected to enkindle and carry it on ; but few discourse of the hand of god which sent both plague and fire , and what he means by such strange and dreadful judgements : but the man of wisdom , such as are wise do consider that these judgements spring not out of the dust , but were sent down from heaven , they see gods name , and gods hand that hath been stretched forth upon london . they know that both plague and fire have had their commission from the god of heaven ; otherwise they could not have wrought with such force and power . they see gods name , that is , the glorious attributes of his name displayed . god proclaimed his name before moses when he caused his goodness to pass before him ; and discovered himself to be the lord , the lord god gracious and merciful , slow to anger , abundant in lovingkindness , goodness and truth , exod. 34. 6. and god hath proclaimed his name before london , in causing his judgements to come upon the city ; and hath declared himself to be the lord , the lord god holy and iealous , a god that can be angry when much provoked , and yet righteous in the severest judgements which he doth inflict . a man of wisdom may see gods name in londons judgements , and as he may see power and righteousness in gods name ; so he may see grace and goodness in the name of god , which hath passed before the city ; he may see and know that god hath a gracious meaning and design of good to london in these judgements ; he may see gods name , and hear gods voice , and what it is that he speaketh by the rod. on that london were thus wise ! that they would open their eyes and see gods name ! gods hand so just and righteous ; as also open their ears , and hear gods voice , and understand gods design so gracious , and so much for their good ! o that god would open the ears of london , and bend them to the discipline of his judgements ! that with the loss of friends and relations by the plague , and of houses and goods by the fire ; they may not lose the good of these judgements too , though of another kind , yet of far greater value , which god intends them . the enquiry then is , what meaneth the lord by the plague , and by the fire in the city ? what doth he call for by this terrible voice ? and look for in london , that these judgements may turn to their advantage ? the duties which god expects from london after such desolations by the plague and fire , are these . 1. god expects that london should awake . london hath been asleep ; both the foolish and the wise virgins have been asleep ; and when such a voice hath come down in these judgements , which have been revealed from heaven , crying in the midnight of their carnal security , behold , the great god is come forth from his place , and is entred into london in fury ; surely all should awake and arise , and prepare to meet him , seeing none can flee from him . god hath seemed to be asleep , while he exercised so much patience towards london ; his arm slept in his bosome ; but now the lord hath been awakened with the loud cry of england and londons sins ; his arm hath awaked , and put on strength and vengeance . awake ! then o london awake ! open thine eyes , draw thy curtains ; come forth of thy bed ; look out of thy windows ; apparitions ! apparitions ! strange sights to be seen ; behold ! heaven is opened , and god is come down upon earth ; cloathed with garments of lightning : god is come down in his majesty , and looks upon london with a terrible countenance : behold the amazing terrour of god in the late strange and prodigious judgements . what! doest thou not see him ? surely thou art fast asleep still , thine eyes are closed , the vail is before them . awake ! london awake ! open thine ears , harke ! oh the trumpet that hath been sounding from heaven over the city exceeding loud ! oh the thundrings of the terrible voice of the angry god! the voice of the lord hath been powerful and very dreadful : what! canst thou sleep under such a noise ? surely thou art dead asleep , dead in sin and security . what will awaken thee , if these judgements do not awaken thee ? if a shrill and loud trumpet do not pierce thine ears , will soft musick enter ? if the sound of cannons be not heard , can any expect that pistols should ? it when the lyon roareth in thine ears thou canst sleep still , will soft whispers awaken thee ? what will awaken thee if the loud voice of these judgements do not awaken thee ? the lord called upon thee before by his ministers , by his mercies : now he hath shouted in thine ears by his judgements . awake ! london awake ! thou hast been rouzed out of thine habitation ; methinks thou shouldest be rouzed out of thy security : what! sleep when dying ! dying by the plague , and tumbling into the grave ! what sleep when burning ! burning by the fire , and tumbling into desolation ! what! sleep in a storm ! when winds are blowing , and waves roaring , sea entring , and ship sinking ! what meanest thou o sleeper ! could the heathen ship-master say , in such a case , unto ionah , chap. 1. 5 , 6. when he lay fast asleep in the sides of the ship : arise , call upon thy god ; if god will think upon us that we perish not . and may not i say , what meanest thou o sleepy london ; hast thou not perceived the storm that hath beaten so fiercely on thy head ? dost thou not perceive that thy ship is shattered and broken ? and the sea is coming in amain , and thou art in danger of sinking , and that quickly , unless some speedy course be taken for prevention ? and yet canst thou sleep still ? awake ! arise ! call upon thy god , if so be he will think upon us , that we perish not . god calls upon sleepy sinners to awake . suppose you were under the power of cruel enemies , that had killed your husbands , or wives , or dear children and friends ; and you knew not how soon they might fall upon you , and cut your throats ; could you sleep securely in the same house with such persons ? you are under the power of tyrannicall lusts , which are far worse enemies ; you are under the reigning power of sin , which hath brought the plague into the city ; and whereby some of you have been deprived of these relations ; and you know not how soon sin may bring death upon your selves , not only the first , but the second death ; not only temporal , but eternal death ; and deprive you not only of life , but happiness , and all hopes of the least share in it for ever : and yet can you sleep securely with sin in your hearts ? with such an enemy , with such a viper in your bosomes ? when the fire was in london i believe few of you could take much sleep for divers nights together ; when the fire was burning in your streets , and burning down your houses , you could not sleep in your houses least the fire should have burned your persons too : and , when the fire of lust is within you , and burning within you ; when the fire of gods anger is kindled above you , and burning over you ; and the fire of hell so dreadful and unextinguishable is burning beneath you ; and you are hanging over the burning lake by a twine thred , which ere long will untwine of it self ; and may ere you are aware , and suddenly be cut or snapt asunder , and then you must drop into the midst of flames ; can you sleep under the guilt and power of sin , when you are in such danger ? awake ! sinners awake ! god doth not burn you presently , but warns you first ; he burns your houses , that you might awake , and scape a more dreadful fire . awake ! sinners , when will you awake ! how often , how long , how loud shall god call upon you , before you will arise ? eph. 5. 14. awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and iesus christ shall give thee life . a little sleep , a little slumber , a little folding of the hands to rest . what! can you sleep any longer now ? was not this your tone long ago , when you were under the calls of the word ? and is it the same under the rod too ? what will awaken you ? or when do you think you shall be awakened , if still you lye down in the bed of security , and love to slumber upon the lap of pleasure , and after a little startle sleep faster than before ? ministers have preached , and you have slept under their sermons ; but when god hath preached , methinks you should awake . when paul preached to felix a sermon of judgement , felix trembled . god hath preached one , nay two sermons of judgement ; and that more feelingly than paul could ; methinks you should awake , and not drop asleep so soon , because god gives you a little respite to learn his sermon , before he preach the third sermon , which may be your last and ruining sermon . if you do not awake by the sound of his judgements before you , you shall awake by the sense of his judgements upon you : if the plague and fire of london do not awaken you , you shall be awakened by the plagues and fire of hell , which you shall see and feel , but not be able to flee from , as here you might do , if presently awakened . god calls upon sleepy sinners to awake , and god calls upon drowsie saints to awake ; and was there not great need ? were not the ionahs gone down into the sides of the ship and lying on pillows ? were not the wise virgins turning foolish , sleeping with the rest , untrimm'd and undress'd ? had there not of late a strange torpour and benummedness seized upon the spirits of gods own people ? was not the ancient vigour and activity , which once they had in the ways and worship of god , much abated and decayed before these judgements came upon london ? awake then ye drowsie saints , awake ! put on your garments , which you have laid aside to the discovery of your nakedness ; shake your selves from the dust , which hath covered and sullied your faces , and loosen the bands of sleep . god hath been thundring , your father hath been angry , and displeased with you as well as with others : your god hath spoken in his jealousie , and he hath spoken in his fury ; he hath spoken with a loud voice in righteousness and in judgement . awake ! ye children , your father is stirring , and knocking , and calling , yea he hath entred your chamber , and smitten you on this side and that ; and yet will you not arise ? he hath been crying in your ears ; now he is looking and harkening whether you will cry in his , and what you will say and do for the prevention of the ruine of england , which he seems to be threatning . it is high time to awake out of sleep , for now is the utter destruction of the city and nation neerer it may be than you believe or imagine . awake then , put off your cloaths of night and darkness , in which you have been sleeping , and put on your garments of light . cloath your selves with humility , and begirt you with all your graces , and get you to gods knee , hang about his arm ; put your selves in the breach ; it may be the lord may think upon us , that we perish not . 2. the lord doth now after his speaking by terrible things , expect that london should stand in awe of him . gods judgements made this impression upon david , psal. 119. 120. my flesh trembleth for fear of thee , and i am afraid of thy judgements . and see how the prophet habakkuk behaved himself , when god spake with a terrible voice , chap. 3. 2 , &c. o lord , i have heard thy speech and was afraid ; when god came down from teman , the holy one from mount paran , selah ; when the pestilence went before him , and burning coals went forth at his feet ; when the nations were drove asunder , the everlasting mountains were scattered , and the perpetual hills did bow ; when the tents of cushan were in affliction , and the curtains of the land of midian did tremble : when god did ride upon horses , and his bow was made quite naked : when the sun and moon did stand still in their habitations , at the light of his arrows that went forth , at the shining of his glittering spear : when god did march through the land in his indignation , and walk through the sea with his horses , and did wound the head out of the house of the wicked , and did strike through habitations with his staves : at this , the prophet is afraid , his belly trembled , his lips quivered at the voice , rottenness entred into his bones , &c. and when god hath come down from heaven , the holy one from mount sion , selah . when the pestilence hath gone before him , and burning coals at his feet , when the lord drove london asunder , scattered the inhabitants , and made the stately buildings to bow and fall , whose rearing up none can remember ; when the tents of london have been in affliction , and the curtains of the city have trembled : when death hath been riding upon horses , and his bow hath been made quite naked ; when the heavens have been astonished at gods judgements , and the sun and moon have hid their heads in their habitations , at the shining of his glittering spear : when the lord hath marched through the city in his indignation , hath wounded the heads of so many wicked with his arrows , and struck through so many habitations with his staves : oh how should london tremble and quiver , and stand in awe of this glorious majesty , at the voice of these terrible judgements ! read and apply what the lord speaketh by the prophet isaias , chap. 33. 13 , 14. hear ye that are far off , what i have done , and ye that are neer , acknowledge my might . the sinners of sion are afraid , fearfulness hath surprized the hypocrites ; who among us shall dwell with devouring fire ? who among us shall inhabit everlasting burnings ? v. 18. thine heart shall meditate terrour ; where is the scribe ? where is the receiver ? where is he that counted the towers ? methinks the sinners now in london should be afraid , and fearfulness should surprize the hypocrites ; when god hath sent so many of their number into the everlasting burnings of hell by the plague ; and by such a devouring fire hath consumed so many habitations . tremble ye sinners at this , and be ye horribly afraid all ye workers of iniquity ! god hath come down with a shout , the lord with the sound of a trumpet : he hath taken his weapons in his hand , and hath appeared in london as a furious enemy : should not this make the sinners in the city to quake , and strike a dread upon the spirits of the rebellious ? when the lord hath spoken thus , and done thus ; because of our sins , should not london , yea all england , hear and fear , and do no more so wickedly . because god was patient formerly , you presumed : because sentence against your evil works was not speedily executed ; therefore your hearts were hardened and resolved in your evil ways . because the lord kept silence , you thought he was altogether such an one as your selves . you thought it may be that he took no more notice of you , than you did of him ; or that you had no more reason to fear him , than he had to fear you . you thought it may be , that god had forsaken the earth ; or had hidden his face , and should never see your wickedness : and oh how bold have you been , how audacious and fearless in sin ? you were afraid to offend man though a worm , and yet you have not been afraid to offend god the king of the whole world. mens laws have kept you from some sins , but the laws of god have not put upon you the least restraint . you have lived and sin'd as if there were no god , or as if he had been so gentle , and milde , and mercifull , that you might do any thing to him , and he not be displeased with you : or as if though he were displeased , yet his displeasure were not to be regarded , and that he had no power to execute vengeance upon you . but now gods patience hath in a great measure been turned into fury . now sinners you may perceive a little that god can be angry ; and when his anger is kindled but a little , if it doth express it self so dreadfully ; what dreadfull expressions will there be of it , when it breaks forth into an open flame ? if his anger be such in the day of some lighter , temporal judgements ; what will it be in the day of the revelation of the treasures of it , upon all the wicked , at the appearance of jesus christ ? but gods vengeance now in these judgements should work your hearts to a fear and awe of this righteous judge , who hath done such executions in the city ; it should bridle and stay you in that fearless course of sin , in which you were rushing on as the horse rusheth into the battle . when balaams ass saw the angel stand in the way with a drawn sword , he was afraid , and would not go forward , though spurr'd on , and beaten by his master . and when god stands in the way with his sword of judgement which hath made such slaughter already , and is lifted up again to strike you , methinks you should be afraid , and turn back : it is the way to hell that god stands in by his judgements ; and will you break through all into those flames ? oh stand in awe , and sin not , commune with your own hearts . consider what hath been doing in london , and who hath done these things . you have neerly escaped it may be with your lives ; oh learn to fear the glorious and fearfull name of the lord god in these dreadfull judgements . and as god doth expect that the world and his enemies should stand in awe of him ; so also much more that the righteous and his people should . some it may be when god gave them free access to him , and admitted unto familiarity with him , and encouraged them to boldness and confidence , and strowed their path with nothing but mercy ; it may be might abuse his goodness , and forget to mingle faith and love with due reverence and respect ; and began to be too sawcy with god , and peremptory , and did not consider their originall and distance , and forgat the severity which they deserved for sin . therefore god appears in the way of these judgements with such terrible rebukes , that his own people might be brought unto a due awe and fear of his name ; that if they love him , they may fear him too ; if they pray with boldness , they may pray also with reverence ; if they rejoyce in his goodness , they may tremble also at his judgements . 3. god doth expect that london should now search and try their wayes . when god had punished ierusalem with dreadfull judgements , in the lamentation of which , the prophet ieremiah doth spend a book , see what use and improvement he calls upon the people to make hereof , lam. 3. 40. let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the lord. this was the practice of david in the day of his trouble , psal. 77. 6. i commune with mine own heart , and my spirit made diligent search . it hath been a day of gods wrath in london , a day of trouble and distress , a day of wasting and desolation , a day of darkness and gloominess , a day of clouds and thick darkness , as it was in ierusalem , zeph. 1. 15. there have been dark and thick clouds over london , which in part have broken into dreadfull storms and amazing tempests of gods anger expressed in the late judgements ; and all have been the product of londons sins , which may yet produce far worse effects : london is then called upon with a loud voice , to search and finde out those sins which have been the troublers of the city . i suppose that true citizens would be forward to search after those persons that had a hand in the first kindling and carrying on the fire , which burned their habitations to the ground : give me leave , and i shall make a discovery of londons incendiaries , how you may finde the persons , how you may trace their footsteps , what marks they bare , what their names are , and where their abode ; and need i lead you far in the search ? the sinners , the sinners of london did kindle the fire of london ; it was sin which fired the first house , and sin was like oyl poured upon the flames which put such fury unto them , that none could withstand untill the greatest part of the city was fallen and turned into ashes : the swearers , the sabbath-breakers , the adulterers , the drunkards , the unrighteous , the prophane and the like sinners have been londons incendiaries , and had a hand in pulling down this and other judgements upon the place where they lived ; and is it hard to find out these persons ? are they gone far from the place of their former abode ? the skirts of london are remaining , and if you turn up the skirts , or turn your eye under them , and look into the houses standing about the city , may you not find many of these persons , these vile sinners inhabiting , who are still blowing hard at the fire of gods anger , and pulling hard with cords of vanity and sin , for further judgements ? search , london search , and find out thine enemies , thy destroyers ; hast not thou destroyed thy self ? search , and find out thy sins , which have brought such mischiefs and ruines upon thee . sinners , enter into your closets , retire into your selves , take the candle of the lord , and look into your inner rooms , make a strict search into your hearts , find out those filthy lusts which lodge in dark corners , and bring them forth to be slain ; read over the old records of your lives , consult the register of your consciences , revolve in your minds your former sins ; take the glass of the word , and look upon your faces in it , and see how many spots it will discover which you never before did perceive ; not beauty spots , but spots of deformity , plague-spots , death-marks , hell-tokens , such as will bring upon you inevitable misery , unless they be wiped off ; take the rule of the word , and measure your actions by it , and you may quickly perceive how much they have fallen short , how crooked they have been , rectum est index sui & obliqui : compare your actions with the straight rule of gods law , and you may find out many irregularities ; if you do not find out your sins , your sins will find you out , and gods judgements will find you out ; and if you be found out in your sins , woe be to you ; o the horrour which will be upon your consciences when ruining judgements are inflicted upon you particularly , and you cannot escape , when death looks you in the face , and comes with the sting of sin in its mouth to devour you ! but o the horrour you will be under hereafter if you be taken away in your sins ! when your souls shall be summoned , immediately after their separation , unto the barr of god , where you will be searched and tryed , and condemned to everlasting torment , by an inevitable and irreversible sentence of the judge himself : o therefore hearken to the voice of god in these temporal judgements on the city ( after which you still remain alive , through infinite patience ) which calls upon you to search and try your wayes , that you may escape more fearful judgements which may be preparing for you ; labour to find out your sins which are the cause of all judgements , temporal and eternal ; and to help you in your search after sin , read the catalogue i have given you of londons sins , and examine your selves thereby ; be very serious , and thorow , and impartial in this search ; sequester your selves often from all company ; ease your mind of the load of worldly business ; leave the carriages at the bottom of the hill ; strive against temptations and indispositions to the work ; set your selves in the presence of the heart-searching god ; beg the help of his spirit to discover to you what hath displeased and provoked him ; search after sin as offensive to god , and as destructive to your selves , as your worst enemy , as the cause of plague and fire in london , and as that which will bring the plagues and fire of hell upon you , if it be not found out and subdued . 4. god doth expect that london should acknowledge their sins unto him . when the prophet had directed the people to search and try their wayes after the execution of such judgements upon them , lam. 3. 40. see the following direction , v. 41 , 42. let us lift our hearts with our hands unto god in the heavens : we have trangressed , and have rebelled , &c. thus the prophet doth confess the sins of ierusalem , chap. 1. 8 , 9. ierusalem hath greatly sinned , therefore she is removed . her filthiness is in her skirts , she remembred not her last end , therefore she came down wonderfully ; and thus the daughter of zion , as she bewaileth her affliction , so she acknowledgeth her transgression , v. 17 , 18 , 20. zion spreadeth forth her hands , and there is none to comfort her . the lord is righteous , for i have rebelled against his commandment . behold o lord for i am in distress , my bowels are troubled , mine heart is turned within me , for i have grievously rebelled . thus daniel after dreadful judgements maketh confession of the sins of the people of israel , chap. 9. 4 , 5 , 6. i prayed unto the lord , and made my confession , and said , o lord the great and dreadful god , we have sinned and committed iniquity , and have done wickedly , and have rebelled , even by departing from thy precepts and thy judgements : neither have we hearkened unto thy servants the prophets , which spake in thy name to our kings , our princes , and our fathers , and to all the people of the land , and v. 11 , 12. yea all israel have transgressed thy law , by departing , that they might not obey thy voice ; therefore the curse is poured upon us , and the oath that is written in the law of moses the servant of god , because we have sinned against him : and he hath confirmed his word which he spake against us , and against our judges that judged us , by bringing upon us a great evil : for under the whole heaven hath it not been done , as it hath been done upon jerusalem . god doth expect that london should find out their sins , and having found them , that they should make confession of them : o that the prophane and ungodly generation in london , whose sins have been enumerated in the catalogue , would be perswaded to get alone by themselves , and consider their evil wayes , and what the consequents of their sins have been in bringing down temporal judgements , what the consequence of their sins is like to be , even the bringing upon them eternal judgements , and that they would fall down and prostrate themselves at gods foot , and covering their cheeks with shame and blushing , because of their filthiness and foul sins under the view of so holy an eye , that they would acknowledge their transgressions unto him not only in general , but also particularly with their heinous aggravations ! o that with an inward deep sense , with a bleeding , broken heart , they would fill their mouths with confessions ! that they would take to themselves words and say , we have rebelled against thee o lord , and done wickedly , and grievously offended thee ; so foolish have we been , and ignorant of thee , we have been worse than beasts before thee ; the oxe acknowledgeth his owner , and the ass his master ; but , though we are thy creatures and live upon thy bounty , and are daily at thy finding , yet we have not acknowledged thee , and have had less consideration , than those creatures , who have had no reason ; we have been a sinful people , laden with iniquity , a seed of evil doers , children that have been corrupters , who have forsaken thee , and by our wickedness provoked thee to anger . we have been stubborn and disobedient ; serving thine enemies , the devil and our own lusts , but have neglected , yea refused to serve and worship thee in our families and closets , living as if there had been no god in the world . we have seldom if ever taken thy name into our mouths , unless it hath been in vain , unless in our oaths and curses . we have prophaned thy sabboths , and defiled thine ordinances , and have often been more wicked on the lords day , than any day of the week besides . when we were children we disobeyed our parents , but disobeyed thee much more , who didest command us to honour them ; when we were children in years , we were grown men and women in sin ; when we were weak in body , we were strong in spirit to commit iniquity ; we learnt the trade of sin before any other , and were apt schollars in the school of the devil , when dull and blockish to learn any thing , which was good ; we were wise to do evil , when to do good we had no understanding ; our iniquities have increased over our heads , faster than our years have done : since we have been governours of others , we have had no government upon our own spirits , and have endeavoured to lead those under our charge with us in the way to hell , instead of labouring to draw them into the way of heaven , by our example , command , and perswasions ; and we have filled up all our relations with sin , instead of filling them up with a duty . if we have not murdered any with our hand , we have murdered many with our tongue , swords have been in our lips , and bitter reviling speeches in our mouths , heart murder we have been guilty of , o the inordinate anger that hath boiled in our hearts ! o the envy and malice which have gnawed our spirits , and been working daily within us ! and especially those persons have been most hated by us , who have had thine image upon them , and have been best beloved by thee ; we have scorned them , and looked upon them as mean-spirited people ; we have separated them from our company , as those who damp and spoil our mirth by their words and looks of reproof ; yea , we have persecuted them as seditious and factious persons , when in truth it was their holiness and conversation that did contradict and condemn our wicked practices , which did stir up our anger against them ; we have scoft at them , who have prayed for us , and we have lookt upon them , and dealt with them as our enemies , because so to our lusts , who were the best friends to our souls , and above all things desired our salvation . thou hast given us corn , and wine , and oyle , and plentiful provisions for our body , but we have abused thy mercies by our intemperance and luxury : we have been guilty of drunkenness and gluttony ; we have indulged our flesh and sensual appetite ; we have lived in pleasure and been wanton ; we wallowed , like so many swine , in the mire and dung of some filthy sins , which it is a shame to speak of ; we have had eyes and hearts full of lusts and adultery , and have broken forth into such vile actual sins of uncleannesses , as would raise blushes in modest cheeks to hear but the mention of ; we have been unjust and unrighteous in our dealing , have wronged and defrauded our neighbour , though thou hast threatned to be avenged on all such persons ; o the lyes we have spoken , the slanderous backbiting speeches we have uttered ! o the discontentment , murmuring , envying , evil concupiscence , inordinate affection , and wicked distempers which have been in our spirits ! and though we have broken all thy laws , and are guilty of such notorious sins , yet o the impentency and hardness of our hearts ! though no salvation is attainable but by christ , who is freely tendered unto us , yet o the unbelief of our hearts , and neglect of our own salvation ! we have sinned , we have sinned against thee , and what shall we do unto thee , o thou preserver of men ! god expects that london should make confession of their sin , and it could be wish'd that london would joyn together like one man in this work ; but if this cannot be , and they want common mouths to open their hearts and sins before the lord in particular confession , let every one of them be a mouth to himself , and get into his closet , and there acknowledge londons sins ; and if those who are most guilty , do neglect this work , let gods people do it in their room , and confess not only their own sins , but also the sins of the profane and wicked where they live , and that not only because god is dishonour'd , but also because they are in danger of being ruin'd by the unbewail'd sins of others . 5. god doth expect that london should be humble under these iudgements . god inflicted judgements on the children of israel in the wilderness , to humble them , deut. 8. 16. and he promiseth after the sorest distresses which he brings his people into for their sins , to remember his covenant , if their uncircumcised heart be humbled , levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. yea he promiseth to exalt such in due time , who humble themselves under his mighty hand , 1 pet. 5. 6. gods mighty hand hath been stretched forth upon london , god expects that london should be humble ; he hath humbled them by his judgements , he expects that they should humble themselves under his judgements ; god hath stained the pride of london , he expects that they should let down their plumes ; he hath brought them down , and he expects that they should lye low ; he hath brought poverty upon many of them in regard of their estates , and he expects that all of them should be poor in regard of their spirits ; he hath made many of them mean in regard of their condition , and he expects that their disposition and affection should be accordingly : god hath laid many persons in the dust by the plague , and he hath laid many houses in the dust by the fire , and he expects that those which survive and remain after such judgements should lay themselves in the dust for their sins . humble thy self them , o london , humble thy self before the lord , lick the dust of his feet , put off thy ornaments , and gird thee with sackcloth , cloath thy self with humility . god hath spit in thy face , wilt thou be proud of thy beauty again ? he hath burnt the city with fire , wilt thou be proud of thy buildings and stately edifices any more ? he hath consumed much of the fuel of thy pride , and he expects that thy pride should be abated , and that thou shouldest abase thy self , and humble thy self before him . 6. god doth expect that london should accept of the punishment of their iniquity . levit. 26. 40 , 41 , 42. if my people shall confess their iniquity , and the iniquity of their fathers , and be humbled , and accept the punishment of their iniquity , then will i remember my covenant , and remember the land . god expects that london should justifie him in the severest judgements which he hath inflicted upon them ; as they should acknowledge their sins , so they should acknowledge their demerit , and that the lord hath punished them no more , yea that he hath punished them less than their iniquities have deserved : as they should bring a bill of inditement against themselves , so they should bring a bill of acquittance of god ; god expects that they should say , as neh. 9. 33. thou art just in all that is brought upon us ; for thou hast done right , but we have done wickedly . or as dan. 9. 7 , 8. o lord , righteousness belongeth unto thee , but unto us confusion of faces , because we have sinned against thee . let not london murmure or repine , let not london finde fault and complain of god , because of his judgements , lam. 3. 39. why doth the living man complain , a man for the punishment of his sin ? god hath opened his mouth , and spoken terribly , but let london shut her mouth , because god hath spoken righteously ; god hath spoken with a loud voice , let london be in deep silence ; i was dumb , i opened not my mouth , saith david , because thou didst it , psal. 39. 9. when nadab and abihu the two sons of aaron were consumed with fire from heaven , for offering strange fire before the lord , it is said , that aaron held his peace , lev. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. so when god hath consumed the city of london with fire , for the sins of the inhabitants , let them hold their peace , because they have deserved it . let london be still , and know that god is righteous ; let london lay her hand upon her mouth , and her mouth in the dust ; let london close up her lips , and seal them up with silence ; or if she open them , let her mouth be filled with confessions , not with complaints ; or if she complain , let her complain to god , but let her not complain of him ; if she complain , let her complain against her self , but let her not complain against god ; let her complain of her own sin and wickedness , but not of gods judgement so righteous . let london wonder it is no worse with her , when both her sin and her danger was so great ; let her wonder , when god was so angry , that he should put any restraint upon it ; that when wrath was come forth , that it proceeded no further ; let her wonder that the plague did not quite depopulate her , and that the fire did not wholly consume her ; let her wonder it is so well with her , that she is not made a desolation , and say , it is the lords mercies we are not consumed , lam. 3. 22. 7. god doth expect , that london should mourn for her sins . we read , ier. 3. 21. a voice was heard upon the high places , weeping and supplications of the house of israel . when the terrible voice of gods judgements hath been heard in london , god doth hearken for the voice of weeping and supplications ; this gods voice doth call for ; when breaches were made in the city of david , isa. 22. 9. then did the lord of hosts call to weeping , and to mourning , to baldness , and to girding with sackcloth , v. 11. and when instead hereof there was joy and gladnesse , eating flesh , and drinking wine , the lord is so angry , that he threatneth , surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you till you die , v. 13 , 14. see also what the lord calls for to the daughter of sion under her judgements , lam. 2. 18 , 19. let tears run down like a river day and night , give thy self no rest , let not the apple of thine eye cease : arise , cry in the night , in the beginning of the watches pour out thine heart like water before the face of the lord. god doth not only expect that his ministers and priests should weep between the porch and the altar , when sore judgements are upon his land , as ioel 2. 17. but also that the people should weep too , that the bridegroom should go forth of his chamber , and the bride out of her closet , as v. 16. that people should be afflicted , mourn and weep , that their laughter should be turned into mourning , and their joy into heaviness , jam. 4. 9. he expects that those which escape his judgements should be like doves upon the mountains , every one mourning for his iniquities , as ezek. 6. 16. london may mourn for her judgements which have been so dreadfull , but god expects they should mourn more for his displeasure , which hath been the cause of these judgements , and most of all for their sins , which have been the cause of his displeasure . weep , london , weep for thy sins , which have been so many and provoking ; let thine eye affect thine heart : when thou lookest into thy burying places , and thinkest how many of thy people have lately there taken up their habitation ; it should draw tears from thine eyes to think of thy sins , which opened the doors of those lodgings unto them : methinks , when thou passest thorow thy ruinous habitations , and seest the heaps of stones at the top of thy streets , when thou viewest thy half-churches and bare steeples , and ragged walls , and open vaults , and the dismal solitude in those places , which not long ago were full of people , it should fill thine heart with sorrow for thy sins , which have kindled such anger in the breast of god , as to send the late dreadfull fire , which hath made such desolations . mourn , london , mourn , put on sackcloth , thou seest in part what an evil thing and a bitter it is , to offend a holy and jealous god ; the effects of sin here are fearfull sometimes , what evil is there is sin then which is the cause of thy ruines . god looks now that the sinners of london should become mourners : we read of a mark which was set upon the foreheads of them in ierusalem , which did mourn and cry out for the abominations that were done in the midst thereof , and they were separated from temporal destruction which was brought upon the rest , ezek. 9. 4. 6. god doth set a mark upon them that mourn in london for the sins of london , and however he may deal with them in regard of temporal calamities , be sure he will separate them , and preserve them from eternal destruction . methinks , the fall of london calls for a mourning like the mourning of hadadrimmon in the valley of megiddo , where iosiah fell in battle , zach. 12. 11. and there should not only be publick mourning , but also private mourning , and secret mourning ; families apart , and persons apart : it becomes christians now , after such strokes of gods wrath , to keep secret fasts , to bewail londons ruines , especially to bewail londons sins ; their eyes should weep in secret places , for the abominations committed in the city , and bedew gods feet with their tears , that if possible they might turn away his displeasure . 8. god doth expect that london should labour to pacifie his anger . when god threatned to send the sword , and to cut off from israel the head and the tail , the branch and the rush in one day , and to send the famine so sore that they should eat every man the flesh of his own arm , yet it is said , for all this his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still , isa. 9. 14 , 17 , 20 , 21. and now god hath executed his judgements of plague and fire in london , have not we reason to fear that his anger is not yet turned away , but his hand is stretched out still ? when the houses of london were consumed , which were the fuel to the late fire , then the fire quickly went out ; and if the sins of london had been consumed with the houses , if the inhabitants of the city had not brought forth their sins , when they were forced to leave their goods behinde unto the flames , then we should have reason to think that the fire of gods anger was gone out , and his wrath turned away from the escaped remnant of london , insomuch as the sins of london have been the fuel , as it were to this dreadful fire ; but when so much sin after such judgements is saved alive , untouch'd , and unmortified ; when the plague of sin doth rage so much after the plague of pestilence is removed ; and the fire of lust doth burn so much , when the other fire is extinguished ; when londoners who have taken new houses , have brought into them their old hearts , and live in the practice of their old sins ; when the swearers , and prophane , the drunkards and unclean , the covetous , unrighteous , and loose livers still persevere in their wicked courses , and no judgement will put a stop to them , but they grow more hardened and incorrigible , when as it is said , ier. 5. 3. the lord hath stricken them for sin , but they are not grieved , consumed them , but they refuse to receive correction , making their faces harder than a rock , and refuse to return : what can we conclude , but that gods anger doth still remain , yea is more enraged by this aggravation of their wickedness , and that he is stretching forth his hand to give them another blow . god doth expect that london should use some means to pacifie his anger ; and he gives them time for it by the pauses which he m●kes between his judgements , being still slow to anger , and unwilling , if he be not even forced unto it , utterly to destroy this place , where his name hath been called upon . o that london would be perswaded unto this duty , which doth so much concern their safety and happiness : when the fire was in london , and it burned so furiously and dreadfully on the monday , and tuesday , londoners hearts were sunk within them , having little hopes of getting victory over this conquerer , which marched thorow their streets , and therefore little resistance was made , but all were busily employed in flying from him , with their goods ; but when the fury of the fire was something abated on the wednesday , and they began to conceive any hopes that it might be extinguished ; then they pluck up their spirits , and join their forces , and many thousand hands are at work in drawing waters , and pouring them upon the flames , and their pains through gods blessing was not unsuccessful : the fire of gods wrath which shall devour the wicked and burn them everlastingly , will be so furious and dreadful that the hearts of the damned will sink under it without the least hopes of ever extinguishing this flame , or flying from it when it hath once got hold of them : and therefore they will not attempt , but let alone all endeavours for ever to turn away gods displeasure , and to put out the unquenchable fire of hell : but the fire of gods wrath and anger here may be put out , and the flames of his anger may be turned into flames of love ; gods anger which hath been so hot against london may be cooled , his wrath alleviated and his displeasure removed : there is hope in israel concerning this thing , god is not yet grown so furious that he will not be spoken unto , he is easie to be entreated , and therefore london may be encouraged in their endeavours to pacifie his anger . let them not say as israel of old , jer. 2. 25. there is no hope , no , for i have loved strangers , and after them will i go . though gods anger be not yet turned away , yet it may be turned away ; and though one hand be stretched out to destroy you , yet the other hand is stretched forth to save you ; for he stretcheth forth his hand all the day long , to a disobedient and gain-saying people , rom. 10. 21. o labour then to pacifie gods anger , to quench this fire ; arise and gird your selves with humility ; pluck up your spirits , and stir up your selves to lay hold on god , and stop him in the march of his judgements ; bring forth your buckets , draw water , and pour it forth before the lord ; let your eyes be like fountains of tears , the voice of weeping , and mourning for sin , doth turn gods bowels within him , ier. 31. 18 , 19 , 20. i have surely heard ephraim bemoaning himself , thou hast chastised me , and i was chastised , &c. and when he repented after such chastisements , and was ashamed of his sin , god doth relent , and his bowels are moved for him , is ephraim my dear son ! is he a pleasant child ? for since i spake against him , i earnestly remember him still , therefore my bowels are troubled for him ; and i will surely have mercy upon him saith the lord. if london would be chastised , and receive the impressions of grief and shame for their sins by these judgements , gods bowels would be moved , and his fierce anger would be changed into tender compassions ; and though he hath spoken terribly against london , yet he would now speak comfortably unto her , he would earnestly remember her , and make her glad according to the dayes wherein he hath afflicted her , and the years wherein she hath seen evil ; there is an excellent vertue in the tears of true repentance accompanied with the blood of christ , applyed by faith to quench the fire of gods anger . sinners , god is angry with you , psal. 7. 11. god is angry with the wicked every day , and it is worse to have god angry with you , than all the men in the world ; his favour is better than life , his displeasure is worse than death : to have god angry with you , who is so just and jealous , who is so potent and furious , is very dreadful ; if the wrath of an earthly king be like the roaring of a lyon , what is the wrath of the king of heaven ? and when his anger is stirred up by your sins , and blown into a flame , and breaks forth upon you , what will you do ? you cannot hide your selves in any place where his all seeing eye will not find you ; you cannot flie into any place , where his stretched-forth arm will not reach you ; you cannot gather such strength as to make head against him , and defend your selves from the strokes of his vengeance , who can stand in his sight when once he is angry ? psal. 76. 7. o then labour to pacifie his anger , you cannot fly from him , o then fly unto him ; you cannot stand in his sight when he is angry , o then fall down at his feet ; make peace with this adversary , whilest you are upon the way , before he deliver you to the officer death , and cast you into the prison of hell. sinners , gods patience doth as yet hold his arm ; and his mercy calls upon you to repent , and he invites you to make your peace with him , isa. 27. 4 , 5. who would set the briers and thorns against me in battle , i would go thorow them , i would burn them together ; or let him take hold on my strength , and make peace with me , and he shall make peace with me . you will be like briers and thorns , which will easily take fire , and quickly be consumed in the time of gods anger ; and if briers and thorns do offer to contend with devouring fire , what will be the issue , but the burning of them up without remedy ; you will find it sharp and painful for your feet , if you kick against the pricks ; you will dash out your brains , if you run your head against a rock , or a brazen wall ; none ever hardened themselves against god , and prospered ; none ever fought against the god of heaven by their sins , but they were wounded , and in the end destroyed ; sin , when it is finished , bringeth forth death , and wrath , and misery for ever : o then lay hold on gods strength , and make peace with him ; run to him , take hold of the scepter of grace and reconciliation , which is held forth unto you ; take hold of his arm , and plead with him for mercy ; take hold of his son who is offered to you , who is set forth to be a propitiation for the remission of sins which are past through the forbearance of god , rom. 3. 25. as yet god hath forborn you ; as yet you are on this side of the grave , and hell , and there is a possibility of turning away gods anger which is kindled against you , of flying from that wrath which is pursuing of you , of escaping those miseries which are preparing for you ; and therefore lay hold on christ who is freely tendered unto you , who is able and willing to save you , and make your peace with the father , and to procure a pardon for you ; and further to move you , you are not only offered peace and reconciliation , but you are entreated to be reconciled , ministers entreat you , yea god himself , and jesus christ by us , doth entreat , and pray , and beseech you , that you would accept of reconciliation , 2 cor. 5. 20. be astonished o ye heavens ! and wonder oye angels ! be astonished much more ye sinners ! and be rapt up with admiration o ye rebels ! the king of glory against whom you have rebelled , and who could crush you so easily without any injury to himself , is not only willing to lay aside his anger , but also entreats you to accept of reconciliation ; heartily embrace jesus christ upon his own terms , and the work will be done , otherwise the fury of the lord will be so much the more provoked , and the fire of his anger will break forth into such a flame , as none shall be able to quench ; otherwise the lord will be so much the more enraged against you , and meet you like a roaring and devouring lyon , or like a bear bereaved of her whelps ; and rent the caul of your heart , yea tear you in pieces , when there shall be none to deliver , hos. 13. 7 , 8. psal. 50. 22. 9. god doth expect that london should turn from her evil wayes , 2 chron. 7. 14. the lord maketh a sweet promise under the dreadfull judgements of famine or pestilence , which sometimes he sendeth upon his people for their sins , if my people which are called by my name shall humble themselves , and pray , and seek my face , and turn from their wicked wayes : then will i hear from heaven , and forgive their sin , and will heal their land. god doth not only expect that londoners should now acknowledge their sins , and humble themselves , and mourn for their sins ; but also that they should turn from them , otherwise pardon , and healing , and his favour is not to be obtained , neither are further judgements likely to be prevented ; they must confess and forsake their sins , if they would find mercy , prov. 28. 13. the wicked must forsake their way of sin , and turn unto the lord , and then he will have mercy , and abundantly pardon , isa. 55. 7. god threatneth to go on to punish such as go on to transgress , psal. 68. 21. he will wound the head of his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such as go on still in their trespasses . break off then your sins by repentance , and cast away all your transgressions from you ; put away the evil of your doings from before the holy and jealous eyes of god ; cease to do evil ; cleanse your hands you sinners , and purifie your hearts ye wickedly-minded ; wash your selves in the fountain of christs blood set open to you , that you may be cleansed from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , and be partakers of holiness , and the divine nature ; deny all ungodliness and worldly lusts ; abstain from flesh-pleasing sins , which war against the soul●● and be not conformed to the wicked cust●●es of wicked men , neither follow this ungodly generation to do evil , much less run with them to the same excess of riot ; but be ye transformed by the renewing of your minds , and live soberly , righteously and godly in this present evil world ; and let the time past of your lives be sufficient wherein you have wrought the will of the flesh , and served divers lusts , and cast a blot upon the profession of christianity : now be blameless , and harmless , and unrebukeable in the midst of a crooked and perverse nation , cast off the works of darkness ; lay aside your night-vail of ignorance ; put on the robes of light ; walk honestly , as in the day , shining as lights where you live ; forbear all works of darkness and sin ; and as he which hath called you is holy , so be ye holy in all manner of conversation . sinners , turn from your evil wayes , otherwise iniquity will be your ruine . 1. drunkards turn from your evil wayes ; overcharge not your selves with excess , where god allows you enough for use ; look not upon the wine when it is red , when it giveth its colour in the cup , when it sparkleth and moveth it self aright : at last it biteth like a serpent , and stingeth like an adder , prov. 23. 31 , 32. wounds and woe are the issue of excessive drinking , v. 29. this sin may be sweet and pleasing to the eye and appetite in the temptation ; but it will wound and sting the conscience , worse than an adder or serpent can do the body , in the reflection ; god hath put bitterness into the cup by his judgements , and will you drink as deep as before ? are you resolved to taste the ●reggs that lye at bottome ? the cup hath poison in it , soul-poison , and will you drink of it still , though you murder and destroy your souls for ever by this sin ? the cup hath wrath in it , the wrath of an angry god ; and is it good for you to drink off the wine of gods wrath ? drunkenness hath been your sin , and if you go on , god threatneth that drunkenness shall be your punishment , jer. 15. 12. speak unto them this word , thus saith the lord , every bottle shall be filled with wine ; drunkards like this very well , they are very well pleased that their bottles shall be filled with wine , that they may empty them , but understand the meaning , v. 13 , 14. thus saith the lord , i will fill all the inhabitants of the land with drunkenness ; and i will dash them one against another , even the fathers , and the sans together : i will not pity , nor spare , nor have mercy , but destroy them . drunkards , you reel and fall sometimes with your sin ; god will make you reel and fall by his judgements , and dash you one upon another , yea dash you in pieces , and destroy you without pity or mercy . will you not forbear your cups , and excesses , god will put a cup of trembling and astonishment into your hand ; he will put gall and wormwood into your cup , and make you taste the bitter effects of this sin ; if he do not severely scourge you for this sin here , he will be sure to torment you for this sin for ever . turn ye drunkards from your evil wayes ; vomit up your sin by repentance ; weep and mourn for all your sinfull mirth and jollity ; and take heed of returning with the dog , and licking up the vomit which you have disgorged : avoid the occasions of this sin ; shun the company of such as have been your tempters ; take heed of coming into the places where you have been drawn in to commit it ; make a covenant with your feet that they may never lead you out of the way of god , into such places , where you have been so often overtaken ; curb and restrain your appetite , take some kind of holy revenge upon your selves ; deny your selves some things which are lawfull in themselves , because occasions of sin unto you ; and instead of filling your selves with wine , or strong drink unto drunkenness , and excess ; labour to be filled with the spirit , and by the spirit to mortifie this and all other deeds of the body , and rather let the wicked wonder at you , and speak evil of you for your sobriety , than god hate you , and bring destruction upon you for your intemperance . 2. adulterers turn from your evil wayes ; come out of the unclean bed ; wallow not any longer in this besmearing mire : are you fallen into the ditch , get up and come forth with speed , and wash your garments from the spots , which they have received ; are you taken in the net , and ensnared in adulterous embracements , deliver your selves like a roe from the net of the hunter , and like a bird from the snare of the fowler ; lust not after the beauty and enjoyment of adulterous women ; let not the soft and sweet language of their lips entice you ; nor the sparkling motions of their eyes enflame you ; put not fire into your bosomes , and take heed of walking upon burning coals ; why will you consume your body , and time , and substance , which cannot be redeemed ? why will you bring upon your selves a wound and dishonor which cannot be wiped off ? why will you be like oxen which go to the slaughter , and be such fools , as to bring upon your selves destruction ? turn from your evil wayes ; dare not to go forward in that way which leads unto death and hell . marriage is honourable in all , and the bed undefiled , but whoremongers , and adulterers god will judge , heb. 13. 4. god hath shot his arrows into the city , and wounded many adulterers for this sin , that had before defiled and wounded themselves by it ; and will you go on till a dart pierce thorow your liver ? the beginning of the sin is sweet like honey , but will not the end of it be more bitter than wormwood ? and if a little short pleasure of the flesh be so desirable , will not the extream endless pain , it will produce , be intollerable ? can you be content to lye so many millions of years under the horrible tortures of hell , for a little present sensual delight , which when reaped , cannot yield you satisfaction ? is it sweet to fall into the arms of an adulterous woman ; and will it not be bitter , yea a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god , heb. 10. 31. especially when he is irreconcileably angry , and his anger burns like fire which is devouring , and unquenchable ? you have seen the fire which hath burnt down the city how dreadfull it was ; the fire of lust within you , is worse ; and the fire of hell beneath you , which is preparing for you , and unto which by this sin you are hastening , is a thousand fold more dreadfull ; ( of which more by and by ) and yet will you go on ? o turn from your adulterous wayes ; come not near the door of such houses , where you have had incentives to lust , and opportunities for such lewd practices ; make a covenant with your eyes , the spark is catcht at the eye , not only from it , but also by it ; the spark that falling upon the tinder of an adulterous heart , puts it into a flame ; do not look upon the maid or woman , that you may not think ; do not think , that you may not lust ; do not touch , that you may not desire to taste ; do not toy , least you be caught ; do not come too near the brink , least you fall into the stream before you are aware ; take heed of speculative uncleanness , as you would be kept from actual uncleanness ; take heed of self-pollutions , as you would be kept from adultery with others ; avoid occasions of this sin , come not into such company and places where you may have opportunity to commit it ; flee youthfull lusts which warr against the soul ; keep your mindes pure and chaste ; resist the first suggestions to this sin ; quench the fire , when it begins to kindle ; look to the issue and consequents of this sin ; remember that the holy eye of god is upon you , in your most secret retirements , and he will ere long call you to an account . 3. swearers , turn from your evil wayes . remember the third commandment , unto which a threatning is annexed , of gods charging guilt especially upon the breakers hereof , exod. 20. 7. thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not hold him guiltless , that taketh his name in vain . the very use of the name of god irreverently , is a breach of this command ; but to swear by the name of god in ordinary discourse , is a gross breach of it ; which as it affronts god highly , so it will bring condemnation certainly upon the guilty , that do not repent and forbear . when god hath made your mouths , and given you tongues to speak his praise , which then are your glory ; will you profane the name of this god , and turn not only the glory of god , but also your own glory into shame and dishonour , and that when you have not the motive and incentive as to flesh-pleasing sins ? herbert . take not his name , who made thy mouth , in vain ; it gets thee nothing , and hath no excuse : lust and wine plead a pleasure , avarice gain : but the cheap swearer through his open sluce le ts his soul run for nought , as little fearing : were i an epicure , i could hate swearing . look into deut. 28. 58 , 59. what threatnings the lord doth denounce there against such as do not fear his name ; and surely it is for want of fear and awe of gods name , that any are so bold as to swear by it , or take it in vain : if thou wilt not fear this glorious and fearfull name , the lord thy god , then the lord will make thy plagues wonderfull , and the plagues of thy seed , even great plagues , and of long continuance , and sore sicknesses , and of long continuance , &c. hath not god plagued and burned the city of london , amongst other sins , for this of swearing ? and yet will you swear still , and provoke the lord to further wrath ? when you have seen in part how fearfull the name of god is , in the judgements which he hath executed , will you go on still to profane his name ? do you not fear future judgements ? will not the name of god be displayed more dreadfully before you , when he opens the treasures of his wrath , and sends his son in flaming fire , to take vengeance upon sinners , and yet will not you fear this name of god ? swearers , with what confidence can you pray to god ? what hopes can you have when you use gods name in prayer , that you shall have the least audience or acceptance , when you abuse his name so much , and cast such dishonour upon it by your oaths ? if you do not pray now , as swearers seldom do , will you never be driven to your knees ? will you never be brought to such extremities that no creature shall be able to give you any relief ? and with what face can you then look up to god ? will not your callings upon the name of god be in vain , as you have taken his name in vain ? will not god laugh at your calamity , and though you cry and shout , will not he shut out your prayer , and barr the door of mercy upon you for ever ? swearers , turn from your sin ; make a covenant with your mouth ; set a watch before the dore of your lips ; use gods name in prayer , and reverently in discourse ; do not swear by it , or take it in vain any more ; get an awe of this name upon your hearts , which will be an excellent means to keep you from this sin . 4. lyars , turn from your evil wayes . we read acts 5. at the beginning , of annanias and sapphira , who were smitten with sudden death for the sin of lying ; it is said , they fell down at the apostles feet , and gave up the ghost . and hath not the sin of lying been one ingredient in the meritorious cause of the fall of so many persons and houses by the plague and fire in the city of london ? this sin of lying , the apostle doth in especial caution the colossians and ephesians against , after the wonderfull grace of god in the renovation of them according to his image , col. 3. 9. lye not one to another , seeing ye have put off the old man with his deeds : and have put on the new man , &c. eph. 4. 24 , 25. having put on the new man , which after god is created in righteousness and true holiness . put away lying , and speak every man truth to his neighbour . and this sin i may caution londoners against , after the dreadful anger of god , expressed in the desolations which he hath made amongst them by his late judgements ; lye not one to another any more , but speak every one truth to his neighbour . the lord is a god of truth , and he cannot lye ; do you labour to be men of truth , such as will not lye : the devil is the father of lyes , and lyars , ioh. 8. 44. and which is most eligible , to be children of god , or children of the devil ? a lying tongue , is one of the seven abominatitions which the lord hateth , prov. 6. 16 , 17. and is there any good you can get by your lying , comparable to the evil of rendring your selves hatefull and abominable in the sight of god ? is it needfull for you sometimes to speak lyes ? is it not a thousand fold more needfull for you alwayes to speak truth ? are you likely to gain so much by the former , as by the later ? what is a little outward emolument in comparison with inward peace ? are you likely to lose so much by the later , as by the former ? what is the loss of external , temporal things , in comparison with the loss of your souls and happiness for ever ? is it needfull to lye that you may excuse your faults ? this makes them double . herbert . nothing can need a lye ; a fault which needs it most , grows two thereby . parents , warn your children against this sin of lying ; do not spare the rod of correction where you finde them guilty ; pass by twenty other faults rather than this ; lying is the first link in the chain of a thousand gross sins ; rap off their fingers from the first link , least the chain after grow too strong for you to break . masters , indulge not your servants in this sin , the resolution of david was , psal. 101. 7. he that worketh deceit shall not dwell in my house ; he that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight . especially take heed of leading servants to this sin by your example ; above all of putting them upon this sin , by your perswasions or commands ; for , besides the guilt of their sin which hereby you incurr ; your dammage is like to be more than your advantage by their lyes ; if you put them upon lying for you , they will put themselves upon lying to you ; and if you deceive others in some things by the former , they are likely to deceive you , deservedly , in greater things by the latter . young ones , take heed of lyes ; do nothing as may need the cloak and excuse of a lye ; and if you be overtaken with a fault , never deny it when examined , but with sorrow acknowledge it as you would gain favour with god and man : take heed of this sin betimes ; lay aside lying before it grows into a custom , which will be hard to leave . old ones , break off this sin , before you be dragg'd by the chain of this sin into the fire of hell , which is the threatned punishment thereof , rev. 21. 8. be not too hasty in speech , least this sin issue forth at the door of your lips , before you are aware ; speak always as in the hearing of god , who knows whether your words and heart do agree , and who will one day call you to an account for this sin , and except you repent , punish you for it severely in the lake of fire and brimstone . 5. slanderers , turn from your evil wayes . the sin of slandering is one of the worst sorts of lying ; and the teeth of slanderers are compared to spears and arrows , and their tongue to a sharp sword , psal. 57. 4. and when they utter their slanders , they bend their bowe , and shoot their arrows , they whet their sword , and wound therewith the reputation of others , which they are bound to be as carefull of as their own , psal. 64. 34. slanderers are false-witnesses , who lay to the charge of others such things as they know not , psal. 35. 11. they are lyons , who tear in pieces the good name of others ; they are serpents , whose words are stings , and full of deadly poyson ; they are compared to mauls , and swords , and sharp arrows , prov. 25. 18. yea , they are like mad men , who cast about fire-brands , and arrows , and death , prov. 26. 18. by this sin , you wound others , and are guilty of tongue-murder ; but you wound your selves more , i mean your consciences , and are guilty of self-murder , of soul-murder ; and the poyson of such speeches is not so venemous and deadly , in regard of your neighbours good name , as it is in regard of your own spirits , which are invenom'd , and will be destroyed hereby , without the application of the blood of christ for pardon and healing . slanderers , forbear your backbiting , slanderous speeches ; forbear devouring words , which swallow up the good name of your neighbours ; let not your throats be like open sepulchres , to entombe their reputation : take heed your tongues do not utter slanders and reproaches , devised by your selves ; be carefull also that you do not spread such calumnies as others have devised . receive not any accusation against your neighbours without good proof ; drive away backbiting tongues with an angry countenance ; and if you must hear of others faults , let love conceal them as much as may be from the knowledge of others ; rather speak to themselves what you hear , and reprove them , ( if the things be scandalous ) with prudence , love , and a spirit of meekness . remember the command , tit. 3. 2. speak evil of no man. and take heed of the sinfull practice of the women described , 1 tim. 5. 13. they learn to be idle , wandring about from house to house ; and not only idle , but tatlers also , and busie-bodies , speaking things which they ought not . where your tongues have been instrumental to wound others , and your selves withall , by slanderous speeches , make use of the same instrument for healing ; labour to heal your selves by confession of your sin to god , and to heal others by acknowledging to them the wrong you have done them ; labour to lick whole their fame , and by good words to promote their esteem , which you have unjustly taken away . labour for so much humility and brotherly love , as to be as tender of their good name and fame as your own , and in honour to preferr them above your selves , which will make you ready to hide their faults , and keep you from evil furmises , and evil slanderous speeches . 6. revilers , turn from your evil wayes . reviling and slandering often go together , as proceeding both from the same root of malice and hatred ; yet sometimes the malice is kept more close ; when warr is in the heart , and mischief is inwardly devised , and the name secretly wounded with slanders behinde the back , the tongue doth flatter , and like a honey-comb doth drop nothing but sweet words before the face . the sin of reviling is open , and spits forth rancour and malice into the face , and breaks forth into bitter speeches , for the shame and disgrace of such persons against whom they are spoken , though revilers disgrace themselves more by the weakness , and ill government of spirit , which hereby they discover . revilers , refrain your angry bitter speeches ; let all bitterness and wrath , and anger , and clamour , and evil speaking , be put away from you , with all malice , eph. 4. 31. do not quarrel and contend , do not break forth into brawls and clamours , and bitter reviling speeches , against such as give you no occasion , but desire to live at peace with you ; and if others are angry and quarrel with you , labour to pacifie their anger , do not stir up the coals by your bitter retorts ; when you are reviled , revile not again , like our saviour , 1 pet. 2. 23. render not evil for evil , nor railing for railing , but contrariwise blessing , 1 pet. 3. 9. the second blow breeds the quarrel , and the second reviling word breeds the strife ; give to a hard speech the return of a soft answer , prov. 15. 1. a soft answer turneth away wrath , but grievous words stir up anger . and prov. 25. 15. long forbearance is of great perswasion , and a soft tongue breaketh a bone : there is a marvelous force in a meek reception of bitter speeches to appease anger , and molifie the spirits of those which are most fierce ; whereas grievous and bitter returns stir up unto greater contention ; revenge not your selves with the hand , neither revenge your selves with the tongue ; revile not your enemies , but love them , and pray for them , and do good to them , feed and cloath them , and heap coals upon their head , matth. 5. 44. rom. 12. 19 , 20. be gentle shewing all meekness to all men , tit. 3. 2. especially revile not your friends , take heed of stirring up strife in the house where you live ; be of a peaceable disposition ; above all , take heed of reviling christs friends , gods children ; revile not the saints , remember that no revilers , especially such revilers that persevere in that sin , shall inherit the kingdom of god , 1 cor. 6. 10. and when the lord jesus cometh at the last day , he will execute judgement upon the ungodly , for their hard speeches which they have spoken against him , in speaking against his people , iude 15. revilers govern your tongues , if any man among you seem to be religious , and bridleth not his tongue , that mans religion is vain , jam. 1. 26. would you govern your selves well according to scripture rules , bridle and govern your tongues , jam. 3. 3 , 4. behold we put bits into the horses mouths that they may obey us , and we turn about their whole body . behold also the ships , which though they be so great , and are driven of fierce winds , yet they are turned about with a very small helm , withersoever the governour listeth . put a bit upon this little member , and you may the better have all the rest at command , and keep your selves in , when otherwise vented passions like wilde horses without rains may carry you into many a precipice ; when otherwise the fierce storms of your minds may break forth , and drive you upon rocks and shelves , and shipwrack both soul and body together . there is a world of iniquity in the tongue , which defileth the whole body ; the tongue is a fire , which setteth on fire the whole course of nature , and it self is set on fire of hell , y. 6. get the former fire quenched , get the heat of your tongues cooled , as you would escape the latter fire , i mean the fire of hell , from whence the former fire doth proceed , and unto which it will certainly bring you . the tongue is full of deadly poison , it is an unruly evil which no man can tame , when by art the wildest beasts may and have been tamed , v. 7 , 8. others cannot tame your tongues , but you may get them tamed your selves : put them under the government of christ , and he will tame them , get your passions tamed within , and you may tame this member which is the instrument that they make use of to vent themselves in your revilings ; keep guard and sentinel before the door of your lips , and watch your words that you offend not with your tongues . 7. persecutors turn from your evil waies : forbear persecuting the people of god , who desire your good , and are the best safeguard and defence by their prayers and faith of the places where they live , from miseries and destruction ; is it good for you to hew at the bough on which you stand , over such a deep , into which if you should fall , it will be impossible for you to recover your selves again ? is it good for you to pull at the pillars of the house , which if you pluck down , will bring the house upon you , and bury you in its ruines ? is it good to put your selves under the burdensome stone which will grinde you to powder ? suppose whilest you are breathing forth threatnings against any of christs disciples , and are in the heat of your rage and furious persecution of them , you should hear such a voice as paul did from heaven , sinners , sinners , why persecute you me , would it not cool , and stop you ? you may hear this voice , if you will open your ear unto the word ; it is christ you persecute in his disciples ; it is christ you wound thorow their sides , you would do the same to him as the jews did , were he alive amongst you , and you had the same power as sometimes was put into their hands against the lord of life . i will not charge london with , and therefore need not warn them generally against the sin of persecution of gods people , because they have been a shelter to them when the times have frowned most upon them ; but are there none have need of this warning ? are there no iudas's amongst them , none of pauls spirit before his conversion ? persecutors forbear this sin , which makes you as like the devil as any that i know , and locks you fastest in his arms ; which is the very next door to the sin against the holy ghost ▪ which will bring upon you swift destruction ; which will sink you into the lowest parts of the bottomless pit ; which will lash and sting your consciences with horrible scourges hereafter , if they be not awakened with horrour here ; turn from this sin before it be too late ; imitate paul ▪ and become friends to them against whom you have expressed so much enmity and spight . 8. covetous persons turn from your evil wayes ▪ god hath smitten you for the iniquity of your covetousness , do not go frowardly on in this sin ; he hath substracted much of the fuel of this sin , and burnt it in the fire , let there be a greater decay in your lust of covetousness , than there hath been in any of your estates . covetousness is one of the sins which the apostle would not have so much as named amongst the saints , ephes. 5. 3. it is a sin if it reign , which is inconsistent with the truth of grace , and power of godliness , because it is idolatry , col. 3. 5. and the apostle tells us expresly that covetous persons shall not inherit the kingdom of god , 1 cor. 9. 10. yea that the wrath of god shall come upon them , ephes. 5. 6. covetous persons turn from your sin , get this earthly member mortified : get your hearts loosened from those things , which you have hitherto made your god , and in which you have sought for your chiefest felicity . have you little in the world ? be contented with the portion which god gives you ; you have as much as god seeth fit for you , heb. 13. 5. let your conversation be without covetousness , and be content with such things as you have , covetousness may not heal your poverty any more , than riches can heal your covetousness . have you much in the world ? do your riches encrease ? set not your heart upon them ; make use of what god hath given you without such pinching and self-deniall which the lord jesus never commanded in his ▪ precepts of that kind ; god never gave riches to save , but to use ; take heed of exceeding the bounds in spending , and do not spare the moderate use of what you have for fear of future wanting ; use part of your estates for your selves in what is needful for the body , and sutable to your degree and quality ▪ lay aside part for your posterity , and lay out part in the help of those in necessity ▪ for relief of the poor , whereby you will lay up for your selves a good foundation for the time to come , and at last , lay hold on eternal life ▪ 1 tim. 6. 18 , 19. 9. vnrighteous persons turn from your evil wayes . god hath been righteous in his judgements , because you have been unrighteous in your dealings ; and as his judgements are a reproof of your sin , so are they a warning to you to leave it . unrighteous gains will yield you little advantage in the issue : see what the apostle iames speaks of the wealth which men get in such a way , chap. 5. 2 , 3 , 4. your riches are corrupted , and your garments moth-eaten : your gold and silver is cankered , and the rust of them shall be a witness against you , and shall eat your flesh , as it were fire : ye have heaped treasure together for the last dayes ; behold the hire of your labourers which have reaped down your fields , which is of you kept back by fraud , cryeth , and the cryes have entered into the ears of the lord of sabboth . the curse of god goeth along with unlawfull , unrighteous gains ; and is like moth and rust to corrupt and canker them ; they bring a fire into the flesh and bones , which will eat and torment ; they pierce men thorow with many sorrows , and at their latter end utterly consume them with terrours , if their conscience be awakened ; unrighteous persons do not heap up such treasures of wealth , as by sin they heap up treasures of wrath against the last day : the wrongs , which they do to others , cry with a loud voice to god , and the lord will be the avenger of all such as are defrauded . let them that have been unrighteous then be unrighteous no more : you cannot wrong others so much by this sin , as you wrong your selves ; shake your hands of dishonest gains : make restitution of what you have defrauded others , as you expect salvation , non remittitur peccatum , nisi restituctur ablatum . this is a hard saying to some , who have no other wealth , but what they have gained in a dishonest and unrighteous way ; but will it not be harder to suffer the vengeance of eternal fire for this sin ? is it not better to impoverish your selves that you may be just and honest whilest you live , than to be damned , and thrust into a place of torment when you die ? you must leave what you have ; if god do not take away what you have by some temporal calamity before , be sure death will strip you of all ; and is it not better for you to part with it your selves to the just owners , when this is the way to obtain pardon and peace , and an inheritance which is of a thousand fold more value ? and do not fear but god will make provision for you whilest you abide in the world , if you resolve to be honest , and put your trust in him , who hath the dispose of the earth , and the fulness thereof . be righteous for the future , do not swerve a hair from the rule of right ; what you would that others should do unto you , do unto them , this is a principle inscribed upon the heart by nature , and this is the law and the prophets , matth. 7. 12. 10. hypocrites , turn from your evil wayes . methinks the terrible voice of god should affrighten you , under your hypocritical showes , and outside devotions : methinks you should now bend your hearts to please the lord , and approve your selves chiefly to him , who hath expressed so much displeasure against sinners , and is most highly offended with hypocrites ; what good will a form do you , without the power of godliness ? what good will showes do you , without sincere and substantial service ? what benefit will you get by counterfeit graces , if your graces be not reall ? if your repentance , and faith and love , and the like , be feigned , how uneffectual will they be to procure pardon , and peace , and salvation ? are you content to lose all your bodily exercise , and to have all your heartless lifeless duties rise up one day in judgement against you ? what advantage will you get by a bare profession of religion , especially in such times when profession if it be strict is discountenanced , and professors if their lamp shine with any brightness , and they carry any great sail , expose themselves to danger ? and if you have not sincerity , which alone can yield you the true and sweet fruits of religion , you are like to lose all , and of all others to make your selves most miserable ; you may suffer from men , because you have a profession , and you will suffer from god , because you have no more than a profession : what then ? should you cast off your profession ? no ; so you would turn apostates ; and may fall into the sin against the holy ghost , which will bring upon you inevitable damnation ; but lay aside your hypocrisie , and become sincere ; be that in truth , which you are in show ; labour for sincerity in regard of your state , and labour for sincerity in regard of your duties . sinners , god calls upon all of you to turn from your evil wayes by his thundering voice . turn presently : let the time past be sufficient wherein you have fulfilled the desires of the flesh and the minde ; go not a step forward in the way of sin , least you meet with destruction suddenly , and perish without remedy . turn universally , say not of any sin , as lot did of zoar , it is a little one , cast away all your transgressions ; and let no iniquity have dominion over you for the future . turn heartily , from an inward principle of hatred to sin , and love to god , and not from outward considerations , and meerly upon the account of sins dreadfull consequents . turn constantly , and with full purpose of heart never to return unto your evil wayes of sin any more . 10. the lord doth expect after such iudgements that london should seek him : that they should not only turn from their evil wayes , but also that they should turn unto him that hath smitten them , and seek the lord of hosts , isa. 9. 13. we read , am. 5. 2. the virgin of israel is falen , she is forsaken , and none to raise her up : whereupon god calls to this duty , v. 4 , 5 , 6 , 8. thus saith the lord to the house of israel , seek ye me , and ye shall live ; but seek not bethel , &c. seek the lord , and ye shall live , least he break forth like fire in the house of joseph , and devour , and there be none to quench ; seek him who made the seven stars , and orion , and turneth the shadow of death into the morning , &c. the lord is his name : and it follows , v. 15. it may be the lord will be gracious unto the remnant of joseph . and when this duty is neglected , see the threatning , v. 16. wailing shall be in all streets , and they shall say in all the high wayes , alas , alas ! and they shall call the husbandmen to mourning , and such as are skilful of lamentation , to wailing . and now london is fallen , doth not the lord call upon them , that they would call upon him , and as they would turn away his anger , and prevent their utter ruine , that they would seek him who can turn the shadow of death into the morning , and the blackest night of affliction into a day of prosperity and rejoycing . london , seek the lord , that ye may live , that there may be a reviving after the years of such death and ruines ; seek the lord , before the decree bring forth some other judgement , and ye pass away like chaffe before the whirlwinde , in the day of the lords fierce anger ; it may be the lord will be gracious to the remnant of this great city . god expects that london should now pray at another rate than heretofore they have done . it is said , dan. 9. 13. all this evil is come upon us , yet made we not our prayer unto the lord our god ; and when god had consumed israel because of their iniquities , the prophet complains , isa. 64. 7. there is none that calleth upon thy name , that stirreth up himself to take hold of thee . had the prayers of london been such as they should have been , such as they have been , the desolations of london might have been prevented : god expects that london under such chastisements , should pour out prayers before him , isa. 26. 16. god hath spoken terribly unto them , he expects that they should cry mightily unto him . god expects that london should meet him in the way of his judgements , not only with weepings for their sins , that they have provoked him unto so great displeasure , but also with supplications for his mercies . when iacob was devoured , and his dwelling-place laid waste , psal. 79. 7. you have their prayer , v. 8 , 9 , &c. o remember not against us former iniquities , let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us , for we are brought very low : help us o lord god of our salvation , for the glory of thy name : deliver us , and purge away our sins for thy names sake . and the church under desolating judgements doth in prayer express her self very pathetically , isa. 63. 15 , &c. look down from heaven , and behold from the habitation of thy holiness , and thy glory , where is thy zeal , and thy strength , the sounding of thy bowels , and thy mercies , are they restrained ? doubtless , thou art our father , &c. we are thine , return for thy servants sake , &c. and chap. 64. 9. be not wroth very sore , o lord , neither remember iniquity for ever , behold , see , we beseech thee , we are all thy people . god hath been pleading and contending with london by his judgements , and god doth look that london should plead with him in prayer for his mercies . london , seek the lord of hosts , who hath come forth against you in battel , and wounded you with his sharp arrows , and yet hath not laid down his weapons ; get to your knees ; hang about gods feet and arms ; fill your mouths with arguments to stay him in the course of his judgements ; let not the apple of your eye cease from weeping , that you have displeased him ; and let not your tongue cease from humble and earnest entreaties , that he would pardon you , and remove his displeasure from you . seek the lord humbly ; put your mouths in the dust , if so be there may be any hope ; god hears the cry of the humble , and will not despise their prayer , psal. 10. 17. psal. 102. 17. seek the lord diligently : he hath promised to be found of all them that diligently seek him , heb. 11. 6. god looks for earnest , hearty , fervent prayer : there is a sweet promise which god makes to his peoples prayers after his sore judgements which he had brought upon them : ier. 29. 11 , 12 , 13. i know the thoughts , that i think towards you , saith the lord , thoughts of peace , and not of evil , to give you an expected end . then shall ye call upon me , and ye shall go , and pray unto me , and i will hearken unto you : and ye shall seek me and finde me , when ye shall search for me with all your heart . seek the lord believingly ; mingle your prayers with faith , and make use of the mediation of christ , that you may prevail . 11. god calls upon london , by the voice of his iudgements , to prepare for greater troubles . the face of god seems to threaten greater troubles , there is little sign that gods brow is smoothened now , more than it was before the fire ; there is little evidence of the appeasement of gods anger : the face of the times seem to threaten greater troubles ; the cloud over london and england is still very black , and seems to be thicker than it was before . gods own people are like to undergo greater troubles : some of them have endured much , but they are like to endure much more ; some of them have suffered deeply , but they are like to suffer greater things more generally : they have been brought low by affliction , but not so low as others be ; when others of gods people are stript of all , they enjoy a comparative prosperity : they are not so low as they deserve to be ; their gospel-reproaching sins deserve far greater severities : they are not so low as they may have need to be ; they may need greater troubles , to unite them more one to another in their affections ▪ to further their sanctification , to wean and loosen them more from the world ; to humble them for , and purifie them more from sin ; to exercise and brighten more their graces : they are not so low as possibly they must be before they be exalted ; the night is the darkest before the day breaks ; the storm is the fiercest many times in its last blast ; and the afflictions of gods people are the sorest before god gives them deliverance ; god layes his people most low , when he intends their highest exaltation : surely , the expected shock is not yet over , and gods peoples most dreadfull sufferings seem most immediately to be threatned , they seem to be near , very near , even at the doors . the intent of the late judgements by plague and fire , seems plainly to be for the fitting and preparing of them for more smart and heavy strokes . if god had permitted those expected sufferings to have come upon them more suddenly , they might have found them more unready ; god hath given them time to prepare , and awakening warnings to prepare ; and when will they be ready to suffer like christians , like protestants , if now they be not ready ? the profane and wicked generation in the land are like to endure greater troubles , as hath been shown pag. 80 , 81 , 82. and when the storm of gods anger doth break down upon them , are there no drops likely to fall upon london ? is not the whole land likely to be in danger of ruine , when god doth deal with the ungodly and wicked crew , whom he spares for some time , whilest he punisheth so severely the more righteous ? the troubles of london have been great , but methinks it is evident , that london is in danger of greater troubles ; therefore they have need to make preparation , which they have had such awakening calls unto . some possibly may think the bitterness of londons troubles is over , because their troubles have been so bitter ; that the sharp winter cold is gone , when it was so sharp in the midst of winter , and the sun had got to some height ; but march can bring in as cold nipping frost , as december and ianuary did ; and when the spring of prosperity is expected by some , they may finde the sharpest part of the winter of troubles to be behinde . prepare therefore london for greater troubles . 12. god doth expect that london should trust no more in arms of flesh , but in himself alone . by these judgements god hath shown to london the weakness and insufficiency of arms of flesh what broken reeds they are . some put their trust in men , and their great expectation of relief and comfort hath been from their friends ; by the plague god hath shown , how frail and weak man is , how like grass or a flower that quickly withereth , or is cut down ; how like glass or a bubble which is easily broken and vanisheth ; many have lost by the plague their chief friends upon whom they have had all their dependance , and the lord hath shown how insufficient a foundation man is for any ones trust and confidence , therefore he calleth aloud to london to cease from man , whose breath is in his nostrils , for wherein is he to be accounted of ? isa. 2. 22. not to trust in any of the sons of men , in whom there is no help ; and the reason is , because their breath goeth forth , they return to their dust , in that very day all their thoughts perish , psal. 146. 3 , 4. some put their trust in their wealth and riches . prov. 18. 11. the rich mans wealth is his city , and a high wall in his own conceit . god hath by the fire , which hath consumed so much of the wealth of the city , shown how insufficient a foundation wealth is for any mans confidence , he hath made it evident that riches are uncertain , and that they fly away with eagles wings , sometimes whilest the owners are looking on ; may not that which is threatned , psal. 52. 5. 7. be spoken of many in london , that god hath rooted some of them by the plague out of the land of the living , plucked and forced others out of their habitations by the fire , and taken away their stay and prop from them , of whom it may be said , lo these are they that made not god their strength , but trusted in the abundance of their riches , and strengthned themselves in their wickedness . london trust no more in arms of flesh , but trust in god alone : it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in men ; it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in princes , psal. 118. 8 , 9. god is knocking off your fingers from all things here below , his will is that you should put your trust in him ; which is one promised effect of great desolations and afflictions , that you should labour after ; zeph. 3. 12. i will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted , and poor people , and they shall trust in the name of the lord. you were not so forward to trust in the lord when you had greater abundance , endeavour to trust in him , now you are brought into greater poverty and affliction : his infinite power , wisdom , loving kindness , his promise , truth and faithfulness are a strong bottome for your trust and confidence in god. trust in him at all times , in the worst of times ; when your danger is greatest , he will be your help and shield , psal. 115. 11. he will be your refuge under oppression , and present help in time of trouble , psal. 46. 1. he will be your rock and fortress , your high tower to defend you , or your deliverer to redeem you out of all your troubles : trust in god alone for all things : if you make use of creatures , do not lean and stay upon them , for they will slip from under you ; but stay your selves on god. o the peace and quiet which this will yield in shaking troublesome dayes ! when others hearts tremble within them , and are moved like leaves upon the approach of danger , you shall not be afraid of evil tydings , but have your hearts fixed trusting in the lord , psal. 112. 7. 13. god doth expect that london should have death in continual remembrance : this god expects from the judgement of the plague , the death of so many thousands a week in london , gave such a spectacle of mortality , and preached such a sermon in the city , as should bring the remembrance of death into their minds every day of their lives ; the death , if it were but of one or two should put you in mind of your later end ; but when you have seen so many go down into the pit before you , it should inscribe the remembrance of death more deeply upon your mindes , the record of which you should look daily into : the gates of the city in the year of the plague seem'd to have this inscription upon them , all flesh is grass ; let that word sound every day in your ears , and remember your bodies are exposed to the stroke of death every day ; and though you have out-lived the plague , that yet death hath you in the chase , and will ere long ( you know not how soon ) overtake you ; remember your glass is running , and will quickly be run out ; and therefore all the dayes of your appointed time , as you should remember ; so you should prepare for your great change . god expects that the remaining inhabitants of london should be prepared well for death now , when they have had death so much in their view : some of you have been sick of the plague and brought to the very brink of the grave , all of you have been in danger of the plague , when the disease was so sore and raging : i fear most of you were unprepared for death at that time , and had you dyed then , that it would have been with horrour : and i believe that there are few of you , but did in the time of your fears and danger , make vows and promises , if the lord would shelter you from the arrows , which flew about you , and spare your lives then ; that you would lead new lives , and be more carefull to prepare for your change ; so that death should not take you so unprovided any more : god expects the fulfilling of your promises ; and that you should live up to the vowes , which you made in the time of your distress ; and so provide your selves whilest you are well , that the messenger of death may have a welcome reception , when ever he summoneth you to leave this world . 14. god expects that london should retain great impressions of eternity . you have had the door of eternity set wide open in your view , when so many were thronging in at the door , and i believe you had deeper apprehensions of eternity in those dayes , than ever you had in your lives ; take heed that those impressions do not wear off , and that you lose not those apprehensions , especially when you are drawing every day nearer and nearer thereunto . think often of the vast ocean of eternity without bottome or bank on the other side , into which the whole stream of time will empty it self ; and how quickly the small rivulet of your appointed dayes may fall into it : think often of the unalterable state of joy or misery , which you must enter into at the end of your course : think how thin and short the pleasures of sin are in this life , in comparison of the horrible and endless torments of hell ; and how light and momentaneous the afflictions of gods people are here , in comparison with the exceeding and eternal weight of glory prepared for them in heaven , 2 cor. 4. 17. 15. god doth call upon london by the fire which burnt down the city to secure themselves against the fire of hell. london's fire was dreadful , but the fire of hell will be a thousand-fold more dreadfull . the fire of london was kindled by man ; be sure some second cause was made use of herein ; but the fire of hell will be kindled by god himself , isa. 30. 33. tophet is ordained of old , for the king it is prepared , he hath made it deep and large : the pile thereof is fire and much wood , and the breath of the lord like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it . the fire of london burnt the houses of the city , and consumed much of the goods ; but the fire of hell will burn the persons of the wicked , matth. 15. 41. depart ye cursed into everlasting fire . the fire of london did burn most , but not all the houses in the city , some are yet remaining , but the fire of hell will burn all the persons of the wicked , not one of them shall escape and remain . the fire of london was extinguished , and did last but four dayes ; but the fire of hell will be unextinguishable , it will burn for ever , it is called everlasting fire , in which the damned must lye and burn eternally , without any possibility of ever getting forth . if you had known before of londons fire , where it would begin , and how it would spread , and seize upon your houses , surely you would have taken some course for the prevention of it : you know before of the fire of hell , the word of god hath revealed it ; o take some course for prevention of it , at least for securing of your selves against it : when the fire was burning in london , you did fly from it , least it should have consumed your persons as well as houses ; o fly from the fire of hell , into which your persons will be thrown if you go on in sin ; fly from the wrath which is to come ; fly unto jesus christ who alone can deliver you . 16. god doth call upon londoners by the fire to be like strangers and pilgrims in the world. god hath burned you out of your habitations , that he might loosen your affections from houses , and riches , and all things here below ; that he might unsettle you , unhinge , unfix you , that you might never think of rest and settlement in the creatures , as long as you live : god calls upon you by this judgement , to take off your hearts from this world , which is so very uncertain , and to be like strangers and pilgrims upon the earth , who are to take up your lodging here but a few dayes and nights in your passage to the other world ; god expects you should live as those who have here no certain dwelling place , and therefore that you should not lavish away too much of your thoughts , and affections , and time about these uncertain things , which are of so short a continuance , and with which you cannot have a long abode ; god hath by his judgements crucified the world very much before you , and he expects that the world should be crucified in you ; god hath poured contempt upon the world , and set a mark of disgrace thereon ; he hath cast dirt upon the face where you fancied before so much beauty to lye ; and he expects that you should fall in esteem , and grow out of love with the world , and never go a whoring from him to the creatures any more . 17. god calls upon london to make him their habitation . psal. 90. 1. lord thou hast been our dwelling places in all generations . god is the hiding-place , and he is the dwelling-place of his people ; you have lost your dwellings by the fire , make god your habitation , and dwell in him , to whom you may have constant resort , and in whom you may have a sure abode . get possession of this house by your union to god through his son ; and when you are in , keep possession , abide in this honse , do not wander from him , and turn your selves out of doors by breaking of his houshold laws ; make god your home , and labour to be much acquainted at home ; spend your time with god , and give your hearts to him : rest and repose your selves in god daily ; look for all your provisions in him , and from him ; walk in him and with him . make god your habitation . 18. god calleth upon london to seek after an abiding city . heb. 13. 14. we have here no continuing city , but we seek one to come . london hath reason to say the former , therefore let london do the later : you have seen the city fall by the fire , seek after a city which hath more lasting foundations , and is of such strong building , that neither time can wear and weaken , nor flames of fire reach and consume . i mean the new ierusalem , which is above , the heavenly city , whose builder and maker is god ; there are mansions , abiding places for the saints , ioh. 14. 2. there the wicked will cease from troubling , and the weary will be at rest , seek : after this city , labour for a title to it , lay up your treasure in it , get your affections set upon it ; above all trades drive a trade for heaven , which in the issue will yield you the best returns . 19. god doth expect that london should labour to build his house . the neglect of gods house , i believe hath been a great cause of the fall of so many houses in the city by fire . god expects that now you should endeavour the building of his house ; otherwise , i do not think that god will build again your houses : you may have an act of parliament for building the city , and set workmen about it ; but unless god do enact it too , the building will never go forward ; unless god build the city , the workmen will labour in vain . read and consider the prophesie of haggai . set about the work of reformation more vigorously ; especially in the house and worship of god. 20. god doth expect that londoners should dedicate themselves and families unto him . you have broken your baptismal and other vows , and god hath made great breaches upon you for your infidelity ; now renew your vows , give up your selves to god , avouch him to be your god , and avouch your selves to be his people , and live accordingly : take up ioshuah's resolution , that whatever others in the land do , that you and your families will serve the lord : make it your only business in the world to serve god ; let religion have an influence upon all your actions ; do nothing without the warrant of gods precept ; let your conversation be such as becometh the gospel ; govern your families in the fear of god ; fill all your relations with duty ; learn more righteousness by gods judgements , and be quickned by them unto a more holy and strict walking . and if you yield such fruits as these , which god expects after his plowing and harrowing of you ; if you open your ear to the terrible voice of the lord which hath uttered it self in the city , and with full purpose of heart set about the practice of the duties he expects and calls for ; then you may hope that he will yet build you up and plant you , that he will close your breaches , and raise up your ruinous habitations ; that he will make you glad according to the years wherein he hath afflicted you , and give you to see good dayes , instead of those evil which you have seen and felt ; then the lord will rejoyce over you to do you good ; and make london like mount zion , where he will pitch his tent , and take up his habitation ; then he will compass you about with the bulwark of salvation , and prevent those further utterly desolating judgements which you are in danger of ; yea the lord will be as a wall of fire round about you , and the glory in the midst of london , from whence his praise and your fame shall sound throughout the whole world. finis . soli deo gloria . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64990-e250 hab. 3. 5. psal. 18. 13 , 14. isa. 29. 6. isa. 30. 30. psal. 18. 45 7. 5. isa 7. 2. psa. 21. 9. num. 16. 27 , 31 , 32. gen. 19. luk. 13. isa. 5. 4 , 5 , 6 isa. 15. ioh. 15. 6 heb. 6. 7. gal. 5. 19 ▪ 24. mat. 12. 43 , 44 , 45. eccl. 9. psal. 50. man ashiv le-yahoweh, or, a serious enquiry for a suitable return for continued life, in and after a time of great mortality, by a wasting plague (anno 1665) answered in xiii directions / by tho. doolitel. doolittle, thomas, 1632?-1707. 1666 approx. 489 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 155 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36329 wing d1895 estc r35664 12861399 ocm 12861399 103627 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36329) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103627) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 378:23, 1149:1) man ashiv le-yahoweh, or, a serious enquiry for a suitable return for continued life, in and after a time of great mortality, by a wasting plague (anno 1665) answered in xiii directions / by tho. doolitel. doolittle, thomas, 1632?-1707. [16], 291 p. printed by r.i. for j. johnson, and are to be sold by a. brewster ... and r. boulter ..., london : 1666. title transliterated from hebrew. "the epistle" signed: thomas vincent. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. marginal notes. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng conduct of life -early works to 1800. plague -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion הוהיל בישא המ or , a serious enquiry for a suitable return , for continued life , in and after a time of great mortality , by a wasting plague : ( anno 1665. ) answered in xiii . directions . by tho. doolitel . psal . 116.8 . for thou hast delivered my soul from death , mine eyes from tears , and my feet from falling . 9. i will walk before the lord in the land of the living . 14. i will pay my vows unto the lord now in the presence of all his people . isaiah 38.18 . for the grave cannot praise thee , death cannot celebrate thee ; they that go down into the pit cannot hope for thy truth . 19. the living , the living , he shal praise thee , as i do this day , &c. london , printed by r. i. for ● johnson , and are to be sold by a. brew●er , at the threee bibles at the west end of st. pauls , and r. boul●er at the turks-head in cornhill , 1666. to such whom the lord hath kept alive in the time of so great death by the plague in the land , especially in the city of london . the design of these lines , is neither to commend the author , nor the book , which in these few following sheets is presented to your view ; the former being as needless to them that know his person , as the later to them that read his directions ; but i would commend the subject ( being so seasonable ) to your perusal , and the duties ( being so necessary ) to your practice . it was the saying of a learned divine , who had the honour of being made a prisoner , as well as minister of the lord , that it was great pitty there were no more prisoners of jesus christ , to write songs of his love : i will not say i could wish that more of our citizens had in this late dreadful plague , remained in this , then doleful place , which to the countries seemed more formidable than a prison ; but i believe that many of you whose calling and duty did tye your hands and feet , and shut you up in the city , have found such sweet experiences of the goodness and love of god , that they will be recorded ; and — 65. will be remembred by you with thankefulness so long as you live . you have seen the destroying angel entering the city , and death riding upon the pale horse triumphant in the streets , arrows flying , the sword bathed , garments rouling in blood , and this grim conqueror breaking in upon houses without resistance , taking captive , men , women and children , and clapping them up in the prison of the grave , where they must remain fast bound in his chains of darkeness , untill the opening of the doors , by him who hath the keys of the grave , who having conquered death himself , will at his appearance loosen the bonds of all deaths prisoners , that they may stand before his judgement seat , to receive their final dooms . in the midst of which slaughter and captivity , the captain of your salvation hath stood by you , held his shield over you ; set his mark upon you , and given you singular experience of his power and goodness in your preservation . you have been in a storm , god hath shown you his wonders in the deep , and when so many ships have been cast away before your eyes , and so many persons have been devoured by the cruel waters , and your selves inviron'd with waves on every side , yet the lord hath kept you alive , like jonah in the belly of the sea , or made a way for you to pass through , when so many not onely egyptians , but israelites have been drowned ; you have been in the water , but the lord hath been an arke about you : you have been in the fire like the three children , but the son of god hath walked with you , and suppressed the violence of the fire , that it hath not prevailed over you ; you have been like the bush which moses saw burning , but was not burn't , because god was in it . and when you look back upon those dark days , and black bills of mortality , where you have had account of so many thousands dying for so many weeks together : do you not wonder at your strange escape ? do you not look upon your selves , as brands pluckt out of the fire ? and must you not acknowledge it is the lords mercy you are not consumed ? you who have continued in the city in the time of the plague , when such throngs of people have been crouding out of this world daily into another , have had singular advantages of looking into and preparing for eternity , which few think of with fixed seriousness , till they be awakened by some dangerous sickness , whereby withal they are usually so weakened in body and spirit , that they are rendred unfit for such cogitations ; but to be in such danger , whilst in so good health , and in such leasure from encumbring employments , i doubt not but it hath effectually moved many of you to soar a loft in your thoughts and meditations , that you might take a view of the other country , which the scripture doth set forth , of the city which hath foundations , whose builder and maker is god. i believe the wicked have had dreadful apprehensions of the burning lake , of the ocean of gods wrath , which every day they were ready to launch forth into , and that however some have been hardened , and are as bad , yea worse than before ; yet i hope others have been so awakened with this dreadful providence , that they have been effectually perswaded to repentance and faith in christ , who alone can deliver from the wrath which is to come ; i believe that others have had deeper impressions of eternity upon them , than ever they had in their lives , which the borders thereof , on which they have been walking have given them so near & frequent a prospect of ; and i doubt not but all of you have made vows and promises to the lord of a holy conversation , of leaving those sins your conscience at that time upbraided you withal , and dedicating your lives to the lord , if he would be pleased to spare your lives : take heed of dropping asleep again after you have been awakned ; of returning again unto sin after it hath been imbittered ; of forgetting or abusing gods mercy after such a wonderful preservation ; retain the same thoughts of sins evil and the worlds vanity , of the worth of true grace and christs beauty ; retain the impressions you had of eternity , when you were so near it in your apprehensions ; hath god laid obligations upon you by his preservations and deliverances ? and have you laid obligations upon your selves by your purposes and resolutions . labor then to live up to your obligations , and if you be at a loss , what return to make to the lord : you have by his providence this little book put into your hands to give you directions ; receive them not as the bare counsel of man , but ( so far as backt by the scripture ) as the prescriptions of god , as if the lord should speak to you from heaven , and say , this is my will , these are your duties , and see that you perform them : hereby you will both please the lord , and rejoyce the heart of the author , and him who is your servant in the lord thomas vincent . the contents . the preface or introduction , p. 1 , 2 , 3. direction i. containing two parts , viz. since you live after this plague , be not worse , but better . p. 4. i. the first part of this direction containeth seven questions , p. 5. question i. whether wicked men wax worse and worse ? p. 6. six things premised for explication , p. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. proved by scripture instances , p. 12 , to 17. proved by arguments , p. 18 , to 24. question ii. what are the several steps or gradations , whereby sin grows from a low ebbe to its highest actings ? or , ten rounds in the sinners ladder to hell , p. 24 , to 35. where , seven things about gods hardening wicked mens hearts , p. 32 , 33. question iii. under what dispensations wicked men wax worse and worse ? p. 35. viz. 1. vnder gods providences , in prosperity ▪ p. 36 , 37 , in adversi●y 38. in deliverances , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , to 46 ▪ 2vnder ordinances , word , sacrament , p. 47 , 48. question iv. why god is pleased to remove judgements , though many men are worse than they were before ? p. 48 , to 52. question v. what are the aggravations of this great impiety , to be worse , after gods sorest judgments , than they were before ? answered in ten particulars , p. 52 , to 59 question vi. what are signs of a man waxing worse and worse ? answered in 14 particulars , p. 59 , to 68 where six restraints of sin , which keeping from sin do not prove truth of grace , yet sin against , do prove height of sin , p. 63 , 64 , 65 question vii . what considerations may be useful to stop the stream of such mens wickednesse that are waxing worse and worse ? p. 68 , 69 , 70 seven questions to such sinners , p. 71 , 72 , 73 , 74 six directions to such sinners , p. 75 , 76 eight corollaries from this first part of this direction , p. 77 , 78 ii. the second part of the first direction , since you live , be better after this judgement than you were before , directed especially to the godly , p. 79 where , ten lessons to be learned by those in the city , that ( by reason of the plague ) hath been a great house of mourning , p. 80 to 89 ten aggravations of gods peoples sin , if they be worse in their spiritual condition after this plague , than they were before , p. 90 , 91 , 92 seven positions , p. 93 , &c. seventeen arguments to gods people to be better , p. 97 ▪ 101 direction ii. since you live after this plague , pay your vows , and live up to your holy purposes and resolutions , which you made in time of danger , and fears of death , p. 102 — 115 where , seven reasons for care to keep your resolutions , holy purposes and vows , p. 108 twenty helps to perform your resolutions , holy purposes and vows , 115 fourteen aggravations if you come short of your resolutions ▪ holy purposes and vows , p. 116 , &c. where , eleven signs of a beloved sin , p. ibid. direction iii. since you live , and are free from , or cured of your bodily sickness , look after the cure of soul-sickness ; take heed that you lye not under spiritual judgments , when temporal judgment is removed , p. 142 1 sin is the souls sickness , in 6 particulars , p. 143 , 144 2 spiritual judgments are worse than temporal , in seven particulars , p. 145 — 149 3 how a man may know whether he be healed of soul-sickness , in six particulars , p. 149 — 152 4 how a soul-sick sinner should do for healing , in 8 particulars , p. 153 the excellency of christ our soul-physician , in 5 particulars , p. 154 , &c. 5 what those must do whom christ hath healed of soul-sickness , to improve this cure to the glory of god , in 4 particulars , p. 158 , &c. direction iv. since you live after this plague , be eminently exemplary in the capacity god hath set you , p. 161 an humble exhortation to magistrates , whom god hath preserved , p. 162 , 163 , 164 subjects duties to magistrates in 6 particulars , p. 165 , 166 ministers duties whom god hath spared in this plague , in 4 particulars , p. 167 — 175 peoples duties whom god hath continued to their ministers , p. 176 governours of families duties , whom god hath spared in this plague , in respect of family worship , p. 177 where is shewed 1 why , in 8 particulars , p. 179 , to 182 2 wherein , in 5 particulars , p. 183 189 3 how , in 4 particulars , p. 190 , 191 duties of husbands and wives whom god hath continued together after this plague , viz. mutual love , p. 192 , 193 where is shewed what manner of love it must be , p. 194 195 why they should thus love , p. 196 197 wherein they should manifest it , p. 198 , 199 duties of parents whom god hath continued to children , in 5 particulars , p. 200 — 206 duties of children , whom god hath continued to parents , what , in 7 particulars : why , in 6 particulars , p. 206 — 209 duties of masters and servants , in 5 particulars , p. 210 in 11 particulars , p. 211 — 216 direction v. since you live by gods secret way of preservation , watch against secret sins , p. 217 perform secret duties , p. 217 minde secret things in publick duties , p. 217 where , fourteen arguments against secret sins , p. 219 — 231 nine masked sins detected p. 221 , 222 ten preservatives against secret sins , p. 232 , &c. four secret duties , p. 235 , 236 six secret good things in publique duties , p. 237 , 238 six secret sins in publique duties , p. 239 , 240 direction vi. since you live after this plague , be dead to the world , p. 241 viz. to the profits of the world , p. 242 , 243 to the honours of the world , ibid. to the pleasures of the world , p. 245 to the wisdom of the world , p. 246 how a man may know , whether he be dead to the world , p. 247 , 248 , 249 direction vii . since you live , be dead to sin , and be buried with christ , p. 250 believers are buried in 3 respects , p. 251 two differences in burial of our friends , and of our sins , p. 252 five things included in the burial of sin , p. 253 , 254 four things for comfort to those who are buried with christ , p. 255. direction viii . since you live after this plague , walk in newnesse of life , p. 256 what newnesse of life doth not consist in , in 6 particulars , p. 257 what i● doth consist in , in ten particulars , p. 258 the excellencies of a new life , in 10 particulars , p. 261 the hinderances of walking in newness of life , in six particulars , p. 264 direction ix . since you live after this plague keep upon your heart a constant sense of gods distinguishing providence in preserving of you , p. 265 six helps so to doe , p. 267 direction x. since you live , and many of your relations dead , love god so much the more by how much you have fewer objects of your love than you had before , p. 270 direction xi . since you live after this plague , remember what conscience did condemn you for , in time of fear of death , and avoid it ; what it did commend you for , and do it , 271 direction xii . since you live , after such danger of death , trust god for the future , 273 what this trust is ? 274 eight arguments to trust in god , 275 , 276 , 277 six special times for trusting in god , 278 direction xiii . since you live after this plague , give thanks to god for your preservation , 279 three wayes how we must praise god for continued life , 280 twelve motives to praise god for continued life , 282 , &c. six helps to praise god for continued life , 288 , &c. directions how to live after a wasting plague . question : how should those that have been preserved by god from the grave in this time of plague , live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy ? this is a case of general concernment , to those many thousands whom god hath kept alive in a time of plague , which hath swept so many thousands into their graves , whose bodies are now rotting in the dust , and whose souls are entred into an unchangeable condition of happiness or misery , whose life is ended , whose time is past and gone , who are now receiving their wages or reward , according to what their state was found to be when the plague removed them from time into eternity , from this world into that , which now they must be in for ever , without alteration or redemption . what family is there in this great city , or what person is there in all those families , that are not concerned to enquire what signal and more than ordinary return they should make to god for such signal and more than ordinary preservation from the gates of death : who have walked upon the very borders of the grave , and are yet alive , who have been nearer the brink of eternity , and in more danger of being cut down than at other times , and yet are spared ; and are numbred amongst the living , and not reckoned nor made free amongst the dead . it is the unquestionable and standing duty of all living to live to god , but there is a super-added obligation upon all those whom god hath marked out for life , when the slaughtering angel was going from parish to parish , from house to house , to cut down those whom god had commissioned him to remove from hence . oh! should you not consider with your self , what it is that god expecteth at mine hands ? how would he have me for to live ? and what would god have me to doe ? what is the special work he hath reserved me for ? hath god layd the corpses of thousands in the church-yards , and yet given me a little respit to act for my precious soul , and for his glory ? hath he reprieved me for a while , and am i not a living , walking monument of his distinguishing mercy , and unwearied patience towards me ? when others are dead , i live ; when others must pray no more , hear no more , god giveth me time as yet to do both , and all other duties in order to my eternal peace . thus should you reason your self into your duty , and to a diligent inquiry , what you should doe to live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy . but reader , wilt thou first resolve in the fear and presence of that god that hath redeemed thy life from death , to make a conscientious use of any helps and directions so to doe ? wilt thou indeed engage thy heart ( before thou readest any further ) to use thy utmost diligence in practising and obeying what shall be from the word of god discovered to thee to be thy duty ? yea , in the name of god i charge thee that thou doe it , as ever thou wouldest appear before the barr of god with comfort , and give a good account of this his patience and providence towards thee , and of these lines which now thou readest , that neither the one nor the other rise up in judgement against thee , as an aggravation of thy sin , nor for the greater condemnation of thy soul . what dost thou say ? wilt thou promise , and accordingly obey , or wilt thou not ? if not , better thou hadst dyed in time of plague , and fallen with others into the same common grave , than to out-live the plague , and not out-live thy sin , to live longer to adde unto thy sin , and in the day of gods patience towards thee , to be heaping up wrath against the day of wrath , and the revelation of the righteous judgement of god : but if thou wilt , i shall by gods assistance proceed to resolve this important case , in laying down these following directions : which will also be of use to answer another query , viz. how you may know whether god hath lengthened out your life in mercy or in judgement . if you live according to these following rules , god hath spared you in mercy , if you live contrary to them , and dye so at last , i fear your escaping this judgement will at last prove a judgement to you . the first of these directions will be more general , the rest shall be more particular . direction i. hath god spared you in time of plague , then be better and not worse than you were before . those that before were bad , have now greater engagement to be good ; and those that were good before , are engaged by gods merciful providence to them to be better ; not only better than those that are bad , but better than themselves that before were good . in time of plague you did enquire for the best antidote , and for the best cordial and preservative , and should you not now the plague is thus ceased , enquire what is your best return you are to make to god , especially when in time of plague , gods protection was your best preservative , and the spirits comforts your chiefest cordials . this direction consisteth of two branches , and i will speak of them apart . before the plague begun . 1 be not worse than you were 2 be better than you were and indeed if you be not better you will be worse , as afterwards will be made appear . now because it is to be feared that some men will be worse after this dreadfull , and devouring , man-eating judgement , than they were before , i shall more largely treat of this particular , if peradventure god may by these lines prevent in some so great an evil after so great a plague . where i shall speak to these particular questions . q. 1. whether ungodly men doe oftentimes wax worse and worse , and why ? q 2. what are the several steps that men do take in sinfull wayes in their waxing worse and worse ? q. 3. vnder what dispensations wicked men wax worse and worse ? q. 4. why god is pleased to remove judgements , though many men are worse than they were before ? q. 5. what are the aggravations of this great impiety to be worse after gods sorest judgement than they were before . q. 6. what are the signs of a man that waxeth worse and worse under all the means that god doth use to make him better ? q. 7. what considerations may be usefull to stop the stream of such mens wickedness , that yet are waxing worse and worse ? section i. whether ungodly men do often times wax worse and worse ? some wax richer , and some wax better , and all men wax older , and many wax worser . 2 tim. 3.13 . but evil men and seducers wax worse and worse ; deceiving and being deceived . to encrease in riches is not simply evil ; to encrease in grace is surely good . this increase is commanded : 2 pet. 3.18 . but grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ . it is commended , 1 cor. 1.5 . in every thing ye are enriched by him , in all utterance and in all knowledge . it is to be prayed for , luk. 17.5 . lord encrease our faith . col. 1.9 . for this cause we also , since the day we heard it , do not cease to pray for you , and to desire you may be filled with the knowledge of his will , in all wisdom and spiritual understanding . vers . 10. that ye may walk worthy of the lord unto all pleasing , being fruitfull in every good work , and increasing in the knowledge of god. but to encrease in sin , and to grow in wickedness , especially after men have seen gods displeasure against sin , in a wasting plague , is an evil to be lamented , if we could , with tears of blood . when instead of adding grace to grace , 2 pet. 1.5 , 6 , 7. they adde sin to sin ; to drunkenness they add adultery ; to passion malice , to malice revenge . some men make such progress in sin by little and little , till ( as all the little channels meeting in one place ) become a common sewer of all filthiness , and impiety ; sinks of sin and nasty dunghils of all uncleanness . let me premise these six particulars , and i will pass to the proof of this first thing , 1. that the nature of man is wonderfully depraved , and in all men ( except christ ) equally sinfull . for first , all men are equally under the guilt of adams first transgression . secondly , all men are equally deprived of originall righteousnesse . thirdly , all men have equally the seeds of all sin in their nature , all naturally prone to all sin , gen. 6.5 . though by reason of the temperament of the body , some men might be more inclined to one sin than to another , yet all sin is seminally and radically in every mans nature , all men by nature are equally tinder the curse of the law , deserve the wrath of god , and equally liable to the torments of hell , ephes . 2.3 . 2. that every sin that men commit is of a damning nature , and though some sins in comparison of others might be called little sins , yet in respect of the great god against whom they are committed , no sin is small . though degrees of sin , and inequality of sinning , have greater degrees of torment , and shall have inequality in sufferings , yet eternall death is the wages of the smallest sin . therefore let no man think , while i speak of the increase of sin , that he is good , because he is not so bad as others grow to be . 3. that in the world there are severall sizes and degrees of sinners , as in the church there are severall sizes and degrees of believers . * in the church there are , fathers , young men , children , 1 joh. 2.13 . and babes , 1 pet. 2.1 . so there are severall sizes of sinners . some morall men , some openly prophane : some are great swearers and great drunk●rds , ringleaders to sin ; the devils lievetenants , provoking others to sin , and incouraging them therein . some are chief among sinners , luk. 19.2 . some drink in iniquity like water . job 15.16 . some are drawn to sin , and some draw sin to them , and that as with cart ropes , isa . 5.18 . some commit sin , and tremble at it : and some commit sin and rejoyce at it . prov. 2.14 . some commit sin , and are terrified at it when they have done it : some commit sin and make a mock and sport of sin , when they have done it , pro. 10.23 . & 14.9 . some commit sin with great remorse and reluctance , and others commit sin with as great and eager greediness , eph. 4.18.19 . a dreadfull text , having the understanding darkned , being alienated from the life of god , through the ignorance that is in them , because of the blindness of their heart , vers . 19. who being past feeling , have given themselves over to lasciviousness , to work all uncleanness with greediness . these are sinners of a great magnitude , if you weigh the things spoken of them ( 1 ) having their understandings darkned . * the word doth either signify the faculty it selfe , or the ratiocination , or reasoning of the understanding , and it is true in both respects , their understandings are dark and ignorant , and their reasonings are dark and obscure . ( 2 ) being alienated from the life of god , i. e. * that life , that god commands and approveth , they are too much acquainted with a sensuall , flesh-pleasing , swinish life : but they are utter strangers to an holy , self-denying , sin-mortifying life : because of the ignorance that is in them , as a bruit doth not know the life of reason , so sinners are ignorant of the life of god. ( 3 ) because of the blindness , ( more properly ) the hardness of their heart ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this word is sometimes rendred blindness , sometimes hardness , because they are conjunct , a blind heart is a hard heart , and a hard heart is a blind heart ; it signifieth the thick skin that covereth the palmes of the hands of hard labourers , that they can handle nettles , and in that part of their hand have no feeling of the stingings , as others are sensible of . there is a thick skin hath over grown the hearts of some sinners , that they are ( 4 ) past * feeling , unsensible as a stone , who are said to have their consciences feared as with an hot iron . but though they feel not their sin here , they shall feel the torments due for sin in the life to come . the hideous howlings , and gnashings of teeth amongst the damned , speak plainly that they feel the punishment of sin . ( 5 ) have given themselves over to lasciviousness , sometime sinners are said to sell themselves to work wickedness , as ahab , 1 king. 21 . 2● . sometimes are said to give themselves to wickedness , which denotes their constancy , and complacency in working wickedness , as when st. paul commanded timothy to give himself to reading , he saith , give thy self wholly to them , 1 tim. 4.15 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . be thou in these things , a mans heart is in those things he is given to , a schollar that is given to his book , a drunkard that is given to drinking , when his cup is in his hand , his heart is in the cup. he is in drink is our proverb , when the drink is in him . god and christ should dwell in their heart , but their heart is in their sin , and sin is in their heart . ( 6 ) to * work , they work at sin as for gain , when it is the loss of the soul , that will be the issue . sin indeed is a hard labour , and greatest drudgery : sinners work and damnation will be their wages ; they should be working out their salvation ; but they are working out their damnation , they are labouring for hell , and taking pains to undoe themselves ; and what is it they are so much imployed in ; ( 7 ) in uncleanness , in the extent and latitude of it , working all manner of uncleanness , and that ( 8 ) with greediness , or with * covetousness . wicked men are as eager after sin , as a covetous man is after a good bargain , they are covetous to commit sin . but beza , renders it certatim , contending and striving who may sin most , as if they could not get to damnation soone enough , or sure enough . 4. that the reason why sin doth not rise to its height in all men , is not from themselves but from god. it is god that sets bounds to the ocean of mens lusts that they should no more overflow . god in great measure by restraining grace dammeth up the fountain of sin , that it sendeth not forth so many streames as in others it doth . gen. 20.6 . — for i also withheld thee from sinning against me , therefore suffered i thee not to touch her . but some god giveth up unto their lusts , rom. 1.24 , 26. 5. that men stand not at a stay , in virtue , or in vice , in holiness , or wickedness : if a man doth not increase in grace , likely he is decreasing , so if a man be not mending he is growing worse ; like rotten things every day are worse and worse ; more seared , if not softned ; more resolved to sin if not reclaimed . of good it is said , non progredi est regredi , not to goe forward , is to go backward ; of wicked , i say , non regredi est progredi , not to go backward from sin , is to go forward in sin . 6. that wicked men might seem to mend in one thing , and waxe worse in another , and so they do not leave their wickedness , but only change it , as one that was a prodigall and licentious , turns to be niggardly and covetous . sect . ii. these things premised , i shall shew that oftentimes wicked men grow worse and worse ; and therefore will appear that this advise is not unseasonable , after such a thundring voice of judgement , as this plague hath been . this will be manifest from scripture , by arguments . first , the scriptures evidencing this , that men oftentimes grow worse , and are more wicked , are such as these , psal . 1.1 . blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly , nor standeth in the way of sinners : nor sitteth in the seat of the scornfull . in which scripture there are nine words that set forth the progress of men in sinning ; and their comming up to the height of wickedness gradatim . three respect sinful objects , counsel . way . seat. sinfull actions , walk . stand. sit. sinfull persons , vngodly . sinners . scornfull . and every third of these includes the second , and the second includes the first , non contra , every scorner is a sinner , and every sinner is ungodly , but every ungodly person is not a sinner , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , emphatically , as the word is sometimes used , luk. 7.37 . and behold a woman , in the city , that was a sinner , i. e. a great and notorious sinner , and every such sinner is not scornfull . sitting includeth [ standeth ] and doth suppose it , for a man must stand before he sits in a wicked way ; and standing supposeth a man first to come into that way , or to that seat in which he sits , but not contrary , a wicked man may walk in that way in which he doth not stand , and he might stand in that way in which he doth not sit , and so of the rest . now here observe davids climax or gradation , setting forth the progresse of wicked men in sinning . first they walk , then they stand , next they sit . first they are ungodly , then they are great sinners , next they are scornfull : for the fuller opening of this scripture to see mens growth in sin , i will review them . first , the objects , about which wicked men are conversant , which were noted to be three , 1. counsel , a wicked men consult how they may satisfy their lusts , they deliberate how they may get an opportunity to sin . thus the malicious man studies revenge , and the adulterer contrives secrecy , psal . 36.4 . he deviseth mischief upon his bed , and the devil is near his pillow to be his counsellour . 2. way , b manner of life is set out by way , in scripture , mens practises are their way , a man that hath a good trade and thrives therein , we say , he is in a good way ; and so the profession , and serving of god in such a manner is called a way , act. 9.2 . so that a wicked man maketh sin his profession and trade . thus the common drunkard by his daily wickedness professeth himself a drunkard , that is his way . 3. seat , by frequent commission they settle themselves on their lees , then fixe their abode in the house of sin , they lye down and like swine wallow in their iniquity , psal . 36.4 . he deviseth mischief upon his bed , he setteth himself in a way that is not good : they first consult , then act , then settle in their sin . secondly , the actions which were also three . 1. they walk , * they take delight in their sin as a man doth in a pleasant walk ; and as the devill ( with whom they walk ) in walking to and fro to tempt and devoure souls : a godly man might possibly step into a sinfull way , but a wicked man walketh therein . 2. they stand , next they become obdurate and shameless in sin , they are not ashamed of their oathes , and drunkenness , and open prophanations of the sabbath ; a godly man might fall into sin , but he doth not stand in it ; he doth not persist in it , but wicked men will stand and justify themselves in wickedness and plead for it . 3. they sit , as men secure , will persevere in evil ; a man that sits intends to stay , it being a gesture more remote from motion than standing is . thirdly , the persons , and these likewise are three . 1. the vngodly , a man that sins and repents not is an ungodly man , septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. then they are sinners , i. e. notoriously wicked as was before shewed ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * it signifieth habituall sinners . 3. then they are scornfull , will be scorners of reproofs , and scorners of the way of holiness , and then are come to such height in sin , that solomon forbids to reprove them as men scarce reclaimed , prov. 9.7 , 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the septuagint translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pests , plagues . tertullus the oratour called the apostle paul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pest , a plague , pestilent fellow , act. 24.5 . but by the septuagint , scornful sinners are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the pests of a place . thus from this scripture you have the progress men make in sin , accurately described by the psalmist . thus cain waxed worse and worse , and did grow in sin , gen. 4. 1. he dealt hypocritically with god , vers . 4. he brought to god of the fruit of the ground , but kept back his heart . ( 2 ) he envyed his brother abel , and the grace of god that appeared in him , 1 joh. 3.12 . and he offered to god and persecuted his brother to death , gen. 4.8 . ( 3 ) he lyeth before an all knowing god , speaking falsly , vers . 9. ( 4 ) he flies in the face of god , as if god had charged him with that which was not his duty . am i my brothers keeper ? ( 5 ) he despaireth of mercy , vers . 13. my punishment is greater than i can bear , or , my sin is greater than that it may be forgiven . ( 6 ) he flyes from god , vers . 16. ( 7 ) he takes up with the pleasures and profits of the world without god , vers . 17. so cain increased in wickedness . so did ahab , 1 king. 21. 1. he seeth naboths vineyard . ( 2 ) he doth covet it , and unlawfully desire that which was another mans , vers . 2. and would have bought that which naboth had not a power to sell , because it was the inheritance of his fathers , vers . 3. and numb . 36.7 . ( 3 ) he was discontent at naboths answer , though he gave him the word of god as the reason of his denyal ver . 4. ( 4 ) he doth unfaithfully report the words of naboth , as is usual with wicked men to doe , vers . 6. he leaves out the reason of naboths denyal , because it was the inheritance of his fathers , ( 5 ) he was guilty of naboths death , suffering jezebel to use his seal to effect it , vers . 8. and elijah the prophet chargeth ahab with his death , as being guilty of his blood , vers . 19. ( 6 ) he takes possession of that which was none of his own , and which he got with the shedding of innocent blood , contrary to the command of god , ezek. 46.18 . the like steps you might perceive in jezebels sin , and if you trace her , you will find her step by step to come up to an height of sin . 1. she approves of ahabs unlawfull desire , vers . 7. ( 2 ) she resolves to get by violence what ahab did sinfully desire , vers . 7 , 8. ( 3 ) she makes her husband guilty of blood by gaining his consent to that which he would not act with his own hand , vers . 8 , 19 compared . ( 4 ) she draweth other men ▪ and makes them partakers of her sin ; the elders and nobles , vers . 8 , 9. ( 5 ) she causeth two wicked men to take a false oath against naboth . ( 6 ) she suggesteth the charge that should be brought against him , which was high and false , ver . 10. let them swear that naboth did blaspheme god and the king ; when indeed naboth did neither . ( 7 ) she prophanes gods ordinance , she proclaimed a fast ; she coloureth her wickedness with religious pretenses . ( 8 ) she obtains the murder of naboth , vers . 13. they stoned by jezebels counsel an innocent man , to death . this was the growth and gradation of jezebels wickedness , till it became monstrous great . so judas encreased in wickedness , and grew worse and worse . ( 1 ) he was an hypocrite . ( 2 ) a theife , joh. 12.4 , 5 , 6. ( 3 ) a traitour to his lord. ( 4 ) he despaired of mercy . ( 5 ) he murdered himself . the groweth of sin is intimated in that expression of the holy-ghost , gen. 15.16 . the iniquity of the amorites is not yet full . it was increasing , but their measure was not full , sin would increase in infinitum , but there is a measure that a swearer , or a drunkard , and all wicked men shall fill up , and then god will call them to an account , mat. 23.32 . fill ye up then the measure of your fathers . thus from the word of god i have shewn that wicked men do grow in sin , and wax oftentimes worse and worse . sect . iii. secondly , arguments drawn from reason do evidence this , that wicked men are apt to grow in sin ; i will take up with three only , least i be too large in this direction . and they are taken , first , a natura peccati , from the nature of sin . secondly , ab impulsu diaboli , from the instigation of the divell . thirdly , ab absentia contrarii , from the absence of that which should keep them from sinning more and more . removetur prohibens . i. this appears from the nature of sin that is predominant in ungodly men , that swayes , and byasseth them in all their actions , and ruleth in them and exerciseth authority over them . 1. one sin doth incline and dispose the heart to sin again : the first sin inclined all men to commit more , where grace is predominant , the heart is inclined to love god , and to obey god , the generall scope of such a mans life , and the bent and inclination of his heart is towards god and duty , to grow in grace , and become better and better . now contrariorum contraria est ratio & natura . sin doth dispose the heart to sin , and to depart from god more and more , heb. 3.12 . it makes the bent of the heart to backslide further and further from god , hos . 11.7 . it makes the heart set to do evill , eccles . 8.11 . the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil . as is the tide to the boate , so is sin to mans heart . 2. sin is of a multiplying nature , as sin committed inclineth the heart to the iteration of the same sin , so one sin begets another , of another kind , as drunkenness and gluttony , begets lust : and malice , revenge ; as one circle in the water multiplies to twenty , out of one root of a tree grow many armes , out of one arme , many branches , out of every branch many twigs . from the same fountain proceed many streames , from the same body of the sun , many beames . so from one sin are many multiplied . so adams first sin hath multiplied innumerably . 3. in wicked men there is a complication and a connexion of sins , sins thus multiplied are linked one to another ; and are twisted together , as there is a chaine of graces in a godly man , that if you draw one link you move the whole chaine ; when you exercise faith upon a promise , ( suppose ) of eternall life , this sets all his graces on exercise , as one wheele in a watch moveth all the rest : faith applying this promise , stirreth up love to god that made the promise , and hath prepared the thing promised , it inflames holy desires after it , & desires put on to diligent indeavours to obtain it ; it begets a lively hope , which earnestly , yet patiently waiteth for the possession of it . so there is a concatenation of sin , therefore sin is compared to a body , in which all the members by sinewes and ligaments are knit together ; that though all the members do not grow , to an equall quantity , but some are bigger , some lesse ; yet all do proportionably grow ; so though all sins in a wicked man are not of the same magnitude , but in some drunkenness is greatest , in some pride , in some covetousness , yet all sin is growing in them , and therefore must necessarily be worse and worse : as unbelief makes a sinner fearless of gods threatnings , and fearlesness makes him secure , and security hardneth his heart , and when his heart is hard , and his conscience seared , he will be very bad . 4. sin is of an infectious nature , an infectious disease doth not only spread unto others , as one man sick of the plague may infect a whole parish , but getteth nearer and nearer to his heart , and seizeth upon his very vitals , that he waxeth sicker and sicker , and at last brings him to his grave : so one sin doth not only infect others , as one drunkard inticeth another to the same sin , but sin encroacheth more into the sinners heart and affections , and brings him more and more into bondage to it , and so makes him worse and worse , as a man that was wont to take a cup too much , at length is brought to frequent drunkenness , till at last it brings him to hell and to damnation irrecoverably , where he is as bad as he can be . 5. sin is of a craving and unsatiable nature , therefore those that would satisfie their lusts , must needs in length of time be very bad . there are four things which are never satisfied , and never say , it is enough , prov. 30.15 , 16. and sin may make a fifth : for though a man drudge under sin all his dayes , yet it thinks the sinner hath not done enough for it . the horse-leech hath two daughters , crying , give , give : such a thing is sin , that never leaves sucking the heart-blood of the sinner , till it hath sucked him to death . sin cannot cease to ask , and sinners know not how to deny ; and they must be wicked indeed , that will be as wicked as sin can make them . i might run through the several kinds of sin , and shew how they are never satisfied : the egyptians thought that the israelites never made brick enough : and sin thinks the sinner never is enslaved enough , that he never doth obey enough ; but i will briefly instance but in three . first , covetousness is unsatiable : it never saith , it is enough : it is not satisfied with having , nor in seeing what it hath , eccles . 4.8 . and 5.10 . and therefore puts the worldling to go drudge again . crescit amor nummi , &c. secondly , revenge is unsatiable . malice never thinks it hath done enough , and therefore puts on the malicious to consult , to contrive , and never to be at rest till he hath been more injurious to the person that is the object of his malice . thirdly , lust and uncleanness is unsatiable , and therefore such as are addicted to it , and would have it satisfied , must be very wicked , for they never do it . 2 pet. 2.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having eyes full of the adulteress , the very looks of their eye betrayes the lust of their heart ; and it follows , and cannot cease from sin , therefore will proceed to great impiety . sect . iv. ii. that wicked men will grow in sin , appears from the instigation of the devil , who is unweariedly diligent to tempt unto sin , and to adde one iniquity unto another : and that because he rules in their hearts , and takes them captive at his pleasure , 2 tim. 2.26 . a man will be very wicked , that will sin as often as the devil tempts . a man is never so bad , but the devil would have him to be worse ; judas was an hypocrite before , but yet satan put it into his heart to be more vile , in betraying christ , joh. 13.2 . satan tempting without , and sin inclining within , satan never ceasing to tempt , and sinners not knowing how to resist , will be growing ( like the crocodile from an egge ) to a stupendous magnitude . sect . v. iii. that wicked men will grow in sin , appears from the absence of that which should restrain them . if a man hath drunk in poyson , and hath no alexipharmacum , or antidote , his sickness will grow upon him . wicked men want that which should preserve them from sin ; as 1. the fear of god : this is that which causeth a man to shun evil . job 1.1 . job was a man fearing god , and eschewing evil . prov. 8.13 . the fear of the lord is to hate evil . but where the fear of the lord is not , there the flood-gates are pulled up : if the devil tempt a man that feareth not god to sport on the lords day , he will do it ; to omit prayer , he will doe it ; yea , if there were no devil to tempt him , he would run on in sin . this is brought in as the cause of crying sins , rom. 3.12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. many sins there are enumerated , and at the close of all is , there is no fear of god before their eyes . abraham dared not to trust himself with a people that did not fear god , gen. 20.11 . abraham said , because i thought , surely the fear of god is not in this place , and they will slay me for my wives sake . 2. wicked men want serious consideration , that should keep them from being worse ; they do not seriously consider of death and judgement , of the wrath of god , of the torments of hell ; nor of gods omniscience , that he alwayes sees them . hos . 7.2 . they consider not in their hearts , that i remember all their wickedness , now their own doings have beset them about , they are before my face : nor of his omnipresence , that he is alwayes with them and by them ; they consider not , if i sin , i shall lose my soul , and it will cost me bitter tears or bitter torments : they do not weigh in their serious thoughts , the greatness of their danger , the heaviness of gods wrath , nor the eternity of the miseries of another world . god complains of the want of consideration as the great cause of the height of sin , isa . 1.2 , 3 , 4. 3. wicked men want a firm assent to the verity of gods word , that they doe not verily believe the truth of gods threatnings ; but they have a secret hope that it shall goe well with them , whatever they doe , and whatever god saith . they hear of the evil of sin , and of the torments of hell , but they feel nothing for the present , and fear nothing for the future , and therefore goe on to adde drunkenness to thirst , deut. 29.19 , 20 , 21. and it come to passe when he heareth the words of this curse , that he bless himself in his heart , saying i shall have peace , though i walk in the imagination of mine heart , to adde drunkenness to thirst . vers . 20. the lord will not spare him , but then the anger of the lord , and his jealousie shall smoak against that man , and all the curses that are written in this book shall lie upon him , and the lord shall blot out his name from under heaven . 4. wicked men want a lively tender conscience , which should warn them that they sin not , and accuse them , and threaten them with damnation , if they doe . many have cauterized consciences , 1 tim. 4.2 . where conscience is dead , or sleepy , or feared , there iniquity will abound . sect . vi. what are the several steps and gradations whereby sin growes from a low ebbe to its highest actings ? there are ten steps to the highest actings of sin , five of which are common to good and bad , the other five proper to the wicked and ungodly . many hypocrites may goe half way with the godly in that which is good , but never ( while such ) goe quite thorow . so too often a man that is godly goes half way with the wicked in sinning , but never goes quite thorow with them in all the circumstances of sin , the rounds in the sinners ladder to hell are these ten : 1. original concupiscence . 2. temptation . 3. inclination . 4. consent . 5. action . 6. custome . 7. habit. 8. hardness contracted . 9. hardness judicial . 10. consummation or final impenitence . of these briefly in their order . i. natural concupiscence , or the vitiousness of our nature , which is in infants , this is as the tinder or the gun-powder whereby our natures are apt to take fire at the least spark . this is a sin , because it is the absence or privation of that rectitude which ought to be in our nature ; it is a fruit and punishment of adams first sin , and an immediate consequent of the loss of our original righteousness . this is fomes peccati : like to that wherewith the fire is kindled or kept burning : called the old man , sinful sin , the body of sin , sin dwelling , law of members . ii. then there is some temptation , solicitation , suited to this corrupt principle , either by the devil or wicked men : or some object presented to a man that might stirre up and excite this internal principle of corruption in our hearts , and though all men have the seeds of all sin , yet satan observing mens different constitutions hath different baits , ( as men have several baits , for several fish ) some he soliciteth to drunkenness , others to uncleanness , and others to covetousness : where note , that satan hath a wonderful advantage of us , which he had not in our first parents before the first sin ; for there was nothing in their hearts that was corrupt , and yet how did the devils temptation together with the object set before their eyes , prevail over them ! what the warm sun is to the stiff and frozen serpent , it doth enliven it , and then it sendeth forth its venom , and useth its sting ; that a temptation , or an object , proposed is , to our corrupt natures . some call this abstraction , a drawing the minde off from good to evil . iii. then there ariseth some inclination in the soul , or an hankering of the heart after that sinful object ; an entring into a patley with the devil , minding of the motion made by the tempter , thinking further of the committing of the sin . this is called inescation , ( as the fish delighteth to play with the bait ) or vitiosus motus , joyned with some titillation or delight of the heart therein . the first motions of the heart , that are primo primi , though they be involuntary , and before consent of will , and the judgement against them , yet are sins , ( 1 ) because they are motus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , disorderly motions of the heart ; ( 2 ) because they be forbidden by the law of god , and ( 3 ) hinder our love to god. iv. next is the compliance and consent of the will , yielding to the temptation , and closing with the motion made concerning such an act upon such an object . the will as queen and commander in the soul , makes a decree to close with the temptation , and to close with and consent unto the solicitation to sin , upon the understandings mistake in its comparative judgement , apprehending and dictating to the will that to be good which indeed is evil , or the sensitive appetite moving the will by the mediation of the understanding , allureth it unto consent ; and this is the conception of sin , jam. 1.14 , 15. but every man is tempted , when he is drawn away of his own lust and entised , then when lust hath conceived , it bringeth forth sin , &c. v. when the will hath consented it layes a despotical or flat injunction on the members of the body to execute and proceed to action , and this is the actual commission of sin in the execution , in imperate acts . thus when judas had consented to betray christ , he goes forth and covenants with christs crucifyers , and betrayes him . thus the eye moveth to behold , and the hand to act that which the will consenteth to and commands . thus far it is the unhappiness of the people of god in their state of imperfection , to yield . david had a principle of corruption , then an object proposed , then wicked suggestions arose or were injected into his minde , then his will consented , and then proceeded to the actual commission of his after-bitterly-lamented sin . vi. then wicked men proceed to the frequent iteration of the same sin , till it becomes customary . a wicked man is drunk till it is his custom to be so , and to swear till it becomes his custom to do so . this is a great progress made in sin , it is great growth , and such will be hardly reclaimed . jer. 13.23 . can the aethiopian change his skin , or the leopard his spots ? then may you who are accustomed to do evil , learn to do well . aethiopem lavare is to labour in vain . ministers endeavour to reclaim men accustomed to swearing , and lying , and drunkenness , and they preach in vain , and study and pray in vain , as to any success usually upon such mens hearts . it is the commendation of a man to be accustomed to a thing , if it be good , for a christian to say , it is his custom to pray ; and a minister , it is his custom to preach ; though it is not good , that the one pray out of custom , nor the other preach customarily : to have it customary to perform holy dutyes is good , but to do them customarily is evil . thus it was christs custom , or he was wont to preach and teach the people . but it is an aggravation to be accustomed to a thing if it be evil , and if it be gross , it is a sign of a graceless person : though some carnal men when reproved for their often swearing , say , i thought no harm , it is only a custom i have got , and i cannot leave it : a custom ! why that is the aggravation and growth of thy wickedness , and thou dost as foolishly alledge that to extenuate thy sin , which indeed doth aggravate thy sin ; as a thief accused before the judge for stealing should plead , it was his custom so to doe . now sin is become the profession of the sinner , and he goes to his sin as customarily as an artificer to his shop or work-house ; but it is not the custom of gods people to make a custom of committing gross sins . david did to the wounding of his soul once commit adultery , but it was not his custome so to doe . peter at one time did deny his lord , but it was not his custom so to do . it is not the custom of a gracious person often to commit the same grosse sin , but it is his custom often to lament a gross sin but once committed . therefore if it be thy custom to commit grosse sins , and thou art wont to do so , thou art gone beyond the people of god in thy sinnings . thy state is deplorable . vii . customary commission of sin begets an habit in sinning ; whereby the love of sin is more deeply radicated in the heart . habits are got by frequent repeated acts , and doth adde a greater facility to act ; and such as are customary sinners will soon be habitual sinners , by frequent swearing they will have an habit of swearing ; by frequent drunkenness they will acquire an habit of that sin , and what is habitual especially in evil things , is not easily lost . viii . then habitual commission of sin begets contracted hardness of heart , and fearlesness of all gods judgements and threatnings ; and contracted hardness added to natural hardness , is a great progress in sinning . * thy conscience is seared , thy heart hard as the nether milstone ; past feeling . when pharaoh hardened his heart , his sinning was great , exod. 8.15 . now thou stiffenest thy neck against all admonitions , act. 7.51 . and hardenest thy heart against reproofs , prov. 29.1 . now thou actest as if thou wert above controul , and if thou couldst , wouldest shake off the very sovereignty of god. exod 5.2 . and pharaoh ( who was come up to the degree of hardness ) said , who is the lord , that i should obey his voyce , to let israel goe ? i know not the lord , neither will i let israel goe . so hardened sinners reply to gods ministers exhorting them to let their sins and lusts goe ; saying ( at least in their hearts ) who is the lord , whose name you use ? we know not the lord , neither will we let our sins goe , nor our pleasures and profits goe . now thou sayest to the lord , depart from me , job 21.14 . my tongue is mine own , who is lord over me ? psal . 12.4 . now thou gloriest in thy wickedness that is thy shame , philip. 3.19 . thou rejoycest to doe evil , prov. 2.14 . and makest a mock of sin , prov. 14.9 . and makest a sport in doing mischief , prov. 10.23 . oh if thou couldest vapour it thus at the day of judgement , and make as light of torment as now thou dost of sin , if thou couldest brave it out thus before christ at his comming , and russian like , bid defiance to an almighty god , and angry judge , thy case were not so miserable , but thou canst not , alas , thou canst not doe it : now thou art stout against the lord , mal. 3.13 . but then thou shalt sneake and crouch before him . ix . then judiciall hardness is added to contracted hardness , thou hast hardned thine own heart , and god will harden it also . now when naturall , contracted , and judicial , all meet in one mans heart , how hard must it needs be , and how great a sinner is this man in the sight of god ? you read sometime , pharaoh hardned his heart ●●mself , exod. 8.15 . and sometimes that god hardned pharaohs heart also , exod. 10.20 . so god giveth men up to their own hearts lusts which is a greater judgement , unspeakably greater than all bodily plagues . read rom. 1.21 . to the end , psal . 81.11 , 12. rev. 22.11 . isa . 6.9.10 . hos . 4.14 , 17. but here conceive of god aright , when the scripture saith god hardneth mens heart , it is not to be understood , as if god were the author of their sin no more than the sun can be the efficient cause of darkness , for how shall the chiefest good be the authour of the greatest evill . for 1. god doth not infuse any wickedness into their hearts . 2. nor doth god tempt them to sin , james 1.13 . he may try them , but not tempt them to sin . 3. god commands no man to sin , for gods command would make it no sin , as in the case of abrahams sacrificing his son , or the israelites taking the jewels and ear-rings of the egyptians : except such things as are intrinsecally evill , as are hating of god , and blaspheming of god , and these things god cannot command , as he is said that he cannot lye , tit. 1.2 . 4. god with greatest severity forbids mens sins , he chargeth you upon pain of damnation , upon perill of hell torments , that you sin not , but commands men to repent , and mourne for sin , therefore doth forbid them to be hard and stupid under sin . 5. neither doth god co-operate , or concurre to the wickedness of their actions , though without derogation to gods honour we may say , he doth concurre to their wicked actions , for in him all live and move and have their beings , act. 17.28 . the action materially considered ( as it is an action or motion ) is good , and so god is the cause of it , but the action formally considered is evill , and so god is not the author of it , as when you spur a lame horse , you are the cause that the horse doth move , but you are not the cause of his halting . 6. but god doth permit and suffer men to harden themselves , he doth not give them preventing grace , but denieth that ( which he is not bound to give ) which would keep off this hardness from them . so god is said to give men over to their own wicked hearts , to let them alone , and leave them to their lusts , rom. 1.24 , 26. and to give them over to a reprobate mind , 2 thes . 2.10 , 11. 12. but if some should say , bare divine permission cannot be the reason why god should be said to harden mens hearts , no more than he would be said to steal , because he suffereth men so to doe . some therefore adde , 7. that hardness of heart may be considered either as a sin , and so god is not the author of it , or as a punishment , and so it may be from * god , as the same thing in divers respects might be a sin , and a punishment of former sin , and a cause of future sinning , so the same thing in divers respects might be from god , and from the creature : as absaloms rebellion against the king was an hainous sin , as from him , yet it was also a punishment of davids sins , 2 sam. 16.22 . but the scripture asserts two things however , ( 1 ) that with god dwels no evill , and he cannot be the cause of sin , and yet ( 2 ) expressely saith , that the lord hardned pharaohs heart exod. 10.20 . though we know not the manner , that doth not lessen the dreadfullness of the judgement , but when god doth judicially harden , then men are almost ripe in sin and for hell . x. when god hath judicially hardned them , they let loose the reignes of their lusts and now are fit for any wickedness , and stop not at the most abominable and loathsome practises . now they can blaspheme , and mock god , and deride holiness , and act like incarnate devils , when the people in act. 14.8.11 . saw the wonderfull works wrought by the apostles ; they said , the gods are come down to us in the likeness of men , but when we see the most abominable , and sordid practises of wicked men , might we not say , the devills are come up to us in the likeness of men ? when men are judicially hardened they will commit sins against nature , rom. 1.24 , 26. &c. and could wish there were no god ; nay now they are ( when they have given themselves over to work wickedness , and god hath given them over too , when they say , we will be filthy , and god say , you shall be filthy ) eager and greedy after sin , they weary themselves in committing iniquity , and yet are not weary of iniquity , and do even scorne at threatnings , and mock at judgements , 2 pet. 3.3 , 4. men walking after their own lusts , say , where is the promise of his coming , for since the fathers fell asleep , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation . is . 5.19 . that say , let him make speed , and hasten his work , that we may see it : and let the counsell of the holy one of israel draw nigh , and come , that we may know it . thus sinning with judiciall hardness , and dying in finall impenitency , are at the bottom round , from whence they step into endless misery . thus you see how great a matter a little fire kindleth ; and from how small beginnings some have proceeded to the very pitch and height of sin , that can scarce be worse ( save in the frequent iteration of the sins , that they commit ) for they have got into all kinds of sin , they are guilty of spirituall wickedness , which the devill is , malice , enmity against god and goodness , &c. and of corporall wickedness , as adultery , drunkenness , gluttony , &c. which the devill is not capable of committing , the devill being only a spirit , but men consist of body and spirit , and so may commit more sins for kind , than the devill himself can do . but god forbid that after such a judgement , amongst us should be found such sinners , this will be an evil requitall to the lord for his removing his sore judgement from us . sect . vii . vnder what dispensations do wicked men grow worse and worse ? in the generall i answer , wicked men are the worse in all conditions that god puts them into : more particularly they are worse and worse , under gods providences , gods ordinances . first , wicked men wax worse under all gods providences , whether of prosperity , adversity , deliverances , i. ungodly men are worse under their prosperity , when the world smiles upon them , and when they have all that their carnall hearts can wish and desire : if the sun shine , it hardens the clay , and the more it makes the dunghill send forth unsavory smels , rom. 2.4 . or despisest thou the riches of his goodness and forbearance , and long-suffering , not knowing that the goodness of god leadeth thee to repentance , ver . 5. but after thy hardness and impenitent heart , treasurest up wrath against the day of wrath , and revelation of the righteous judgement of god. a wicked man is more hardened by gods kindness to him ; animus iniquus beneficio fit pejor . a wicked heart is made worse by every kindness . as , christ fed judas at his table , and he runs presently to betray him . the more god aboundeth to them in common goodness , the more they abound against god in multiplied wickedness . neh. 9.16 . ad 27. psal . 78.12 , 17. prov. 1.32 . the prosperity of fools shall destroy them , isa . 26.10 . let favor be shewed to the wicked , yet will he not learn righteousness : in the land of uprightness will he deal unjustly , and will not behold the majesty of the lord. they are worse by prosperity . 1. because they are thereby listed up with pride and carnall confidence ; many men the more rich , the more proud , and the prouder , the worser ; the more their riches increase , the more they set their hearts upon them , and the more a mans heart is upon the creature , the worse he is . prosperity is full of snares ; and we are apt then to forget god , and to lift up the heel against him . deut. 32.15 . but jesurun waxed fat and kicked , thou art waxen fat , thou art grown thick , thou art covered with fatness ; then he forsook god which made him , and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation . here is great prosperity , and great impiety ; and god seeing how apt his own people are to be worse by prosperity , doth caution them largely against it , deut. 8.7 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 17 , 18. 2. wicked men are worse by prosperity , because then they have more fuell to feed their lusts . sodomites had fulness of bread , and that did feed their uncleanness . they turn gods grace into wantonness , and his mercies into fuell for their wickedness . those things which should be cords of love to draw them to god , they turn to the nourishment of their sinnes against god , and desire riches not that they may glorify god , but gratify their lusts , jam. 4.3 . the more abundance of outward things a drunkard hath , the more he is able to please his palate with great abundance of the richest wines ; the more the adulterer hath , the more he bestows upon his harlot : and so the greater plenty , the more they lead a sensuall , bruitish , flesh-pleasing life , and the more of that , the worse they be . 3. wicked men in prosperity are the worse , because they are apt to gather gods special love to them , from the common bounty he bestowes upon them . because the world smiles upon them , they think god doth so too : because gods hand is opened to them , therefore they think they are engraven upon his heart , and think divine toleration * is divine approbation , when indeed it is a sign of gods great displeasure , to give prosperity to a man in a sinfull course . god was angry with the rich man in the gospel , when he gave him more abundance than he knew how to bestow , luk. 12.18 , 19 , 20. and 16.19 , 20. they are apt to think that is the best way , which is the most prosperous way , jer. 44.17 . but we will certainly doe what soever thing goeth forth out of our own mouth , to burn incense to the queen of heaven ▪ and to pour out drink-offerings unto her , as we have done , we , and our fathers , our kings and our princes , in the cityes of judah , and in the streets of jerusalem , for then had we plenty of victuals , and were well , and saw no evil : vers . 18. but since we left off to burn incense to the queen of heaven , and to pour out drink offerings unto her , we have wanted all things , and have been consumed by the sword and by the famine . by prosperity they take encouragement to proceed in their iniquity . 4. wicked men by prosperity are worse , because , they are apt to put far from them the evil day , and the hour and thoughts of death and judgement , and the life to come : in health they have not serious thoughts of sickness ; a wicked man is too apt to think that the sun of prosperity which shines upon him , will never set , nor be clouded . psal . 49.11 . their inward thought is , that their houses shall continue for ever , and their dwelling places to all generations : they call their lands after their own names . in prosperity they think little of death . luk. 12.19 . and i will say to my soul , soul , thou hast goods laid up for many years , eat , drink , and be merry . they promise themselves a continuance of their outward happiness , and so sin more freely and abundantly . isa . 56.12 . come ye , say they , i will fetch wine , and we will fill our selves with strong drink , and to morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant . this perswasion begets carnal security , and the more secure , still the worse . sect . viii . ii. wicked men are often times worse under adversity , judgements and afflictions that do befall them , the more they are punished , the more they are hardened ; there is nothing in adversity and judgements , in sickness and plagues , in poverty and distress , to make an alteration or a change in the heart of a sinner from worse to better , except god sanctifie it . the plague upon the body is not a remedy in it self to cure the plague of the heart , for men love more the plague of their hearts than they loathe the plague of the body . possibly outward judgements may put a stop to some mens sinnings for the present , but they will return to them afterwards , except god speak effectually to their hearts and consciences , as well as lay his heavy stroaks upon the body . judgement to a sinner may be as a barre to a thief , it may stop him from the present act , but doth not change his heart ; or as a storm to a mariner , may make him cast anchour for the present , but still he retains his purpose of sayling in his voyage when the storm is over ; they are oftner salve for their eyes to shew them their sin , than physick for their hearts to purge them out ; sinners in judgements might declaim against their sin , but without a setled purpose in their hearts to decline their sin ; where there is grace , afflictions work patience and submission ; but where there is nothing but corruption , they often work passion , and repining , not repentance ; the more god sent his judgements and his plagues upon pharaoh and the egyptians , the more they hardened themselves against god and his people ; and by gods judgements were not the better but the worse , exod. 7.19 . to 23. isa . 1.5 . why should ye be smitten any more , ye will revolt more and more . psal . 78.30 . they were not estranged from their lusts , but while their meat was in their mouths , v. 31. the wrath of god came upon them , and slew the fattest of them . v. 32. for all this they sinned still , and believed not for his wondrous works . and as it was with the woman that had an issue of blood twelve years , in respect of her bodily distemper , after great cost and charge and use of means , she was nothing bettered , but rather grew worse , mar. 5. 25 , 26. so under gods judgements it is with most wicked men , in respect of their spiritual state , they are nothing bettered , but rather grow worse . and this appears , first , because in time of judgment they are not separated from their dross ▪ ezek. 24.13 . in thy filthiness is lewdness : because i have purged thee ( i. e. god used purging judgments ) and thou wast not purged , thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more , till i have caused my fury to rest upon thee . god hath been purging our houses , but many have not been purging their hearts , but retain their heart-filthiness stil , and their life-wickedness stil : if god in judgement say to such , you shall not be purged ; their case is irrecoverably miserable . secondly , because they are not more serious in religion than they were before ; either they omit it wholly as before , or are as dull and formal as they were before . thirdly , because they are not brought nearer unto god , but are rather removed ( were it possible ) at a further distance from god than before . and the reasons of this are , 1. because , when gods hand is lifted up , they will not see , isa . 26.11 . they look more to second causes than to god. 2. because they search not after the sins that provoked god to so great indignation . 3. because , if they do see their drunkenness and whoredoms , and sabbath-breaking , yet they will not be humbled for them , nor forsake them . sect . ix . iii. wicked men are oftentimes worse by gods delivering them from judgements and calamitous distresses . take a wicked man upon his sick bed , when god is shaking him over the grave , and threatning him with death , and affrighting him with the terrours of hell , you shall hear him acknowledge his sin , confessing his drunkenness , his neglect of his soul , and you shall hear him , it may be , with tears in his eyes promising , if god will raise him from his sickness , and trust him with life and time a little longer , he will forsake his wicked company , and prophane the sabbath no more ; if god will but try me ( saith the sick , dying man ) how will i live , and what will i doe , and how obedient will i be to the commands of god : and when god answereth his desires in his restoration , he performeth not his promise in his reformation , but is more wicked and more vile than before . you might see this in pharaoh , when the plagues were upon him , oh then send for moses , and let him entreat the lord for me , and then i will let israel goe : then he confesseth , i and my people have sinned , but the lord is righteous . though many wicked men , will not acknowledge nor confess their sin in times of judgement , so much as an hardened pharaoh did . but yet when the plagues were removed he hardened himself more against god still . read exod. 8.8.15.24.28.32 . and 9.23.27 . so nehem. 9.27 , 28 , 29 , 30. and the reasons are , 1. because after judgements removed , they are more secure , and think the bitterness of death is past . 2. because they break their promises made to god in time of judgements , and so their sin is greater , and their guilt is greater , and therefore they the worser , of this more under another direction . 3. because judgement is removed from them before they are purged from their sin . when the plaister is taken off before the sore is healed , it will be worse : the course of physick is not continued , till the vitious humours are dispersed and purged away ; but gods people desire the cure may be wrought , before the affliction be removed . but pharaoh was for the removing of the plagues , but not the hardness of his heart . 4. because they adde incorrigibleness unto all their former sins , and must answer for all those judgements that were lost upon them . wicked men shall not only answer for their mercies , but for the judgements god sent upon them to reclaim them ; sinner , god sent the plague into thy house , and then he looked thou shouldest have hastened to have thrown sin out of thy heart ; but thou hast not done it : god did cast thee upon a bed of sickness , but thy bed of sickness was not to thee a bed of sorrow for thy sin , thou howledst , and cryedst our of thy loathsom running-sores , but not of thy filthy heart , and more loathsome sins ; thy body was pained , but thy heart not broken ; thou hast been punished and delivered , but art not reformed : but know , the more thou hast sinned , and the more thou hast been punished here , and yet sin still , the more shalt thou be tormented in hell . for these thou shouldest look upon as means , which god doth use to bring thee to himself , and the more means thou hardenest thy self against , the more is thy sin , and the more shal be thy misery . thus wicked men are oftentimes the worse by gods providences . but if this be thy case that readest these lines , that wast a drunkard before , and wilt be drunk more frequently now ; that wast a lukewarm formalist before the plague begun , but now thou art quite cold in the matters of religion ; i charge thee in the name and fear of the eternal god , that thou presently bethink thy self , what an aggravation this will be of thy continued and increased wickedness , and that thou turn from it , least god turn thy body into the grave by some other distemper , as an ague , or feaver , or consumption , though he did not by the plague . oh think with thy self , god hath taken away some of thy sinful companions , that were wont to be drunk and swear with thee , who if god should bring them back again from the dead , would tell thee that they are damned for their drunkenness , and that they have been in hell among devils , and have felt the wrath of god to be heavy and intolerable , for those very sins they have committed in thy company , and thou with them : would not they tell thee , if they had thy time , they would pray , but swear prophanely no more , if god had suffered them to out-live the plague ; or would after death and tryal of the torments of hell , entrust them with life again , they would be better . remember , some of them that the other day were drinking unto drunkenness in the ale-house , dying in final impenitency , are now damned with the devils ; that some of them that the other day thou hadst by the hand , and drunkest unto in the tavern , and did sing and roar together at your cups , are now howling and roaring amongst the damned , and are scorched in those flames , and rowling in that lake of brimstone , where there shall be no mercy , no mitigation , no cessation of their torments : and know thou , whoever thou art , that if thou dost not speedily return to god , if thou dost not mend thy life , and that quickly too , if thou dost not repent and reform , and that quickly too , thou shalt be a companion with them in torments , with whom thou wast companion in sinning : it was but a few dayes since , that they were with thee upon the earth , and if thou art not changed , it will be but a few dayes hence , and thou shalt be with them in hell , and when thou art there remember , once thou readest such lines that told thee so . therefore , if thou art not resolved for hell , be perswaded to be better after such an awakening judgement ; if thou valuest thy soul , if thou hast any fear of hell and wrath yet left in thee , let it work to a speedy reformation . tell me , what if god had set thee in some place , when five , six , seven thousand dyed in a week of the dreadful plague ( amongst whom no doubt but many went to heaven , and are now viewing the son of god , &c. ) that thou mightest have seen , impenitent drunkards , and impenitent worldlings , and impenitent swearers , seized upon by devils , and carried into torments , gone crouding in at the broad gate into pains eternal and unspeakable , and couldst but have heard their words , or perceive their apprehensions of their manner of life upon the earth , how would this have affected thee ? after such a sight as this what wouldst thou doe ? be drunk still ? wouldst thou be a sweater and a worldling still ? a formalist and hypocrite still ? then , if thou wilt be damned , goe on , who can help it ? but rather return , repent , that thou mightest have everlasting cause to admire god , that thou dyedst not in this plague , till thou repentest of thy sin , and wast prepared for another world. sect . x. secondly , wicked men will be worse under the dispensations of gods ordinances . but here i shall be the shorter , because it hath been the providence of god in the late plague that hath moved me to this work , to which i would have my words have more immediate reference . many wicked men are oftentimes the worse 1. for the word of god and the preaching thereof : not that there is any thing in the word to make men so , but it is * accidental to the word ; it may be occasioned by the word , but caused by their own corruptions . ministers might preach till they waste their strength , and yet they will be whoremongers and adulterers still , they will be envious and malicious still . the same sun that softens the wax , doth harden the clay : obed-edom was blessed for the ark of god , but the philistines were cursed for it . ungodly men suck poyson from the sweet flowers of gods word , which yields nourishment to the souls of gods people . weak eyes are the sorer if they look upon the sun. naturalists observe , that the fragrancy of precious oyntments is wholsom for the dove , but it kills the beetle ; and that vultures are killed with the oyl of roses . and st. paul , that the word is to some , the savour of life unto life , and to others , the savour of death unto death , 2 cor. 2.16 , 17. 2. for the sacrament of the lords supper . that which is to believers , calix vitae , a cup of life , is to unbelievers calix mortis , a cup of death . wicked men call good evil , so they turn that which is good in it self , to be evil unto them . donum male utentibus nocet . good becomes evil to those that use it not aright . st. paul , treating of the sacrament sayes , ye come together not for the better , but for the worse , 1 cor. 11.17 . the red sea saved the israelites , but drowned the egyptians . and the reason why the devil maketh drunkards and profane swearers so eager after this sacrament ( as our first parents after the forbidden fruit ) is , because he knowes it will do them harm , not good ; as a bad stomach full of crudities turn the food received not into the nourishment of the body , but for the feeding of their humours . as a mans sea-sickness is occasioned by the waves , but the foulness of his stomach is the cause thereof . they must needs be worse , for ( 1 ) the devil takes fuller possession of their hearts : when judas had eaten the sop , the devil entred into him ; that 's a fatal morsel , when the devil follows it , joh. 13.26 , 27. ( 2 ) their presumption and false hopes of heaven are hereby strengthened ; they think , if they doe but receive , their sins shall be pardoned , and their souls saved . ( 3 ) their guilt is more encreased , because they are guilty of the body and blood of christ . this is dreadful guilt , this is a 〈◊〉 fact . ( 4 ) they prophane gods ordinance , and abuse christs institution . ( 5 ) they are thereby riper for temporal plagues , 1 cor. 11.30 ( 6 ) they eat and hasten their own damnation , 1 cor. 11.29 . but i dwell not upon this , because i must pursue my design in reference to the late providence in the dreadful plague . sect . xi . why god is pleased to remove judgements , though many men are worse than they were before ? that god should stay his hand , and put up his arrows into his quiver , and his sword into his sheath , and call in the destroying angel , is indeed matter and cause of great admiration ; that when men sin still , god doth not slaughter stil ; when men provoke him still , that he doth not by the plague punish them still : the sins that were offensive unto god at first , are amongst us still ; the sins continue , the judgement removed : oh stand and wonder at this , that when justice hath cut down so many , that mercy yet hath spared so many ; especially if you seriously consider gods holiness and purity , gods justice and severity , gods infinite hatred unto sin , and that it is not the death of thousands that can satisfie gods justice , nor the death of those that are gone down into the grave , that have pacified gods wrath for us that do yet remain alive . what may be the reasons ? 1. god hath done this for his own names sake : if you goe to the church-yards and burial places in and about the city , and see the heaps of dead bodyes , and ask , why hath god done this ? we must answer , we all have sinned . if you goe into your houses and dwelling places , and finde so many living , after so great a mortality , and ask , why hath god done this ? we must answer , it is for his own name sake . the plague was inflicted because we had displeased him , but it is removed because mercy hath pleased him : we had deserved the inflicting of it , but could not merit the removing of it . in this late providence justice and mercy have been wonderfully magnified ; justice in removing so many thousands , and laying them in their graves ; mercy in sparing so many thousands , and maintaining them in life that have been so long walking in the valley of the shadow of death : this is , because god in the midst of judgement hath remembred mercy . ezek. 36.21 . but i had pity for mine holy name , — ver . 22. therefore say unto the house of israel , thus saith the lord god , i doe not this for your sakes , o house of israel , but for mine holy name sake . so when god gives good things , as well as when he removeth evil , it is for his name sake . god hath taken away your sickness and plague-sores , and given you health . vers . 31. then shall ye remember your own evil wayes , and your doings , that were not good , and shall loathe your selves in your own sight , for your iniquities , and for your abominations . v. 32. not for your sakes doe i this , saith the lord god , be it known unto you ; be ashamed and confounded for your own wayes , o house of israel . oh if you have been spared for his names sake , then let all the praise of your life be unto his holy name . but then you must not be worse but better than you were . 2. god hath removed his judgement in answer to the prayers of his people . prayer hath been an ancient antidote against the plague , and many have been preserved from the grave as a return to prayer ; and so it hath of old been prevalent for the removing of the plague : and therefore magistrates commanding the people to fast and pray , proceeded in solomons course to have it removed : 1 king. 8.37 . if there be in the land famine , if there be pestilence — whatsoever plague , whatsoever sickness there be . what must they do then ? vers . 38. what prayer and supplication ( prayer you see is a panpharmacum , a remedy for every disease ) soever be made by any man , or by all thy people israel , which shall know every man the plague of his own heart , and spread forth his hands towards this house . vers . 39. then hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place , and forgive — prayer is the remedy prescribed by solomon , but what are the persons whose prayers shall prevail for the removing of so sore a judgement ? not those that have plague-wishes so often in their mouthes , but the prayer of any man , that knoweth ( i. e. seeth and is sensible of ) the plague of his own heart . 3. god may remove judgements for the benefit of his elect that yet may be unconverted , and in mercy to them , who may be yet in their sins , god may stay this plague , it might be for some yet unborn , that may proceed from the loyns of some that are now worse than they were before . the patience and long-suffering of god is conducible to the conversion and salvation of gods elect , 2 pet. 3.15 . and doth lead men to repentance , rom. 2.4 . many peradventure have not yet repented , whom god will bring to glory ; and he that hath designed them to the end , will preserve them in life till the means have been effectual to fit them for that end . 4. god may spare some that are worse , by removing judgements , because as yet they are not ripe enough for slaughter : the oxe is spared longer time , because not yet fit for the shambles . thus god spared jerusalem till they had filled up the measure of their sins , mat. 23.32 . and so god exercised patience towards the amorites , till their iniquity was full , gen 15.16 god may remove and keep off judgement from some ; and this may be in judgement to them , as he may in mercy , deny some mercies unto some . sect . xii . what are the aggravations of this great impiety , to be worse after gods sorest judgements than they were before ? that many wicked men are so , we have shewed before , and given the proof and reasons of it , but wo to you whose case this is : is this the return you make to god ? is this the fruit of his patience and forbearance to you ? do you thus requite the lord ? oh foolish people and unwise ! deut. 32.6 . will you seriously consider this evil frame of heart , and this ungodly practise in your lives , in these following particulars ? i. are you worse then you were before , then you are more like unto the devil than you were before , and the more unlike to god that made you . a man full of all sin , and bent to every wickedness is called a childe of the devil , act. 13.10 . the devil sins as much as he can , and thou dost as wickedly as thou canst , jer. 3.5 . it is a folly in men to picture things immaterial and invisible , and living , by things without life , material and visible ; never send a man to view the picture of the devil with a cloven foot drawn by art , the most exact and accurate lively picture of the devil ( as a devil , that is , as a sinner ) is the worst of wicked men ; and who are worse than thou , that neither mercy can draw , nor judgement drive to god and christ ? ii. the worse you grow , and the further you proceed in sin , the more impudent you will be in the commission of it : the beginnings of sin are often done with blushings of face , but the progress in sin is voide of all modesty ; then you will be drunk and glory in it , then you will swear and not be ashamed of it , jer. 6.15 . were they ashamed when they had committed abomination : nay , they were not at all ashamed , neither could they blush — pro. 7.13 . iii. the further thou proceedest in making progress in thy sin , the more it is to be feared thou wilt never return , but if thou shouldest , the more thou hast to sorrow for . it is but very rare that god bringeth those back that are come up to an height of sin ; sometimes he doth , that none might despair ; but very rarely , that none might presume . it is to be feared thou art forsaken of god , and he hath left thee to thy self , when word , nor rod , can reclaim thee from thy sin , nor put a restraint upon thee from waxing worse . iv. the worse thou art after such a judgement , the sooner god will be provoked to hast on thy destruction by some other . god hath not spent all his arrows in the late judgement , he hath his quiver full still ; and if thou go on when god giveth thee yet a space to repent , after so great a warning by the plague , he will ere long cast thee into a bed of trouble , rev. 2.21 , 22. thy increased wickedness is to gods wrath , as the blast to the fire , will quickly blow it up into a flame ; though thy conscience is asleep , yet thy damnation slumbereth not , 2 pet. 2.1.3 . while thou lingerest in thy sin , gods judgements do not linger , but are upon the wing ; and the worse thou art , the sooner will they befall thee , and be more heavy when they come . jer. 48.16 . the calamity of moab is near to come , and his affliction hasteth fast . v. the worse thou growest , the more thou heapest up treasures of wrath , and every sin is adding to the pile of that fire by which thou must eternally be burned ; temporal judgements might quickly befall thee , but if they do not , eternal damnation shall overtake thee ; and the higher thou goest in wickedness , the lower thou shalt sink and lye in hell ; god will proportion thy degrees of torments to thy growth and progress in sin . now thou hast a treasure of sin , mat. 12.35 . and god hath his treasures of wrath , deut. 32.34 . and as thou layest in sin , to the treasury of sin , so god layeth in wrath , to the treasury of wrath . * rom. 2.5 . thy present preservation , is but a reservation to greater indignation , then is discovered in a plague . tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensabit deus . he will recompence the delay of thy misery and punishment , with the weight and load of it , job 36.13 . vi. to be worse and more wicked after so great a judgement , will be to slight and set at nought the justice of god , when you have seen with your eyes the dreadful heaps of dead corpse , that it hath made in every church-yard . have you not seen that god is displeased with sin , and will you go on to do worse , as if you would bid defiance to god , even when he is angry and displeased ? have you not seen that there is wrath in god ? and that justice will call sinners to his barre by dragging them out of this world ? and will you after all this go on to sin against a just god , and as it were say , let justice do its pleasure , i will have mine ? this doth aggravate your sin . vii . to be worse after such a judgement , will be to sin against the patience and the mercy of god that hath spared thee , and waiteth to see what thou wilt do after such a visitation . the mercy of god is the attribute thou intendest to appeal to , it is that which thou hopest in , but by this thy wickedness thou wilt turn mercy it self against thee , that which thou wilt make thy request unto , must be the mercy of god , but this will plead against thee , and patience will plead against thee . lord , will mercy say , when thousands dyed weekly in london , i had pity upon this sinner and did spare him ; when the angel went through the streets and lanes in london , i mercy marked out this man for longer life , but he abused me , and sinned the more . and i [ shall patience say ] waited some moneths or years after the plague , to see if the mercy shewed him , would any thing work upon him , but i was abused too as well as mercy : the longer i , patience , did lengthen out his life , the more he added to his sins , and therefore now we , both patience and mercy , deliver him up into the hands of justice to deal with him according to his sins , and according to the wrong he hath offered unto us . oh how will thy mouth be stopped when mercy and patience shall plead against thee ; sins against mercy and protracted patience , are aggravated sins ; and the pleadings of mercy and patience against a man , will be the most piercing cutting pleadings . viii . the worse thou art , the more thou wilt have to answer for , and the greater accounts thou wilt have to make when ever thou shalt dye . the more thou sinnest , the more sins shalt thou finde in the book of gods remembrance , and in the book of thine own conscience , when thou shalt be brought before the barr of god : so many sins committed before the plague begun , and so many while the plague continued , and so many when it was stayed , and this sinner spared . when it shall be set down in the book of god , such a sinner was drunk so many times while the plague was round about his habitation , so many oaths he swore , when he saw multitudes buryed every day ; so long the plague was in the parish where he dwelt , and in the house in which he lived , and he never made one hearty prayer unto god all that time : and such notorious sins , in and after a time of a sweeping plague , will multiply thy account and aggravate thy misery . ix . to be worse after such judgements , will be to adde incorrigibleness to thy former wickedness : as before thou didst shew that thou hadst an unteachable heart , so now thou declarest thou hast an incorrigible heart : thou wouldest not be instructed by gods word , neither wilt thou be corrected by gods rod ; thou didst stop thine ears against gods word , and thou hardenest thy heart against his rod. but if thou wilt not be corrected by a plague , thou shalt be tormented in the infernal pit. x. to be worse after such a judgement , will be high ingratitude . thy life was the dearest thing thou hast in the world ( except the sin in thy heart ) for , skin for skin and all that he hath he will give for his life , ( except his sin , and he will venture his life , and lose it too , before he will part with his sin , ) and hath god kept thee , and is this thy thanks to god , to dishonour him more , and to provoke him more ? as if he had spared thee for no other end , but to sin against him ? oh what is ingratitude if this be not ? oh now for gods sake , and for thy precious souls sake , that as thy body hath hitherto escaped the grave , so thy soul may ( if possible ) escape the damnation of hell , be entreated , sinner , to consider the evil of thy present practice , after such a narrow escape of death and the grave : oh wilt thou that art but briars and thorns , set thy self against god that is a consuming fire ? dost thou sleight the wrath of the almighty , or despise his power , or contemn his judgements ? dost thou think that thou canst grapple with omnipotency , and make thy party good against almighty strength ? didst thou ever read of any one that hardened himself against god and prospered ? and dost thou think that thou shalt be the first ? who art thou ? or what is thy strength , or what were thy ancestours , that thou dost thus in pride and stubbornness of thy heart dare the great , eternal god , who can look thee into hell , and frown thee in a moment into another world ? sure , if thou hadst the knowledge of god , of thy self , of sin , of the guilt of sin , of hell and the torments thereof , thou wouldest not thus proceed to adde these new sins to thy former old sins , but wouldest fall down upon thy knees , and cover thy face in the very dust before the lord , in deep humiliation for thy sins , and wouldest own it as a mercy so great , that cannot be express'd , that the plague hath been so vehemently raging round about thy habitation , and it may be hath been upon thy body , and thou yet alive , and thy body not rotting in a cold grave , nor thy soul roaring in a hot hell ? think on this , this is mercy ; and wilt thou so abuse it ? sect . xiii . what are the signs of a man that waxeth worse and worse under all the means that god useth to make him better ? my purpose is not here to speak of the declinings of grace in the hearts of gods people , which never is so much ( because not total ) to denominate them absolutely bad , though they make them worse ( because on the losing hand ) being compared with themselves , when better in the lively actings and daily increase of grace ; but of the growth of wicked men in sin and impiety , which may be discerned by these symptomes . i. the less a man is attending upon god in the use of holy means , the worse he is . thou wast wont to keep up a constancy , or at least a frequency in holy duties , though thou never didst perform them in a right manner , nor from a right principle , nor for a right end ; yet time was , that thou couldest not omit them , but thy natural conscience would reproach thee , and molest thy peace ; and though the performance of those duties in thy manner and way , did never prove thee to be good , yet the total omission of them now , doth prove thee to be worse : inasmuch as thou hast shaked off all form of religion , and dost not profess thy self to be at all religious , but hast stifled natural conscience , and laid aside a sense of a deity , which before did stir thee up to do some homage unto god. thou didst pray , but now thou dost not ; thou didst hear , but now thou dost not ; it is because thou art worse . ii. the lesse thou lyest under the common workings of the spirit of god , the worse thou art : though thou hearest and prayest as before , yet the spirit of god doth not strive with thee as before : thou wast wont to finde thy heart something affected , and to have some common convictions and relentings for sin , and some purposes and resolutions to forsake thy sin , and leave thy wicked wayes and company , and almost perswaded to come over unto christ ; but now thou art no more affected than the seat thou fittest upon , and the pillar thou leanest against ; thou hast quenched the motions of the spirit , and he in wrath hath departed from thee , and leaves thee to the hardness of thy heart , and the blindness of thy minde , and then thou must needs be waxing worse . iii. the more thou art found in the iteration and repetition of the acts of sin , the worse thou art . thou wast wont to swear but seldom , but now oaths are frequent in thy mouth : thou wast wont to be drunk more seldom , but now it is thy weekly , or thy daily practice ; iteration of sin is an aggravation of sin : the number of thy sins , and the greatness of thy guilt is hereby encreased , and thou made worse . iv. the more kinds of sins thou dost usually fall into , the worse thou art . thou wast wont to swear , but not to be drunk , but now both : thou wast wont to be drunk , but wast not given to uncleanness ; but now thou art ; and to uncleanness thou addest scorning at godliness , vvhen sometimes thou seemedst to approve it , and speak for it ; and to thy scorning of godliness , thou proceedest to the persecution of godliness , when before thou didst pretend to favour and to countenance it . thou art increased in thy wickedness . v. the fewer self-reflexions , the worse thou art . thou wast use to reflect upon thy wayes , and sometimes consider of thy deviations from the rule of holiness , and thy conscience did check and did reprove thee ; but now thou goest on and never lookest back , so much as to consider wherein thou goest astray ; and though thou art more wicked , and more vile , yet thou hast more peace and quietness in thy wayes . it is because thy heart is more hard , and thy conscience more seared , and thou worse . vi. the greater light thou sinnest against , and the more thou goest on against the dictates of thy conscience , the worse thou art . conscience discovereth to thee the evil of thy wayes , the wickedness of thy life : conscience threatneth thee with damnation , with the loss of god and happiness , and thundereth against thee , and doth disturb thee in thy sin , and yet thou goest on against thy knowledge , and dost imprison the truths of god ; thou art worse . vii . the more of thy heart and will is in thy sinnings than before , the worse thou art now , than before . the more the will doth give consent , and the more the will doth choose wickedness , the greater progress thou hast made in thy sinful courses . though a childe of god doth commit a sin , yet because his will and the bent of his heart is against it , the lesser is the aggravation of his sin : when he can say , the thing that i doe , i would not , i allow it not . so , when thou art wilful in thy sin , thou frequentest wicked company , and thou wilt doe it ; thou prophanest the lords day , and thou wilt do it , this maketh thee to be very bad . the more of resolution and purpose of heart , the more of the choice and consent of the will in sinning , the greater is the sinner . viii . the lesser force divine arguments have upon thy heart to keep thee from sin , than before , thou art so much worser than thou wast before . time was , that arguments taken from the wrath of god , from the torments of hell , from judgement to come , from the curses written in the law of god , did awe thy heart , and restrain thy hand from the open actings of thy grosser sins ; these were once the banks that dammed up thy wickednesse , but now thou sleightest all these , that hell doth not affright thee , and the wrath of god doth not awe thy heart ; but the spring and fountain of sin within , is risen higher , and overflowes these banks , and like water spreads it self , and diffuseth it self in the general course of thy life . ix . the lesser force humane arguments have upon thy heart , to keep thee from sin than before , thou art so much worser than thou wast before . though abstaining from sin upon such accounts , doth not prove the truth of grace , yet the committing of sin notwithstanding these , doth argue growth of sin . now these humane arguments that did formerly restrain thee , were such as these . 1. shame amongst men . thou hadst an inclination to wicked company , but thou wast ashamed to be seen amongst them ; and therefore didst not associate with them . but now thou thinkest it no shame , or if thou dost , thou hast a face of brass , and an heart of stone , and blushest not . thou art worse . 2. care of reputation . thou wast tender of thy credit , and good name ; and though thou hadst a love unto some sins , that would have disgraced thee amongst men , yet now thou wilt blot thy name , and lose thy credit , and sacrifice thy reputation to satisfie thy lust . 3. costliness of sin . some sins are very chargeable , and call for great expence ; and thy love to thy money , and natural affection to thy wife and children , was a barre which did restrain thee from them : thou wouldest not feed and satisfie thy filthy lusts , because it would be chargeable to thee ; thou refrainedst from riotous prodigals , because company with them would wast thine estate : but now thou thinkest no cost too great , no charge too much , that thou mayest have thy fill of sin , but tradest , and labourest , and workest , to get something to maintain thy lust , and wilt rather that thy wife and children should want bread at home , than thou shouldest not have enough to spend upon thy sins abroad . thou art now grown to an exceeding magnitude in sin , that thou art monstrous to beholders . 4. health of body . such sins that tend to the impairing of thy health thou wouldest not commit : thou didst refrain , not so much because they would damn thy soul , as destroy thy body . thou thoughtest excessive drinking would shorten thy life , and hasten thy death , and bring thee sooner to thy grave ; that acts of uncleanness would fill thee full of loathsom diseases , and leave some mark upon thy body , whereby thou wouldest be noted for an unclean adulterer . but now thou wilt venture health , and life , and all that thou mayest more freely sin : and the very food thou earest is now not only to nourish thy body , but to provoke thee to lust . verily thou art much worse than thou wast . 5. fear of death . when the fear of god would not prevail to keep thee from sin , yet fear of death somtimes hath done it , and according to the strength of the fears of death , have been thy restraints from sin : but now thou canst think of death , and speak of thy death , and yet act thy sinne . 6. displeasure of men . thou hast had dependance upon some that hate such sins that thou lovest in thy heart , but because thou wouldest not loose their favour thou hast bridled thy sin , but now thou layest the reignes loose upon the neck of thy lusts , and wilt proceed to obey them , let who will be displeased thereby . when thou wilt displease thy best friend , and them upon whom thou dost depend for lively-hood and maintenance , that thou mayst please thy lust , it is a sign that sin is very high in thy heart , any one of these formerly were a sufficient bolt to keep thee from grosser sins , but now all put together are too weak ; a signe that sin is so much the stronger . x. the more thou hast had experience of the dreadfull effects of sin , and the more god hath punished thee for thy sin , and yet wilt proceed , the greater sinner thou art . god hath punished thee with poverty as the fruite of thy sin ; with diseases in thy body , with horrours in thy conscience , with the death of thy relations ; when thou hast tasted the bitterness of sin to set against the pleasures of sin , when god hath put worm-wood and gall into thy sin , yet thou art bent upon it : thou art very bad . xi . the more thou justifiest and defendest thy self after the commission of sin than formerly , so much the worser thou art than formerly . when thou wast reproved , thou wast use to acknowledge thy sin , and to confess thy wickedness , but now thou dost plead for thy lust , and pleadest for thy evil wayes , and takest the quarrell of sin upon thy self , it is a signe thy heart is more wedded to thy lusts , by how much the more thou espousest its cause . xii . when thou art more presumptuous in thy sinnings , and addest more contempt of god , and pride and contumacy than formerly , the worse thou art . sins of presumption are scarlet sins , of a crimson dye ; when a man sinneth against god , and blesseth himself in his wickedness , and presumeth of gods mercy , and presumeth upon the patience of god , a man that sins presumptuously makes a bold adventure against express threatnings of the law of god , and is mingled with great contempt of god ; it is no less than reproaching and despising of god himself , num. 15.30 . but the soul that doth ought presumptuously — reproacheth the lord ; and that soul shall be cut off from among his people , vers . 31. because he hath despised the word of the lord , and hath broken his commandment ; that soul shall be utterly cut off : his iniquity shall be upon him . xiii . the more mercies thou sinnest against than formerly , the worser thou art than before . god hath given thee more mercies , and multiplyed many good things upon thee , and yet thou committest more sins , than when thou hadst fewer mercies ; to make gods mercy to be fewel for thy lusts , is an aggravation of sinning , for as much as it is contrary to the end of mercy , which is to draw men off from sin : every mercy thou receivest hath a voice , and its language is , repent of sin , return to god , rom. 2.4 . god loadeth thee with mercy , and the more thou pressest him down with thy sin ; the more good , and the more mercifull god is to thee , the more vile and rebellious thou art against god , this is to be highly wicked . xiv . the more thou drawest others into sin by thy entisements or example than before ; so much the worse thou art . when thou art not content to sin alone , not to dishonour god thy self , but drawest and incouragest others to do so also ; and so damnest thy own soul and others too ; and makest thy self guilty of the bloud of those thou allurest with thee into sin . the more sins thou committest thy self , the worse thou art , and the more persons thou dost influence by thy sin to partake with thee , the worse thou art . thus if thou wilt compare thy self what thou art now with what thou hast been formerly , thou mightest discern how much more thou sinnest now than thou didst before . sect . xiv . what considerations may be usefull to stop the streame of such mens wickedness , that yet are waxing worse and worse ? because i am loath to leave thee with a bare conviction , that thou art worse than thou wast wont to be ; i shall add a few considerations to presse thee to put a stop unto thy sinnings , hoping that though thou hast gone far , yet thou mayst return : while thou art out of hell , thou art within our call , and within the reach of exhortation and reproof . god hath called often to thee to return , and yet thou hast not returned , but art going on unto destruction . the son of god hath called to thee , and said , how long wilt thou goe on in thy rebellion against him that would redeem and save thy soul ? he hath told thee , if thou dost proceed thou must be damned , and said , the mercy of god will not save thee , and my merits they will not , they shall not save thee , but if thou wilt return to god , and come to me , here is mercy for thee , here is pardon for thee , and i will give eternal life unto thee . the spirit of god hath often moved upon thy heart , he hath been often knocking at thy doore , that thou wouldest open thy heart and let him in , and he would apply the blood of christ unto thee , and he would fill thee with better joyes , and better pleasures , and better comforts than thou ever foundest in the way of sin . but hitherto thou hast stopped thine ears , and stiffened thy neck , and hardened thy heart , and wouldest not hearken nor obey . the ministers of god have often wooed thee and beseeched thee with tears in their eyes , and sorrow in their hearts , as if their happiness had been wrapped up in thine , and as if they could not have gone to heaven and been saved without thee : while patience waited upon thee , they have been earnest with thee , and now at last one unworthy to preach the gospel , is a suiter to thy soul , that thou wouldest be divorced from thy sin and be married unto christ ; as yet thou art out of hell , and art not yet reckoned among the dead , nor numbred amongst the damned , as yet thou art not irrecoverably lost , this day christ is once more tendred to thee , in the name of god i once more offer thee pardon and eternall life , upon thy repenting of thy sin , and turning unto god. oh that i could perswade thee , or if i cannot , as indeed i cannot ; oh that god would yet perswade thee ? if i might be serviceable to thy soule , oh how should i rejoyce ; if i did but know where thou dost dwell , that hast been wicked all thy dayes , and now art reading of these lines , having a purpose in thy heart to come to christ , i would come to thee ( as opportunity was offered ) and beg upon my knees , that thou wouldest cherish those purposes , and be perswaded to what conduceth to thy eternall happiness : if teares and prayers would do it , i would endeavour ( though my heart is hard ) to shed them for thee ; if putting my hands , under thy feet , and stooping to the meanest office of love unto thy soule , would excite thee to let christ into thy heart , how readily ( by the grace of god ) would i be willing to it . i beseech thee by the mercies of god , by the death of christ , by the coming of our lord , by the love thou bearest to thy self , as ever thou wouldest see the face of christ with comfort , as ever thou wouldest escape the damnation of hell , return at last , and though it be late , yet return at last . but if thou wilt not , let god be my witness , let as many as read these lines be my witnesses , let thy own conscience be my witness , that thou hast been asked , entreated , yea earnestly entreated to reform , and mend , and turn to god. but in hopes that i may prevail , i beseech thee in the fear of god , give in a sober and deliberate answer unto these following questions . first , whether art thou going , while thou art waxing worse and worse ? dost thou know that hell is at the end of the way in which thou art daily walking ? dost thou know , that if thou dost proceed a little further , a little longer in this course , thou wilt be among the devils , those cursed fiends of hell ? or dost thou know it , and yet wilt venture to dance about the brink of a bottomless pit ? who hath bewitched thee ? or what hath made thee mad , that thou seest thou art going unto hell , and yet wilt venture on ? secondly , dost thou believe the scripture to be the word of god , or dost thou not ? and are the threatnings contained therein , true , thinkest thou , or are they not ? wilt thou say they be false , or that they were found out by some precisians , or are the workings of some melancholly brain ? or that they were found out by some politician , to keep the world in awe ? i would have thee know , that to thy eternal sorrow thou shalt finde them all true , even to a tittle ; and to thy everlasting woe shalt know the truth of gods word : when thou art shrieking in the flames of hell , and roaring hideously among the damned , because of gods eternal wrath ; thou shalt be convinced , that the wicked shall be turned into hell , that the unbeliever shall be damned , and that it was true which thou wast told , that without repentance there was no deliverance from eternal condemnation . but if thou dost believe this word to be true , what aileth thee then to live as thou dost ? that thou actest quite contrary to what is contained in the word of god ? doth not the word of god in a thousand places cry down sin , and press to holiness ? doth it not tell thee , the drunkard , the covetous , the unbelieving , the lyar , shall be damned ? if thou never didst observe such places , take thy bible and turn unto them . 1 cor. 6.9 , 10. rev. 21.8 . heb. 12.14 . gal. 5.20 . to 25. col. 3.5 , 6. eph. 5.5 , 6. mar. 16.16 . mat. 18.3 . luk. 13.3 , 5. canst thou read and believe these scriptures to be true , and yet goe on in the practice of those things that the eternal , holy god doth forbid upon pain of eternal torments ? wilt thou be worse than thy very beast , which thou canst not force into the fire when he seeth it before him . shall i call out thy neighbours to behold a dreadful sight , viz. a man that knowes he is in the way to hell , and yet will goe on . thirdly , with what face or heart canst thou hope ( as thou dost ) that god will pardon thy sin , or save thy soul , while thou persistest in thy wickedness , and encreasest therein ? shew me an instance of any one man in all the word of god , that was pardoned and saved , who repented not , and i will be thy slave for ever . i know , great sinners have been saved ; and i know , those that have gone far have obtained mercy : manasseh did , 2 chron. 33.12 , 13. mary magdalene did , luk. 7. but then they turned unto god. canst thou say , there is any one now in heaven that did not repent , and believe before he dyed ? or dost thou think that thou shalt be the only man ? fourthly , whom dost thou set thy self against ? or who is it that thou dost provoke ? whose anger and indignation art thou daily kindling against thy self ? what art thou , that thus dost sin ? or what is god against whom thou sinnest ? dost thou know thy self , and thine own weakness ? and dost thou know god , and his almighty power ? art thou any better than chaffe before the winde of gods wrath ? art thou , any better than stubble before a consuming fire ? canst thou make thy party good against god ? then why dost thou take thy bed , when he layeth his finger light upon thee ? or why dost thou complain and art so restless under the pain of the tooth-ache ? why dost thou roar so much under the pain in thy bowels ? and why dost thou groan , when he makes thee sick ? why art thou sick , and why wilt thou dye , if thou canst contend with god ? but if thou canst not , poor worm , thou canst not ; why then wilt thou proceed and increase thy wickedness more and more , to provoke him more and more ? fifthly , how canst thou call thy self a christian , while thou daily increasest in thy sin against god and christ . christians have their denomination from christ , because they follow his steps , and own him for their lord and master : christ was holy , and so is every true christian ; christ hated sin , and so doth every true christian ; christ did the will of his father , and thou art doing the will of the flesh and of the devil . that which consisteth of a head of one kinde , and members of another , is monstrous . if any creature had the head of a man , and the members were the members of a beast , it would be monstrous . christ is an holy head , and all his members united unto him are holy members ; therefore thou art none of them : take it as thou wilt , thou art not a christian , that should not be thy appellation ; thou art more rightly called a sinner , a childe of the devil . sixthly , how canst thou goe unto thy prayers and yet go on in thy sin , and come to the word preached , and hear drunkenness reproved , and go away and be drunk ? how canst thou sit in thy pew , and hear the minister from god tell thee , the drunkard shall be damned , and all thy neighbours know thee for a drunkard , and yet hold up thy head ? where is thy shame ? art thou become impudent ? where is thy fear of god and his word ? art thou utterly hardened ? where is thy conscience ? is it quite seared ? seventhly , dost thou think that god will never call thee to an account ? dost thou think that time will alwayes last ? dost thou think thy soul shall live for ever , and yet do that which will bring thee to an eternity of misery ? and expose thy self for a little momentany pleasure unto eternal torments ? thus i have set before thee these considerations , whereby thou mayst be brought to bethink thy self , and at last enquire , what would you have me to doe ? i answer thee : 1. make a stand and pause a little with thy self , whether it be not so with thee or no ? and labour to convince thy self of the hainousness of thy sins , in making such an increase and growth in sin . 2. when thou art convinced thus , urge it upon thy heart till thou feelest it begin to melt , and to be dissolved in thy breast . use thy reason for thy souls good , after this manner : oh god hath been good to me , and i have been wicked against god ; god was alwayes good to me , and i have been alwayes evil against god ; god multiplyed his mercy upon me , and i multiplyed my sins against god ; if he had not given me bread to eat , i had dyed with hunger ; and if he had not given me drink , i had perished with thirst ; but what he gave me for my nourishment i have abused to gluttony and drunkenness ; i have fought against god with his own mercy , and made his goodness an encouragement to me in my wickedness : he lengthened out his mercy , and i did lengthen out mine iniquity ; oh what rich grace and patience is this , that i am not in hell ! oh this was long-suffering indeed , to bear so long with such a swearer and drunkard as i have been ; and when the dreadfull plague hath taken away my companions in sin , yet i am left behinde ; oh that it may be , that i may repent and turn to god! woe is me ! i have been damning of my precious soul , and have spent my dayes hitherto in dishonouring of a good and patient god. 3. then resolve with thy self , that by the grace of god thou wilt forsake and leave those practises , and wilt no longer continue in thy wickednesse ; say , now i see this is not my way to happiness ; swearing , and lying , and drunkenness , is not my way to the kingdom of god : the devil hath deceived me , and my companions have deceived me , and my own wicked heart hath beguiled me ; i will , by the grace of god , i will do so no more ; i am resolved i will do so no more : and write down thy resolution , that thou mayest have it under thine own hand , that such a day thou didst resolve to do so no more . 4. beg of god that thou mayst be deeply humbled for what thou hast already done , and labour that thy sorrow may be proportionable to what thy sins have been . 5. make haste to christ , and take him and receive him for thy lord and saviour , and submit to him upon his gospel-terms , as willing he should rule thee , as ever thou wast for sin to rule thee . 6. then endeavour to be as good as thou hast been bad , as holy as thou hast been wicked , as eminent for piety , as thou hast been exemplary for iniquity ; speak for holinesse as much as ever thou didst speak against it ; and love the wayes of god as much as thou wast wont to hate them , and by persevering so to doe , thou shalt finde great mercy will be shewn to thee , who hast been so great a sinner . sect . xv. now i will draw some corollaries from this first branch of this direction , and so pass on unto the second . is it the nature of sin to make men worse and worse ? and do wicked men usually wax worse and worse ? then learn , 1. the evil that there is in sin : there is a depth in the evil of sin that cannot be fathomed , and a length in the evil of sin that cannot be measured ; that is very bad that makes men so in every condition , as grace is very good that turneth every thing for the best to them to whom it is infused . 2. learn that wicked men are never from under a curse : let their condition be what it will , prosperity is a curse unto them , adversity is a curse , and deliverances are in wrath . when they do increase in riches , they do increase in sin ; envy not the prosperity of the wicked . 3. learn the bottomless depth of iniquity in a wicked mans heart : he was bad twenty years ago ; he was a grief to all the godly in the town and parish where he lived , but yet he is many times worse than before . 4. learn what abundance of guilt an old sinner goes with to his grave when he comes to dye : he was bad when he was born , and worse while he lived , and worst of all when he is to dye . 5. learn the equity of gods justice in punishing a wicked man with eternal torments for sins committed in time : for he sinned more and more as long as he lived , and if he had lived longer , he would have sinned longer ; and if he had lived for ever , he would have sinned for ever . 6. learn the over-ruling providence of god : that setteth bounds to wicked mens sins ; if he did not restrain them , they would be worse , and do worse than they do . 7. learn , that natural men by the improvement of common grace , or the means of grace , cannot work themselves into a state of grace , nor of themselves that are bad , make themselves to be good ; for we have shewed , that without the speciall and irresistible operations of the spirit of god , wicked men grow worse under the administrations of the gospel . 8. the folly of delays and procrastinations of repentance and turning unto god : wicked men think they can repent when they will , and though they have no heart to turn to god for the present , yet they will hereafter ; but he that is not disposed to turn to god and repent to day , will finde his heart more indisposed to morrow , and the longer they put it off , the more unwilling and unable they will be to do it hereafter . we have heard we must not be worse , now let us see we must be better , and that is the second part of this first direction . sect . xvi . hath the plague been raging , and you yet alive ? then be better than you were before . and here i especially direct my speech to those that had the grace of god infused into their hearts , before this judgement came upon us ; that you would improve this providence by being better than you were before ; if drunkards and swearers will not be better , yet be you ; if sensualists and flesh-pleasers will not be better , yet be you . it may be the wicked will be worse , but will you be so too ? if gods people are not mended by his judgements , who will ? and hath god swept away so many thousands into another world , and shall there be no good effect , or fruit upon neither bad nor good ? god forbid ? london hath been a place of great prosperity , a city of feasting , and a place of plenty of outward enjoyments ; but in this last sickness , god hath filled it with dolorous complaints by the many breaches made by death in so many families and relations ; god hath filled it with pale faces , and sick persons , and running sores ; god hath turned it into a place , an house of mourning . and solomon saith , eccl. 7.2 . it is better to go into the house of mourning , than to the house of feasting ; for that is the end of all men , and the living will lay it to his heart . have not your houses been houses of mourning , some dead out of most houses , and you are yet living ; will you then lay it to your heart ? what should you lay to heart ? lay to heart the great judgement that hath been amongst you . lay to heart the sins that did provoke the lord to lay his hand so heavy upon you . lay to heart the goodness of god in preserving you . the city hath been an house of mourning , but have you learned the lessons that are to be learned in an house of mourning ? have you met so many dead corpse carried in the streets ? have you seen the living laboring to carry forth their dead , and yet not learned the lessons that are to be learned in such a place of mourning ? where one is dead in a family , that before was an house of mirth and gladness , it will turn it into an house of mourning and sadness , much more , when many dead in one family ; and this is the case of many families . god hath been teaching you many things at such a time , but is your lesson taken out ? oh , what dull scholars are we in the school of christ that must thus be scourged to learn our lessons , and yet have not done it ? consider , when god hath turned london , by reason of their dead , into an house of mourning , he hath been teaching you such things as these . i. god hath been teaching you the infallible verity of divine threatnings . god threatned our first parents , gen. 2.17 . that if they sinned , they should certainly dye , they and their posterity . this threatning was made some thousands of years since , and it hath been made good in all generations . length of time makes not voide the threatnings of god ; men read gods threatnings , but do not believe them , nor fear them , nor tremble at them . many will not practically believe that they shall dye , though they sin , and will not at all believe they shall be damned , though they sin ; but we see that men that have sinned must dye , and wicked men shall feel that they shall be damned according to gods threatnings , but you have learned the truth of gods threatnings in this , and they are as true in all other respects ; therefore do you that are gods people , learn the truth of gods threatnings , when he saith the drunkard shall not inherit the kingdom of god ; and let this move your heart to pity them that are such , that have a threatning of god , which is of undoubted verity , as a flaming sword standing in their way to keep them out of the paradise of god , and be thankful unto god that you are none of these . do you learn the truth of gods threatning , when he saith , the hypocrite and unbelieving shall be cast into the lake that burnes with fire and brimstone , rev. 21.8 . and pity and pray for them that are such , and bless god that you are none of them , and so are taken from under the curse of that threatning . ii. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you what are the wages of sin . you have often heard that death is the wages of sin , rom. 6.23 . the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there used , is a military term , signifying the wages that is due to souldiers , intimating that death is as due to a sinner for his service to the devil , as pay is to a souldier for his service to his general ; it comes from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth properly , all kind of pleasant meats that may be prepared or made ready by fire , so that all the delicates , and dainty dishes that sin prepares for sinners , hath a deaths head in them . do you learn this , and by this learn to hate sin more than you did before , and watch against it more than you did before . iii. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the certainty of mens mortality . you have seen that this is the way of all flesh , josh . 23.14 . 1 king. 2.2 . and therefore learn to live as mortal , dying men should live ; you have seen that thousands have been carryed from their houses to their graves : and , oh what manner of persons ought you to be in all manner of holy conversation , after such a sight as this ? iv. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the worlds vanity . you have seen what miserable comforters riches are to men in time of plague , and at an hour of death ; you have seen death haling men from that which they had set their hearts upon ; you have seen death dragging men from their riches , and from their pleasures , and hath forced them to come away to the bar of god , and leave their riches behinde them , and their pleasures behind them . you have seen that riches could not go with them into another world , but left them in a time of need . you have seen that those that loved riches , could finde no comfort in them when they stood in greatest need of comfort . you have seen that what men have been laboring for , and scraping together all the time of their health and life , death hath come and scattered in a moment . oh how weaned should you be from the world , and the riches and the pleasures thereof , after such a sight as this ! oh how much less should you afford the world , of your heart and affections , of your love , desire , and delights that is so unkind to dying men , even unto those that served it most , and loved it most . oh do you learn to deal so with the world , as you have seen the world to deal with others , i. e. turn it out of your heart with as little love and pity to it , as you have seen the world turn its followers out of it , and shake them off , notwithstanding all their entreaties to abide and stay therein . the world may now entreat you , that it might stay in your heart , and live in your love ; but hearken you no more to its entreaties , than it hath hearkened unto others , and you must expect the world ere long will deal with you , as it hath dealt with others ; therefore part with the world , before you leave the world . v. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the short continuance of all relations : you have seen death taking husbands from their wives , parents from their children , ministers from their people , and so wives from their husbands , children from their parents , people from their ministers . those that had but one onely son. plague and death hath stripped them of him , and teared one relation out of the others bosome ; fain they would have kept them , but death would not suffer them ; they wept and cryed , but death would not have pity on them , nor hear their cries , nor regard their tears , but said , this is your childe , but i must have him ; this is your husband , but i must seize upon him ; god hath given me a commission , and i always use to do according to the commission i receive from god , if god will not spare you , in vain you look for pity at mine hands . i ( saith death ) am blinde and cannot see the beauty of your childe , that hath drawn out your heart so much towards him , i am deaf and cannot hear your pleadings for the continuance of your childe , or husband , or friend ; if god doth not hear you , i cannot , and if god doth not spare and pity you , i will not , therefore i will smite him , and stick my arrow in his heart , and dippe it in his life-blood , and take him from you . oh how many have thus experienced the dealings of death ! and you have seen it , and will not you learn to sit looser in your affections towards your nearest and dearest relations ? you have seen death hath seized upon them that were most beloved by their friends , and perhaps did therefore do it , because they were over loved ; and took up too much of that love , and that delight which should have been more , and would have been better placed upon god. your lesson then is set down by the apostle , for i would not teach you by rott , nor without the book of gods word , 1 cor. 7.29 . but this i say , brethren , the time is short , or rolled up , or contracted ; a metaphor taken from a piece of cloth that is rolled up , onely a little left at the end ; so some . as mariners near the haven winde up their sails , or make them less . when the sails of time are thus contracted , it is a sign we are near the harbor of eternity . it remaineth , that both they that have wives be as though they had none , vers . 30. and they that weep as though they wept not , and they that rejoyce as though they rejoyced not ; and they that buy as though they possessed not , and they that use this world as not abusing it , for the fashion of this world passeth away . vi. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the lesson of humility . how many humbling sights have you seen ? every corpse that you have seen hath been an humbling sight . it may be you have been proud of your beauty , but have not you seen that beauty vanisheth away when death comes ; that beautiful bodies by the plague and death have been turned into loathsome bodies ? and those that you have loved and been delighted to look upon , you have been glad to have them buried out of your sight , when once dead . how many open graves have you seen , and those that have been nice and curious of their comely bodies , have been interred , and given to be meat for worms , and to be a prey to rottenness and putrefaction . have you seen any difference betwixt the poor and the rich , be●wixt that body that was fed with courser fare , and that which was nourished with more delicate dishes ? have you not seen bodies that were made out of dust , been turned to the dust , to be turned into dust , and will you be proud after god hath taken such an effectual course to teach you to be humble ? vii . in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you , that all things fall alike to all , that the wise must dye as well as the fool , and the good must dye as well as the bad . and though god hath promised [ conditionally ] preservation from the plague unto his people , which hath been literally fulfilled to some of his , yet some of his have fallen in this general mortality , god hath been teaching of you , that though grace doth deliver from eternal death , yet not from temporal ; though from the sting , yet not from the stroke of death , that you ( though godly ) should be preparing for your own departure out of this world . viii . in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the difference between the death of the wicked and the death of the righteous , that though good and bad alike have dyed , yet they have not dyed alike . but as there was a difference in their life , so god did make a difference in their death : have not you seen some wicked dye without any sense of sin , or fear of god , or hell ? and some with terrors in their consciences ? and have you not seen some godly dye with peace and comfort , and giving good evidences of their hope of a better life ? that god hath filled them with joys that they were going to their fathers house ? and that the plague and death had not so much in them to terrifie and affright , as the hopes of heaven had to comfort and support their hearts . it hath been ground of great rejoycing to hear : how many of gods people in this plague did dye with joy and comfort ? and should not y●u by such a sight as this , be quickened in your service unto god , and ever while you live look upon religion as a real thing , that letteth in such real comforts into their hearts , who had real grace , in such time of real discouragements ; after such a sight as this , never think it a vain thing to serve god ( though you must dye ) who comforts his peoples souls in the very gates of death ? ix . in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the folly of delaying in the great concernments of another world ; you have seen many drunkards did delay to repent and turn to god , but when death once came to arrest them , it would not stay till they had done their work . have not you seen many have been surprized by death ; that those that thought they would repent hereafter , and talked how they would mend hereafter , are gone down into the grave before that time was come ? and wil not you after such a sight as this be quickned to make more haste in doing of the work that god expecteth at your hands ? have not you seen some that have talked what they would do the next year , laid in the dust before this year is past and gone ? god hereby would have you learn not to boast of to morrow , because you know not what may be in the womb of another day , nor what to morrow may bring forth , prov. 27.1 . god would have you learn so to number your days that you may apply your hearts to wisdom , psal . 90.12 . god would have you learn to do your duty quickly , and to do it with all your might , because it will be too late , when you are rotting in your grave , eccles . 9.10 . x. in this great house of so great mourning , god hath been teaching you the great lesson of mortification ; you have seen how many dyed by sin , and should not you be now dead unto sin , you should now in good earnest labor for the death of sin . o be the death of your passion , and be the death of your lusts , and be the death of your worldliness , especially be the death of your beloved sin , god forbid that sin should be found alive in your heart after such a time of death to so many thousand persons . are so many dead and rotting in their graves , and shall not sin be dead and mouldring in your hearts . these be some of the lessons god in his late providence hath been instructing you in , and if you can now do these duties better than before , it is some sign that you are better than you were before , but yet because so great a providence should not be sleightly passed over , with but a little improvement , i shall take occasion to press you to be much better than you were before ; before , god saw a great deal of sin in his own people , and amongst professors , much censoriousness , and rash and uncharitable judgeing one of another , want of love and affection , a great deal of pride in apparel , pride in diet , pride in furniture of houses , pride of beauty , pride of parts and gifts ; and god hath been staining the pride of all families therein . god saw a great deal of neglect of family duties in professors houses , and customary , cold and dead performance of them in others , and doth it not concern all to see where they have failed , and do so no more ? sect . xvii . i know the wicked world thinks that professing people are too exact already , and that they make more adoe than is needfull : but their charge is , 1. false ; for there is no man is so exact in his life as he ought . 2. blasphemous ; for what do such but blame god himself in giving such strict rules unto his people . 3. malicious ; cain envyed abel because his works were evil , and his brothers good . 4. diabolical ; what could a devil say more , or what is this but to play the devils part , in discouraging , discountenancing , speaking against the pressing after the highest degrees of goodnesse . but let it be your great care whom god hath spared from the grave in this time of plague , that are such as truely fear god , and are truely good : on take heed , that after such a preservation none of you might be found worse than you were ; for though those that once were truely good , shall never so decline as to be [ absolutely ] bad , yet they may so farre fail , that they may [ comparatively ] be sayd to be worse . here consider , 1. to lose any degrees of goodness and grace , is a grievous and a sinfull loss : if you had lost your life in this plague , it might not have been your sin , but you cannot be in the least degree worse than you were ( after such a providence ) but it is a great sin : because it is our duty to love god as much as we can , therefore to lose any degrees of our love to god , is to come short of our duty , and therefore a sin . 2. to be worse in your spiritual condition , will be great unthankefulnesse to god for his watchfull providence over you . if a man do a kindness for you , will you be worse towards him than you were before ? and will you deal worse with god than with a fellow creature ? 3. to be worse in your spiritual condition after such preservation and deliverance , will be displeasi●g unto god , and a grief unto him if god see his children love him less , and fear him less , and delight in him less , will it not grieve him , and displease him ? and had it not been better you had dyed , than to live to be a grief to god ? had not you rather follow your children to their graves , than to see them live to be worse , and dishonour god ? and will you yet do so your selves ? is it not a grief to you , the more kindness you shew unto your children , to see them the more undutiful to you ? and will it not be so in you to god ? 4. if you be worse than you were in your spiritual condition , you shall have less communion with god than you had before : and had not you better dye than lose your communion with god ? for what is your life without fellowship with god ? 5. if you be worse , you will have less comfort from god than you had before . if you deny duty to him , which you performed to him before , he will deny that comfort to you , which he gave you before , and what will your life be , without the comforts of god let down into your soul ? is not his loving kindness better than life ? psal . 63.3 . and what is life if you have no comfort in it ? and where wi●l you have solid , lasting , suitable , satisfying comfort , if not from god ? 6. if you are worse in your spiritual condition than you were before , and love god less , and desire after him less , and delight in him less , you will have less evidences for heaven than you had before , you will not so clearly see your interest in christ , your title to his kingdom , as you did before ; and do you live to blot your evidences ? oh what an aggravation will it be to you , to say , before the plague i knew that god did love me , but now i doubt of it . before i knew , if i had dyed i should have been saved , but now if i should dye , i cannot tell . 7. if you are worse than you were , you will have less experience of the workings of god upon your heart , than you had before . you will not have such experience of his quickning presence , nor of the powerful operations of the spirit upon your heart ; and what is it , if you feel the motions and acting of life , if you do not feel the motions of the spirit so much upon your heart ? 8. if you are worse , you will dishonour god more than you did before , and that you need not do , you did that too much before : and hath god spared you to live to his dishonour ? i tell you , you had better dyed with others in the plague , than live after it to dishonour god. 9. if you have less of goodness than you had before , you will have more of sin than you had before . if you love god less than you did , you will love something else more than you did ; if you have less faith , you will have more unbelief ; if you be less heavenly , you will be more worldly ; if you be less spiritual , you will be more carnal : and hath god been using physick to purge out your sin , and shall it be found more in you than it was before ? hath god put you in the furnace , and doth your dross continue , and increase ? it is the nature of contraries , the less there is of the one , the more there is of the other . if the sun be setting , darkness is approaching ; if heat be expelled out of the water , more cold is introduced ; and so it is with your heart in respect of sin and grace . 10. if you be worse , it will cost you much pains , and prayers , and tears , before you will recover to be as good as you were before . you may lose that with a little neglect , which you will not re-gain without great diligence . thus i have laid before you these considerations , to prevent your being worse : but that will not be a sufficient improvement of this providence , that you be not worse in your spiritual condition , but you must be better : not enough , that you do not decline , but you must increase and thrive in grace and goodness . and before i come to press you to be better , let me lay down these following positions ; and the last shall bring me to my intended work. sect . xviii . posit . 1. there are many that are really bad , and not so much as seemingly good . there are many that do not profess any goodness ; such are your open , debaucht sinners , that give themselves up unto all licentiousness and sin . posit . 2. that there are many that are seemingly good , that are not really good . many make a great shew in religion , that have no religion in them . many pray much , and hear much , and talk of good things much , but are not good themselves ; and the misery of these is , 1. that they lose all their labour ; for if they themselves be not good , their praying is not good , and their talking of good things is not good : for , the sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination unto the lord , prov. 15.8 . 2. they have no real communion with god who are but seemingly good : for , what communion hath light with darknesse , 2 cor. 6.13 , &c. 3. they shall have no real reward , in the kingdom of heaven . their goodnesse is but seeming goodness , and their happiness is but seeming happiness . 4. they are seemingly like to god , but are really like the devil . 5. they associate with gods children , but are none of gods children ; for all gods children are good . 6. they have no true peace , isa . 57.21 . but god hath really preserved you from death , and really kept you alive , therefore be not satisfied to be seemingly good , but be really so . posit . 3. that there be many that are really good , that are not gradually good , that have grace in truth , that have not grace in growth . those that are seemingly good are not so many as those that are openly bad , and those that are really good are not so many as those that are seemingly good , and those that are gradually good are not so many as those that are really good . ever the better the fewer , both for kinde and degree . it is so in naturals ; not so many whales as lesser fish ; not so many eagles as little birds ; not so many suns as stars : and so it is in spirituals ; not so many strong men in christ , as babes ; not so many tall cedars , as there are shrubs in gods lebanon . now my purpose is to exhort you ( especially after such a providence ) to be not only really good , but to be gradually good . posit . 4. that those that are gradually good , are yet imperfectly good , as appears by the remainders of sin in the best ; and would be evident by a particular enumeration of their graces , which is the best thing in the best men ; they know but in part , and they love but in part , and delight in god but imperfectly , philip. 3.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. posit . 5. those that are really good though imperfectly good , are truly acceptable unto god. god will not break the bruised reed , nor quench the smoaking flax , mat. 12.20 . there may be a great deal of smoak where there is but little fire , a great deal of sin where there is but little grace ; but yet it is pleasing unto god , if it be true ; a little grace is of great value , ( a pearl of small quantity might be of great worth ) and better than a great deal of riches , or of gifts ; better than a strong memory pregnant phantacy , solid judgement , quick apprehension , voluble tongue , or any such things ; because the least grace is a pledge of heaven , and so are none of all the rest . posit . 6. that when a good man doth increase in goodness , he increaseth more or less in all saving goodness . when any one sin is more mortified , every sin is in some measure more mortified , and yet every sin is not equally strong , because some sins are more deeply radicated , have been more strengthened by frequent acts , and are more rooted in the constitution ; so though addition be made in every grace , when a christian growes better , yet every grace might not be equally strong in the same christian , because some grace may be more opposed by the contrary sin , and some grace is drawn forth more into act and exercise than the rest ; yet as a childe growes in all parts truely though not equally ; so it is in a good christian : and this i adde , that you may endeavour to be universally good , and universally better , better in faith , and better in love , and humility , &c. posit . 7. that those that are good should labour to be better , and those that are better , should strive to be best . you should not rest in goodness positive , but labour to have comparative goodness , and when you have it in the comparative degree , you should aspire after superlative goodness : you see it is so in other things ; amongst scholars men strive who should be the best scholar ; and amongst artificers , men strive who shall be the best artificer ; and now after the plague , you will perceive men to be more earnest in their trading ( i pray god they may not exceed ) to re-gain , what they lost for want of trading : and so amongst christians , every one should strive who should be the best ; and to quicken and provoke you hereunto , lay these things to your heart . consider , sect . xix . 1. you are not so good as once you were ; i mean in your primitive condition and first creation , we had more goodness as we came out of the hands of god ; then we had good and no evil : and when god hath restored us , we should labour to come up as near to what we were in adam , ( though not by the same covenant ) as we can . 2. you are not so good as you shall be . you were good in adam , but you shall be better in heaven : in adam we were perfectly good , in heaven we shall be perpetually good ; and should you not labour to get as much of heaven into your heart as you can . 3. you are not so good as you ought to be , no , not by many degrees ; you come farr short of what you should be in grace and goodness . 4. you are not so good as you may be : though you cannot be so good as you were in adam , as you shall be in heaven , as you ought to be upon earth , yet you may be better than you are . you have not so many degrees of love to god , but you may have more , nor such strong desires after christ , but you may have more : how weak is thy love ! how cold are thy desires ! how stupid is thy heart ! not only in comparison of what it ought to be , but of what it may be : thou wantest many degrees , oh christian , put on , there is much more that is yet attainable . 5. you are not so good , but you need to be better . if thou be no better , and shouldst come into some conditions , thou wouldest be found not good enough to go through the same as becomes the gospel . thou mightest be brought into those straits , and assaulted by those temptations , that except thou hast more patience , more love to god , more faith in christ , thou wilt not be able to bear them , nor resist them , as becomes a childe of god to doe : thy burdens might yet be greater , and thy duties greater , and thy temptations greater , therefore thou shouldest hasten to be better . 6. you are not so good as others are , that have had but the same time , and the same means , and helps as you have had , nay some that have not had so much preaching as you have had , nor such examples as you have had , nor so much time , that did set out for heaven after you , that were bad while you were good , yet have overtaken you , and gone beyond you : oh christian , thou art lagging behinde , put on , least thou shouldest be last of all . 7. you are not so good , but you are as bad . you have not so much grace , but you have as much sin ; nay , is not your sin more than your grace ? is not your unbelief more than your faith ? and your wandring thoughts in duty more than your fixed thoughts in duty ? and your dulness more than your liveliness ? if thou canst say truely , it is not , do thou go and bless god that it is not so with thee , while i must go and be humbled before god , because it is so with me . 8. the better you are , the more excellent you will be . riches is not your excellency , and learning is not your excellency , and grace is not your utmost and your highest excellency , but the highest degrees of grace is . reason makes a man differ from a beast ; and the more rational a man is ( by the improvement of reason ) than others , the more excellent as a man ( for a fool might excell a wise man in riches ) he is above other men : so grace makes a christian differ from a man as such , and the better christian he is than others , the more excellent he is than other christians are . 9. the better you are , the more like to god , who is the greatest , the chiefest , and the best good . when we lost our goodness , we lost our likeness unto god ; and when god makes us good , he makes us like himself , and the better god doth make us , the more he makes us like himself : and should not this provoke thee to be better ? especially considering , to be most like to god , is thy greatest duty : the end of all the rest . desires : oh that i were more like to god. dignity : and therefore our dignity will be greatest in heaven , because there we shall be likest unto god. 10. the better you are , the more you shall have gods approbation : and what will it be to be approved of god! you may by seeming goodnesse have the approbation of men , but you must be really good , if you will have the approbation of god ; and the better you are , the more he will approve you . god observeth the worst of men , but approveth only of good men ; and only the good actions of good men , not their sinful actions , 1 king. 15.5 . 11. the better you are , the more clearly you will see that you are good . many question , they are not good , and the reason of their doubt is , because they are no better : that time you spend in complaining you fear you are not good , improve in endeavouring to be better , and your doubts will be sooner answered , and your fear expelled . 12. the better you are , the more profitable you will be to all about you . the better you are in your self , the better it will be for your self , and the better for all about you ; the better you are , the more you will lay out your self for god , and for the good of souls . others shall be the better , for your counsels : you will be directing them how to do good . for your reproofs : you will be telling them when they do evil . for your example : you will lead them in the good way . for your experiences : you will communicate to them how good god hath been unto you , and what god hath done for you . 13. the better you are , the more inward joy , and the more established peace you shall finde . the great trouble of a christian is , because he is no better ; be you better and you will have the lesser trouble within , though the better you are , the more trouble you might have from men ; but that 's not so great matter . 14. the better you are , the more glory you will bring to god. herein is my father glorified that you bear much fruit , joh. 15.8 . and what is your design in the world , but to glorifie god , and to do that , and be that which tendeth most thereunto ? 15. the better you are , the more you will credit religion , and realize the wayes of god ; it will appear that religion is a real thing , when it hath made bad men good , and good men better . if there were nothing else to disgrace the ways of sin , this would be abundantly sufficient to behold the great wickedness of those men ( how bad they be ) that walk most therein . 16. the better you are while you live , the more undaunted you shall be when you come to dye : the reason why we are so troubled in our sickness , is because we were no better in our health ; conscience then remembers at such a time i sinned , and at such a place i fell , and in such company i defiled my soul ; be better in health , you will be the better in sickness and death . 17. the better you are upon earth , the weightier your crown shall be in heaven : those that be truly good , shall have sure glory , but those that are better , shall have more . there shall be no want of any thing to any one in heaven , but yet some shall shine more eminently in glory , than others . thus i have dispatched this particular also , that you be better after such a signal providence as this , for if you be not , this very thing will be a greater plague , than the plague upon the body ; and if you ask me wherein you should be better ? you must gather up that in the following directions , which shall be more particular ; and such as may be useful to prevent men from growing worse , which was the first thing , and helpful to promote this duty of being better , which was the second thing i have spoken to . direction ii. hath god spared you in time of plague , that you live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy , carefully endeavour to live up to the purposes , and resolutions and vows which you made to god in time of danger and distress . good purposes and holy resolutions , when observed and put in practice , are great helps to an answerable return to god for his mercies conferred upon us ; but holy , religious vows , being something more than single purposes and resolutions ( being a promise made to god with due deliberation , of something lawful in it self , and in our power to perform , as a testimony of our thankefulness unto god for some extraordinary mercy received , or expected , or deliverance from some great evil in extraordinary danger and distress ) do much promote a holy life , whereby we may the better be inabled to walk in some measure worthy of what the lord in mercy hath done for us , or given to us . in time of extraordinary danger , or when we are in expectation of some extraordinary mercy , we have the example of the holy men of god in scripture , to binde our selves to endeavour to walk more close with god. so jacob , gen. 28.20 . and jacob vowed a vow , saying , if god will be with me , and will keep me in this way that i go , and will give me bread to eat , and raiment to put on . vers . 21. so that i come again to my fathers house in peace , then shall the lord be my god. and this he was careful to perform , gen. 35.2 . then jacob said unto his houshold , and to all that were with him , put away the strange gods , and be clean , and change your garments . vers . 3. and let us arise and go up to bethel , and i will make there an altar unto god , who answered me in the day of my distress , and was with me in the way which i went. thus david made a vow to god when he was in danger of his life , psal . 56.12 . thy vows are upon me , o god : i will render praises unto thee . vers . 13. for thou hast delivered my soul from death — and in the like danger , psal . 116.3 . the sorrows of death compassed me , and the pains of hell gate hold upon me : i found trouble and sorrow . vers . 4. then called i upon the name of the lord , o lord , i beseech thee deliver my soul . vers . 6. the lord preserveth the simple : i was brought low , and he helped me . vers . 8. thou hast delivered my soul from death , mine eyes from tears , and my feet from falling . vers . 12. what shall i render to the lord , for all his benefits towards me ? vers . 14. i will pay my vows unto the lord , now in the presence of all his people . and hath not this been thy case , christian reader , did not the sorrows of death compass thee about ? didst thou not finde trouble and sorrow ? wast thou not brought very low , and received the sentence of death within thy self ? didst thou not then call upon the name of the lord , and resolve thou wouldst walk before the lord , if he would restore thee ? and hath not god delivered thy soul from death , and thy feet from falling ? then pay thy vows to god , and perform to him thy promise , and live up unto thy resolutions . tell me , what were thy purposes when thou heardest the plague had entered into thy neighbours house , when it came unto the family nearest unto thine ? what were thy resolutions when the plague did enter into thy house , and took one away , and then another ? what were thy holy , deliberate , lawful vows , when it seized upon thy body ? when thou betookest thy self unto thy bed , to sweat out thy distemper ? when thou foundest risings on thy body , swellings and carbuncles in several parts , when the apprehensions of death did fill thy minde , and the terrors of the lord did fill thy heart , when thou thoughtest thou hadst not many days to live , and that thou wert near to death and another world , and shouldest certainly dye , if god did not preserve thee ? what didst thou think then ? and what didst thou purpose then , and resolve upon then ? didst thou not determine with thy self if god would spare thy life , if god would give thee health again , and try thee a little longer in the world , that thou wouldest walk more holily , and act for god more zealously ? that thou wouldest pray more frequently and more fervently ? that thou would minde the world less , and heaven more ? that thou wouldest make religion thy business , as long as thou shouldest live ? didst thou not resolve that god and christ , and things above should have more of thy heart and hearty love ? that thou wouldest then forsake loose and carnal company , and associate thy self with those in whom thou couldst discern most of god , and walked most conscientiously before him ? that thou wouldest no more take a cup too much , nor club in the ale-house and tavern , to the neglect of duties of thy family at home . did it not then trouble thee that thou being a professor , hadst been at nights drinking in the tavern , when thou shouldst have been praying in thy family ; that thy wife and children , though they have not gone supperless to bed , yet have almost every night gone prayerless to bed , except they went apart to pray in secret . but did not then thy conscience tell thee , that their performance of their duty would be no excuse to thee , when thou shouldst stand at the bar of god , for thy neglecting of what thou oughtest to have done ? didst thou not then resolve , if thou shouldst live , it should be so no more ? that thou wouldst read thy bible more , as well as look over thy shop-books daily ? that thou wouldst spend some time in secret before god , whereas before thou wast use to waste it in thy pleasures , and taking of thy worldly delights . deal plainly , man , with thy self , and do not flatter thy soul , and daube with thy conscience , was there not some such thoughts and purposes , and resolutions as these in thy heart at such a time ? and didst thou promise and resolve in jest , and not in earnest ; god did afflict thee by the plague in good earnest , and thou waste then affraid of death , and the grave , and judgement , in good earnest ! and didst thou onely purpose in jest , and resolve in jest , and play with holy things when thou wast near another world ? and dally with god , when thou didst not know but within an hour thou mightest have appeared at his bar ? and been set before the terrible tribunal of the great heart-searching god ? but if thou wast in earnest with god , when god was in earnest with thee ; if thou wast in earnest in promising , be earnest in earnest to perform ; if thou didst indeed resolve to reform when thou shouldst be well , then reform indeed according to thy resolution , since god hath made thee well , and saved thee from the grave , to which thou wast so near , so very near . or if god hath been so good to thee to preserve thee from the infection of the plague , amongst the many thousands that have been visited , that thou hast not been heart-sick , yet thou hast often felt shootings , and pains , and prickings up and down in several parts of thy body ; and sometimes hast had such things as thou hast thought to be symptomes of the distemper , and hast apprehended it to be approaching to thee , that hath made thee hasten to thy bed , and make use of thy preservatives , and thy cordials , that thou thoughtest thy self in real danger , and wast possest with real fears : what were thy purposes at such a time as this ? and what didst thou resolve to do ? and how to live , if god would prevent the thing thou fearedst ? or hadst thou no such purpose in thy heart ? no such resolution in thy breast , that if thou livedst thou wouldst be better ? was thy heart indeed so backward unto good , that at such a time of fears and dangers , thou hadst not so much as a purpose to be better ? but if thou hadst ( and let thy conscience be thy witness , and the god of heaven that did fully know the purpose of thy heart ) then now perform , what then thy heart did purpose to perform . i am perswaded if the people in london ( and in country too ) would live up according to the purpose of their heart , in time of danger of the plague , would reform and mend as they did resolve to do , we should be much better than we were before . oh what a difference would there be in the frame of our hearts , and in the course of our lives ! what a change would there be in all our practises ? those that were forward professors of religion , and were not much more then professors , would be zealous practisers of religious duties ; and in order hereunto i shall to follow this direction , do three things . 1. lay down some considerations why you should be careful to keep your purposes , resolutions and vows . 2. prescribe some helpes how you may perform your purposes , resolutions and vows . 3. set down the aggravations of your sin , if you break your purposes , resolutions and vows . sect . i. 1. great and constant diligent care should be taken in time of health , to keep our purposes , to perform our resolutions , and to pay our vows to god , which we made in time of sickness , and danger , and distress , if you consider these particulars . 1. that one great deceit of the heart of man doth appear in this , in being forward to purpose in our selves , and promise unto god , but are backward to perform . in time of sickness , what resolutions do men make ? what purposes have they in themselves , to mend and turn to god , and seem to promise this with tears in their eyes , and sorrow in their hearts , for the evil that is past and done , and seem to others , and think verily themselves , that they promise in good earnest , and mean to do as they do speak , and when they think the danger is past , and their fears removed , do nothing less than what they promised : i have known some upon sick beds so to promise , that they would be drunk no more , &c. and yet when health hath been restored , have returned to their wickedness : so did pharaoh promise fair when the plagues of god were upon the land , that he would let the children of israel goe ; but when the plagues have been removed , he hath hardened his heart against them more than before ; and this he often did . exod. 8.8 , 15. & 9.27 , 28 , 34 , & 10.16 , 17 , 20. now this deceitfulness of the heart is yet in part remaining in the best of men , and therefore you must be carefull , else though you have promised , you will never perform . 2. that sin is of a bewitching , encroaching and alluring nature ; if it can prevail , it will keep you from resolving against it ; if you do resolve , it will entreat you that you would not send it farre from you , that your resolution might not be peremptory and universal , that if you resolve to banish it from your heart , it might be only some of its members that are not so dear unto you , and reserve the rest ; or if it be peremptory and universal , that you will part with all sin , it will contend that your resolution may not be perpetual , that you send it not away for ever , but only till your danger of death is over , and your fears thereof are ceased , that then it may be received into your heart , be your favourite again ; or if you do resolve to part with sin , peremptorily , universally and perpetually , yet after a while it will solicit you to change your resolution ; or if you will not change it , it will solicit you to abate the strength and vehemency thereof ; and will come and offer you so much delight , and so much pleasure , and so much profit , if you will not be so severe against it . if you are not carefull , it will encroach upon your heart , and insinuate and winde it self into your love and delight , and allure your will into a consent , first not to be so severe , next to indulge it , then to countenance it , and then to renew its acquaintance , till it again become familiar to you . 3. that satan will assault you , and set in with sin for its re-admission . if he cannot keep you from resolving , yet he will lay hard at your heart to break your resolution : he will lay his snares and baits , and use his stratagems in sins behalf ; and come to you as he did to our first parents , gen. 3.1 . he ( i. e. satan ) said unto the woman , yea , hath god said , ye shall not eat of every tree of the garden ? so satan cometh unto thee , and saith , yea , hast thou said , thou wilt not be kinde unto thy sin any more ? hast thou said , thou wilt be so severe against thine iniquity ? if thou reply , i have said , i will not keep my sin , lest god be angry with me , and send some soret judgement upon me ; he will return to thee , and say , god will not surely be angry with thee to plague thee , it may be thou mayst escape , or if thou yield now , thou mightest repent , and renew thy resolution against it again , do it but this once , take but the other cup ; play but the other game . if you be not carefull to look to your resolutions , when sin , satan , and your own heart do set against you , you will certainly break them . 4. the world will interrupt you , that you may not live up to your resolutions made to god in time of danger . this is another powerful assaultant , for your heart and affections ; and will plead , if thou didst resolve against sin , that was unlawful , but the things that i have ( saith the world ) are good , my riches are good , and my pleasures are not absolutely evil , and my profits are not unlawful ; if thou wouldest turn off thy drunkenness , why should i be resolved against ? and if thou wilt shake off thy wicked company , yet what have i done , that i must not be loved ? company-keeping ( saith the world ) did impoverish thee , but i will enrich thee , that did consume what was necessary for thy family , but i come with supplyes for them , i will cloathe their backs , and i will furnish their table , and i will bring in portions for thy children , i will make thee honourable and esteemed , and i will lay up in store for thee against thy old age , when thy labour will be past : thus will the world come in for entertainment in your heart again , that though you resolved to spend so much time in secret prayer every day , if god would suffer you to live , yet this worldly business cometh to divert you , and another cometh to take you off from your resolved practice : if you consider what earnest suiters , satan , sin , and the world will be for your heart , and how your heart is as ready to yield , as these are to solicit , your heart is as willing to have them , as these are to have your heart , then without diligent care it is impossible to live up unto good and holy resolutions made in time of danger . 5. the difficulty of the things you have purposed and resolved to do , calls for your greatest diligence if you would live up unto them . the more excellent and difficult the work is we resolve to do , the more apt we are to flag and faint , and come short in performance . now it will appear that these things are difficult , because they are praeter super contra naturam . first , the things you have purposed and resolved to do , are preternatural . these things are , that you will love god more , and that you will delight and joy in god more . now those things are praeternatural which are added to another thing ( as an adjunct to its subject ) so that it doth not constitute the nature of it , nor destroy it , but perfect it . such a thing is grace , that you have resolved to get greater degrees of . grace and holiness doth not constitute the nature of man , for a man without grace is a man ; neither doth grace and holiness destroy but perfect nature : grace doth not destroy the affection of love , but doth correct it , and place it upon its proper object ; nor destroy our joy , but turns the stream of our joy to empty it self in god , or rather to fetch our joyes from god. secondly , the things you have resolved to do , are supernatural , above nature ; it is not in the power of nature to enable you to do what you have resolved upon . you resolved in your time of fears and danger , to pray to god more fervently ; but nature cannot help you to do this : to believe more stedfastly , to love god more ardently , to walk with god more holily , but all these are above the power of nature ; and must be wrought in you by the supernatural and almighty power of god ; and yet you did well to resolve to endeavour to do all these , if you did remember to make your resolution , in the strength of christ to do this , by whose strength we can do all things , philip. 4.13 . thirdly , the things you have resolved to do are contra-natural , against nature , i. e. against corrupt nature : for our love to god doth not destroy the faculty or affection of love , but perfect it and innoble it , but it doth destroy our love to sin , and our love to the world , and the things of the world. now to do that which is against corrupt nature is very hard , you will finde it exceeding difficult , it is swimming against the stream , and rowing against the tide , that if you do not ply your oar , you will be carryed back . 6. the opposition you may meet withall from your nearest friends , will make it evident that there is need of your greatest diligence to make good your good resolutions . you have purposed in your heart to spend more time for god , and your soul , and for the life to come , if you do so as you have resolved , it may be thy father , the wife of thy bosom , thy fellow-servants , will scorn thee and deride thee , and set themselves against thee . thou hast purposed in thy heart to reprove sinners for their oathes and drunkenness , and prophaneness , and if thou do so , they will envy thee for thy pity , and hate thee for thy love ; it may cost thee dear , it may expose thee to trouble from men , and from those that by bonds of nature are nearest to thee , if thou wilt indeed come up in thy practice in time of health and safety , to thy resolutions , which thou didst believe was thy duty to make , in time of sickness and danger . 7. the necessary concurrence of many difficult duties that you may perform the purposes of your heart , in living in some measure answerable to the mercy of divine protection in time of plague , calls for your utmost diligence and care , else you will undoubtedly fail and come short of what you did resolve upon . where many duties are to meet , and to be done as necessary requisites to another duty that makes this duty so much the more difficult . there are many things to be done , if you will perform your vows and resolutions to be better , without which it will be impossible , and these are such as watchfulness , self-denyal , fervent prayer , frequent examination , &c. but these i reserve for their proper place , as helps hereunto . but first i would have you to believe the necessity of your utmost care and diligence to perform your purposes of an holy life . that man that thinks it easie to live up to such resolutions , will undoubtedly come short in putting them in practice . sect . ii. ii. i come to the helps to be prescribed for the better performance of your purposes and resolutions of a holy , heavenly , gospel-conversation , made in time of your danger by reason of the plague . if you would live up to your resolution of an holy life , then 1. evermore take heed of your beloved sin ; take heed of that which is to you peccatum in delitiis ; your darling lust , which by way of special propriety you may call your own . keep a very strict hand over it , for if any sin undoe you , it is likely to be this , and if there be any sin that will weaken your endeavours to live according to your purpose , it will be this : beware of all , but especially of this ; maintain your holy warfare against the whole hoast of sin , but especially fight against this as the general and commander of all the rest : whether it be pride , or worldliness , or the pleasing of your sensitive appetite , or the lusts of the flesh , &c. that you may know what is your darling sin , take these signs . first , that sin you have been more accustomed to , and hath usually broken out to the wounding of your soul , and disturbing of your peace above any other sin , is your beloved sin . secondly , that sin that all other sins doe wait upon and vail to , and bring in their aid and assistance to maintain , is your beloved sin . thirdly , that sin of which you are most impatient of reproof ; you can hear of other sins , and be reproved for other sins , but if you are plainly dealt with about this , you cannot so easily bear it , but you will finde your corrupt heart to bestir it self to finde out excuses to extenuate it , and plead for it ; that is likely your beloved sin . fourthly , that sin is likely your darling , when disappointments of the fulfilling , and pleasing of it , is more grievous to your soul than the frustrations of any other sin . fifthly , that sin is your darling , which you have often found your heart wishing it were no sin , when you wish that it had not been forbidden by god ; which you finde your heart most unwilling to resolve against . sixthly , that sin is your darling , which you are willing to be at any cost and charges to maintain or satisfie . seventhly , that is your darling sin , which you are most delighted in the committing of , and had rather part with all the rest than with this ; it is a sign your heart is indeed marryed to that sin , when you will leave all to cleave to this . eighthly , that sin is your darling sin , which doth most disturb you at the throne of grace , and fill your minde most usually with distracting thoughts . the devil will divert your heart from god in holy duties , and there is no sin he can better make use of for this purpose , than what your heart is most apt naturally to close withall . ninthly , that sin is your darling sin , which doth most interrupt you in your chosen solitudes , and retirements for your souls concernment . it is not every man , but some special friend that will joyn himself unto you , when he knows you are retired for some special business . tenthly , that is your darling sin which conscience doth most reproach you for in time of danger and fears of death . eleventhly , that sin is your darling sin , which usually lies down in your thoughts at night , which your minde most thinks upon in the night when you wake , and first endeavours to salute you in the morning . whatever sin this be , you must resolve to deal severely with it , if ever you would keep your holy resolutions : while you cocker this sin , and be too kind towards it , you will not walk so close with god in time of health , as you purposed to do in time of sickness . and next to this beloved sin , be carefull to mortifie that sin that is next unto it in your love . there is some other sin , besides the darling ( which is chief ) that the corrupt heart hath some peculiar favour for ; and if you ask what sin that is ? i answer , it is that sin which your heart is most apt to change your beloved sin for , when you press your heart to forsake your darling sin : and that which was the second chief sin in your soul , would be first , if the former be taken down and suppressed . 2. take heed of dallying with temptations , or playing with the baits of sin , and be careful to abstain from the very appearance of evil ; rather deny your self of what is lawful , then play upon the borders of that which is unlawful , if you always go as far as you may , you will sometimes go further then you should : if you venture to the utmost , you will be in danger of transgressing and going beyond your bounds . you will finde the devil and your own heart sometimes to reason thus , so far thou mayest go , and yet keep thy resolution ; so far thou mightest venture , and maintain thy holy purpose ; thou maist go with such a one into the tavern , and yet keep thy purpose to be sober , thou mayst take another glass of wine , and then another , and then another , and yet not break thy resolution . thus the devil will play upon thee , and ply thee , step after step ; till he makes a prey of the peace of thy conscience , and hath brought thee to a violation of thy purpose , principiis obsta , resist the first risings of the sin thou hast resolved against ; thou hast resolved to keep a constant course of secret prayer every morning , but when thou risest , there is this business offers it self to be done first , and then another , till thou dost omit it and neglect it , or there is this business which stayes for thee , and that will make thee first be slight and hasty , and over-short in the performance of it , till at last it brings thee to neglect it . beware then of the appearances of sin . 3. often press upon your heart , that sin is as odious unto god , and displeasing unto him at one time as another , in time of health , as well as in times of sickness and great mortality , when the plague is over , as when it was slaughtering thousands in a week . though god doth sometimes manifest more of his displeasure against sin , yet he always equally ( because he always infinitely ) hateth sin . if the thoughts of gods displeasure , and the sight thereof in the effects of it , did move thee to resolve and purpose against sin , the believing thoughts of this when the plague is over , will have some special influence upon thee , to make thee endeavour to do according to the purpose of thy heart in dying times . 4. consider , holiness is as pleasing unto god at one time as another , and if god was pleased with thy purpose , it will be more pleasing if thou proceed unto performance : the moving reason of your purpose in the time of your distress , was that you judged it pleasing unto god ; and would you please god at one time by purposing , and displease him at another by non-performance ? would you please god at one time by resolving to reform , and displease him at another by nonreformation ? sin and holiness is the same in the eyes of god at all times , but it seems it is not so in thine ; if sometime thou dost purpose to forsake sin , and at another dost willingly commit it ; if sometime thou approvest holiness , and p●●●osest to follow after it , but at another time thou art remiss in thy pursuit . 5. work this upon thy heart , that sin is as destructive to thy soul , and pre●udicial to thy peace and comfort , at one time as another : though sometime the circumstance of time might aggravate a mans sin , and make it more hainous ( as a man to be drunk upon the lords day ) yet sin committed at any time is damnable , and sin loved at any time is damnable ; though sometime we feel the effects of sin , in sickness on our bodies , and terrors and fears upon our consciences , and then have greater and more affecting apprehensions of the evil of it ; yet you can at no time ( when you have your perfect health ) lay sin in your bosom , but it may sting you unto death . in your sickness you thought that sin would undo you , that your evil actions would certainly damne you , therefore you did resolve against it ; think so still , and let those thoughts abide upon your heart , and they will carry you in the strength of christ , to live as you did purpose . 6. work this upon your heart , that holiness in act , and a godly life in act , will be more sweet unto your soul , than it was onely in your purpose : and that a holy life should be esteemed by you at one time , as well as another , because it will be as sweet and profitable to you at one time as another ; if you thought it would be for your good , to purpose holiness , and to resolve to live to god , and this did something quiet your heart , if you had dyed , that god had given you a real and unfeigned resolution , and fixed purpose of heart to lead ( as you could with utmost diligence ) a gospel conversation , how much more will it be a comfort to your heart to see your purposes end in performances , and your resolutions come unto a real , thorough , continued reformation . get the same thoughts of holiness in time of safety , as you had in time of danger ; and this will help you to live holily as well as to purpose so to do . 7 keep upon your heart a constant , daily sense of your own mortality , and of your nearness to another world : what is the reason that men under sickness are more apt to purpose to forsake sin , and to promise to mend and to reform , than in time of health , but because they have greater apprehensions of death in its nearer approaches unto them ; and things as neer do more affect , than things apprehended as further off ; and was it not the thoughts of the nearness of death , and your daily danger of it , that did quicken you to resolve against sin , and for god , and to winde up your resolutions something higher than at other times ? why you have reason still to walk in daily expectation of your dissolution , though the plague be stayed . if the plague be removed out of your habitation , yet sin is not removed out of your heart ; there is the meritorious cause of death still in you , and there are natural causes of death still in you , and you must as surely dye , as if the plague were raging , and you may assoon dye ; we dye a thousand ways : death might be as near to you by some other disease , and you may fall by some other disease , as so many have done by the pestilence ; though you were not one of those that dyed eight thousand in a week ; yet you may be one of those that dye eight , or five hundred in a week . doe not say the bitterness of death is past , that now there is no danger ; do not put far from thee the evil day . what if so many do not dye every week as when thou resolvedst to be better , yet thou mightest dye every week . an apoplexy , or a feaver , or dropsie might fetcht thee to thy grave , who hast ( through mercy and patience ) escaped death by the plague ; think with thy self , when thy heart is negligent of thy former purpose , when ? and why was it that i resolved to give my self more to a holy , heavenly life ? when the plague did come nigh unto my dwelling , and because i thought every day i might have dyed : why it is my daily danger , if not by the plague , yet by some other disease , that will as certainly be the cause of my dissolution , as if it were the plague . thou didst purpose , because thou thoughtest death was neer , then perform , because death is still as near , yea it is nearer to thee now , then when thou madest this resolution ; for the more days thou hast lived since , the fewer now thou hast to live ; it was near then , but to thee it is nearer now . 8. frequently possess thy heart with serious believing thoughts of judgement to come . when men , and when thou amongst the rest shall give an account to god of all , thoughts , purposes , promises , vows that thou hast made to god , to walk before him in an holy life : but what account canst thou give to god , when thou hast not performed what thou purposedst ? if it was not good to purpose and to promise to forsake thy sin , and live to god , why didst thou purpose ? if it were ? why dost thou not perform ? if thou fail now , thou wilt be self-condemned at the bar of god : thy purposes and promises will be brought forth against thee ; and god will charge thee before all the world with breach of promise unto him . 9. work this upon thy heart , that thou walkest daily in the sight and presence of that god that exactly doth observe , whether thou art the same in thy practice when thou art well , as thou wast in thy purpose when thou wast sick : god did see thy purpose , and he did hear thy promise made in thy distress and time of fears ; and his eye is upon thee , to observe how thou livest , and what thou dost ; and do men keep their promises made to men ( as some do from no other principle then ) because the eyes of men are upon them , to observe them , and they would not lose their reputation by falsifying of their promise , and wilt not thou much more perform thy promise unto god , when thou canst never break it , but when god is looking on ? 10. keep a lively and a tender conscience , and diligently hearken to its admonitions , that thou keep thy purpose ; cominations , while thou art purposing to come short of thy purpose , and accusations afterwards ; if thy conscience is not faithful unto thee , thou wilt be false unto thy promise , and fail of thy purpose ; but if it be , do not choak the voice of conscience , for it is thy monitor and remembrancer to put thee in minde of the bond ●nd obligation that lies upon thee to a holy life , by virtue of thy own resolutions and vows in time of great mortality . 11. make a prudent choise of some wise and holy christian for thy most intimate associate : one that knows thy ways and practise most , that is most acquainted with the manner of thy life , and hath most occasion to be most in thy company ( supposing him to be faithful , prudent , pious ) tell him what hath been the purpose of thy heart , when the terrors of the lord were upon thee , not onely against sin in general , or in respect of holiness in general , but what was the purpose of thy soul , and the resolution of thy heart against this sin ( if it be convenient ) in particular , which thou hast been most prone unto , and the particular duty thou hast resolved to be constant and diligent in , which thou hast found thy heart most backward to ; and engage him as he loves thy soul , and the promoting of the work of god in thy heart , that he will carefully observe thee , and if he discern thee to be backward to thy duty , that he would admonish thee , if forward to thy sin , that he would reprove thee ; and in all deal faithfully with thee ; this would be an exceeding help to perform our promises and purposes of holy living ; and such a friend as this is to be prized above his weight in gold ; and such a friend as this , is better than a brother , if you finde him , let him not go . 12. seriously consider and work upon your heart , till you feel your soul affected with it , that gods purposes concerning you and your good , and eternal peace is the same at one time as at another , and he performes all his promises which he maketh unto you : god doth not one time purpose for to save you , and another time purpose to condemn you ; and why should you then be unconstant in your purposes towards god , one time to purpose that you will serve him more , and glorifie him more , and at another time be careless to order your life according to the intention of your heart . when you finde your hearts begin to slink , and goe from the purpose and promise that you have made , press your self with affecting thoughts of the immutability of gods purposes to you , and this might help you to constancy in your purposes towards god. 13. steel your heart with an holy courage against all oppositions in your way of performance : take heed of slavish fears which enfeeble your resolutions , and put a stop in the way of an holy life you have resolved upon ; fear of danger and of death made you to resolve to keep close to god , and yet your fear of death , and fear of danger for holiness sake , will hinder your living up to those purposes and resolutions . fear of death natural and from god , was the occasion of your resolving to practise an holy life ; but fears of death violent , and from men , will be the cause of your breach of promise so to doe : therefore resolve to live up to your resolutions , though loss of estate , liberty , or life , should attend you for so doing . 14. fill your heart with an holy zeal for gods glory ; and if you be zealous for the glory of god , you will be couragious against all impediments and obstructions of an holy conversation . courage is opposed to slavish fears , and zeal is opposed to lukewarmness : and lukewarmness is inconsistent with the practice you have resolved upon . you have purposed to pray more fervently than you were wont to do , but if your heart be as lukewarm in religion , you cannot do it ; you have purposed to lay out your self more for the good of souls , to endeavour to help others in their way to heaven , but if you be as lukewarm as before , you cannot do more than you did before : but if your heart be enflamed with zeal for god , more than before , you will perform all your religious undertakings with more life than before , you will pray with more life , and preach with more life , and speak to men about the things of god and another world , than you did before ; and this is the performance of your purpose . 15. be much in daily reflexions whether you live up to your resolutions , or no. review your life every night , reflect upon your duties , and the manner of performance of them . survey at night before you sleep the actions of the day , whether they have been according to the rule of gods word ; what temptations did assault you , and how you did resist them ; what corruptions did rise in your heart , and how you did subdue them ; what ordinances of god you have sate under , and how you did improve them ; what talents god hath entrusted you with , and how you have employed them ; what company you have been in , and how you did behave your self . if you do not call your self frequently to account , you will live below your purposes , and not perceive it . 16. be often renewing your purposes and resolutions for an holy life . frequent acts do beget and strengthen habits : actually renew your purpose to pray to god , to walk circumspectly , to discourse of the things of god , and it will at length be habitual to you so to do . if you finde upon reflection and self-examination , that your purposes are weakened , and your heart draws back from that pitch of holiness you did intend to labour after , binde your heart thereto by the renewal of your purposes . if you finde you have broken your resolutions , do not resolve to continue so to do , but repair them . if the mariner be driven back by windes and storms , yet he keeps and renews his purpose of sailing unto his intended harbour . if a traveller fall in his journey , he gets up and resolves to hold on his way . 17. presse your heart with the evils of coming short , and with the benefits of living up unto your resolutions . the evils of this , i shall speak to in the third general head that follows next in order . the benefits of keeping the purpose of your heart are many and great : your sins will not be so many ; your sins will not be so strong , for resolutions against sin that are firmly made and carefully kept , do exceedingly weaken sin ; and if you should sometime sin , your sin will not be so great , when god doth see you keep the firm purpose of your heart against it , though sometimes you are overborn and bowed down , yea and fall against the inclination of your will , and purpose of your heart . 18. pray much to god for strength and power to perform your purpose . you resolved to pray more importunately unto god for mercy , but then you must pray to god , to enable you to pray as you have resolved . resolution is our duty , but strength to perform them is not in our selves , but must be fetched from god , and that must be by fervent , frequent prayer . pray that god would not leave thee to thy self , that he would not forsake thee . psal . 119.8 . i will keep thy statutes ; there is davids purpose : oh forsake me not utterly ; there is davids prayer . as you must not purpose in your own strength , but in the strength of christ ; so you cannot perform in your own strength , but in the strength of christ . if your resolution be strong against sin , and you rest in the strength of your resolution , and think you shall not sin , because you have strong resolutions against it , you will fail . 19. mortifie carnal self-love , and be very much in the exercise of self denyal . if you cannot deny your self of what is pleasing to the flesh , you will deny a holy life . you must often deny your own wills , and your own desires , and delights , your own judgements and reasonings , your sensitive appetite , and your profits in the world , and hate all these in comparison of better things , and when they stand in competition with god and christ : if you love your pleasures inordinately , and love your liberty and your life inordinately , your resolutions for strictness of holy walking with god , will not abide , nor be accomplished . the love of self , as well as of sin , is a great enemy to holy resolutions . 20. often urge your heart with the examples of the holy men of god recorded in the scriptures . they purposed and were carefull to perform . jacob vowed unto god , and payd it . david vowed unto god , and payd it . job made a covenant with his eyes , that he would not look upon objects that should irritate his sinful nature , and said , why then should i do it ? job 31.1 . so do you say , when i thought my self to be near the grave , i purposed to honour god more than i did before , if he should spare me , why then should i not do it ? i purposed to watch against my sin , why then should i be careless ? thus i have given you the considerations to press you to be careful of your purposes ; and helps to the performance of them , next i come to the aggravations of neglecting to live according to your engagements in the time of sickness and danger . sect . iii. iii. the aggravations of the breach of your vows and resolutions made against sin , and for holiness , when fears of death were upon you , do exceedingly heighten and increase your sin ; and because sick-bed promises are so seldom made good , and sick-bed resolutions usually prove so ineffectual , i shall desire you who have the vows of god upon you , and who have resolved ( if god would continue to you l●fe ) as god and conscience , and it may be others , are witnesses of , that you would weigh seriously as in the presence of god , the evil of breaking your vows , and being careless of your resolutions . 1. this is great hypocrisie , to purpose and not perform : you seemed in your affliction to be affected with your condition , and to be afflicted for your transgression , and to approve of an holy conversation , then you could weep for sin , and now you work it ; you could then lament it , and now commit it ; then you seemed to be changed from what you really were before when you lived in some known sin ; but now it appears that you have really lost that good which you did seem to have , and made profession of in time of your sickness . it is usual with hypocrites to be best when they are ill , and to be worst when they are well . hypocrites have their good moods , are good by fits ; sometimes pray , but not alwayes . job 27.8 . for what is the hope of the hypocrite , — v. 10. will he delight himself in the lord ? will he alwayes call upon god ? i. e. he will not at all times , and in all conditions pray to god ; when he is sick , he may , but when his sickness is removed , his prayers are abated ; it is a sign thy goodness was as a morning cloud , and as the early dew , it 's gone away . hos . 6.4 . 2. this is double iniquity ; it is twisted wickedness : it is one sin woven with another ; it is not onely double dealing , but it brings double guilt ; if thou hadst not made thy vow and resolution to pray frequently , it had been but a single sin , if thou hadst been seldom in it , but now it is a double sin , and hath double guilt ; that thou dost omit to pray , this is one sin ; that thou dost omit it , after thou hast promised , and resolved and vowed to do it , this is the other sin ; and indeed is this thy mending in thy sickness and dangers , to be doubling thine iniquity ? 3. this is great folly , eccles . 5.4 . when thou vowest a vow unto god , defer not to pay t●●o● he hath no pleasure in fools : pay that which thou hast vowed : it is folly to do that which is better be undone than done . vers . 5. better it is that thou shouldest not vow , then vow and not pay . in thy affliction thou shouldest have learned wisdom and not committed folly . 4. this is to lye to god , to men : a vow is a promise made to god , deut. 23. ●3 . that wh●ch is gone out of thy lips , thou shalt keep and perform even a free will offering ▪ according as thou hast vowed unto the lord thy god , which thou hast promised with thy mouth . what is first called a vow , is after called a promise , & if thou madest this promise with thy mouth and didst not really intend the fulfilling of it , but didst it , either to deceive thy self or others ; or ( had it been possible ) god himself , what is this but a lye ? if the words of thy mouth were not conformable to the thoughts of thy minde , that thou spakest one thing in thy sickness , and didst intend another ; thou spakest not as thou thoughtest , thou art guilty of a lye * ethical . but forasmuch as thy words do not agree to the things thou spakest of , thou art guilty of a falshood logical , both are bad , though the first is worst . and is not this an aggravation of thy wickedness to lye to god when thou art under his rod ? do not parents deal more severely with their children , if they finde them lying , when they are under the rod ? are we not like to children , when they are scourged , will promise any thing to be spared , but presently be found in the violation of their promise ? but take heed how thou liest unto god. remember the fearful instance of ananias and sapphira , act. 5.3 . peter said , ananias , why hath satan filled thine heart to lye to the holy ghost , and to keep back part of the price of the land . vers . 4. whiles it remained was it not thine own ? and after it was sold , was it not in thine own power ? why hast thou conceived this thing in thy heart ? that thou hast not lied unto men but unto god. vers . 5. and ananias hearing these words fell down and gave up the ghost . the like i might say of thy vow , before thou hadst made it , it was in thy power , deut. 23.22 . but if thou forbear to vow , it shall be no sin in thee ; but if thou hast vowed , god will surely require it of thee , and to slack to pay would be sin in thee . vers . 21. why then hast thou conceived this thing in thy heart , to lie to the holy ghost , in making a vow and not paying , thou liest not to men , but unto god. oh fear and tremble least death should seize thee presently , and thou fall down and give up the ghost . in thy vow thou liest unto god , if thou dost not pay , because we must vow onely to god ; for sacred vows are a part of religious worship , which must be given onely unto god , deut. 23.21 . eccles . 5.4 . but in thy promises thou hast made to men , thou hast lied unto men ; and all this doth aggravate thy neglect of coming up to thy vows and promises in time of sickness and fears . 5. to neglect the keeping of thy resolutions and purposes against sin , and for an holy life , is it not a sinning against conscience , and against knowledge ? it seems thy conscience hath told thee , when thou resolvedst to pray more fervently , that luke-warmeness in prayer was a sin , and yet now thou dost not strive against it , thy conscience told thee that the ways of god were the best ways , and best for thee to walk therein , and yet now thou dost not do it , thy conscience hath been so far inlightned to dictate this unto thee , and yet thou goest against the dictates of thy conscience ; thou dost not onely sin with knowledge , but against it , and sins against knowledge and conscience , are aggravated sins , and such a sinner is an inexcusable , and self-condemned sinner , rom. 2.1 . didst thou not condemn thy self in time of plague , that thou hadst taken no more pains for heaven , and for thy soul , that thou hadst prayed no more , and lived no better ? and what need we any further witness , when thine own conscience will come in against thee ? 6. this will make death terrible indeed unto thee , when it comes in good earnest to seize upon thee , and then thou shalt finde that the same purposes , and resolutions will not quiet thee , when in former sickness thou hast had them , and in after recovery thou hast neglected to perform them . thy last sickness will come , and death at last will come , and then thou wilt remember what vows thou hast made , and how thou didst not pay them unto god , how thou hast resolved against sin and a wicked life , but hast made no conscience of living answerable unto them , and this will make thee much afraid to dye . 7. this will be great unthankefulness unto god for his preservation from , or restoration out of sickness : to god belong the issues from death , but you deny it to him . when hezekiah was restored from his sickness ( its thought the plague ) he was thankful unto god for his restoration , isa . 28.19 . the living , the living , he shall praise thee , as i d● this day ; the father to the children shall make known thy truth . vers . 20. the lord was ready to save mee ; therefore we will sing my songs to the stringed instruments , all the days of our life , in the house of the lord. and is this to give thanks to god for preservation , for restoration from sickness ? hath god given you your life from the very borders of the grave ? and is this the fruit you return to god , not onely not to be so good as you ought to be , but not so careful as you purposed to be ? or do you give thanks to god with your mouth that god hath kept you from the grave , and contradict it in your life ? your orall thankesgiving is nothing without practical thankes doing : or do you praise god in words and dishonor him in your works , and do your lips acknowledge you are engaged to god for his protecting providence , and do you so live as if you had received no such mercy from him , and that your dependance were not now upon him ? is this your thanks to god to break your word with him ? 8. this will make you loose the spiritual benefit of your sickness and affliction , to be worse by the mercies of god , is to have mercies in judgement , to be better by judgement , is to have judgements in mercy : but when you live no better , and are no better , nor endeavor to walk according to your resolutions in time of sickness , it is a sign your affliction hath not been sanctified to you , that ( as to spirituals ) you are not benefited by it ; god hath put you into the furnace , but you are not purified , your dross remaineth ; god hath corrected you but you are not amended ; if affliction had worked for your good , if you had been bad , if would have made you good ; if you had been good it would have made you better . david could say , before i was afflicted , i went astray , but now i have learned to keep thy commandment , psal . 119.67 . but you might say , in my affliction i purposed to walk close with god , but after i have been afflicted i go astray . surely your heart is very bad , when afflictions made you not better , and when mercies makes you worse . 9. what is this but to like of sin , and disapprove of stricktness of holiness , after you have professed your dislike of sin , and approved of closest walking with god : in your affliction you seemed to be sorry for your sin , but now the affliction is over , you seem to be sorry that you were sorry for your sin ; in your affliction you seemed to repent that you had sinned , else why did you resolve against it ? when your affliction is removed , you seem to repent of your resolutions against sin , else why do not you live and do as you did resolve ? what is this but to smile upon sin after your deliverance , which you seemed to frown upon in time of danger of death and the grave ? what is this but to finde sweetness in sin after you have tasted something of the bitterness of it ? to re-imbrace that which you seemed to have cast from you ? and this is an aggravation of the evil frame of your heart . 10. what if thou hadst dyed in thy affliction , thou hadst gone to hell upon a mistake , and perished for ever , when yet thou hadst some hope ( though upon false grounds ) that thy condition was good , and that thou shouldest have obtained mercy : when thou wast sick or in danger , thou thoughtest thy condition was good , because thou foundest thy heart to resolve to forsake thy sin , and purpose to close with the closest wayes of holiness , but if thou hadst then dyed , thou wouldest without doubt have been eternally damned , because thy resolutions were not penitential resolutions , as appears by the fruit of them , in my returning to thy sin again , and that thou didst not indeed love god , and his holy ways , for if thou hadst thou wouldest nor so soon , no , never after turned from them in the general course of thy conversation . 11. this will encourage the devil to more frequent tempting of thee : for if by temptation he can prevail with thee to do that which is contrary to thy resolution ; what hopes will he have to draw thee into sin , against which thou hast made no such particular resolution ? if he overcome thee where thou art strongest , what spoil will he make upon thee where thou art weakest ? it is a great advantage we give unto the devil , when we sin against our resolutions . 12. this will be a great provocation unto god , when thou dost sin , not only against his precepts , but against thy own purpose ; not only against the obligations he layeth upon thy soul by mercy and afflictions , but against the obligations thou layst upon thy self by thy purposes and resolutions : and in thy affliction and fears didst thou not apprehend god to be exceedingly provoked , but thou must after he hath preserved , recovered thee , go on , to provoke him more . 13. if this neglect be found in thee who hast the truth of grace , yet it will much hinder thy confidence at the throne of grace , and stop the influences of the spirit of god , and obstruct the illapses of the spirit from descending upon thy heart . when thou keepest thy resolutions , and keepest out of the wayes of sin , thou canst go to god with an humble , holy boldness , and pour out thy heart with much enlargedness before god , and there is sweet intercourse betwixt god and thee , thou feelest thy heart to burn in love to god , and thou perceivest god to bear a love to thee ; and oh how sweet is this unto thy soul ! but when thou neglectest to watch against sin , and to walk with god ; when thou hadst resolved to do both , when thou goest to thy duty , thou wilt finde conscience reproach thee , and thy heart straitned , and thy mouth stopped , and thy confidence abated , thy heart much estranged from god , and god carrying himself as a stranger unto thee , when thou art upon thy knees : and this is the bitter fruit of a careless heart after heightned resolutions . 14. if this neglect be found in thee that hast the truth of grace , it will much occasion the doubting of the sincerity of thy heart . a childe of god may fail and be remiss in prosecuting of his purposes sometimes , but if he be , it will make him jealous of his own heart , and suspicious that it is not well betwixt god and him ; and is not that a sore evil , and much to be opposed and lamented , which doth blot thine evidences for heaven ? and will make thee question whether thou hast one dram of grace in truth conferred upon thee , infused into thee ? thus i have finished this direction also , shewing how you may live in some measure answerable to the great goodness of god in sparing you in time of plague , when so many thousands fell round about you : by being carefull to be as good when the sickness is over , as you purposed and resolved to be when you were in expectation of death , and waiting for your change and dissolution , when the arrowes of god were flying amongst you , in the time of this sore judgement of the plague . direction iii. hath god spared you in time of so great contagion , that you live when others are dead , or were you sick and are recovered ? then endeavour that the cure may be a thorow cure , that your soul be healed as well as your body , that there be not spiritual judgements upon your soul , when temporal plagues are removed from your body . you may observe , that such that came to christ with diseased bodies , christ healed their bodies and their souls too ; he took away their corporal sickness , blindness , distempers , and the guilt of their sins too , mat. 9.1 , 2. many are delivered from a corporal plague , that yet are infected and in danger of eternal death by the plague upon their hearts : that remain under spiritual judgements , and soul-sickness , when temporal judgements and corporal sicknesses are cured and removed . when st. john wrote to gaius , he desired that it might be as well with him as to his bodily health , as it was in respect of his soul , and spiritual health , 3 ep. john v. 2. beloved , i wish above all things that thou mayst prosper and be in health , even as thy soul prospereth . but it may be matter of our desire concerning those that remain alive , and are well after this visitation , that their souls may prosper and be in health even as their body prospereth . it is a greater mercy to have an healed soul in a sickly body , than to have spiritual sickness remain in an healthful body : it is not so great a judgement to have the body full of plague-sores , as to have the soul full of reigning sins . if your body be cured and not your soul , the cure is but half done : therefore in speaking to this direction . i shall shew these things : 1. wherein it appears that sin is the sickness of the soul ? 2. wherein it appears that sin and spiritual judgements upon the soul , are worse than sickness , and temporal judgements upon the body ? 3. how we may know whether our souls are healed of spiritual sicknesses ? 4. what they must do that lye under soul-sickness , that they may be healed ? 5. what such should do , that are healed of their soul distempers , to improve the cure to the glory of god ? sect . i. i. wherein doth it appear that sin is the souls disease , and the sickness thereof ? in these particulars . 1. sicknesses and diseases do abate and take away the appetite . sick men have not the appetite to their food as men in health have . so sin takes away the spiritual appetite of the soul , that it doth not hunger after christ , nor thirst after righteousness , and hinders its feeding upon christ , and the word of god , which is the spiritual food for the souls nourishment and growth . 2. sickness and diseases do abate the strength and activity of the body . so sin doth weaken the soul , and all the faculties thereof , and doth disable it in all its actings to , and for god. 3. sickness and diseases often fill the body full of pain , aches , and sores , making men to cry out , oh my head , and oh my heart , and oh my bowels , i am pained , i am pained : so sin doth fill the soul full of racking fears , and perplexing torments and doubts , and sometimes make some sinners cry out , i am undone , i am undone , i am damned , i am damned . 4. some diseases do stupifie and make men insensible , and those are the worst . so sin sometimes makes some sinners stupid and unsensible of their misery and danger . 5. sickness and diseases do take away mens delight in those things which men in perfect health do take pleasure in . sick men have no delight in the pleasures of the world , and in the riches of the world , which other men finde . so sin takes away that delight in god and spiritual duties , and in heavenly things , which those whose souls are cured do experience . 6. sickness and diseases do spoyl the beauty of the body : they spoil the fairest complexion , and make the ruddy cheeks to become pale ; and many diseases bring deformity in the room of beauty . so sin doth spoyl the soul of that spiritual beauty wherewith it was adorned in its first creation , which did consist in likeness unto god , so that now instead of the likeness of god , there is nothing but blackness and deformity ; that the soul that was comely and amiable in the sight of god , is now become loathsome and abominable . sect . ii. ii. wherein doth it appear , that soul sickness and spiritual judgements upon mens hearts , are worse th●n sickness and temporal judgments upon mens bodyes ? though most men in the world look upon bodily sickness and corporal judgments to be more dreadful than sin upon their souls , yet if we take a right estimate , and make a true judgment of both : spiritual judgements are the greater evils , in respect of the 1. cause , or manner of conveyance . 2. signs of greater wrath . 3. subject , in which they do reside . 4. number , being many . 5. effect , that they do produce . 6. difficulty of cure . 7. want of sense . 1. spiritual judgements and soul-sicknesses are greater evils than temporal judgements and sickness upon the body in respect of the cause , or manner of conveyance , which is by natural propagation , and so unavoidable . sin is born with us , it is derived from parents to children , from one generation to another . there are some diseases that are conveyed from parents to children , but this is not general , nor perpetual to all generations . but the propagation of spiritual diseases is universal and general , it is constant and perpetual . the seed of all sin is derived from adam to all his posterity . 2. soul-sicknesses and spiritual judgements upon mens hearts are signs of greater wrath than bodily sicknesses are . you may be sick of the plague , and yet god may love you ; you may have bodily afflictions , and god may be at peace with you , and because he loves you , he may afflict you . but spiritual judgements , as judicial hardness , blindness , are signs of gods anger , yea his sorest displeasure , yea ( which is more ) they are signs of gods hatred to such a man that lyeth under them . now that which doth alwayes argue hatred in god to a sinner , is worse than those things that might proceed barely from his anger , and sometimes from his love : god loathes and abhorres that man , the plague of whose heart is not at all cured . 3. spiritual judgements and soul-sicknesses are greater evils than temporal and corporal sicknesses are , because they be spiritual , and have the heart and soul for their seat and subject : as mercies are better that are spiritual , and that are soul mercies , so judgments and sicknesses spiritual are the greater evils , because they are the disease of the better and more noble part of man ; that which doth corrupt the soul , must be worse than that which doth corrupt the body , by how much the soul is more excellent than the body . 4. they are worse , because they are more numerous ; there is more diseases in the soul than in the body . if the body be diseased in one part , it may be well in all the rest ; if in more , yet not in all ; if in all , yet your case is not so bad : but there is no sinner but is diseased in every part ; there are spiritual distempers in all the faculties and powers of the soul , in the understanding , will , affections , conscience , memory , phantasie : in the members of the body , no part free : nay there are many spiritual diseases in every faculty : in the understanding , there are many ; ignorance , errour , &c. in the will many , stubbornness , choosing the creature and sin , before god , &c. in every affection of the soul there are swarms of sin : in the heart there are innumerable distempers , evil thoughts , murders , adulteries , fornications , thefts , blasphemies , false witness , ma● . 15.19 . spiritual diseases naturally be all in every man , and be in every part of every man. 5. they are worse in regard of the effects . the effects of bodily sickness , at the utmost , and the greatest , is but the death of the body ; it brings the body to the dust , and the grave , it doth but separate from friends , and betwixt the body and the soul . but the effects of spiritual soul-sicknesses ( except they be healed ) are dreadful , and inconceivably great ; great and dreadful in this world , but greater and more dreadful in the world to come ; they cause gods anger , they deprive the sinner of communion with god , they will separate betwixt god and him for ever , they will bring the soul to the place of devils , and the torments of the damned . 6. they are worse in regard of difficulty of cure. bodily distempers may be cured by the skill of man , in the use of natural means , but the sickness of the soul with nothing but the blood of christ : of which more afterwards . 7. they are worse in regard of the want of sense . where one man cryes out of the hardness of his heart , and complains of the unbelief and earthliness of his heart , there are many cry out of the sickness of their bodyes . if their finger doth but ake , they are sensible of it ; but though the whole head is sick , and the whole heart is faint , and exceedingly distempered , yet they are not sensible of it . therefore , though god hath cured the plague of thy body , and not the plague of thy heart ; if thy bodily disease is removed , but the sickness of thy soul remain without cure ; thy case is deplorable : and while thou art rejoycing that thou hast escaped the plague , thou hast more cause to goe unto thy chamber , and be deeply humbled and mourn before god , for the plagues and judgements that remain upon thy soul. sect . iii. iii. how may a man know whether he be healed of soul-sickness ? the cure of these distempers are but partial , yet so far are they healed , that they shall not be the death of the soul . the cure will not be perfect till we die . death ( we say ) cures all distempers , and so it doth those of the soul . there is a double wound that sin doth make , there is the wound that doth certainly destroy the soul , by hindring it from salvation and eternal life , and there is the wound that destroyes the peace and comfort of the soul . so there is a double cure , which christ doth work , the one for the safety and happiness of the soul , the other for the peace and comfort of the soul. the first of these we enquire after . 1. every man that is healed of soul-sickness , hath been sensible of it : sin hath been thy sorrow and thy grief , and the burden of thy heart ; thou hast groaned under it as the greatest load , as the greatest evil in the world . every man that is bodily sick , and is sensible of it , and is unfeignedly willing to be freed from his sickness , and desireth nothing more , is not cured ; but it is so in spirituals : he that is sensible of sin , and is heartily , and unfeignedly willing to part with his sin , as ever sick man was of sickness , is certainly healed by jesus christ : but such as never found so much sorrow for sin , nor sense thereof , as to make them willing to part with every sin , were never yet cured . how can a man that is wounded , have his sore dressed and lanced , in order to a cure , and not be sensible of the smart and pain thereof ? or how can he be healed , while the sword that made the wound , abideth in it ? it is as impossible that man should be healed of his spiritual sickness and wounds , that is not willing to part with sin , as for a man to be healed of his bodily wound , while he will not have the sword pulled out that did make it . sin caused the wound and the sickness of thy soul , and if thou art not willing to part with every sin , thou art not healed : thy soul is sick , and if thou dost not feel it , that is the worse . 2. where the soul is healed the sin is killed ; the life of sin is the death of the soul , and that which is the life of the soul is the death of sin ; if christ heal the soul , he wounds sin , he never heals both ; if sin be wounded to death , the soul is healed unto life ; as in the body , the more health is repaired , the more the disease is weakned ; so the more the soul is cured , the more sin is mortified . 3. where the soul is healed , there grace is infused ; sickness being removed , health is restored . when christ heals a sinners soul , he doth not onely mortifie the sin , but sanctifie the sinner ; when a man is restored from sickness to health , that which made him sick is not onely removed , but that is introduced which maketh him well ; so when christ cures the soul , he doth not onely take down the power of sin , which did make him bad , but he infuseth that which doth make him good . 4. where the soul is cured of the disease of sin , it is sick of love to jesus christ ; it is not onely weary of sin , but exceedingly longeth after the presence of christ , and communion with god , cant. 5.8 . i charge you , o daughters of jerusalem , if ye finde my beloved , that ye tell him , i am sick of love . 5. where the soul is cured of the disease of sin , it doth receive christ by faith , when the israelites were stung with the fiery serpents , and looked up to the brazen serpent , they were certainly cured , num. 21.8 . faith is an healing grace , because it eyeth christ the soul-physician , and fetches vertue of healing from him , mat. 15.28 . and jesus answered and said unto her , o woman , great is thy faith , be it unto thee , even as thou wilt . and her daughter was made whole from that very hour . mat. 9.2 . and they brought unto him a man sick of the palsie lying on a hed , and jesus seeing their faith , said unto the sick of the palsie , son be of good cheer thy sins be forgiven thee . the blood of christ is the healing plaister , and faith is the hand that takes it and applyeth it unto the sore . 6. where the soul is cured of the disease of sin , it is getting strength for spiritual work , and employment , more and more ; it is growing stronger and stronger in grace and goodness , as a man whose distemper is broke , and going away , he is recovering strength more and more to go about his calling and employment , he is stronger to walk and work ; he can endure cold , and bear burdens more than before . a man that is spiritually cured is waxing in the fruits of the spirit , and growing in all the graces of the spirit of god , is more and more able to resist temptations , to perform duties , to bear afflictions , and endure hardships for the sake of christ . by these signs you may discern whether your soul is cured , so far of the diseases it lay under , that they shall not be its death and damnation . sect . iv. iv. what should such do that are under soul-sicknesses , that they may be healed ? 1. you must be sensible that you are sick ; he that doth not feel himself sick , will take no care about the means of health ; it is those that are sensible of sickness that will value the skill of the physician , and send to him , and desire his direction , mat. 9.12 . but when jesus heard that , he said unto them , they that be whole need not the physician , but they that are sick . 2. when you are sensible of your soul-sickness , you must apply your self to christ , the great physician of souls . it is christ that cometh to those that feel themselves diseased , with healing under his wings , mal. 4.2 . it is he that healeth the broken-hearted , luk. 4.18 . christ healeth us by his wounds , and cureth us by his stripes , isa . 53.5 . it is matter of admiration , and to many past belief , that applying of medicines to a sword , should heal the wound made thereby ; but this is above all reason , and beyond all dispute that the bleeding wounds of christ will be healing , to the bleeding wounds of the sinner ; christs golgotha , is our gilead , and that you may be the more encouraged to come to christ when you feel your self sick ; consider ( 1. ) christ can heal every disease , and cure every wound ; he hath a salve for every sore . there are some physicians that can cure some diseases but not all , but christ when he was upon earth , did heal all manner of diseases , mat. 4.23 . whether thy eyes be blinde , or thy heart hard , or thy minde earthly , he can open thy eyes , and soften thy heart , and make thee spiritual ; yea though thy sickness hath been chronical , of long duration , yet he can heal thee ; yea though thou art sick of a relapse ( which is most dangerous ) yet christ can cure thee . ( 2. ) christ will heal your souls without putting you to any charge ; though you be poor and mean , and have nothing to bring to christ , yet you may come for healing , he will give you his advise and counsel freely , he will give you your physick ( his own blood ) freely , you have nothing and he expecteth nothing . the woman that had been diseased twelve years , and suffered many things of many physicians and spent all , and grew worse , came to christ and was presently and freely healed , mar. 5.25 . ( 3. ) christ will proceed in this cure with all compassion and tenderness ; he will not deal more roughly with you than is needful , he exerciseth bowels of compassions while he is dressing his patient , or if he give you bitter po●ions , or sometimes useth corrosives , he will be exceeding tender over you all this while , mat. 14.14 . and jesus went forth and saw a great multitude , and was moved with compassion toward them , and he healed their sick . ( 4. ) christ is a physician that is always present with his patients , to observe what operation his medicines have upon their hearts ; if you are ready to faint under the terror of a threatning , he is by you presently to administer a cordial from the promise to uphold your swooning souls . other physicians cannot be always present with all their patients , but christ is , psal . 34.18 . he is nigh to them that are of a broken heart , and saveth such as be of a contrite spirit : if your heart be broken , he is nigh to binde it up . ( 5. ) christ can heal your soul-diseases throughly and effectually , and he onely can do it ; others will but skin over your wound , but christ will heal to the bottom , jer. 6.14 . they have healed also the hurt of the daughter of my people slightly , saying , peace , peace , when there is no peace . thus if you consider what a physician christ is , you may be encouraged to come to him for healing . 3. if you say you are so sick you cannot go to christ , send for him by fervent prayer and he will come to you : cry to him , o thou physician of souls , i am sick , so sick that i cannot come unto thee , and except thou heal me i am a dead man ▪ a damned soul . i beseech thee use thy skill , for that will save my soul alive , put forth thy power for the curing of my diseases , oh stanch this bloody issue , else my soul will bleed to death ; christ never refused to come to any sick soul that was importunate with him to come with healing under his wings . 4. if you would be healed , you must come to christs-hospital , i. e. unto christs ordinances , and this you may do ; if you cannot come to christ , yet you may come unto his ordinances , you may come and hear , you may attend at the pools side , and at length he might come , and put you into the healing waters , mat. 21.14 . and the blinde and the lame came to him in the temple , and he healed them , psal . 107.20 . he sent his word and healed them . 5. if you would be healed of your soul-sickness , you must follow the directions and prescriptions of christ your spiritual physician . if you be sick , and the physician tell you what you must do , and prescribe you means , and you set them in your window , or let them stand upon your table , and do not do as he prescribes , you may dye of your disease ; you must observe his advise , for the time , when , and for the quantity , how much you must take , or else your distemper will abide , yea and increase ; christ will tell you what you must do , and if you follow his directions , your soul shall recover and be saved . 6. if you would be healed of your soul-sickness ; you must not let slip the time of healing ; there is a time , a nick of time for healing , if you let that pass , you will dye of your disease . the impotent people that lay at the pool of bethesda , were to observe the season when the angel moved upon the water , and he that stepped in at the very nick of time was healed , joh. 5.4 . there is a time to heal , eccles . 3.3 . i pray god , this healing-time might not be past and over to thee that readest these lines . cloze then with the present motions of the spirit , if yet thou feel him working upon thy heart . 7. if you would be healed of your soul-sickness , you must take heed of those things that will continue your disease ; if a man will eat those meats that feed his distemper , and is contrary to his health ; he cannot rationally expect a cure . you must take heed of those sins , that if you do indulge , will not onely hinder your recovery , but will increase your misery . 8. if you would be healed of your soul-sickness , do not undertake to be a physician to your self , nor go about to heal your souls , with any of your own medicines ; you may heal your own body , but not your soul , we are too apt to be physicians to our selves , and to think to cure our soul-distempers by our duties , and by our own performances . but this will never be . sect . v. v. what must those do whom christ hath cured of their soul-sickness , to improve this cure to the glory of god ? 1. a scribe the cure unto christ , and not unto any means or instruments : if you are cured of any bodily disease , you are not to ascribe it to your physick , nor physician , but to the goodness of your god ; so if you are cured of your soul-diseases , you must not attribute this to praying , or to the preacher , but to jesus christ , hos . 11.3 . i taught ephraim also to go , taking them by their armes , but they knew not that i healed them . thus david blessed the lord , who healed all his diseases , psal . 103.2 , 3. 2. encrease your love to christ , who hath healed the distempers of your heart ; will you not love that man that saved your life ? and will you not love that lord , that saved your souls ? especially when you consider the manner and means of your cure . that he did it freely , and that with a medicine of his own blood , other physicians make you medicines of other things , but christ of his own heart blood ; he died that you might live , and he was peirced , that you may be spared . 3. if you are healed , take heed of falling into a relapse , take heed of wounding your soul after healing ; if you are healed go away and sin no more , least a worse thing come unto you , joh. 8.11 . 4. if you are healed , direct others to the same physician , you do so to your acquaintance , that are sick of the same disease that you have been , you tell them such a man is able and skilful , and he hath cured the same disease in you , and counsel and perswade them to go to him ; do so in this case ; you have a friend , a neighbor , a relation in a sinful state : oh speak to them to go to christ . dost thou hear any soul complaining , alas my wound it is incurable , and my sorrow it is intollerable , my heart is sick , my soul is full of running sores ; and i pray , but have no help , and i hear , but have no cure ; now direct such a distressed sinner unto christ , and from your own experience encourage him to hasten unto christ , from whom you have found such healing virtue . and if god hath healed thy body of the loathsome disease , in which thou mightest have said with david , psal . 38.2 . thine arrows stick fast in me ( probable david was sick of the plague , which is called the arrow of god , psal . 91.5 . ) and thy hand presseth me sore . 3. there is no soundness in my flesh , because of thine anger — 5. my wounds stink and are corrupt — 7. my loyns are filled with a loathsome disease , and there is no soundness in my flesh . 11. my lovers and my friends stand a loof off from my sore , and my kinsmen stand afar off . this ( it may be ) hath been thy condition who readest these lines ; thy body was full of loathsome sores , and god hath cured thee , and which was worse , thy soul was full of loathsome reigning sins , and god hath healed thee ; what now doth god expect at thy hand ? but that since he hath given health unto thy body , and grace into thy soul , thou shouldest use both unto his glory ; which if thou conscientiously and sincerely endeavor and practise , ere long thou shalt be received into the armes of thy lord , where there shall be no more sickness in thy body , nor sin in thy soul for ever . direction iii. hath god spared you in time of pestilence , then , if you would live in some measure answerable to so great a mercy , be eminenth exemplary in the place : capacity , calling , station , or relation wherein god hath set you . every rela●ion hath some duties peculiar to that relation ; and every calling and capacity , wherein divine providence hath pl●ced you , hath something wherein you may be peculiarly eminent : and , who knowes but god hath preserved you for this end , that you may excell in the capacity and condition god hath called you unto : if your condition be a condition of prosperity , be eminent in humility , self-denial , and charity ; if of adversity , be eminent in submission and patience , in undergoing the will of god. but , that i may speak more comprehensively and distinctly , i shall consider , that every one that is left alive ( after this sore judgment ) stands in one or more of these following capacities or conditions ; in every one of which every man ( whom god hath spared ) should now labour to be eminently exemplary : this capcity is , either political magistrates , or subjects . ecclesiastical . pastors , flock . oeconomical . conjugal husband , wife . parental , or filial . parents , children . despotical , or servile . masters , servants . one of these every person is , that is preserved from the grave : and , if every one would now endeavour in good earnest to do something singular ( but singularly good ) for god , in his particular relation , to do the duty which god peculiarly calls for , and excell therein , that you failed in , and came short of before ; this would be a good improvement of the mercy , and this would be in some measure to walk up unto it . section i. let us consider the persons whom god hath in mercy spared from the grave , in their political c●ci●y , and such are , either , 1. magistrates and governours for over us by god : le●e , with humility and reverence , minde you of your duty , and tell you , that god expecteth , and requireth , that since he hath intrusted you with authority from himself , and given you life , and preserved you from the grave in the day of his sore visitation in the city , that , though your place and office did oblige you to a less retired life then many others , yet god hath kept you from death by infectious diseases : now , should you not inquire what you should do for god ? and , how you may improve your time and talent for his honour ? should not you punish sin ( that is so indeed ) and countenanc● holiness and religion ( that is so indeed ? ) should not you be zealous for god , in punishing of open-prophaneness ? and the horrid oathes , that have cried aloud in the eares of god , men prophanely swearing by the sacred name of god ; and sabbath-bre●king , and violation of the holy day of god ? did not nehemiah do so ? nehem. 13.15 . in those dayes saw i in judah some treading wine-presses on the sabbath , and bringing in sheaves , and lading asses , as also wine , grapes and figs , and all manner of burdens , which they brought into jerusalem on the sabbath day : and i testified against them in the day wherein they sold victuals . vers . 1 6. there dwelt men of tire also therein , which brought fish , and all manner of ware , and sold on the sabbath ( as many did fruit openly in some places of the streets , and in fields about london ) unto the children of judah , and in jerusalem . vers . 17. then i contended with the nobles of judah , and said unto them , what evil thing is this that ye do , and profane the sabbath day ? ver. 18. did not your fathers thus , and did not our god bring all this evil upon us , and upon this city ? yet ye bring more wrath upon israel by profaning the sabbath . vers . 19. and it came to pass when the gates of jerusalem began to be dark , before the sabbath . i commanded the gates should be shut , and charged , that they should not be opened till after the sabbath : and some of my servants set i at the gates , that there should be no burden brought in upon the sabbath day . vers . 20. so the merchants and sellers of all kind of ware lodged without jerusalem once or twice . vers . 21. then i testified against them , and said unto them , why lodge ye about the wall ? if ye do so again , i will lay hands on you ; from that time ●orth came they no more on the sabbath . this example is worthy your imition ; and , oh how much good may you do , and how much sin , and dishonour to god thereby might you preven● , if you do indeed obey the laws of god , and execute the good laws of this kingdom , in that case made and provided ? should not you discourage drunkeness , and houses notorious for uncleanness ? that taverns and ale 〈◊〉 be not so much frequented ? should you not be a terror unto the evil ? why drunkenness and prophane swearings , and brothel-houses are evil : indeed , for which a land is made to mourn : and , should not you be a praise to them tha● do well ? rom. 13.3 . are not you gods ministers for good to them that are good ; and revengers , to execute wrath upon him that doth evil ? and , can you w●●k worthy of so great preservation from the plague , if you do not cut down sin , and incourage godliness ? section ii. 2. subjects , and people governed : many and strickt are the pre●epts and injunctions of god upon people to their magistrates ; and , no less then damnation is threatned , by god himself , to such as oppose themselves against their magistrates , rom. 13.1 . let every soul be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of god ; the powers that be are ordained of god. vers . 2. whosoever therefo●e resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and , they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation . vers . 5. wherefore ye must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake . true religion we see ( from this scripture ) doth oblige people and subject , in duty and obedience , to their magistrates ; and none will more conscientiously obey , than those that are most religious : obedience to magistrates ( from this place ) is required , because ( 1. ) they are ordained of god. ( 2. ) they that resist them , resist an ordinance of god. ( 3. ) such as do so , receive to themselves damnation . ( 4. ) they are ( appointed of god ) to be a terror to the evil , not to the good . ( 5. ) conscience is bound so to do . ( 6. ) there is necessity we should obey ; we must obey , not only for wrath , but conscience sake : some might obey for favour , and some for fear , but true religion teacheth men to be obedient to magistrates from principles of conscience . strictness of holiness is reproached when it is asserted to make men disobedient : once more , 1 pet. 2.13 . submit your selves to every ordinance of man , for the lords sake ; whether it be to the king , as supreme . vers . 14. or unto governours that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . vers . 15. for so is the will of god , you should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. vers . 17. honour all men. religion doth not teach us to deny civil respects to men : love the brother-hood , fear god , honour the king. religion presses and obliges subjects in duty to their magistrate in these particulars . 1. obedience to their laws and commandments , tit. 3.1 . for their laws and commands are to be according to the laws and commands of god. 2. honour to their persons , rom. 13.7 . for they are gods vice oys , therefore called gods , psal . 82.6 . for i have said ye are gods , — but ye shall dye like men . 3. loyalty , whereby we are bound to the uttermost of our power , to maintain their prerogatives , and preserve their persons . 4. prayer on their behalf ; if god be angry with them we must intercede for them , if they want any blessings , we must make supplication for them ; if they lye under evil , we must deprecate those evils ; if they find mercy from god , we must give thanks for them ; all this is in 1 tim. 2.1 , 2. 5. tribute , rom. 13.7 . for , for this cause pay you tribute also , for they are gods ministers , attending continually upon this very thing . 6. subjection to their penalties , rom. 13.4 , 5. this is to live in this capacity , to be peaceable , and rather take a thousand wrongs , than offer one ; and to live in that obedience as becomes the professours of the gospel , that all may see that those that are obedient unto god , dare not be disobedient unto those to whom , and wherein , god commands them to yield obedience . sect . iii. such as are spared from death by the plague may be considered in their relation as pastors and people ; and the protection of god over such , should engage them to discharge their mutual duties , as those that would testifie their thankfulness to god for continuing them in that relation . god hath removed by the plague some ●inisters that the people shall never hear preach more , and god hath taken some from every congregation , of the people , to whom the surviving ministers shall never offer christ and peace unto any more , who are now out of the reach of their reproofs , and exhortations : therefore such ministers as yet have time to preach unto the people , should improve that little time that god hath given them in so doing ; and the people that yet have time to hear their ministers , should diligently do it , and improve their ministry for the saving of their souls . but more particularly . first , ministers that have escaped the plague should be eminently exemplary in a diligent performance of every work that god expecteth at their hands . i. as in improving time , in giving themselves more unto serious , closer studying , that they may be more and more able for their masters work , and more and more eminent in converting and building up the elect of god ; to be more in their studies , than in the streets ; more at their books , than at their pleasures ; at this they should be early and l●te , according to saint pauls charge to timothy , 1 tim. 4.13 . till i come give attendance to reading . ver. 14. meditate upon these things , give thy self wholly to them , that thy profiting may appear to all . such as are to work for god and the saving of souls should be given to study and medi●ation , that they may be more skilful and successful in their work ; they should be as much in their studies , as any worldling in his shop ; especially now such should study more ( 1. ) the word of god , which is to be the matter of their preaching . such are more apt to study the writings of men , more than the word of god. ( 2. ) their own hearts , and the dealings of god with their own souls , that they may first experience the sweetness , and power , and efficacy of those truths they are to commend unto the people . ( 3. ) the stare of their flock , and the condition of their people , who of them need to be reproved , who of them need to be comfortes , and who of them be in doubts , and how they may by their preaching be resolved . they should study their people more , that they may preach on such subjects , not that are easiest unto themselves to speak un●o , but that are most sutable to their people , and so most likely to be most profitable to them . sect . iv. such should be more in improving time in frequent , fervent prayer . they should pray , ( 1. ) that god would direct their thoughts to the choice of that subject which might be most useful to , and is most necessary for their peoples souls . ( 2. ) that god would assist them in their meditations upon that subject , that they may speak from thence those things that may be most convincing , piercing , that they may meet with the sins and doubts of those they are to preach unto . ( 3. ) that god would give them success in their labours . ( 4. ) that god would give them a door of utterance , and assist them in the delivering of their message ( which they have from god ) unto the people : st. paul was much in praying for the churches , ephes . 3.14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. phil. 1.4 . col. 1.3.9 , 10 , 11. 1 thes . 1 , 2. 2 thes . 1.11 , 12. and in blessing god for the truth , and growth of grace in the hearts of the people ; as matter of his joy , to see them holy , and eminent in holiness ; to see them embrace the gospel , and walk according to it , 1 cor. 1.4 , 5 , 7. phil. 1.3 , 4 , 5. col. 1.3 , 4 , 5. 1 thes . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. and looked upon such as his crown and joy , 1 thes . 2.19 , 20. section v. such should improve the time ( that god hath given them from the grave ) in right preaching of the word , and administration of the sacraments unto the people : god hath not spared them to eate and drink , and sleep , and live at ease ; but to be painful in their work. god hath laid ( in this time ) some of his ministers in the dust ; and , they are silent in the grave , whilest others have opportunity to speak for god , in preaching to the people : and , god doth expresly charge them so to do , 2 tim. 4.1 . i charge thee therefore before god , and the lord jesus christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing , and his kingdom . vers . 2. preach the word , be instant in season , and out of season ; reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine : and , there is a woe unto them , if they do not preach the gospel , 1 cor. 9.16 . and are described to be such as are apt ( as well as able ) to teach , 1 tim. 3.2 . and if they do forbear to warn men of their sins , those men shall die , but god will require their blood at their hands , ezek. 3.18 . and though god ( in judgment to a people ) may make his ministers dumb , and cause their tongues to cleave to the roofe of their mouthes , that they should not be reprovers to them , because of their sin , ezek. 3.26 . yet , such as are dumb , through ignorance , that they cannot , or through negligence , that they will not speak to men to save their soules , is a great charge of god against them , isa . 56.10 . his watchmen are blind , they are all ignorant , they are all dumb dogs , they cannot bark ; sleeping , lying down , loving to slumber . vers . 11. yea , they are greedy dogs , which can never have enough : and they are shepherds that cannot understand : they all look to their own way , every one for his gain from his quarter . vers . 12. come ye , say they , i will fetch wine , and we will fill our selves with strong drink ; and to morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant . and god sharply reproveth such for this neglect , ezek. 34.2 . son of man , prophesy against the shepherds of israel , prophesy , and say unto them , thus saith the lord god unto the shepherds , woe be to the shepherds of israel , that do feed themselves , should not the shepherds feed the flock ? vers . 3. ye eate the fat , and ye cloath you with the wool ; ye kill them that are fed , but ye feed not the flock . vers . 4. the diseased have ye not streng●hened , neither have ye healed that which was sick ; neither have ye bound up that which was broken ; neither have ye brought again that which was driven away neither have you sought that which was l●st ; but with force and cruelty have ye ruled them : vers . 18. seemeth it a small thing to you to have eaten up the good pasture , but you must tread down with your feet the residue of your pastures ? and to have drunk of the deep waters , but ye must foule the residue with your feet ? vers . 19. and , as for my flock , they eat that which ye have troden with your feet , and they drink that which ye have fouled with your feet . ministers diligence in preaching the word ( which , such should be awakened to , much more by gods late providence ) is pointed at by god , in those several names , and appellations ; with which , they , and their work , is metaphorically set forth , as they are , 1. labourers . mat. 9.38 . therefore must not loyter , but should work as day-labourers . 2. builders , 1 cor. 3.10 . must repair gods buildings . 3. husbandmen , 1 cor. 3.9 . must plow up the fallow ground , that they sow not among thornes : they are gods harvest-men , and that is hard work . 4. watchmen , ezek. 33.7 . must see the danger , and indure the cold , and give warning . 5. stewards , 1 cor. 4.1 , 2. must deal to every one their portion . 6. fathers , 1 cor. 4.15 . 1 thes . 2.11 . in begeting , and bringing up spiritual children for god. 7. guides , rom. 2.19 . must direct lost men into their way . 8. nurses , 1 thes . 2.7 . must seed the babes in christ . 9. physitians , jer. 13.12 , 13. must heale the spiritual sickness of mens soules . 10. embassadours , 2 cor. 5.20 . must parley with sinners , to make peace betwixt god and them . after such a providence as this , those in this office should labour to be more in the most effectuall manner of preaching ; as , 1. in preaching with more self-denial ; not seeking themselves , nor their own applause , but more the glory of god , and the good of soules : 2 cor. 12.14 . for , i seek not yours , but you . 1 tim. 3.3 . not greedy of filthy lucre . 1 thes . 2.5 . for , neither at any time used we flattering words , as ye know , nor a cloak of covetousness , god is witness . 2. with more plainness to the capacity of the people ; not with enticing words of mans wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit , and of power , 1 cor. 2.4 . lest such seem to preach themselves , and not christ ; and to speak one word to shew the excellency of christ , and ten to shew the excellency of their own parts . 3. with more experience of the things they preach upon their own hearts . 4. more particularly , coming down to the particular cases of the peoples soules : dolus latet in universalibus . 5. more compassionately ; if possible , shewing the greatest desire after the soules of them they preach unto : when you stand in your pulpit , remember , many of them you preached to the other day are now in their graves , and are entred into eternity ; and , those that are before you must shortly follow after ▪ you have not long to preach unto them ; those that are now alive before you must shortly die , and be damned or saved ; be received to glory , or thrust down to misery : such actu●l believing thoughts as these woul● move great compassion in ministers hearts unto their people . 6. more livelily ; as those that believe the things themselves which they preach unto others ; remember you are preaching to men that must sho●●ly die , and yet eternally live : and , for ought you know , if you do not prev●il with them by this sermon , they may perish for ever : and , will you be luke-warm in such a case of so great importance ? 7. what is most necessary to the salvation of their soules : press more the misery of man by nature ; the necessity of seeing the evil ; and be sensible of the burden of their sin ; the necessity of christ ; of regeneration ; of holiness of heart and life ; of justification by faith in the blood of christ ; of judgment to come ; of the happiness of heaven ; of the torments of hell. section vi. ministers , whom god hath spared from the grave , in th● time of great morrality , should improve this mercy in the manner of their holy conversation ; i● 〈◊〉 mens lives should be the application of their doctrine , should press to holiness , and live sho●tly ; press the people to mortification of sin , and self-denial , and be examples to the people in this , else the people will not believe that they think what they say , if they do not in some measure live as they say : drunkards will not believe that that minister is in good earnest , in telling them , that drunkards shall be damned , if he be one himself . look therefore to your life , and copy out that pressed upon you , 1 tim. 4.12 . let no man despise thy youth but be thou an example of believers , in word , in conversation , in charity , in spirit , in faith , in purity . 1 tim. 3.2 . for a bishop must be blameless , the husband of one wife ▪ sober , vigilant , of good behaviour ; a lover of hospitality , apt to teach . vers . 3. not given to wine , not a striker , not greedy of filthy lucre . section vii . the people whom god hath kept alive should improve their life , in attending upon their ministers ; in inquiring the law of god at their lips ; in mingling the word with faith ; in conforming to the truths of god , that are taught by them ; and being obedient to them , as those that watch for their souls , heb. 13.17 . but more particularly . 1. come to hear the word of god with more preparation then you were wont to do ; knowing it is the word of god , and not the word of men , 1 thes . 2.13 . as that which doth concern your immortal souls , and your eternal state in another world. 2. come with a more teachable heart than you were wont to do , submitting your reason to the word that is taught you ; resolving to forsake every thing which shall be proved to you to be a sin , and to do every thing which shall be made appear to be your duty : hear , that you may obey , and practise what you hear : be not hearers only , but doers of the word . 3. suffer not your m●ndes to be filled with so many distractions , in time of hearing , as they were wont to be ; when you sit under the preaching of the word , let not your hearts go after your covetousness , ezek. 33.31 . 4. make particular application of what doth most concern your souls , more than you were wont to do : hear for your selves . 5. treasure up the word ( that you hear ) in your hearts , and suffer not the devil to steal the good seed ( of the word ) out of your hearts , nor the cares of the world to choak the word of god. 6. meditate more upon the word of god after you have heard it ; work it upon your heart : preparation before , diligent attention in , and meditation after hearing , will make you thrive more , and be more fruitful , by the word preached , than you were for nerly , when you wholly omitted , or were more sl●ght in all these . section viii . such whom god hath spared alive ( in this time of great morrality ) may be considered in an oeconomical capacity , as persons constituting of families ; and these may be considered as governours , or those that are governed : and surely all our families are concerned to inquire what improvement those that are left in families should make of gods signal preservation of them : hath god swept away some families wholly , not a person left , and spared yours ? doth not this call for some return you should make to god ? hath not god visited your family , and taken away some of your children , or some servant , or some friend out of your house , and hath spared you ; hath given life to so many whom he hath so eminently preserved : when god hath sent the plague into your house , he gave it commission to fetch such a one ( in your house ) to his or her eternal state ; but , gave it a charge , it should not seize upon you , or , if it did , it should not kill you : and , doth not this call aloud to you , in all your families , for speedy thorough reformation ? consider the dismal devastations made in some families ; the total subvertion of others : and yet , that god should keep any families in the midst of his burning wrath ; should not this make every person inquire , what would the lord have me to do ? now , the governours should bethink themselves , what is our duty ? and , the children whom god hath continued to their parents , what would god have us to do ? &c. there is not a member in a family but is greatly concerned to study what is the duty which he should excel in , according to the capacity and relation he standeth in , in that family : and that , after such family-visitation there may be family-reformation , i shall consider , ( 1. ) the duties of the family in general , in reference to their joynt-worshipping of god. ( 2. ) their duties in particular , in the relation in which they are considered . for , when the family in general , and every member in particular live up to the following duties , they will live in some measure answerably to so great preservation . first , after your families have been in such danger , and yet so many of them , and so many in them are preserved ; it must be your care to set up the worship of god in your families ; else you cannot [ as a family ] walk answerably to so great preservation : what , hath god not turned you out of your house by death , and will you turn the worship of god out of your house ? hath god spared you ( think you ) for this end , that there should be eating and drinking in your houses , and not praying and reading in your families ? that there should be working , and labouring early and late , and no calling upon god ? is this to make a family-return to god ? is this to give to him the praise of his safe-keeping of you in time of danger and distress ? and , this is chiefly incumbent upon you that are the governours of families , to call your children and servants together ( every morning and every night ) to worship the god of your salvation ; the god that hath wrought so great deliverance for you . i beseech you in the fear of god , nay , in the name of the eternal god i charge you , that you carefully , constantly keep up the worship of god in your families . and , that i may follow this , i shall shew you why , wherein , and how , you must worship god in your families . sect . ix . first , the reasons why you should set up the worship of god in your families , are such as these ; 1. from the example of the holy men of god in scripture , josh . 24.15 . and , if it seeme evil unto you to serve the lord , choose you this day whom you will serve ; whether the gods whom your fathers served , that were on the other side of the flood , or the gods of the amorites in whose land ye dwell ; but , as for me and my house we will serve the lord. some will serve the god of this world , that is the devil , 2 cor. 4.4 . some will serve their bellies , which they make their god , phil. 3.19 . and some will serve their unrighteous mammon , which they make their god ; but , do you take up joshua's resolution , that you and your house will serve the lord. 2. from the benefit that will come to you and your house , if you carefully and constantly worship god therein : god will take care of you and your family , if you take care of his worship therein . gen. 18.17 . and the lord said , shall i hide from abraham that thing which i do ? ver. 19. for i know him , that he will command his children , and his houshold after him , and they shall keep the way of the lord , to do justice and judgment ; that the lord may bring upon abraham that which he hath spoken of him . 3. from the great evil that hangs over your family , if you should neglect the worship of god therein ; god will curse your family , and his wrath shall be the portion of you and your children , if the worship of god be excluded from your house : though god hath spared you and your family in this late contagion , yet his wrath is still hovering over your house , if you call not upon him , jer. 10.25 . pour out thy fury upon the heathen that know thee not , and upon the families that call not upon thy name . — fury is the utmost of gods wrath : and , this shall not be dropped only , but poured out upon your family ; god will poure down showres of wrath and fury upon those houses that neglect his worship . 4. from equity ; you would have all in your family disc●a●ge their duties which they owe to you ; you would have your children be obedient to you , and your servants be dutiful to you , and do your work , and serve you ; and , is it not then reasonable that you and they should discharge your du●ies unto god ? and that you and they should serve the lord ? when you and they have more dependance upon god , then they have upon you . 5. if you neglect your duty herein , you will be guilty of the blood of the soules of those that die in your family , and are damned for ever : you will be bloody butchers to the soules of your children and servants : god hath committed the care of their soules ( in great measure ) unto you , and , can you discharge your trust that god hath reposed in you , in the total neglect of your duty herein ? hath not god charged you in the fourth commandment , that neither you your self should prophane his day , and that you should see that neither your sons nor daughters , neither your men-servants , nor maid-servants should prophane it ; and , if they do , will not god require this at your hand ? 6. the total neglect of family-worship will be ● flat denying god to be the god of your family ; that you take not god to be the master of your family : would not you say , that your servants deny you to be their master , if they deny their service to you ? and , can you say , that god is the god of your house , if you , in your house do not worship him ? mal. 1.6 . a son honoureth his father , and a servant his master ; if then i be a father , where is mine honour ? and ▪ if i be a master , where is my fear ? — if your family disown god , god will disown your family ; and , if god disown and cast you off , will not your family be a miserable family ? 7. if you neglect the worship of god in your family , this will be a bad example to those that go out of your family to constitute other families ; when your children shall have families of their own , and your servants shall have families of their own , will not they be too apt to neglect them , as they have seen you neglect yours ? and so your sin will have an influence upon them , and you will be , in some respect , guilty of the neglect of gods worship in your children and servants families ; but , if you be conscientious in your family , you will be exemplary to them to do likewise . 8. god will punish your neglect of his service to him with family-judgments : if you do not make your house a house of prayer , god will make your house an house of contention and strife ; an house of railings and quarrellings ; and will punish you with undutiful children , and disobedient servants : for , how can you expect that they should be good toward you , when you endeavour not to make them good towards god ? if you would press your children and servants to love god , and obey and serve god , they would then obey you from a principle of conscience , and serve you , out of fear to god ; they would be more faithful to you , if you would call upon them to serve god : might not god justly suffer your servants to purloin , and steal from you , when you and they do steal from god that time for the world , which is due to god ? section x. secondly , the duties wherein you should worship god in your families , are such as these ; in praying unto god , and that ( 1. ) ordinarily : and , your ordinary praying unto god in your family should be daily , and , that at least twice every day ; every morning when you rise , and every night , before you dismiss your family to their rest and sleep . exod. 29.38 . now , this is that which thou shalt offer upon the altar ; two lambs of the first year , day by day continually . vers . 39. the one lamb thou shalt offer in the morning , and the other lamb thou shalt offer at even : though the ceremonial part of this be abolished , yet the moral abideth , and is perpetual : and , the reasons for daily prayer in your families are perpetual ; as , ( 1. ) you have daily family sins , and therefore in your family you should daily confess them , and beg the pardon of them ; that you and your family might not go about your necessary occasions all the day , nor to your necessary rest at night , with the guilt of sin upon your soules . ( 2. ) you have every day daily wants , therefore you should daily beg supplies for your family : and , christ bids you pray , give us this day our daily bread . ( 3. ) you have family business every day , and you should pray to god daily for his blessing upon your endeavours , for the good of your family . ( 4. ) you have every day family mercies , and should daily bless god for them : when you wake in the morning and find your house not fired in the night , is not this a family mercy ? and , should not your family be called together to bless god for this mercy ? in the morning you find your family all in health , none of them dead in their beds : and , should not you , since you all live , all come together , and bless god , that sleep was not turned into death , nor the darkness of the right into the darkness of hell to any of you ? and , have you not many mercies every day , you went out well about your imployment , and you returned well , and god hath blest your endeavours with success ; and , should not you give to god the praise of his mercy before you sleep ? or , if you have sustained some losses , should not you pray to god to sanctifie them to you , and inable you patiently to bear them , and submit to the will of god therein ? ( 2. ) or , family-prayer is sometimes extraordinary , when your family lies under some extraordinary affliction , or wants some extraordinary mercy , or have had some extraordinary deliverance from evil and danger , then should you in your family send up extraordinary prayer and p●aises unto god : so did esther and her maidens fast and pray , esther 4.16 . and i could wish that families apart were more acquainted with , and more frequent in this du●y . in reading the word of god : this would be bet●er then cards and dice . but , in many fam●l●es the bible lies upon the shelfe all the week long , and scarce h●ve it in their hands but when they take it to go to church , and many scarce then neither . god hath commanded you to acquaint your family with ●he wo●d of god , and , how will you do it , if you never read it to them , nor discourse of it with them ? deut. 11.18 . therefore shall you lay up these my words in your heart , and in your soul , and bind them for a sign upon your hand , that they may be as frontless between your eyes . ver. 19. and ye shall teach them your children , speaking of them , when thou sittest in thine house , and when thou walkest by the way ; when thou liest down , and when thou risest up . view this scripture well , ( ye masters of families ) and be ashamed of your neglect of reading the scripture in your houses ; you should talk of it at home and abroad , morning and night when your familie should be with you . you should read the scripture to your family for these reasons : 1. because the word of god is the spiritual food of the souls in your family . it is the bread of life . it is milk for the nourishing of their souls , 1 pet. 2.2 . it is to be preferred above their necessary food , job 23.12 . now will you give them bread for their bodies , and deny them bread for their souls ? their souls can no more live without spiritual food , than their bodies can without corporal . take heed you deny not bread to your children and servants souls . 2. because the word of god is the spiritual armour for the preserving your family from being robbed by your spiritual enemies , the devil , sin , and the world ; you will have some weapon in your house to defend your self f●om thieves . why , the devil will play the thief in your house , and will steal away the souls of your children , and will steal away the souls of your servants , and will you not put so much as a weapon into their hands to defend themselves ? your children and servants will be stollen away by the spirits , if you arm them not with the word of god , which is the sword of the spirit , eph. 6.17 . 3. because the more you read the word of god to them , the better they will be to you , and the better perform the duties of their relation : you complain of disobedient children , why do not you read the scripture to them more , to teach them that god requires them to be obedient to you ? you complain of bad servants , why do not you then read the word of god to them more , that they may know their duty better by reading the scripture to them ? make them but good christians , and then they dare not , but be good children , and good servants . 4. because the word of god is able to make them wise unto salvation ; you would have your children wise to live in the world ; you would have them wise to get riches , and a great estate ; you would have your servants wise to do your work , and to go about your business : and would you not have them wise for their souls ? would you not have them wise for heaven and the life to come ? if you would , then acquaint them with the word of god , 2 tim. 3.15 . and that from a child thou hast known the holy scriptures , which are able to make thee wise unto salvation , through faith which is in christ jesus . and he is wise indeed , that is wise enough to save his soul . in repeating what you hear in the publick congregation , in discoursing to your family what sin was reproved , and what duty was inforced , and what were the arguments and motives thereunto . what christ preached more publickly , he repeated to his disciples ( which were as his family ) more privately , mar. 4.10 . and 7.17 . mat. 13.36 , 37. and the apostle commanded wives to ask their husbands when they came home , the things that were delivered in the congregation , 1 cor. 14.34 , 35. this would keep your children and servants better imployed on the lords day , than to be standing idle at your doors , or walking sinfully in the fields . this would make them profit more by the word preached , if you would repeat it to them , and use them to give account of what they hear . in catechizing of your family , and teaching them the principles and fundamentals of religion : mans innocency by creation , mans misery by the fall , mans recovery by christ , and the terms of the covenant of grace ; the meaning of the ten commandments , what sin in them is forbidden , what duties are required ; this is gods plain injunction that you should do so , deut. 6.6 , 7 , 8 , 9. and the meaning of the sacraments , exod. 12.25 , 26 , 27. ( 1. ) to teach them while they are young is a good means to make them good when they are old , prov. 32.6 . train up a child in the way he should go when he is young , and he will not depart from it when he is old : but if you let them alone till they be accustomed to do evil , it will be hard to reclaim them , jer. 13.23 . quo semel est imbuta recens , &c. ( 2. ) this will be an effectual mean● to keep them from being seduced , and led away with e●●ours and false doctrine . ( 3. ) it will be great cruelty to the souls of your children and servants to neglect it . will you carry your self towards your little ones , as the ostrich doth towards her young ones , job 39.14 . which ( speaking of the ostrich ) leaveth her eggs in the earth , and warmeth them in the dust . ver. 15. and forgetteth that the foot may crush them , or that the wild beast may break them . ver. 16. she is hardened against her young ones , as though they were not hers . — ( 4. ) it would be to break your vow which you made when you brought your children unto baptism ; did you not promise they should forsake the pomps and vanities of this world , and that you would bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord , and will you dedicate them to god in baptism , and leave them to the devil all their life after ? consider i beseech you , it may be god in mercy and pity to your childrens and servants souls hath spared you in this late-great mortality ; and consider whether your conscience doth not accuse you of great neglect towards some of your children and servants which are now lying in their graves ; it may be there hath dyed a poor servant out of your house , which you never spake to in good earnest about the matters of his soul ; or doth not your heart wish that he were with you again , that you may instruct and teach him , and will you do so to those that do remain ? it may be some of them that have died out of your house are gone to hell through your neglect , and will you have no more pi●y upon those that yet are with you ? the other , now are out of the reach of your counsells and instructions , but these are not , what was wanting in you towards those that are dead and gone , make up to those that live and do remain . in singing forth gods praises , in psalms , and spiritual songs ; this is an ordinance of god , eph. 6.19 . jam. 5.13 . you must sing with grace , col. 3.16 . exercise your grace of joy in god , in commemoration of gods benefits , of holy desires , of godly sorrow , as the occasion and the matter of the psalm require ; this is the sweetest harmony in the ears of god. you must sing with understanding , with sense and feeling , and to the lord , to his glory , as in his presence ; this would be more sutable for your family , than ballads , prophane and lascivious filthy rymes , which you should not suffer under your roof . sect . xi . thirdly , the manner how you should worship god in your family is chiefly to be minded , for it is not any service that god will accept , you may keep up a course of praying in your family , and yet live very unworthy of the great mercy of god in your wonderful preservation . therefore , 1. in your family worship god really and indeed , with your heart , and mind , and all your strength ; do not seem to pray , but pray indeed , in your family . for this end consider , ( 1. ) the god whom you serve in your families is god indeed ; he is a real god , therefore worship him indeed , and in a real manner . ( 2. ) the sins of your families are real sins , your own sins are real sins , and your childrens sins are real sins , and have real guilt , therefore confess them really , and mourn and sorrow for them really . ( 3. ) the wants of your family are real wants ; you do not seem to want outward mercies , but except god supply you , you will want them indeed . ( 4. ) the supplies which god doth give you are real supplies : god giveth you real health , and real food , and re●l cloathing for your family , therefore be real in your family worship . ( 5. ) you and your family are real in following of the world , you work in good earnest , and you buy and sell in good earnest : and will you be real in the things of the world that concern your family , and will you not be real in your family worship ? 2. in your family worship god livelily ; not only with a true and sincere heart , but with a lively heart , take heed of dulness and formality ; take heed of sleeping at your prayers . and here i would advise that masters of families would not put off their duties too long in the morning , till half the day be past , nor too late in the evening , when the family will be more disposed and inclined to sleep than to pray . 3. in your family worship god chearfully , go not to family prayer as a task and burden , but as a great favour and priviledge that you and your children might call upon god. 4. in your family worship god constantly : some will pray on a sabbath night , but it may be not all the week after . thus if you serve god in your family it will be a great step to your walking in some measure answerably for so great preservation , and then it will be a good discovery that god hath spared you in mercy , to do him service in the education of your children , and not in judgment , to the encreasing of your sins only . thus far concerning the duties of families whom god hath spared in this time of pestilence in general . of the several relations in a family next . sect . xii . secondly , if you will live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy , as preservation from death in a time of great mortalitie , is , then fill up the duties of your particular relation wherein you stand . relative sins are very offensive unto god , and a great scandal to religion . the fi●st of these relations in a family is , first , conjugal , betwixt husband and wife ; and the great duty incumbent upon them is mutu●l love , in which many are deficient , and many are excessive , it being hard for such to let out their affections one to another so much as god commands , and no more than god allows ; and both these extreams will terrisie conscience when such come to dye . and this sin is more usually seen when death hath broken this relation , than while god continueth them together ; the surviver then seeth he did not love his wife , and the wife , her husband , with that degree of love as that relation called for , or with a greater degree than was pleasing unto god , when the love of this relation did diminish the love they should have to god : and how many breaches hath god made in this relation to punish the sin of both extreams ? it may be thy love was immoderate , and therefore god hath taken thy relation from thee : or it may be thy love was deficient , and therefore god hath taken thy relation from thee . when thou w●st sick , and thou thoughtest thou shouldest have died , did not thy conscience then accuse ▪ thee for one of these in thy relation ? and yet hath god spared thee and thy wife , or thee and thy husb●nd , then what conscience did reproach thee for in this particular , if thou wouldst answer gods mercie in sparing of thee , let this be reformed . there are many this day may be lamenting not so much the loss of this relation , as that they did not walk sutablie in this relation while they were in it , this being the sting of their affliction . oh! methinks such as god hath continued in a conjugal relation in this time of great mortality , should look upon themselves now more engaged to perform their mutual duties with more care and conscience than before . such a one hath buried his wife , and such a one hath buried her husband , but god hath preserved you in your relation , you cannot live answerablie for this mercie but in a better discharge of your mutual duties . how would you wish you had loved your relation , wife or husband , if god had taken either away by death , so do now when god continueth you both in life . because this conduceth so much to an answerable return for so great a mercie i will a little insist upon it . and in the general , if you would improve this mercie , the direction is , that your love and affection be such one to another , as is the love betwixt christ and the church . eph. 2.25 . husbands , love your wives , even as christ loved the church , and gave himself for it . and this love of the husband must be requited with the love of the wife , for it is reciprocal , tit. 2.4 . teach the young women to be sober , to love their husbands . — sect . xiii . but more particularly i shall speak to three things : what manner of love is this why they should have this wherein they should manifest this love one to another . if you will improve this mercie god hath vouchsafed you , your love must have these properties . 1. it must be a superlative love , that is in respect of all sublunarie things ; though your love to god and christ must be more than your love one to another , else it doth sinfully exceed , for if any loveth father or mother , husband or wife , more than christ , he is not worthie of him , yet in respect of all other persons and things in this world , it must be more , else it is sinfully deficient ; a man must love his wife above all other persons , above his estate , or whatsoever is dear unto him in this world , and so the wife . thus christ loveth his church , and a believing soul , above all other persons , and the church reciprocallie loves christ above all other things in the world . 2. it must be a constant love , it must last as long as life in both do●n last . the longer you live in this relation , the more you should love . length of time must not wear off the commanded and allowed strength of your mutual affection . thus christ alwaies love● his church , and the church alwaies loves jesus christ . 3. it must be holy love ; from an holy principle , obedience to gods command ; in an holy manner , according to the word of god ; for holy ends , the glorie of god , &c. carnal love , for carnal ends , is not the love that god requireth in this relation , thus christ loves the church , and the church loves christ with an holy love . 4. it must be a tender , compassionate , and sympathizing love ; if god lay his afflicting hand upon either , in sickness of bodie , in terrours of mind , the other is to be tender , and to sympathize in those afflictions . if god lay his hand upon both , in povertie and want , they should not fret one against the other , ( which is too usuall ) but should both with tenderness of compassion endeavour to bear the same burden , and make up that which is wanting in outward enjoyments in the degree of their love . and this would lighten many burdens , and sweeten the bitter cup of affliction which god may put into both their hands ; as the want of conjugal affection in many doth make that heavie which is light , and that bitter which is sweet . thus christ loveth his church , and sympathizeth with her in all her afflictions , isa . 63.9 . acts 9.4 . 5. it must be forgiving love ; that shall hide and cover the infirmities of each from the world , every miscarriage in this relation should not abate the affection of one to the other . sinful infirmities must not be allowed of in one another , because they must be faithful to each others souls , and yet they should not be blazed unto others , because of the love to each others person . thus christ loveth his church notwithstanding her sinful infirmities ; and because he loveth her , he is readie and willing to forgive her . but there is no such retaliation of this propertie of love in the church to christ , because he hath no such sinful infirmities : but there is no such husband in the world besides christ , and therefore in our case it is reciprocal . sect . xiv . the reasons why there should be such love and mutual affection betwixt those in a conjugal relation are such as these : 1. because god commands it ; and with gracious persons a command of god is instead of a thousand reasons . before this relation be entred into , persons may lawfullie look after attractives and motives of love , but when once they are so rel●ted , this is sufficient reason ( though there are others ) why they should love , eph. 5.25 . tit. 2.4 . 2. because they are one flesh ; he that loveth his wife loveth himself , and she that loves her husband loveth her self , eph , 5.28 , 29. it is unnatural in any to h●te their own flesh . 3. because the comfort of their life , and the sweetness of this relation much depends upon their mutual affection . 4. because the gospel will be much hindered by the want of this love in those that make profession of it : the gospel much suffers when wicked persons observe that professors fill not up their relative duties , tit. 2.4 . teach the young women to be sober , to love their husbands , to love their children . ver. 5. to be discreet , chaste , keepers at home , good , obedient to their own husbands , that the word of god be not blasphemed . 5. because else they will be more unfit for spiritual duties , either together , or apart . when there are differences betwixt husband and wife , it is an hinderance to them in their praying one with another , in their praying one for another ; want of this conjugal affection , and breaches in this relation , hath often straitened the heart of the party offending at the throne of grace , and this professing husbands and wives should be careful of , 1 pet. 3.5 , 6 , 7. the apostle had exhorted persons in a conjugal relation to discharge their mutual duties , after the example of abraham and sarah , and the reason he alledgeth is , that your prayers be not hindred . 6. because else they cannot comfortably dye . breaches in the duties of this relation , will make great breaches in our peace of conscience when we come to dye . when you are to part at death , conscience will be lashing of you : god hath set thee ( saith conscience ) in such a relation , but thou hast not had the love of that relation . god gave thee such a yoak-fellow , but thou di●st not live with that affection as he did require , and now thy relation must be broken . oh the● , saith the offendor , if god would continue me a little longer in this relation , how would i walk more sutably in performing the duties thereof better than hitherto i have done ; but do it now before death doth part you . sect . xv. the duties wherein those in a conjugal relation should manifest this mutual affection , and they are such as are , either proper to each . common to both . the husband manifests his love in direction in cases dubious . protection in cases dangerous , 1 sam. 30.18 . provision of things needful , 1 tim. 5.8 . the wife manifests her love in inward reverence , eph. 5.33 . outward subjection , 1 pet. 3.1 . the duties that are common to both do either concern . the body , or things temporal . the soul , or things spiritual . 1. in the affairs of this life they should manifest their mutual love one to another , in procreation of children . education of children . administration of houshold affairs times of affliction and sickness . 2. in the concernments of each others souls , or things spiritual , their love should be especially manifested ; love to the soul is the noblest love , because the soul is the nobler part ; to love the body and hate the soul , ( as too many do ) is but cruel love . their love is highest love , that love each others souls , and this love is manifested , 1. in reproving one another for sin ; this is greatest love ; not to reprove is to hate , lev. 19.17 . so job his wife , job 1.9 , 10. so abigail her husband , 1 sam. 25.36 , 37. where you may observe both abigails piety , she reproved nabal : and her prudence , when the wine was out of his head . 2. in comforting one another under inward terrours ; so manoahs wife comforted him , jud. 13.22 , 23. 3. in provoking one another to good works of piety , and charity . this is the only allowed contention betwixt husband and wife , who shall be best , and love god most , and do most good : but not to provoke to wrath and wicked works , as jezabel did ahab , 1 kings 21.7 , 8 , 9. wicked husbands are usually very wicked , when wicked wives stir them up to do wickedly , ver . 25. 4. in praying one with another , and praying one for another . it is great love in such to improve their interest at the throne of grace one for another . thus if you whom god hath spared , and continued life unto , after thi● contagion , would resolve to live together , you would so far as concerns you in this respect , live in force measure answerably to so great a mercy , else you cannot . hath god spared you to be more unkind one to another ? to be bitter one against another ? to grieve one another ? or do you think this is the improvement you should make of this mercy ? god forbid . sect . xvi . secondly , the next relation i consider in a family , is between parents and children , whom god hath continued after this great mortality . god hath taken away parents from others , and they are lest orphans , but god hath continued thy parents , both , or one to thee . what doth god require from thee in answer to a sutable return for this mercy ? god hath taken away children from others , and bereaved them of those that were dear to them , but god hath continued thine , all , or some to thee , what doth god require at thy hands in answer to a sutable return for so great a mercy ? it is that parents and children should fill up the duties of this relation , else you can never walk worthy of this mercy . but more particularly , first , parents , if they would live answerable to his mercy of children continued to them , must be careful , first , in instructing of them in the things of god : and training them up in the waies of god , this is the duty of both parents , pro. 1.8 . my son hear the instruction of thy father , and forsake not the law of thy mother , prov. 31.1 . the words of king lemuel , the p●ophesie that his mother taught him . this mothers might do when they are dressing of their children . do not think you do enough if you make provision for your children , and get a portion for them : let me tell you , that is the le●st part of your duty , as hard as you think it is ; but , you must give them instructions , and that 1. timelily , before they are accustomed to evil ; they are born in natural hardness , and , by frequent acts of wickedness they will contract habitual hardness ; and then , if god clap upon their hearts judicial hardness , your children are undone for ever : children before they can goe , can run from god ; and , before they can speak plainly , can speak wickedly : teach them not to be proud of their fine clothes ; teach them not revenge , by giving you a stroak to beat others ; these be the buddings of pride and revenge in little infants . 2. instruct them frequently ; they are apt to learn evil , but backward to learn any thing that is good : there must be line upon line , deut. 6. 6 , 7. you must whet the things you speak unto them , that they may pierce their hearts ; frequently inculcate the same things upon them , and instil the knowledg of god into them by little and little . 3. instruct them affectionately ; let them perceive ( when more grown up ) that they are matters of weight and moment , that you speak to them about : when you speak of heaven and hell , of god and sin , let them see that your hearts are affected with what you say . secondly , in correcting of them for the evil of sin : he that spares the rod spoiles the childe : better you correct them here , than god damne them hereafter : the rod is as needful for your children as their food ; prov. 22.15 . folly is bound in the heart of a childe , the rod of correction shall drive it far from him . do this , 1. timelily ; a young twigg is flexible , and easie to be bent ; break them of wicked words and w●ies betimes , or else they may break your heart when they are bigger . adonijah was davids d●●ling , an ●he was wanting in correcting of him , and he rebelled before he died , and usurped the kingdom before his fathers death : 1 king. 1.5 . then adonijah the son of haggith exalted himself , saying , i will be king ; and he prepared his horsmen and chariots , and fifty men to run before him . vers . 6. and his father had not displeased him at any time , in saying , why hast thou done so ? — too much indulgence will make undutiful and disobedient children . 2. proportionably to their fault ; do not correct a small offence over sharply , nor an hainous sin too slightly ; if you are too severe for a small offence , they will hate you : if you are too indulgent in a great offence , they will despise you . this was elyes sin , that he did not correct the hainous sin , and reprove the abominable practise of his sons with greater severity : 1 sam. 2.23 . and he said unto them , why do ye such things ? for , i hear of your evil dealings by all this people . vers . 24. nay , my sons , for it is no good report that i hear , ye make the lords people to transgress . it is no good report ! that was too good a word for so hainous wicked works : it was an abominable thing that was reported by others , and committed by his sons : but , see what god saith to ely , vers . 29. thou honourest thy sons above me : and , god severely punished his children for their vile offence ; and the father for his so cold reproof , as you may read in the following verses . 3. compassionately ; do not correct your children in the heate of passion , but with bowels of compasion : when the rod is in your hand , let there be tender love in your heart . 4. discreetly ; observing the temper and disposition of your childe which you correct ; if you scourge , and frown upon one , as much as is needful for another , you will discourage him ; if you scourge not another , more than this , that is more tender spirited , you will not break him : correction is like a medicine , in which the physitian hath respect to the constitution of the patient . children are like herbs , some , if you cut and tread will grow again ; but , if you do as much to other herbes , you kill them . 5. seasonably ; there is much wisdom in parents , in timeing their correcting of their children ; if you correct them for some faults before others , you will discourage them ; take the fittest season . 6. penitently ; when you correct your children , judge your self first , and repent for your own sin , or else you do but beat your self . 7. believingly ; when you exercise your child with the rod , do you exercise faith upon the promise . thirdly , in praying much for them ; many pray for children before they have them , but neglect to pray for them when god hath given them ; as though their being were a greater blessing than their well-being : you must add prayer to instruction and correction ; for , it is not onely your instruction , nor correction , but gods blessing given in to servent prayer , that will make your children good . when you look upon your little infants as they are sucking at your breasts , or laughing in your faces , or playing in your armes ; oh consider the seed of sin that they have in their hearts ! that they , by nature , are the children of wrath ; and , when you go to pray for them , use such considerations that might make your heart to mourn over them , and for them : when you consider they are enemies to god , can you not mourn for them upon your knees ? when you consider they are lost children , except mercy find them ; that they are damned children except free grace save them : can you not mourn abundantly , and pray servently for them ? can you consider they are by nature , without the image and likeness of god , and not be grieved at the heart ? that your child is a little traitor against the king of heaven ; a little rebel against the glorious god ; and , will you not pray that his heart may be changed ? could you weep and grieve if your child were a monster , if it had a body of one kind , and an head of another ; if it had an arme too much , or a leg too much , or little ; why , its misery is more by nature then all this , and yet , can you not mourn in your prayers for him ? fourthly , in choosing for them some lawful calling and putting them forth unto some religious familie : choose not a calling that hath more snares and temptations attending it , then usually others have ; and place them in such families , where they may learn the way to heaven , as well as the way to be rich in the world : if you put them forth to an ungodly family , you may loose all your former labour in instruction , correction , and prayer : for , will you give your childe an antidote , and then care not if he run into a pest-house , among persons that have running plague sores ; or , would you not judge it presumption in any so to do , without a special call ? but , the former is greater , and higher , and more dangerous presumption than the latter ; in as much as the death of the body of your child is endangered by the one ; but the damnation of his soul is endangered by the other . fifthly , in careful disposing of them in marriage ▪ that you match them to godly persons , and , if you can , into a godly family ; or , to one that hath religious relations : take heed of marrying them to the children of the devil , though their outward advantage be never so much : thus abraham took care that his son isaac should not take a wife of the daughters of the canaanites , amongst whom he dwelt , gen. 24.3 . if you thus take care for your children , whom god hath continued to you in this great mortality , you act , in this respect , in some measure answerably to so great a mercy . section xvii . secondly , children , if they would live answerably in their relation , to so great a mercy , as is , gods sparing their parents , and continuing them unto them , must be careful of filling up the duties of their relation : and , the duty of children is set down in col. 3.20 . children , obey your parents in all things , for this is well-pleasing unto the lord : in which observe , 1. the charge , obedience . 2. the persons charged ; children , younger , elder , poor or rich . 3. the persons to whom this obedience is to be given . parents , father , mother . whether poor , or rich. 4. the extent of this obedience ; in all things . 5. the limitting and enforcing reason , for this is well-pleasing to the lord ; therefore the all things are to be limitted to things lawful , else it would not please the lord ; but , they must in those things , because it pleaseth god. now , if you that are children would walk worthy of gods mercy , in sparing your parents to you in this contagious times , you must obey them in these particulars . 1. in receiving instructions from them , in hearkning to their wholsome counsel and advice , prov. 3.1 . my son forget not my law , but let thine heart keep my commandments , prov. 4.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and 5.1 , 2 , 7. and 6.20 . &c. and 7.1 , 2 , 3. 2. in submitting to their correction , without murmuring and repining . 3. in being content with your diet and apparel that your parents provide for you . 4. in yeilding them sustenance and maintenance if they come to poverty , if you be able to supply them ; they gave you maintenance when you could not provide for your selves , do you so for them , if they need , though you work hard to help them , 1 tim. 5.4 . but , if any widow have children , or nephews , let them first learn to shew piety at home , and to requite their parents , for that is good and acceptable before god. though children can never ( fully ) requite their parents , for they had their being by them ; and , what if they have help by you in outward things , you had your being by them , and that is more : take heed of being ashamed of your parents , if they be poor , and you are raised to an higher degree in the world than ever they were , but , to disown them would be impious . 5. in submitting to their choise of a calling for you . 6. in disposing of you in marriage : change not your condition without their consent , as isaac , gen. 24. and sampson , judg. 14.1 , 2. nay , ishmael obeyed his mother in his marriage , gen. 21.21 . and , will you be worse than ishmael ? 7. in all things , though they be cross to your humour , though it might not please you , yet , if it please your parents you must do it . but , that i may not lay a snare for childrens consciences , and put a staff into ungodly parents hands , to drive their children to hell , you must take this distinction of [ things , ] viz. things are either , simply good and necessary , and these must be done , though your parents forbid you ; as praying , reading scripture , &c. simply evil and unlawful , and these must not be done , though your parents command you ; as to play , or work upon the lords day , to lie and defraud in dealing . neither good nor evil in their own nature ( though every thing is good or evil , considered in all circumstances ) and , in all these you must obey your parents . and , the reasons of this obedience to your parents , are such as these . 1. gods command , ephes . 6.1 . children , obey your parents in the lord. v. 2. honour thy father and mother , which is the first commandment with promise ; that is the first command with promise in the second table ; for , there is a promise in the second command of the first table , of shewing mercy unto thousands , &c. 2. this is right , or justice ; ephes . 6.1 . thou hadst thy being and thy education by thy parents , therefore it is justice thou shouldest obey them . 3. christs example ; he was obedient to his parents , luke 2.51 . and he went down with them , and came to nazareth , and was subject to them . 4. gods judgments upon disobedient children : absalom rebelled against his father , and god cut him off in the very act of his rebellion . 5. it is pleasing to god : if it were in any thing that would displease god , you must not do it ; for you must please your heavenly father rather than your earthly , but , if it be pleasing unto god , you must not deny it ; you please god , when you please your parents in things lawful . 6. god might punish you with disobedient children hereafter , if you are disobedient to your parents now : thus children also will walk so farr answerably to so great a mercy , as gods sparing their parents to them , if they thus obey them . section xviii . thirdly , the next relation i consider in a family , is , the relation of masters and servants , whom god hath spared in this great mortality ; and , if you would live in some measure answerably to this mercy ( as , it is a mercy to some to have servants ; and , it is a mercy to others to have masters ) then you must fill up the duties of your relation . first , masters duties are set down , col. 4.1 . masters , give unto your servants that which is just and equal , knowing , that ye also have a master in heaven : where you have , 1. the charge that is given , to do that which is just and equal . 2. the persons to whom this charge is given : masters . 3. the persons unto whom this justice and equity must be shown : servants . 4. the reason to enforce it ; knowing that ye have a master in heaven . there is no man , that is a master , but he hath a master , and that is god. 1. masters must not impose upon their servants any thing simply unlawful , that is not just ; to work , or carry burdens upon the lords day , without necessity , &c. 2. masters must not impose upon their servants things above their strength , though they be lawful , this is not just . 3. masters must not deny their servants convenient food , nor their due wages , this is not just . 4. masters must not turn away their servants when they are sick , who served them when they were in health and strength , without their consent ; this is not just . 5. masters must not deny them necessary time for the performance of their necessary duties unto god , this is neither just nor equal : it is but equity if servants spend their time in your service , that you should allow them some time for the service of god , and the saving of their souls : for , to wear out their bodies in serving you now , and , for want of time to read and pray , to have their soules damned hereafter , would be a very unequal , unjust , and unreasonable thing . sect . xix . secondly , servants , if you would live answerably for the mercy of god , in sparing you , then performe the duties god requireth at your hands towards your masters . the duty of servants is set down , eph. 6.5 . servants , be obedient to them that are your masters , according to the flesh , with fear and trembling , in singleness of heart , as unto christ . vers . 6. not with eye-service , as men-pleasers , but as the servants of christ , doing the will of god from the heart . vers . 7. with good will doing service , as to the lord , and not to men. vers . 8. knowing , that whatsoever good thing any man doth , the same shall he receive of the lord , whether he be bond or free . to this the apostle addeth ; servants , obey in all things your masters , knowing , that of the lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance , for ye serve the lord christ , col. 3.22 , 23 , 24 , 25. in both which places the apostle meets with the usual defects of servants in their relation ; which are 1. half service . 2. eye service . 3. hypocritical service . 4. prophaneness in service . 5. irreverence in service . 6. grudging in service . 7. baseness of mind in service . to these are opposed service 1. in all things . 2. not eye-service . 3. in singleness of heart . 4. in the fear of god. 5. trembling . 6. from the heart , and with good will. 7. a glorious reward . 1. servants must do all the service they owe unto their masters ; not to do one thing , and leave another undone , but , you must obey in all things , i. e. lawful . 2. servants must not give eye service ; that is , onely in their masters sight and presence , but must be as careful of their masters business in his absence , as if he were looking on them : they must not do their work as those that are serving men , who cannot alwaies see them , but as the servants of christ , serve him , who believe , that he alwaies sees them : and , let servants remember , that though masters do not alwaies see them , yet god doth . 3. servants must performe the works of their masters service in singleness of heart , with uprightness , and without dissimulation ; they must not be hypocrites in mens service , as they must not in the service of god : servants must do all from obedience to gods commands , and yield therefore obedience to wicked masters in lawful things , 1 pet. 2.18 . servants , be subject to your masters with all fear ; not onely to the good and gentle , but also to the froward . so , to poor masters , though they can give them but mean wages . 4. they must do it in the fear of god : as the servants of god must pray in the fear of god , and hear in the fear of god ; so they that are servants to men , must do their work in the fear of god : then , they must not curse and swear at their work , nor talk sinfully , nor speak or sing obscenely . 5. wi●h reverence to their masters , 1 tim. 6.1 . let as many servants as are under the yoke , count their own masters worthy of all honour , that the name of god and his doctrine be not blasphemed : if thou serve a poor master , yet , being thy master , thou art bound to honour him ; else , thou will be a reproach to the name of god , and his doctrine . 6. they must not grudge the service they do , but do it from the heart , and with good will : servants hearts must not be set upon their masters business , they cannot give away their heart from god : but , they must do their work from the heart , i. e. willingly , cheerfully . 7. they must not onely aime at the wages they have from their masters ; that is poor , and low , and sordid to work and labour for such a reward ; but , as those that know , if they do their service , ( be it never so mean and servile ) in obedience to gods command , and for his glory , they shall have a reward in heaven : god will reward the mean service of a poor servant with an eternal crown . 8. they must be faithful in their masters business ; they must not purloin , steal , and secretly convey away any thing of their masters estate , money or goods ; or sell it at under-rate to his masters real prejudice and dammage , by private contract between himself and the buyer , to consider him for his cheap bargain . tit. 2.9 . exhort servants to be obedient unto their own masters , and to please them well in all things , not answering again . vers . 10. not purloining , but shewing all good fidelity , that they may adorn the doctrine of god our saviour in all things . when thy hand is in thy masters box , and thou art pilfring away his money , to game , to keep company , or spend any way without his knowledge , this is theft ; and , god seeth thee , though he do not : and , if thou hast purloined , or stole any thing , thou art bound to restore it , if thou canst , and , to confess thy fault and be humbled , and do so no more . 9. they must be frugal for their masters ; that , though they steal nothing from them , yet they may sin , by suffering their masters goods to be wasted ; as food to be cast away , and many things to be spent and consumed when there is no need : this is not to shew all fidelity to your masters . so jacob , gen. 31.36 , 37.38 , 39 , 40. that which was torn of beasts i brought not unto thee ; i bare the loss of it : of my hands didst thou require it , whether stollen by day , or stollen by night . 10. they must not answer again out of a murmuring spirit , nor give word for word ; that , if their master rebukes them for their sin , they must not speak as fast as he : nay , though a master should speak wrathfully , and in unjust anger , yet they must not answer perversely to them again , but with meekness and silence ( except they require , or give leave ) go about their imployment , committing their cause to god , who will right them , if their masters wrong them , col. 3.25 . but , he that doth wrong , shall receive for the wrong which he hath done : and , there is no respect of persons . god regards not mens outward conditions ; he regards not the mistriss more than the maid : nor the master more than the man ; but judgeth righteously betwixt the greatest and the meanest . 11. they must remember , when they are obedient in their masters service , they are serving the lord christ : what a poor servant doth in servile labour , in the meanest , lowest imployment , he is serving of god : and , this might sweeten to him more difficult and unpleasing work. thus i have done with this direction , in which all men , in one capacity or other , herein considered , are concerned to make improvement of gods preserving of them in time of so great contagion ; by being eminently exemplary in the conditions , capacity , relations , wherein they stand ; which , if they do ( caeteris paribus ) they live in some measure answerable to so great a mercy . direction v. hath god spared you in a time of pestilence , then if you would live answerable , diligently watch against secret sins , and let your special care be about the hidden and secret things in religious duties . god hath kept you in his chambers , isa . 26.20 . come my people , enter thou into thy chambers , and shut thy doors about thee ; hide thy self as it were for a little moment untill the indignation be overpast . god hath hid you from judgment in the secret chambers of his protection , and will you hide your sins in the secret corners of your hearts ? or will you allow your self to sin because you are in your secret chambers ? or will this be to live worthy of gods secret protection of you , to commit secret sins against god ? that you are preserved this is visible ; all that see you walking in the streets know this : but gods way of preserving you was not only by visible means , as antidotes and cordials , but by the invisible guard of holy angels , psal . 91.10 . there shall no evil befall thee , neither shall any plague come nigh thy dwelling . ver. 11. for he shall give his angels charge over thee , to keep thee in all thy waies . ver. 12. they shall bear thee up in their hands : lest thou dash thy foot against a stone . the reason why you have been preserved is , because god hath caused you to dwell in the secret place of the most high , and hath made you to abide under the shadow of the almightie , psal . 91.1 . when the pestilence was walking in darkness , and the arrows of the almightie were secretly shot and flying abroad , he kept you in the secret of his pavilion , psal . 37.5 . for in the time of trouble he shall hide me in his pavilion : in the secret of his tabernacle he shall hide me , he shall set me upon a rock . as all visible means would not have been effectual for your preservation , without gods secret and invisible watching over you : so abstaining only from visible sins , and performing only that of duty , which is visible , will not be a sutable , nor answerable return for this great mercie : therefore my advice unto you is , that as gods goodness to you hath been in a secret way of preservation , so your care should especially be about secret things , and that in two respects . in abstaining from secret sins . in maintaining secret duties . first , be careful to abstain from secret sins . do not cherish sins in your hearts and thoughts , though they should never proceed to outward act : for a man whom god hath kept in time of plague , might be no open swearer , no visible drunkard , nor live in open wickedness , and yet might walk unworthy of gods mercy to him . and here i shall answer these two questions . 1. what are those considerations whereby a man should urge his heart to abstaine from heart and secret sins ? 2. what are the helps and means for inabling of a man to abstain from heart and secret sins ? quest . 1. what are those considerations whereby a christian should urge his heart to abstain from heart sins , and secret sins ; not to let into the secrets of his heart what he can , by watchfulness prevent , and not to allow that which notwithstanding all his diligence he cannot prevent . for there is great difference betwixt having sin in the heart , and regarding or allowing sin in the heart , psal . 66.18 . if i regard iniquity in my heart the lord will not hear me . a christian may have , yea , cannot in this life but have sin in his heart , but this ( not allowed , but groaned under , and lamented for , ) shall not hinder the audience of his prayers , nor the salvation of his soul . but the regarding and allowing of it will prevent both . sect . i. considerations to keep you from secret sins . god sets your secret sins in the light of his countenance , psal . 90.8 . you can never sin so secretlie , as to hide your sins from god. study well these scriptures , psal . 139.1 , to 17 , vers . jer. 23.24 . heb. 4.13 . prov. 5.21 . for the waies of man are before the eyes of the lord , and he pondereth all his goings . whether your waies are good or evil , open or secret , they are before the eyes of the lord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectà è regione , right over gods eyes . he pondereth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he weigheth them in scales ; and many of our actions he findeth to be too light . there are some sins so secret that other men might not know them ; and some are so secret that a man might not know them himself ; as sins of ignorance , psal . 19.12 . who can understand his errours ? cleanse thou me from secret faults . but no sin can be said to be secret in respect of god ; others see some sin in you , you may see more in your self ; but god seeth all : because he is omniscient . but there ●re many sins which are so secret that we our selves see them not : the causes of this are 1. imperfection of self-knowledge . 2. excess of self-love . 3. decei●fulness of sin . 4. closeness of sin . 5. want of watchfulness . but there is no sin can be hid from god , for god seeth the nature , number , and aggravations of secret sins . many indeed have vailes for their sins that they may not be discerned by men , but god looks through them : let me instance in these following sins , that appear to men in the shape of grace , but in the sight of god are manifest sins : or sins vailed and masked with plausible pretences of good , yet are naked to the sight of god. 1. pride covered with humility ; a proud person often appears in the shape of an humble man. in abasing of himself , discommending himself , that another may commend him , crying down himself , that another may cry him up ; by dispraising himself he would force and wrest a commendation from other men : but if he discommend himself , do you discommend him too ; if he say such a thing was meanly done , if you say , you think so too , a proud man cannot bear it ; he cannot hear another say of him what he saith of himself : but this secret pride god seeth . 2. hypocrisie masked with zeal ; many seem to be forward in good waies , and zealous in good works ; but self is the end , 2 kings 10.16 . come see my zeal , &c. 3. secret love of the world , covered with pretence of care for their family ; many have a cloak for the hiding of their covetousness ; of which you read , 1 thes . 2.5 . for neither at any time used we flattering words , nor a cloak of covetousness , god is witness ; this is seen by god. 4. secret hatred against mens persons , covered with pretended zeal against mens sins , or covered with plausible expressions of love and amitie . judas had murdered christ in his heart , and yet calls him master with his mouth , and kisseth him , mat. 26.49 . many have words smoother than oyl , yet have hatred sharper than swords , psal . 55.21 . 5. vain-glory hidden from men by pretended charity ; many will do good , relieve the poor , help those that be in distress , but they aime at esteem amongst men . matth. 6.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 6. self-interest hidden from men by pretence of the good of mens souls , and the glory of god ; so a preaching hypocrite may pretend to lay out himself for the good of mens souls , and yet may use his ministry only as a trade to get a living by it . 7. blasphemous hard thoughts of god , might be hid from men by speaking good words of god. 8. inward murmurings repinings against gods providences , may be hid from men by words of great submission to the will of god. 9. inward fleshy lustings of heart , and contemplative uncleanness , may be kept secret from men by chaste discourse . he may love the presence of a person that is occasion of such secret uncleanness , and commit adultery in his heart , and the person not know of it , and the offender speaking chastly all this while : but i warn you in the name of god to strive against these sins , for though they are secret to men , yet god sets them in the light of his countenance . there are three eyes upon you when you are in secret , viz. 1. the eyes of angels good and bad , and they may see much of your secret wickedness . 2. the eye of conscience , and this may see more secret sin , than the angels see in you , the very thoughts of your heart . 3. the eye of god , and his eye seeth more than the conscience , 1 joh. 3.20 . and this view that god hath of thy secret sins when he sets them in the light of his countenance hath these four properties . first , it is a clear and distinct view ; god seeth all the evil there is in thy secret sin . we have a confused sight of sin , and a dim sight of sin : we see not so much evil in the greatest sin as there is in the least : we see not so much evil in open prophaneness as indeed there is in a vain thought : but god seeth all distinctly . what a man hath before his eyes , that is a sutable object , at an equal distance , and having a necessary medium he seeth distinctly . secondly , it is a full view ; as god seeth all the evil in any one secret sin , so he seeth all thy secret sins . man may know none of them ; thou knowest some of them , but god knoweth all . when thou turnest thy back to go into secret to commit sin , remember then , thou art before gods face . thirdly , it is a constant view ; what we have seen with our eyes might be quite razed out of our memories , but not out of gods knowledge ; and when god is said to remember our iniquities no more , it is not to be understood of real oblivion , but gracious remission . fourthly , it is a judicial view ; if we speak of the secret sins of an hypocrite or a wicked man , then god sets them in his sight , as a judge sets before him the crimes of a malefactor , that they may be read ; he accused , convicted , and executed . if we speak of the secret sins of gods people , god sets them before him as a father doth the miscarriages of his child , not to disinherite him for it , but to correct him and chastise him . these are the properties of gods viewing our secret sins , and shall not this move thee to watch against them , and abstain from them ? or hast thou not done that in secret in the sight of god , which thou wouldst have been ashamed to do openly in the sight of men ? there are six comfortable expressions ( among others ) which the scripture useth , to set forth gods free pardon of our sins , viz. that he casts them behind his back , isa . 38.17 . blots them out , isa . 43.25 . casts them into the depths of the sea , mic. 7.19 remembers them no more , heb. 8.12 . will be merciful to our unrighteousness , heb. 8.12 . hides his face from our sins , psal . 51.9 . there are also six terrible expressions ( among others ) which the scripture useth to set forth gods displeasure against men for sin , viz. that he writes them in a book , rev. 20.12 . seals them in a bag , job 14.17 . remembers them , hos . 7.2 . marks them , psal . 130.3 . will visit them , jer. 14.10 . and 5.9 . sets them in the light of his countenance , psal . 90.8 . if therefore there be any thing in the believing thoughts of gods viewing your secret sins , ( as doubtless there is very much ) be careful that you abstain from them , and not allow your self in them . sect . ii. to keep you from secret sins consider , that secrecy in sinning is no security to the sinner ; this is a consequent of the former , because god seeth you in secret , therefore you are not safe , though your sin be secret . you may secure your credit and reputation awhile , by keeping your sin secret from men , but not your happiness and salvation . while your sin is secret you may not be reproached for it by men , but you shall be damned for it by god , if it be allowed and not sincerely repented of . many shall be openly damned for secret sins . read psal . 64. throughout . this will be a notable discovery of the sincerity of thy heart , if thou darest not allow thy self in secret sins . an hypocrites greatest care is conversant about things visible and manifest , viz. his conversation , profession , or open transgressions , these are visible . but the things that are secret and hid from the eyes of men , in those he is careless and negligent . but a true child of god , though he is not careless of his conversation , yet he is especially mindful of his affections , and of the secret frame of his heart , and of the sins that lye lurking within him . consider , god doth not esteem of men by what they seem to be to others , but by what they really are . god doth not judge as man judgeth ; men judge of the heart by the actions of the life but god judgeth of the actions by the heart . men judge of that which is secret and invisible by that which is open and visible , but god judgeth of that which is open and visible , by that which is secret and invisible , mat. 23.27 . woe unto you scribes , pharisees , hypocrites , for ye are like unto whited sepulchres , which indeed appear beautiful outward , but are within full of dead mens bones , and of all uncleanness . ver. 28. even so ye also outwardly appear righteous unto men , but within are full of hypocrisie and iniquity . luk. 16 ▪ 15. and he said unto them , ye are they which justifie your selves before men , but god knoweth your hearts : for that which is highly esteemed amongst men , is abomination in the sight of god. a man might be applauded for that by men , for which he shall be condemned by god. that which might set a m●n high in the estimations of men , might be an abomination unto god. it is hainous impiety for a man to encourage himself to sin because he is in secret . 2 kings 17.9 . and the children of israel did secretly those things that were not right against the lord their god. — there are many great sins wrapped up in this , as , 1. damnable infidelity ; they believe not god seeth them , psal . 94.7 , 8 , 9. 2. desperate security ; they hide god from their eyes , and then think they are safe . 3. deep stupidity ; a degree further than the former . 4. daring insolency ; it is bold presumption to sin before gods face . secret sins do provoke god as well as open sins ; god is not like the sinner that hath better thoughts of sin , because it is secret : the openness of sin might add something to the eclipsing of gods glory , and to gods dishonour , but it addeth nothing to gods hatred of sin , because gods hatred to sin , as sin , is infinite . secret sins will grieve the spirit of god ; and causeth him to withhold his influences from thy heart , and to withdraw his presence from thy soul . as , 1. secret sins will cause the spirit of god to withdraw his witnessing presence , and to suspend his testimony . 2. they will cause him to withdraw his comforting presence , that thou shalt not have those joyes that thou wast use to find when thou wast more careful to watch against secret sins . 3. they will cause him to withdraw his quickning presence , that thy heart will be left more dead , and more dull , and thy affections will be more flat and cold . 4. they will cause him to withdraw his assisting presence ; that thou shalt not be so able to perform duty , to resist temptation , to bear affliction . thus secret sins will make you great losers by gr●eving and quenching the spirit of god. secret sins will exceedingly disturb the peace of thy conscience , they will make great gashes in thy soul ; they will wound surely , they will wound s●ely and deeply ; they may make thee go with a sorrowful heart unto thy grave ; they may cost thee many a groan , and sigh and tear , many a prayer and strong cry to god before thy peace may be restored , and thy conscience healed , and thy heart bound up . they may be the breaking of thy bones , and thy heart too , that thou mayst think god is thine enemy . secret sins will hinder the growth of thy grace ; a constant cours● of allowed secret sinning , argues the nullity of grace ; and secret sins , through carelessness 〈◊〉 by gods people , will hinder much the encrease of grace . they will be like a frost to the blossom ; like a worm and caterpiller to the fruits of the earth . secret sins by experience you will find will much hinder your , 1. faith ; that you shall not believe so stedfastly . 2. desire ; you shall not thirst after god and christ so strongly . 3. love ; you will not love god and christ so ardently . 4. delight ; you will not delight in god so frequently . 5. hope ; you will not hope for heaven so livelily . 6. evidences ; you will not lay claim to heaven so confidently . secret sins will hinder your fervent praying , and will stop the audience of your prayers . they will exceedingly damp your affections at the throne of grace , and make you sneak in the presence of god , that you cannot have that liberty and confidence in prayer , because conscience will be interlining thy prayers , and say , thou prayest against this sin , and yet thou didst not watch against it , but didst knowingly commit it . they will stop thy mouth that thou canst not speak , and they will stop gods ears , that he will not hear , psal . 66.18 . if i regard iniquity in my heart , the lord will not hear me . secret sins will harden thy heart , and make thee more prone to commit open sins . they will strengthen the evil habit of sin , and make thee more incline to visible transgressions , and increase the propensity of thy heart to greater evils . thus judas giving way to secret covetousness did ripen the inclination of his heart more and more to betray his master . secret sins will stop the communications of gods secrets to thee ; there are some secrets of god , which he doth not communicate to any man in this life , deut. 29.29 . secret things belong to the lord our god : but things revealed belong to us , and to our children for ever , that we may do all the words of this law. but there are some secrets of god that he doth reveal unto his people , and to those that make conscience of secret sins , prov. 3.32 . but his secret is with the righteous . psal . 25.14 . the secret of the lord is with them that fear him , and he will shew them his covenant . the revealed things of the gospel are secret things to wicked men ; the gospel is hid to them , 2 cor. 4.4 . regeneration is a secret to them . faith in christ is ● secret to them . the joyes of the spirit , and the comforts of the holy ghost are things hidden from them . but if you dare not allow your self in secret sinning , you shall have many secret intimations of the love of god unto your soul ; many secret illapses of his spirit into your heart . if you make conscience of secret sins you shall have an open reward . what christ saith concerning secret duties , mat. 6.6 . but thou when thou prayest enter into thy closet , and when thou hast shut thy door , pray to thy father which is in secret , and thy father which seeth in secret shall reward thee openly . this is true also of abstaining from secret sinnings , god will reward you openly . be most careful against secret sins because in these thou hast least help , and least assistance from others . if thy sin be visible , thy friend may reprove thee , and he may help to recover thee . if thy sin be visible , thy enemy may reproach thee for it , and that may occasion thy repentance . but if thy sin be secret , thou wilt not have these helps nor occasions of repentance ; and therefore where thou art least capable of advantages and helps from others , therein be the greatest friend unto thy self . thus if you would walk answerably for gods hiding of you in the secret of his . tabernacle in time of danger live not in a course of secret sins ; and for your help herein i shall next proceed to the second question . viz. sect . iii. what are the helps and means for the enabling of a christian to abstain from heart-sins , and secret sins . 1. fill your mind with actual , believing thoughts of gods all-seeing eye . when you are tempted to sin in secret , consider god seeth you : all the thoughts of your heart , and all the motions of your affections are known to him , 2 cor. 4.2 . but have renounced the hidden things of dishonesty , not walking in craftiness , nor handling the word of god deceitfully , but by manifestation of the truth , commending our selves to every mans conscience in the sight of god. psal . 139.11 . if i say the darkness shall cover me , even the night shall be light about me . ver. 12. yea , the darkness hideth not from thee , but the night shineth as the day : the darkness and the light are both alike to thee . it is the atheism and infidelity of mens hearts that encourageth them to sin , because it is secret . 2. firmly believe , and often think of the judgement to come . then will god make manifest every secret thing ; the thoughts of the heart shall then be revealed . if thou wouldst not have thy secret sin produced at the last day , and published befo●e all the world , do not commit i● , 〈◊〉 12.14 . for god shall bring every work i●to ●dgmen● , with every secret thing , whether it be good , or whether it be evil . rom. 2.16 . in the day w● god shall judge the secrets of men by jesus ch●ist , according to my gospel . 1 cor. 4.5 . therefore ●udge working before the time , untill the lord come , who both shall bring to light the hidden things of darkness , and will make manifest the cou●sels of the hearts , and then shall every man have praise of god. 3. get a deep ro●ted hatred in thy heart to sin . he that hateth sin truly will not indulge himself in committing sin secretly : for true hatred of sin will set the soul with strongest opposition against it , at all times , and all places : hatred to sin as sin , will be to all sin , whether open or secret . he that hates a toade , will hate it in his chamber or closet , as well as in the field ; yea , the nearer it is to him ( if in his bed ) his hatred is raised so much the more : and , the nearer sin is to your heart , the more you should hate it . he that can sin secretly , when he will not openly , it is not because he hates the sin , but because he hates the disgrace , which that sin would expose him to before men. 4. possess thy heart with the true fear of god : fear of shame , and lessening our esteem among men , might keep from open sins ; but the fear of god doth steel and antidote the heart against all sins : when our restraint from sin is terminated in god , it will be a general preservative against all sorts of sin . 5. get , and increase in uprightness of heart ; the more of sincerity , the less in secret sinning . hypocrisie is consistent with a constant course of secret sin , but sincerity of heart doth diminish the acts and habits of sin . 6. make it your great design to have the approbation of god : he that doth hunt after the commendation of men , will be good when men do see him ; but , he that seekes for the approbation of god , endeavours to be good at all times , and in all places : rom. 2.29 . but , he is a jew , which is one inwardly , and circumcision is that of the heart , in the spirit , and not in the letter , whose praise is not of men , but of god. 2 tim. 2.15 . study to shew thy self approved unto god. 7. be very watchful over your heart when you are alone : and over your outward senses when you are in company . he that doth not diligently watch , will frequently sin : there will be many secret stirrings of unbelief in your heart , and of pride , and of vain-thoughts , either injected by the devil , or arising from the corruption in your own heart : a secret enemy must be watched more narrowly , and so must secret sins . 8. suppress the first motions of sin : crush this cockatrice in the egge : do not dally with secret temptations unto sin : abstain from every appearance of secret sins : if you are too much given to contemplative uncleanness , avoid such things as may occasion it , as beholding of objects , &c. 9. get a deep impression of gods kindness and mercy into thy soul : many of gods mercies to thee are secret mercies , which none can infallibly see in thee , but thy self : as grace , and the love of god shed abroad in thy heart : and , let the sense of gods secret love to thee keep thee from secret sinnings against god , then wilt thou say with joseph , when he was tempted to secret uncleanness , gen. 39.7 , 9 , 10. how can i do this great wickedness and sin against god ? 10. if you would be kept from secret sins , be much in secret duties : he that hath all his duties abroad , will have a nest of secret sins at home : and this brings me to the second general head about secret good. section iv. secondly , maintain secret duties , and especially mind the secret things of publick duties : this part consisteth of two branches , maintain secret duties . minde secret things in publick duties . i. keep up a constant course of secret duties : be much with god when you are alone : let not all your religion lie without doores : especially be much in the practise of these four duties in secret . 1. be much in secret prayer : this hath been the practice of the holy men of god , so jacob , gen. 32.24 . and jacob was left alone : and there wrastled a man with him , while the breaking of the day . in this you have the example of christ himself , who was much in secret prayer , ma● . 14.23 . and when he had sent the multitudes away , he went up into a mountain apart to pray , and when the evening w●s come he was there alone . you have some secret burdens upon your heart , you have some secret and hidden workings of sin in your soul , which is not convenient for you to express in the hearing of others ; take time then to do this when you are alone in secret : you have the command of christ also for this secret duty , as well as his practise and example , mat. 6.6 . 2. be freqent in self-examination in secret : when you are alone , be much in conversing with your self , and often in looking down into your own heart , enquiring after the truth of grace , and your growth therein : after the mortification of sin , and your growth therein : psal . 4.4 . stand in awe and sin not : commune with your own hearts upon your bed , and be still . commune with your self , whether you set a due valuation upon the meanes of grace : whether you thrive in holiness , according to the time and meanes that you have had : commune with your self , whether your conversation be suitable to your profession , and , as becomes the gospel : whether you are fit to die , and prepared for another world : in your secret chamber commune with your own hearts about such things as these . 3. be much in secret reading of the word of god : a worldling , when he is alone , will spend much time in reading over his writings , his bonds and bills , his leases and acquittances : and , will not you take as much pains in secret reading of the word of god , which are the writings upon which you must both build your evidences for heaven , and try them by . 4. be much in secret meditation : when you are alone , let your thoughts be dwelling upon the life to come , in thinking of your future happiness ; oh , what inward warmth may you have , when you are alone , if you would but fill your minde with some believing fore-thoughts of the life to come . section v. ii. minde secret things in publick duties : as your preservation is visible , but ( as i have noted before ) the most effectual meanes of your preservation were secret and invisible : you have not seen the way that god hath taken in keeping you ; he hath secretly kept you by his power ; he hath given a secret charge to his angels over you ; so , let your duties ( that god requires should be publick and visible ) be so : but then , let your principal care be about the secret and invisible things of publick and visible duties . the secret and invisible things in publick duties , which we are to mind , are good , bad. i will instance in six of each of them . six things in a gr●cious heart in publick duties , are secret and invisible . 1. the communion that a gracious heart hath with god in publick duties , is secret and invisible : you may hear a mans expressions , and you may see his tea●es , and he●r his groanes , but , whether he have true communion with god , is such a secret , that none can know but himself . 2. the joyes that a christian hath in publick duties , are secret and invisible joyes : expressions of joy and praise may be heard , and outward discoveries of joy there may be ▪ but this joy it self is a secret thing : whether you have indeed true spiritual joy in publick duties , none can know but your self . 3. the principle that puts a man upon publick duties , is a secret and invisible thing : whether you pray or pre●ch , or do any publick duty , out of a principle of love and fear of god , is such a secret , that none can tell but your self . 4. the manner , in which publick duties are performed , is a secret and invisible thing : whether there be the exercise of faith , and repentance for sin , and love to god , and desire after spiritual things , is such a secret , that by-standers cannot know . 5. the end a man propounds unto himself in publick duties , is secret and invisible : whether a duty be done for the glory of god , for the good of others , for the enjoying more communion with god , for more strength against sin , or whether it be for self-interest , and carnal ends , is onely known to a man 's own conscience : your duties men may see , but your end they cannot see . 6. the peculiar aim and design of a gracious soul , in publick duties , against some peculiar sin , and secret corruption , is a secret and invisible thing : a man may be heard to pray against a bosome , darling lust , but , whether his design is to get down the power of this sin , is onely known unto himself . these be the six things in publick duties that are secret , which you must especially labour after in all such duties . section vi. six things in publick duties , that are evil , but yet secret and invisible : as there hath been some secret danger which you have been in , when you have not discerned it , and , some secret infection god hath kept you from ; so in publick duties ( the same may be in secret duties also ) there are some secret evils you are to watch against . 1. there may be secret unbeliefe lurking in the heart , when a man in prayer is pleading particular promises with his mouth : you may hear a man urge the promises of god for removal of evil , for obtaining of good ; but , whether he act faith upon these promises , or whether there be not in the mean while secret unbelief , doubting of the truth of this promise , or especially of the application of it to himself , is known onely to himself , it is a secret to those that joyn with him . 2. hypocrisie in publick duties is a secret thing : whether your heart be upright and sincere with god , or false and hypocritical , is a secret unto others ; yea , sometimes it is such a secret that might not be known by a man himself . 3. inward-heart-pride in publick duties is a secret thing : a man may be full of self-loathing-expressions , and of humble gestures , and yet his heart might be lifted up with spiritual pride , and self admirations , and towring thoughts of his own worth and excellency , and suitableness and freedom of expression , and a by-stander cannot perceive it . 4. dulness and deadness of heart in duty is a secret thing : a man might h●ve lively expressions in publick prayers , and seeming warmth of affection , and such things that might affect and warm the hearts of others ; and yet his own heart be dull and lukewarm , yea qui●e cold in that duty . 5. wandring thoughts , in publick duties , are secret things : a man may use the name of god , and the attributes of god , and yet his thoughts may be upon something else : others may see you engaged in the duty , and see your outward gestures , but are strangers to the secret wandrings of your mind . 6. the inclination of the heart to sin , in publick duties , is a secret thing : a man may confess sin , and bewaile it with tears , and beg for power against it , and yet he may have a secret inclination of heart to this very sin , and secret purposes of heart to keep it , and a secret fear , least god should hear his prayers , which he makes against this sin ; whether you hate that sin in your heart , which you bewaile with your tongue , is known onely to your self : and , if indeed you know it your self , it is a good degree of self-knowledge . thus , as god hath kept you in an invisible manner , and most by invisible and secret means , and preserved you from secret and invisible danger that you have been in : if you would live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy , you must have a special care of minding the secret and invisible things in christianity , and abstain from secret and invisible sins . direction vi. hath god spared you in time of pestilence ; then be dead unto the world , and to things below : take heed that you do not returne with too great an eagerness after the affairs of this world ; as if you had not seen such sights , as you have seen , of death , and the vanity of the world : you are not dead in your grave ; let this mercy move you to be dead to the world , and sinful affections : you are living in the world , but , you must be dead to the world. it is to be feared , that there are many will be as eagerly bent after the things of this world , as they were before ; notwithstanding the course that god hath taken by smarting judgments , to weane them from the world : that will be like unto a stream stopped and dammed up ; when it gets over the bankes , and the obstruction is removed , runneth down with greater force . god hath put many by their way of trade , for some moneths ; now take heed , that through over-much eagerness , to regain what loss you have sustained by the forbearance of your calling , you do not let out too much of your heart and affections upon these things ; nor give them more of your time , than you can well allow from the necessary duties of gods immediate worship , and the things that do concerne the state of your soules in the life to come . be dead to the profits , honours , pleasures , wisdom , of this world. section i. 1. should not you be dead to , and take heed of returning , in your love , back again unto the riches of the world , after such a judgment as this hath been ? to prevent an over-eager pursuit of the riches and profits of this world , when ( by the removal of this judgment ) you have opportunity of returning to your callings ; consider . 1. the riches of this world are corruptible riches ; they are perishing treasures : silver and gold are things corrupting others , and are corruptible in themselves , 1 pet. 1.18 , 19. but , you have an incorruptible kingdom and crown before you to strive after , reserved in heaven for believers , and for those that are so vehemently set for heaven , that they will take it by force . 2. the riches of this world are unprofitable riches ; therefore be not too eager in your pursuit of unprofitable profits : they cannot profit you in tim● of g●eatest need . have not you had the experience of the unprofitableness of riches ? that they are unprofitable ( 1. ) for diverting of judgments , or removing evils that come upon you ; whether temporal , as sickness , plague , death ; or spiritual , as hardness of heart , blindness of minde , terrors of conscience ; none of all these can be removed by worldly riches . ( 2. ) for the procuring of good ; whether temporal , for the body , as health in time of sickness , or ease in time of pain ; or spiritual , for the soul , either grace , or comfort , or glory ; if conscience be wounded , they cannot heale your consciences , nor comfort your hearts . 3. the riches of this world are oftentimes hurtful to the owner and possessor of them , eccles . 5.13 . there is a sore evil which i have seen under the sun , namely , riches kept for the owners thereof to their hurt . grace and christ can never hurt you : but , your riches may , by being clogs to your affections in holy duties ; by being snares and temptations to you in your converse in the world ; by increasing your account , when you have not well improved them . 4. the riches of this world are uncertain riches , 1 tim. 6.17 . after you have got them , you may presently lose them : the loss of outward riches may arise , 1. by men ; by force and power ; by fraud and deceit . 2. by casualty ; your houses may be consumed with flames of fire . 3. by gods secret curse , hag. 1.6 . — he that earneth wages , earneth wages to put it into a bag with holes . 5. the riches that men get in this world , are easily valued : a mans estate is easily computed ; but there are riches in christ , which are unsearchable : seek and search after more of them , ephes . 3.8 . 6. when you have got them they will not satisfie your desires , eccles . 5.10 . ii. should not you be dead to the honours of this world , which will be a bait to many after such a judgment ? should not you , who are yet alive to behold the graves of some honourable persons , now in the dust , call off your heart from seeking after them ? have you not seen , that death respects not the honourable more than the ignoble ? the reverend and esteemed no more than the mean and contemptible ? those that have honourable names and titles , honourable friends and relations , honourable callings and imployments , honourable preferments and enjoyments , are equalized in the grave with others : and , have not you seen some fall ? and , heard of others in this judgment , and yet , after all this , set your heart upon the honours of this world ? iii. should not you be dead to the pleasures of this world , which will be snares for others ? should you , after such a judgment as this , give your self to live a sensual flesh-pleasing life ? and spend your time in needless delights and recreations ? when you have heard so many dying men complain of the loss of time , when they were well , and the want of time when they came to die ? consider what these pleasures be , that you are so much addicted to ; that such sadning sorrowful sights , that you have seen , will not we●n you from them : nay , when gods smarting rod upon your own body , by the plague , will not imbitte● your worldly pleasures and delights ; but , you will go out of such a dreadful judgment of god , to your gaming 's and sports ; to the pleasing of the flesh , in satisfying the lusts and desires thereof , in acts of uncleanness . consider these ( 1. ) are short pleasures , they are but for a little while ; they are passing away while you are at them : but , these short pleasures may bring you to eternal torments and endless woe , heb. 11.25 . choosing rather to suffer afflictions with the people of god , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season . ( 2. ) by giving up your selves unto these pleasures , you deprive your selves of the pleasures of gods house in his ordinances , which others drink of , psal . 36.8 . ( 3. ) you deprive your self of the pleasures of gods house above in heaven ; of the rivers of pleasures which are at gods right hand for evermore , psal . 16.11 . ( 4. ) these pleasures are more brutish pleasures , and do but delight the more brutish , i. e. sensitive part in man : the rational soul , as such , is not delighted in the pleasures of the flesh , in eating and drinking , a horse doth find pleasure in this as much as you ; and some unreasonable creatures herein do excel you . ( 5. ) they are empty , and unsatisfying pleasures : they do not fill , content , nor satiate them that give themselves most to follow after them . iv. should not you be dead to , and take heed of resting in the wisdom of the world ; in the attainment onely of humane learning ; after you have seen the learned die as the ignorant ; and the wise man as the fool : humane learning is more desirable than riches and honours , and the pleas●res of this world ; but , yet it is not to be acquiesced in , without the knowledg of god in christ . notions in learning will never deliver from the torments of hell : many learned sinners have gone to eternal misery , and their torments there are greater than the torments of the ignorant , and unlearned : the vanity of the wisdom of this world , compared with the knowledge of christ , appeares , in that 1. it cannot redress the sinfulness of the thoughts , nor help against the vanity of the mind : the wise and learned heathens became vain in their imaginations , rom. 1.21 . 2. it doth not prevent sinful elections , and choise of the will : men of great knowledge choose the world , and honours , and ease , and preferments before christ . 3. it doth not remedy a sinful conversation : m●ny know things to be evil , and yet do them ; and so is an aggravation of their sin , and will be of their misery . 4. it doth not season mens communications , nor prevent corrupt discourses ; but makes them more witty , and able to scorn godl●ness ; jest with scripture , and deride the professors of the gosspel : but , the knowledge of christ , i● is ( 1. ) the sweetest knowledge . ( 2. ) it is the surest knowledg ; being by the revelation of the spirit of god : ( 3. ) it is saving knowledge : thus take a true account of all the things ; the best , the most excellent , the most desirable things in this world ; and you will see no reason why you should wholly spend the residue of that time , which god hath ●ent you from the grave , in such an eager pursuit of any thing of this life . section ii. but , that you may know , whether you ( yet living ) are dead to the things of this world , i shall give you this general character , viz. if you carry your self towards the world , as those that are dead to god , do carry themselves towards god , then are you dead unto the world : and , this general is resolved into these particulars . 1. those that are dead to god , they see no real excellency in god and christ ; but they see something more in the things of the world : they see more excellency in their gold and silver ; in their profits and preferments ; in their pleasures and delights : so , if you are dead to the world , you do not admire the choisest and the chiefest things that are therein ; but , do see more real worth in god and christ , and one dram of grace ; then in all the mines of the most precious things in nature : and , in your practical judgment do account them but dung and dross in comparison of the excellency of the knowledge of christ jesus our lord. 2. those that are dead to god , do make choice of the world , and the things thereof , before god : the will , following the ultimate comparative , practical dictate of the understanding , in wicked men , doth choose earthly things before god and christ : for , though their absolute judgment might be for god , yet the comparat judgment ( all circumstances considered ) is for the world ; and their will doth make choice of it accordingly : so , if you are dead to the world , you make choice of god for your chiefest good , and greatest happiness . for , though you may , in your absolute judgment , look upon the things of the world , used with moderation , and kept in their proper place , as good ; yet , in your comparative judgment ( all circumstances considered ) you do ultimately conclude , that god is better in himself and for you , yea , in both respects , and your will doth choose him accordingly . 3. those that are dead to god , though they may pray to god , and talk of god , yet they do this as though they did it not : and pray , as if they prayed not : god hath their tongues , but , the world hath their hearts . so , if you are dead to the world , though you may talk of the world , and trade in the world , yet you do all this as if you did it not : you buy as if you possessed not ; and you use this world as if you used it not : and , though the world may have your hands , yet god hath your heart . 4. those that are dead to god , they are not troubled at the loss of god , nor rejoyce at the tidings how they may have the enjoyment of him ; so if you are dead to the world , you are not chiefly troubled at the loss of these things , nor count it so great matter of joy , if you have them and enjoy them . a man that is dead to god desireth the world , and let who will look after god : so a man dead to the world , desireth god , and let who will look after the world as his portion , and his chiefest happiness , he will not . 5. a man that is dead towards god , is not restrained from sin by gods most terrible threatnings ; though god threaten him with eternal death and everlasting damnation , with the loss of heaven and eternal happiness , if he persist in his wickedness , and continue in sin , yet fear of the punishment of loss , nor of the punishment of sense , will not awaken him to conversion and through reformation . so a man that is dead towards the world , all the threatnings of men , that he shall have inflicted upon him , divers penalties , loss of goods , liberty , life , yet all this is not cogent to bring him in to a course of sin , and to do wickedly . 6. a man that is dead towards god , is not drawn nor allured with the precious and most glorious promises of god to do that which is good ; though god promise him heaven and eternal happiness , the pardon of sin , and his favour , yet all this moves him not to come to christ , nor forsake his sins : so a man that is dead to the world , all the offers , preferments , enticements of the world to allure him into sin will not prevail , he is dead to these things ; and offers and over●ures of the greatest things move not a dead man. thus you may try whether you are dead to the world or no. you live in the world , even after such a devouring pestilence , you cannot live answerably to this great mercy , except you be dead to the world. direction vii . hath god spared you in time of pestilence , then now be dead to sin , kill your sin , and solemnize the funeral of your lusts ; because you live after such a judgment , such a mercy doth oblige to the death and burial of sin . you are not buried with others in their graves , but you should be buried with christ , rom. 6.4 . therefore we are buried with him by baptism into death , that like as christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the father , even so we also should walk in newness of life . ver. 6. knowing this that our old man is crucified with him , that the body of sin might be destroyed , that henceforth we should not serve sin . in which scripture are set down these things . viz ▪ 1. the parts of sanctification , mortification , vivification . 2. the cause of our sanctification , viz. communion with christ in his death , burial , and resurrection . 3. the testimony and pledge of it , our baptism . 4. the growth and progress of mortification ; we should aime at the total destruction of the body of sin , by the crucifying , destroying , and burial of sin . you have seen the death of thousands , and you have seen the burial of thousands , to all these add one more funeral , and that is the funeral of your sins . do you out-live this judgment , and shall your sins do so too ? god forbid . this would be to live altogether unanswerably to so great a mercy . you live , but your sins should be dead in you , and you unto your sins , rom. 6.11 . likewise reckon ye also your selves to be dead indeed unto sin : but alive unto god through jesus christ our lord. though you live , yet must you be buried . now believers are buried in three respects : 1. in respect of their good names , as they are reproached by the wicked ; the throats of the wicked are the sepulchres , or burial places of the good names of gods people ; this is part of a believers sufferings . 2. in respect of self-denial . believers must be no more taken with the things of this world ( so far as to draw them from god ) than a person dead and buried and lying in his grave . 3. in respect of the mortification of sin , and these two last are our duty ; and of this last i would speak a little , following the metaphor , in which there is some difference , and some agreement in the burial of our sin , and in common burial . the difference in these respects . first , we bury our friends weeping for their death , desirous of their life , wishing , o● that this my friend had not died ; oh that i could have kept him in life : but we must bury our sin rejoycing , as those that are glad of its death ; not weeping because sin is dead , but that it once did live . secondly , we bury our friends with hopes that they shall rise again , and live again : but we must bury our sins with hopes they shall never live more ; never return to them more . the resemblance holds in these particulars : 1. the burial of sin supposeth the death of sin ; never any man yet buried his sins alive : for while sin doth live , it is in the heart as in a throne , and not as in a grave . 2. the burial of sin supposeth the ceasing of the love of sin , that we see not that beauty and comliness in sin , as we did when it was alive . a man that loves his relation , while he lived , put him in his bosome , yet will not do so when he is dead ; a man while he loves his sin , will never bury it . 3. the burial of sin includeth the removal of it out of our sight , and as much as may be out of our thoughts . we love not to look upon dead friends , nor many times to think or talk of them , who while they lived were pleasing objects to our eyes , and the delightful matter of our discourse . while sarah lived she was beautiful in abrahams eyes , but when dead , he desired to have her removed out of his sight , gen. 23.4 . i am a stranger and a sojourner with you , give me possession of a burying place with you , that i may bury my dead out of my sight . the presence of sin is a trouble to you when it is dead , and you would have it out of your sight ; and this removal of sin , when dead and buried hath these three properties . first , it is a total removal , the whole body of sin , and all the members of it are buried ; death might arise from the disease of some particular part , but burial covers all . he that makes a shew of the burial of sin , and yet keeps any in his heart as his love and delight , hath indeed buried no sin : for who doth so bury his friend as to keep any of his members in his house ? secondly , it is a voluntary removal ; when one is dead , we make it matter of our choice to have him buried : yea , we look upon it as a sore evil and great annoyance to have burial denied to our dead friends : so it is your choice to bury your sins , and the thoughts of not having them buried is a great trouble to you . thirdly , it is a perpetual removal ; we bury our friends so , that we would not have them taken up again and brought into our house : so you bury sin , never to have it brought back to live again in your heart . one that hath buried his sin doth earnestly desire it might be removed out of the sight of god , by free pardon ; out of the sight of his own eyes , by the evidence of the pardon ; and out of the sight of others , by leading a contrary conversation . 4. the burial of sin includes the rotting of the old man in its grave , the mouldring of it , and the daily wasting of it , as dead corps buried in the earth do consume and wast daily . though a body buried doth not presently totally consume : many years after the burial , if the grave be opened , you may find the bones and the skull ; the reliques of sin in the heart of a child of god , are but as the bones and the skull , but the body of sin is destroyed . 5. the burial of sin includes , the loss of the power and authority that sin had in the heart while it was alive . though a man were never so potent while he lived , yet when he is dead and buried , he hath no more power nor jurisdiction . though thy sin did sit as a lord , and rule in thy soul while it lived , yet being dead and buried , its dominion ceaseth . now if you are buried with christ , these things will be a comfort to you , viz , 1. those that are buried with christ are most comely in the sight of god ; a man that is naturally dead and buried , is not so with us , but he that is spiritually dead to sin , is beautiful in the eyes of god. 2. those that are buried with christ have converse and communion with god ; those that are naturally dead have no more converse with us , but a man hath no communion with god , till he is buried with christ . 3. those that are buried with christ are past the hurt of death ; as those that are naturally dead have past through all that death can do unto them ; if you are buried with christ , though you must come under the stroke of death , yet the sting of death is taken out . 4. those that are buried with christ shall be raised at the last day , and shall for ever live with god and christ , and with holy angels and saints in the kingdom of god , rom. 6.8 : now if we be dead with christ , we believe that we shall also live with him . thus if you would live in some measure answerably to gods mercy in preserving of you from death and the grave , that you are not buried yet with others , you must die to sin , and be buried with christ . direction viii . hath god spared you in the time of plague , that you yet remain among the living ? if you would improve this mercie , then live to god , and walk in newness of life . god hath not spared you that you should live to your self , or to the flesh , or that you should walk in your old courses : but your duty is now to live to god , and to lead a new conversation . god hath brought you to the borders of the grave , and to the very confines of another world , and shaked you over the grave , and hath recovered and restored you , and hath as it were given you a new life , by reprieving you from the gates of death when you were so near unto it , rom. 6.4 . that like as christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the father , so we should walk in newness of life ; and the equipollent phrases of this new life are , to walk with , before , and after god. to walk after the spirit , rom. 8.1 . to serve god in newness of spirit , rom. 7.6 . to walk as children of light , eph. 5.8 . to walk in the waies of god , psal . 119.3 . to walk circumspectly , eph. 5.16 . that you may , being spared from the grave , lead a new life , i shall shew you the signs or nature of it . the excellencies or dignities of it . the impediments and hinderances of it . sect . i. the nature of , or that which is included in , newness of life , doth not consist in these things . 1. it doth not consist in some new notions , or new speculations , which you had not before , a new light might be made in an old house . new speculations may consist with an old conversation . 2. it doth not consist in a newness of a bare resolution to lead a new life ; this is but in order to it , though , if it be real , it is a good step towards this walking . 3. it doth not consist in a bare performance of some new duties which you did not before ; an old course of sin may consist with the external performance of some new duties , as praying , reading , &c. 4. nor in a bare keeping of some new company ; though this is to be desired , that many would forsake their old wicked company ; or if god hath taken thy wicked companions away by death , thou wouldst not make choice of those that be as bad . 5. nor in new discoursing of spiritual things ; a man that was wont to swear , and reproach , and blaspheme the name of god , might now talk of god with others , and yet not lead a new life . 6. nor in forbearing of many old sins , which before you lived in ; you were drunkards before , but not now , i would more were so changed , but yet this comes short of this newness of life ; which doth include these things following . to walk in newness of life , supposeth a new saving knowledge , a new sight , and a new judgement of things . no man can lead this new life with his old judgment which was corrupt , judging that good which was evil , and that evil which was good , 1 pet. 1.14 . as obedient children , not fashioning your selves according to the former lusts , in your ignorance . there must be a new sight and new discoverie of these things : 1. of god , and his excellency . 2. of christ and his sufficiency . 3. of ●in , and it● deformity . 4. of the world , and its vanity . 5. of grace , and its necessity . 6. of heaven , and its felicity . 7. of hell , and its extremity of woe . till a man hath new eyes , and hath his understanding opened to see the nature of all these things , otherwise than he did before , he will not walk contrary to what he did before ; if he see no more of christ , nor in the attributes of god , nor in grace , he will still flight all these and undervalue them ; if he have the same admiring apprehensions of the world , and seeth as much beauty in ( deformed ) sin , he will love it still , and delight in it still . there must be new light , and new saving knowledge before there can be a new life . to walk in newness of life , includes newness of principle ; a man with his old principle can never lead a new life . a man in old courses may live according to the dictates of a natural conscience , according to old customes , but he that leads a new life must have a new principle of love to god , a new principle of true fear of god , he must have new strength from christ , a new heart and new affections . to walk in newness of life , includes the vigorous actings of this new principle , and living in the exercise of these new graces infused into the heart , in the exercise of new love to god , of new desires after christ , of new sorrow for his sin , of new hatred to his sin . to walk is to exert a principle of motion into act . to walk in newness of life , is to have a conversation filled with new works , and to have all things done according to the rule of new obedience . his old work was to please the flesh , but his new work is to please god. his old work was chiefly to get riches and encrease therein , his new work is to get grace and more of it . his old work was to obey the commands of sin , his new work is to obey the commands of god. to walk in newness of life ▪ is to walk according to the new rule , not according to the practises and examples of wicked men , but according to the rule of gods word , according to the example of christ . to walk in newness of life is to live for new ends ; his end is not now self-interest in the world , not his own estimation amongst men , not his preferment in this world ; old ends are inconsistent with a new life : but this mans end is the glory of god ; all the actions of his life are ultimately resolved into this , and all is , in subordination unto this : he trades for this end , that god may be glorified ; he praies , and preacheth , he reads and studies , that god may be glorified . to walk in newness of life includes a newness of objects , about which he is conversant ; such as keep their old course of life look no higher than worldly objects , the honours , and the pleasures and the profits of this world : but such as are risen with christ , to walk in newness of life , have proposed to themselves new objects , things that are above ; god , and grace , and heaven , things that are invisible to the eyes of carnal men . to w●lk in newness of life , it is to walk as christ did after he was risen from the dead , i. e. in our measure . christ did not incumber himself with the things of this world , after his resurrection , he did not converse with the men of this world , neither must we use their company out of choice . christ aft●r his resurrection waited for his ascension into glory : so if we will walk in newness of life , we must have our conversation in heaven , and be continually expecting our dissolution and our translation into glory . to walk in newness of life , it is to do all the actions of out life in a new manner ; to do al● religious duties , to pray , and to hear in a new manner . before he prayed lukewarmly , and with a dull , and hard , and unbelieving heart , but now more fervently , more livelily ; though the matter of his duties might be the same , yet the manner is new . to walk in newness of life , is to be making progress in all these , walking is a progressive motion ; it is to continue , and to persevere in the waies of holiness : not to decline nor to go backwards , not to return or walk back again to old wickedness . sect . ii. the excellency and dignity of a new life is very great , and for your greater encouragement to walk therein i shall instance in some of them . 1. a new life is a life according to the new covenant which god hath made with fallen man. men that walk in old sinful courses , continue the covenant they have made with sin and satan : but a man that walketh in newness of life , is a man that hath entred into a new covenant with god , ezek. 36.26 . a new heart also will i give you , and a new spirit will i put into you ; i will take away the stony heart 〈◊〉 of your flesh , and i will give you an heart of flesh . ve● 27 and i will put my spirit within you , and cause you to walk in my statu●es , and ye shall keep my judgments , and do them ; and to walk thus in gods statutes is to walk in newness of life . 2. a new life it is the most rational life . when the prodigal left his old waies , and took up a new course , he is said to come to himself , luk. 15.17 . men act most unreasonably when they act wickedly . 3. a new life is the sweetest and most comfortable life ; there are sensual , carnal , brutish delights in the waies of sin , but there is much terrour and bitterness in a wicked course , alwaies at the end of it . such as lead a new life , they have experience of the comforts of the spirit , of the joyes of the holy ghost . all these new waies ( so called as opposed to his former waies , else the best way is the oldest way ) are waies of pleasan●ness , and all these paths are p●●ce . 4. a new life it is the noblest life , we then live according to the highest elevation that we are capable of in this life . nay , it is a life nearest to the life of glory . 5. a new life is an evidencing life ; it is an evidence of the great and glorious things that are brought to light by the gospel , all full of delighting comfort . a new l●fe ( t●king in all the particulars before set down , shewing the things included in it ) is an evidence , first , of our election ; his new life is a fruit of gods ancient love , eph. 1.4 . secondly , of a new robe of righteousness put upon us for our justific●tion . thirdly , of p●r●on of old sins . fourthly , of our union with christ ; we could not le●d a new life , were we not engrafted into a new stock . fifthly , of the sincerity of our hearts , and the truth of grace . sixthly , of our sure title to heaven , to the new jerusalem that is above . 6. a new life is ●n encouraging life ; it will be an encouragement to a man to go ●o god in his greatest straits ; it will encourage a man with boldness to look death in the face when it comes . 7. it is the most profitable life to our selves and to others ; we shall be giving to others a good example , if we lead new lives , whereby they may be drawn to an holy imitation . a new he●rt you may have , and that may profit your self , but a new life will be profitable to others as well as to your self . 8. a new life is the only life that honours god , and that doth credit the gospel , and the profession that we make . to live in an old course of swearing , and lying , and sabbath-breaking , is to dishonour god : but if you walk in newness of life , you will promote the great end for which you live , i. e. the glory of god ; and the excellency of any thing is according to its sutableness and tendency to the attaining of a mans ultimate end , it is a new life that only glorifieth god , therefore a new life is the only ex●ellent life . 9. he that leads a new life hath a new guide to direct him in his holy walk ; the spirit of god will be your guide to shew you the way that you ought to go : though ( to you ) it may be a new way , yet you shall not lose your way , because the spirit is your guide . 10. he that leads a new life is taken into new relations . god is now his father , and the son of god is now his lord , head , redeemer , brother and all the people of god are now related to him in the bonds of grace . these things and many more may be said in commendation of the excellency of a new life : which appears to be so in the eyes of carnal men ( who have walked after their old hearts ) when they come to dye , that they then resolve if god would spare them , they would lead a new life . sect . iii. the hinderances of walking in newness of life are many , and very great , that it is not an easie thing for any man to lead this life . 1. the old serpent is a great enemy to this new li●e ; he hath old stratagems , and old devices and snares to divert them out of this way . 2. the old principle of corruption remaining in our hearts is a great impediment to this new life . it is working still in us , to walk in the old waies of pleasures and delights ; the old man within will still strive hard to hinder this new life without . 3. old sinful company will hinder you in your new manner of life ; they will be tempting , and enticing , and perswading you , to come to your old games , and your old delights ; it will be hard to live a new life amongst old sinful companions . 4. slavish fear of men is a great impediment of walking in newness of life ; it may be thou mightest displease thy father , thy master , the friend upon whom thou dost much depend , if thou shouldest forsake thy old wicked life , and become a new creature , and lead a new life , thou wouldest meet with new troubles ; but , fear god , and his vengeance more if thou walk in thy old course of sin , and keep thy old heart , then be filled with slavish fear of men , if they should deny their old favour , and friendship to thee , because thou walkest in newness of life . 5. flesh-pleasing ; and being too much over-powred by the sensitive appetite . 6. spiritual sloth : for , a new life hath many new difficult duties . thus , if you would improve this mercy , that god hath spared you ; you must live to god , and walk in newness of life . direction ix . hath god spared you in time of so great contagion ; then keep upon your heart a constant sense of gods distinguishing providence , in his preservation of you . let not length of time ( if god give it you ) wear off the greatness of this his mercy towards you ; if you forget gods goodness , you will not walk worthy of it : this was the sin of the people of israel , for whom god did such great things , psal . 78.10 . they kept not the covenant of god : and refused to walk in his law. vers . 11. and forgot his works , and his wonders that he had shewed them . psal . 106.21 . they forgot god their saviour , which had done great things in egypt . god hath done great wonders for you , in preserving of you in the valley of the shadow of death : god hath not given you over unto death ; god hath not laid you in the grave , where you would soon have been forgotten : do not you lay gods mercy , towards you , in the grave of oblivion ; nor bury his mercy ( of saving you alive ) in forgetfulness : david laid a charge upon his soul , that he should not forget the benefits of the lord towards him , psal . 103.2 . set down therefore , and record your danger , what it was ; such a moneth in such a year the plague was nigh my dwelling ; it came into my house , it took away so many of my children and servants , but god spared me : he took away the wife , the husband of my bosome , but god spared me ; yea , it was upon my body , so many plague-sores were running at once , and god delivered me from the grave , and from the very jawes of death : and , will you forget this while you live ? that you may have , and keep a sense of gods mercy to you , in preserving of you , consider these few particulars . 1. consider you had deserved the plague , and death by the plague , as well as those that have fallen into their graves thereby ( and it may be more too ) do not think that those that have died were greater sinners than you , luke 13.2 . and jesus answered and said unto them , suppose ye that these galileans were sinners above all the galileans , because they suffered such things . vers . 3. i tell you , nay , but except you repent , ye shall all likewise perish . vers . 4. or , those eighteen , upon whom the tower of siloam fell and slew them ; think ye that they were sinners above all men that dwelt in jerusalem , vers . 5. i tell you , nay , but extept ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish : do you think , that those , whom the plague hath slaughtered , that they were greater sinners then all that dwelt in london ? take heed of such conceptions : or , if many have fallen in this judgment , that were of worser lives than you ; yet , none have f●llen that had worser hearts than you naturally h●ve : nay , have not your sins been capable of greater ●ggravations than the sins of many d●unkards , and swearers , and prophane pe●sons , that did never sin against a god that pardoned their sins ; that did never sin against such love ▪ nor after such experiences of the working of gods spirit upon their hear●s as you have had ? nay , consider , that you are not likely ●o do god that service , nor bring to god that glory , that some of them might have done , that are now in their gr●ves , if god had spared them ; and yet god hath lengthened out your life : oh , what an obligation should this be to you to remember gods mercy , that you had plague-deserving-sins , but yet you had not the plague ! that you have death-deserving-sins , and yet you are not dead ! 2. consider you had a body as liable to infection as many others had ; there were such natural causes in your body , that might have laid you in your grave , if god had not prevented it : and , did not you suck in the same aire as others did , yea , as others breathed out , and yet god hath kept you ? 3. consider you had no better preservatives , nor cordials , then many others had , that yet by the plague are laid silent in the grave , and are now resting in the dust ; and others , that now are dead , used the same meanes as you did , and it may be more , and better too , and yet god denyed his blessing to the use of those meanes that were more probable to prevent infection then yours were ; by this you may be convinced , that it was the hand of god that hath preserved you : and therefore by this , you should be obliged to remember , and keep upon your heart a sense of gods mercy towards you . 4. consider you have been in more visible danger ; and , when you were called , did venture further then many others did : some were more reserved , and kept from company more than you have done ; being called to duty , where visited persons have been , as to help them that were sick of this distemper , &c. and yet some that lived more retiredly , and kept themselves more close , were visited , and are dead , and yet you have escaped , this is the finger of divine providence , and will you let the sense of this weare off from your heart ? 5. consider that you have been more weakly , and more infirme of body then many of them that the plague hath removed : many that were more likely to out-live you , are cut down before you : many that were strong , and of healthful constitutions , are laid in the dust ; while you , ( that have been waiting for your dissolution many moneths , or years , because of the infirmity of your body , and the frequent distempers that have been upon you ) are preserved . 6. consider how great a mercy your praservation is , not onely to your self , but to those to whom you are related ; you have many little children , that are not able to help themselves , nor to provide for themselves ; that in all likelihood would have been exposed to hardships and to want , if god had taken you from them : they are sharers in this mercy of your preservation ; and , the more are concerned in it , the greater the mercy is ; and , the deeper and more lasting sense it should make upon your heart : the thoughts of your children did increase your feares and trouble , when you were in danger ; and , should not the consideration of this , advance the greatness of the mercy , of being continued to them . direction x. hath god spared you in time of pestilence ; when he hath taken away many of your own relations , then , the fewer objects you have for your love now , the stronger let your love be towards god then it was before : in ste●d of murmuring against god , that you have lost those whom you did love ; the greater let your love be to god , since you h●ve not so many for to love . love l●id out upon many objects , is the weaker ; bu● , love united , and spent upon one object , is t●e stronger : as those , that have but one only son , love that more , then those that have more do love any ; because their love is divided amongst them all : it may be god had too little of your love , and it was ●n offence , and griefe unto your god , that the crea●ure should have that love which w●s due unto himself ; and therefore he hath cut off the s●re●es , that you may get nearer to the fountain . thy relation had more of thy affection then came unto his share ; and therefore , in stead of murmuring , be more in loving of thy god ; and this will be to live answerably to gods correcting , and afflicting of thee , in the loss of thy relation , and to his mercy in sparing of thy self : and , look what relation it is that is taken from thee ▪ while thou survivest ; and get clearer evidences that god will be in stead of that relation to thee , and be better to thee than that was : hast thou thy husband removed by this contagious disease , now make out more to god , that he would be an husband to thee ? hast thou lost thy children , or thy onely son ; see more diligently , that god hath bestowed his onely son upon thee , and this will much satisfie , and quiet thy heart ? hath god done thee any wrong , if he hath taken thy onely son from thee , and hath given his onely son to thee . thus , since you did survive others that are taken from you , improve your affliction , and your mercy , in being advantaged in spirituals ; and , this will be to live in some measure answerably to gods dealing with you . direction xi . hath god spared thee in time of plague , then see what it was that thy conscience did most accuse thee , or commend thee for , when the plague was nigh thy dwelling , or thou wast in fear and danger , and order thy life accordingly : what sin was it that thy conscience did reproach thee for , in a time of danger , and in feares of death ? whether of omission or commission ; publick or secret ; of what nature soever it was : and let it be the design of thy heart , in the course of thy life , to mortifie that sin , and keep it under ; that thou carefully avoid the occasions thereof : that , when death shall certainly come , and conscience shall have no more occasion , or just ground to reproach thee , thou mayest see , that god in mercy did prolong thy dayes , till thou hadst got the victory over , and the pardon , and the evidence of the pardon of that sin . what was it in thy feares , and when thou wast in expectation of death , that conscience did approve in thee ? it did then approve thy diligence in thy family , go on in this still ; it did approve of thy strickt and holy walking with god , go on in that which was good , and thy rightly inlightned conscience did commend in thee ; and , this will be to live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy , as is gods preserving of you in a time of such a wasting plague . direction xii . hath god spared you in such a time of so great mortality and contagion , then learn to trust your self , and all your affairs with god for the time to come : you have lived in time of danger , and have been in hazard of your life ▪ and yet god hath preserved and kept you : god hath called some to abide in the city , because they could not remove their habitation without neglect of duty ; for , where our duty lies and where our work is , that god calleth us unto ; there we may trust god , though our danger be never so great ; because , while we are in our duty , we are in our way , and god hath promised to keep us in all our wayes in time of plague , psal . 91.11 . many had opportunity of retiring into the country , without neglect of duty , without running away from duty ( those that went from their duty and work , which god expected they should there have done , have cause to be humbled for their slavish feares of death , and great distrust in god ) and , the use of meanes , for preservation , is not inconsistent with trusting in god , but is supposed and included in it , else it is not trusting in god , but presumption ; but many were obliged to abide upon the place , and god hath preserved you amongst them : oh , what an obligation and encouragement is this for you , for the time to come , to put your trust in god , in the use of meanes , in a way of duty ; and , the more you are able to commit your self to god in future dangers , the more you do improve this providence of god in preserving of you . but , because we need all helps and supports for putting our trust in god , i shall lay down some considerations to help you more and more to trust in god ; premising first the nature of it , that you may perceive what it is , that you are exhorted to , when perswaded to trust in god. trusting in god is a special fruit of faith and hope , whereby the soul looking upon god in christ , through a promise , is in some good measure freed from fretting feares , and cutting cares , about the removing or preventing of some evil , or the enjoying or procuring of that which is good . 1. it is a fruit of faith ; for therefore a man trusteth in god , because he believeth , and is perswaded of the truth of what god saith , and believeth the performance of his promise , and so it is called fiducia fidei . 2. it is a fruit of hope ; for therefore i trust in god , because i hope it shall be with me according to his word : if i had no hope of this , i could not trust in god , and so it is called fiducia spei . 3. this trust hath god in christ , through a promise , for its object ; we trust in god , through christ , eying the promise : for , the promise of god , is the foundation of our trust in god , and the promise of god draws forth the hearts of his people to trust in him , psal . 119.42 . — i trust in thy word . 4. the effect of this trusting in god is the quietation of the heart , and a freeing of the soul ( proportionably to the degree of his trust ) from fretting feares , and cutting cares about good and evil , to be avoided or procured , psal . 56.3 . what time i am afraid i will trust in thee . vers . 4. in god will i praise his word ; in god i have put my trust , i will not fear what flesh can do unto me . the arguments for the moving you to trust in god , for the future , are such as these . 1. will not you trust in god after such rich and full experience that you have had of gods taking care for you ? hath god cared for your life , and will not you trust him for food and raiment ? experience is a great support for confidence in god , 2 cor. 1.10 . who delivered us from so great a death , and doth deliver , in whom we trust that he will yet deliver us . when david had had experience of gods delivering him from the lion and the bear , he trusted in god to deliver him from the hands of the uncircumcised philistine , 1 sam. 17.37 . when thou hast been in danger , god hath kept thee ; and when thou hast been in sickness , god hath restored thee : and , if it be good for thee , he will do so again . 2. will not you trust in god that is all sufficient and allmighty , able to deliver you from any evil , able to bestow upon you any thing that is good ? he can remove your feares , and he can fill your desires : according to your perswasions of a mans ability to help you ( caeteris paribus ) will your trust be in him , 2 cor. 1.9 . for we had the sentence of death in our selves , that we should not trust in our selves , but in god which raiseth the dead . that god that can raise the dead , may be trusted in any case or condition : you have found him able . 3. will not you trust in god , that is so willing to do you good ? you may acknowledge gods all-sufficiency to be a support for your trusting in him , but , the doubts that you find in your soul , whether god be willing to do you good , is a cause of your ( too frequent ) distrust in him : you must believe that god is a god of mercy , and ready to do for his people , whatsoever he seeth conduceth to his glory and their good : and , you may know his willingness by his promises , which are various , according to the condition that you are , or may be in : you have found him willing , and yet will you not trust him ? 4. will not you trust in a god , that is faithfull in all he saith ? he declares his willingness to do you good , to supply your wants , to preserve you in dangers , by his promise : for , a promise of god is a declaration of his will , for the bestowing of some good thing upon his people through christ , and his will and purpose he will never change , and his promise he will not suffer to faile : will you trust a man that is faithful to his word , and not god ? especially after you have found him faithful in performing promise unto you . 5. will not you trust in god that is infinite in wisdom , and knowes how to order all your affaires ? when your condition is altogether intricate , and you know not how to winde your self out of difficulties , then your wise god can do it , 2 pet. 2.9 . the lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptation . — and , will you not trust a god that is able and willing , and faithful and wise ? especially after you have experienced all these in god , in the late dangers and feares of death that you have been in ? or , shall these qualifications of power , willingness , faithfulness , and wisdom in men ( in their measure ) be a ground of your putting civill trust in them ; and , shall not all these , that be in god without measure , be a ground of your putting religious trust in him ? 6. will not you put your trust in god , since it is his due , it belongs to him of right ? it is a part of your spiritual homage which you owe to god : religious trust doth so belong to god , that it will be idolatry to place it in any thing besides , psal . 115.7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. it doth so properly and solely belong to god , that it is a periphrasis of god to be the confidence of all the ends of the earth , psal . 65.5 . give to god the things of god , and give to the creatures no more than belongs unto them : you have nothing else to trust to , you must not place religious trust in men ; not in great men and nobles , psal . 118.8 , 9. nor in riches , 1 tim. 6.17 . not in horses and chariots , psal . 207. not in your own righteousness and religious duties , ezek. 33.13 . 7. will not you trust in god who is so nearly related to you ? men are apt to trust too much in th●ir e●rthly friends and relations : we put civil trust and confidence in our neer relations , because of the affection that they bear unto us : thus children trust to their parents , and wives in their husbands , and one friend in another ; god is your father , your husband , and your friend , and yet will you not put your trust in him ? 8. will not you put your trust in god for smaller things , since you trust him for the greatest ? you trust in god to deliver you from the torments of hell ; and , will not you trust him to deliver you from farr lesser evils ? you trust in him for pardon , and for eternal life ; and , will you not trust in him for smaller matters ? will you trust him wi●h your soul , and not with your body ? for eternal life , and , not for temporal ? would you trust a man for thousands , and not for pence ? especially , when the providence of god extends to the smallest concernments of his children , even to an hair of their heads , mat. 10.30 . when must we put our trust in go● ? in general i answer ; at all times , psal . 62.8 . trust in him at all times , ye people ; pour out your hearts before him : god is a refuge for us . in particular , trust in god , 1. in time of sickness and affliction upon your body , job 13.15 . though he slay me , yet will i trust in him . 2. in time of outward wants ; in the losse of all things , 1 sam. 30.3 , to 7. hag. 3.17 . 3. in time of desertion ; when you have not the smiles of his face , isa . 50.10 . 4. at the hour of death commit your soules to him ; trust him with your soul , psal . 31.5 , 6. 5. in times of greatest inconstancy , psal . 46.1 , 2 , 3. 6. in times of evil tidings , psal . 112.7 . he shall not be afraid of evil tidings , his heart is fixed , trusting in the lord. thus , if you trust god more because of the experience you have had in gods keeping of you , you do , in this , improve this mercy . direction xiii . hath god spared you in time of so great mortality ; then give thankes to god , and the praises that are due unto him for so great preservation : every person should be very thankful unto god , that hath kept him alive ; and every family should sound forth his praises : you spent time extraordinary , in seeking god by prayer , in your closet , in your family , that he would preserve you ; and , hath god done so , in answer to your prayers ? and , will you not spend some time extraordinary in , and with your own family in thankful acknowledgments of gods love unto you , and his care over you ? oh set some time apart , every family whom god hath preserved , or so many that are left in every family , in solemn praisings of god for his signal preservation vouchsafed unto you . in the time of your trouble , you called upon god , he hath delivered you , and now you should glorifie him , psal . 50.15 . and god is glorified by you when you offer praises to him , ver. 23. in the pressing you to the practice of this direction , i shall do three things : 1. how , or with what , must those that are preserved from death in time of plague give thanks to god , or glorifie god for this mercy ? 2. with what arguments should the people of god that are spared press themselves to give praises to god ? 3. what course must such take to get a thankful heart for so great a mercy ? sect . i. how , or with what , must those that are pre●erved give thanks to god ? this must be done three waies : 1. you must praise god with your tongues : your lips must shew forth his praises , psal . 51.15 . your tongue must sing aloud of gods righteousness and mercy . for this end god hath preserved you , psal . 30.11 . thou hast turned for me my mourning into dancing : thou hast put off my sackcloath , and girded me with gladness . ver. 12. to the end that my glory may sing praise to thee , and not be silent : o lord my god , i will give thanks unto thee for ever . by [ glory ] david means his tongue : the tongue is the glory of a man , it being his priviledge above all creatures , with the tongue to form articulate words , having distinction of sound , for the communicating of the conceptions of his mind unto others . thus we should praise god by speaking of his excellencies and perfections of his nature , of his works and waies , of his dealings with us , of the danger he hath delivered us from , of the good he hath given to us , of the salvation he hath wrought for us . 2. you must praise god with your heart as well as with your tongue ; for as prayer for mercy with the tongue , without the heart will not be profitable to us , so praises with the tongue for mercy received , without the heart , will not be acceptable unto god. to praise god with the heart , is the very heart of our praises . thus david , that before called upon his tongue to bless god , doth also elsewhere call upon his soul to do it , psal . 103.1 . bless the lord o my soul , and all that is within me , bless his holy name . god blesseth us , by giving good things unto us , eph. 1.3 . we bless god , when we do thankfully acknowledge the good things we receive from god. you must then stir up your soul , and all that is within you unto this great work of praise for so great preservation . 3. you must praise god in your lives , and by your works and conversations ; you must not only speak gods praises , but you must live to his praise ; you must do it with life , and in and by your life . life is the mercy i call upon you to praise god for , and you must do it by your life . you may praise god with your lips , and not with your hearts , but if you do indeed praise god with your heart , you will also do it by your life . if you will give thanks indeed , you must live thanks . the best thanks-giving is thanks-doing . thus if you would be thankful for the life of your children , shew it by your religious care in their holy education ; that god might not say of you , i spared such a mans children in time of plague , and afterwards he brought them up to dishonour me , and to sin against me ; if you would be thankful for your own life , then lay it out in holy walking with god. sect . ii. with what arguments should the people of god urge their own hearts thus in tongue , in heart and life , to praise and glorifie god for his preserving of them ? work your heart hereunto with these following arguments . consider , 1. should not you thus praise god for your preservation from danger by the plague , who did make this one of your arguments to prevail with god by prayer in time of danger to preserve you ? did not you reason thus with god in time of sickness ? lord lengthen out the life of thy servant , o lord deliver my soul , o save me for thy mercies sake , for in death there is no remembrance of thee ; in the grave who shall give thee thanks ? what profit is there in my bloud , when i go down into the pit ? shall the dust praise thee ? shall it declare thy truth ? the grave cannot praise thee , death cannot celebrate thee : they that go down into the pit cannot hope for thy truth . the living , the living he shall praise thee . were not these your pleadings at the throne of grace ? and did not you promise to god , and purpose in your heart , that if god would spare you , you would celebrate his praises ? and shall not there be a correspondence betwixt your actions when you were in fears , and your actions , when your great danger ( by the plague ) is over ? 2. should not you thus praise god for your preservation , who have such examples for your practice , recorded in the scripture . when hezekiah had been sick and was recovered he sang forth the praises of the lord , isa . 38.19 , 20. when david had been in danger of death and was delivered , he deliberates with himself what he should return and render to the lord , psal . 116.12 , 13 &c. what shall i render to the lord , for all his benefits towards me ? i will take the cup of salvation , and will call upon the name of the lord. ver. 17. i will offer unto thee the sacrifice of thanks-giving — for your imitation consider davids practice , ( 1. ) he propounds a case of conscience . since i was brought low and the lord hath helped me ; since the sorrows of death have compassed me about , and god hath delivered me , what shall i render ? what must i do ? what return must i make ? and he presseth himself to this by four forcible arguments , in these words , for all his benefits towards me . he considered , first , benefits received . kindnesses call for acknowledgments ; favours are obliging . we must give thanks in , and for afflictions , much more when we are delivered . i deserved judgments , but benefits have been my receipt . secondly , the author of them , [ his ] benefits ; the kindnesses of men should not be forgotten , much less the benefits of god. your life is a benefit , and god is the author of it . thirdly , the number of them ; [ all ] his benefits ; they were many , not a few . three things are innumerable : gods mercies to us , our sins against god , the evils that good men suffer , psal . 40.5 , 12. fourthly , the person to whom they were given : for all his benefits to [ me . ] hath god indeed given such mercy to me ? hath god continued life to me , so vile , so unworthy , oh what shall i render ? ( 2. ) he resolves this case propounded ; i will take the cup of salvation ; i will offer the sacrifice of praise . god hath taken from you ( for the present ) the cup of death , which was to so many a cup of trembling ; he hath removed your cup of affliction , and instead thereof hath given you a cup of consolation , and a cup running over with variety of mercies , and will not you take the cup of salvation , and offer the sacrifice of praise ? do you see david ( in the like case ) so diligent and inquisitive what to render , and so peremptory and resolute , to offer praise to god , and will not you go and do likewise ? 3. is not this the noblest work you can engage in , to praise god , and to celebrate with thankfulness the greatness of his mercy and goodness ? it is the work of angels to be praising god ; and when you take your flight into heaven , and are perfectly removed from sin , sorrow , suffering , temptation , wants , you shall do nothing else but love , and praise , and admire god ? and will you not in the mean while accustome your self to that work on earth , which shall be your imployment in heaven ? and will you not take occasion hereunto , by so great a mercy as god at such a time as this hath vouchsafed you ? 4. is not god most worthy of your highest and your heartiest praises ? you were not worthy of gods mercies , you were not worthy of life , but god is worthy of the best of your praises , were they as perfect as the hallelujahs of the saints in heaven . god indeed is above all praise , neh. 9.5 . but yet he is pleased with his peoples praising of him . 5. will you praise the efficacy of your antidotes , and the skill of your able physitian , by whose help you have been ( under god ) preserved : and will you not be much more in praising of god , for your safety , when without his blessing all had been ineffectual ? will you praise the instrument and means , and say , i had an able doctor , and not the principal cause of your preservation , and say , i had a good god. 6. will not you praise god for his mercy towards you , no , not for your life , when this is all that god requireth at your hands , that you should be th●nkful for your life , and thankfully improve it for his glory ? you cannot make a requital , but god expecteth some return ; you cannot make a retaltation , but god looketh for some retribution : and will not you think an alms ill bestowed upon that beggar , that will not give you thanks ? and will not life be continued to the aggravation of your sin , if you are not thankful for it ? 7. is not this a duty that will well become you ? a christian doth then act most like a christian when he is praising god , in tongue , in heart , and life , psal . 33.1 , 2. and 147.1 . praise is comely for the upright . three things are very comely , to weep as a sinner , to walk as a saint , to rejoyce as a son. 8. will not you give to god the glory of his preserving providence , when if you do not , ( that are gods people ) none else will ? the wicked that are spared , they will not , they cannot praise god ; they will dishonour him , they will speak to gods dishonour , and act to gods dishonour , so that if you do not praise god for his sparing so many alive , none else will : and shall god be without all thankful acknowledgments of his remembring mercy , in the midst of judgment ? god forbid : that amongst all the thousands that are spared , there should be none found , making some thankful return to god. this number will be but small ; amongst the ten lepers that were cleansed there was but one found thankful . if you would not have god to lose the glory of his providence , then you must be the men that must honour him for it . many wicked men were not found praying to be preserved , much less will they be found praising , when they are preserved . 9. have you more cause to bless god for life than others have , and yet will not you do it ? your life is more sweet and comfortable to you , than the lives of wicked men are , or can be , forasmuch as you have those comforts with life , and that communion with god in life , that wicked men have not : they live only a natural life , and have only the sweetness of natural life , but you with this life have also the comforts of an higher life , and yet will not you bless god for it ? they are delivered from the grave for a while , but not from the wrath of god too ; from the grave , but not from the danger of hell too , but so are you : and have you so much cause to bless god for life , and will you want an heart to bless him ? 10. is this the most effectual way to have life continued to you , and yet will not you do it ? to have life continued will be , to be thankful for it ; else god ( finding you unthankful ) when the plague is over , might commission death by some other distemper , to take that from you , which you would not be thankful for . 11. is not life the sweetest of all earthly mercies , and more to be prized , and yet will not you be thankfull to god for it that hath so signally continued it unto you ? skin for skin , and all that a man hath he will give for his life : and yet will not you give thanks to god for life ? what earthly thing will you be thankful for , ●nd what mercy upon earth will you make returns to god for , if not for life ? 12. do you finde unthankful men placed amongst the greatest rank of sinners , and yet will you be unthankful ? unthankful persons are numbred among blasphemers , covetous , disobedient to parents , such as are without natural affection ; false accusers , despisers of those that are good , &c. 2 tim. 3.2 , 3 , 4. and , will you yet be unthankful , and that for your life ? thus , by these considerations you should press your heart to give praises to god for this so great preservation . section iii. iii. what is the course that those that remain , after this judgment , should take , to be thankful to god , and to render praises to him for the preservation of themselves , and those of their relations continued to them ? take these rules . 1. if you would render thankes to god in tongue , in he●rt and l●fe , for this mercy , then get a right judgment of the worth and greatness of the mercy , that you , and some of yours are continued after this visitation . those that do not prize a mercy , will never be thankful for it : what a mercy is life to you , that are not yet assured of the love of god ? what a mercy is life to you , that are not yet certain of the salvation of your soules ? or , if you are sure of heaven , yet is life to you a great mercy ; that you have time to do the works that god hath appointed you to do . consider also what a mercy it is to have your children continued , that you may yet instruct them , and pray for them ; that you may see christ formed in them before you or they do die . 2. if you would be thankful for life , and have an heart to render praises to the lord , for your own , and your relations ; consider , how uncomfortable your life had been , had god continued you , and taken away your neerest relations ; and , how uncomfortable your life would have been , had god continued them onely , and taken you away from them : you may consider while you live , the discomforts of your relations , and the sorrow of their hearts , if god had removed you by death ; what an uncomfortable widow would your wife ( now ) have been ? what uncomfortable orphans would your children [ now ] have been ! you have enough before you , and amongst you , that are sad instances of this : oh , consider this , and it will be a meanes to make you thankful , and to give to god the glory of your preservation . 3. retain in your memory the greatness of this mercy , when you have apprehended how great it is ; a forgetfull person will be an unthankful person : when david would have his soul to bless god for his mercy , he layes a charge upon himself not to forget the benefits he had received , psal . 103.2 . bless the lord , oh my soul , and forget not all his benefits : record gods mercy to you herein , and get it imprinted on the table of your heart : forgetfulness is a great hinderance to every duty ; as , some men forget their sins , and they will not be humbled for them : some men forget gods mercies , and they will not be thankful for them : some forget both , and are neither penitent nor thankful . so , to remember some things , and forget others , is very injurious to mens soules ; as , some remember gods mercy , and forget their sins : and these presume . some remember their sins , and forget gods mercy : and these despaire . but , it is best to remember both our sins and gods mercy : the one will make us humble , and the other thankfull . 4. let the relations that god hath continued unto you , have a roome in your heart and affection , according to the measure that god commands : he that hath children spared , and hath not sutable affections for them , will not , cannot be thankful unto god for the continuance of their lives , and so husbands and wives : but , then you must love them , and your own life , but according to the measure that god allowes : for , to love any of these , your relations , or your life immoderately , will not be to be thankful for them , but to abuse them , and make idols of them : let your own life and your relations have their allowance of your love , but no ●re . 5. pray to god for a praising thankful heart for this mercy . god gives us all our mercies , and god must give us a thankful heart for these mercies , else we cannot give to god the glory of them : when you were in your danger you were afraid , least god should deny you life , when you prayed unto him for it : but , are you as afraid , least you should not have an heart thankfully to improve it , when he hath granted it unto you ? you prayed for life , now pray to god to make you thankful , and thankfully to improve it : 6. labour to keep your graces lively and vigorous : to praise god is a lively work , and a dull heart cannot do it : you must love god for his mercy , if you would praise him for his mercy : you must delight in god , if you would praise him : the more lively your graces are , the more sweet and comfortable your life will be ; and , the more comfort you have in life , the more your heart will be engaged to give god the glory of it : and so shall you be found amongst those few that do endeavour to live in some measure answerably to so great a mercy , as preservation from the grave , in a time of plague . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36329-e4090 the first p●rt of the first direction contains 7 questions . question first . six things premised , for explication . * pe●de● haec [ peccati ] differentia graduum ( 1 ) a respectu personae a qua admittitur . ( 2 ) a g●nere & natura rei , ( 3 ) ah intensione & remissione actus . ( 4 ) ratione et modo patrandi . ( 5 ) a circumstantiis loci , temporis , &c. ames ●ed . p. 65. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * vitam ● dei appellat , vitam illam qua deus vivit in suis : quamque praecipit & approbat . beza in loc . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is opera quaestus . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. quasi agatur de lu●●n ita ut ●liu● alium superare conte●d●t . beza in loc . scriptures shewing many wax worse . nemo repente sit turpissimus , sed sensim sine sensu . psal . 1. v. 1. opened . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tam id quod consulitur , quam quod consilio efficitur . by th . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mos consuetudo , studium quae sunt quasi viae per quas incedunt , versonturque . by th . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ambulavit metaphoricè usurpatur de vita , moribus & actionibus . * nomen plurale absque singulari , ex conjugatione pihel deductum , idcoque significationem intendit , ac habitum denotat . ●i●lmer , in psal . arguments proving wicked men wax worse . from sin . sin disposeth the heart to sin . sin begets sin . sin is linked to sin . rom. 6.6 . sin infects the sinner . sin is unsatiable . oculi sunt in amore duces . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . satan . absence of grace . question second . 10 rounds in the sinners ladder to hell . natural concupiscence . temptation . inclination . ●am 1.14 . is inticed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word signifi●th baiting , as men doe bait for fishes . rom. 7.7.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. consent . action . iteration . habit. hardness contracted * peccata sive sint commissionis sive omissionis per multiplicationem diuturnam , in consuctudinem ducta & inveterata , pravum habitum gignunt , ac quasi callum obducunt voluntati simu●●c menti . ames med. p. 67. hardness judiciall . 7 things about gods hardning mens hea●ts . deus concurrit ad actum non ad malitiam actûs . * excaecatio activa tribuitur deo , satanae & homini scipsum excaecanti ; satanas & homo in ista actione gravissimè peccant , deus autem justissimè agit . strangius , de volun . dei circa peccatum . p 819. modi notandi sunt , quibus dicitur deus indur●re . ( 1 ) quia deus juste deserit eos , a quibus desertus est , suumque auxilium subtrabit aut denegat , privatque eos donis suis , quibus illi perverse abusi sunt , idem . p. 824. ( 2 ) viam eis aperit , objecta & occasiones subministrans , quibus illi flagitia exequantur , ut in perniciem suam ruant . 826. ( 3 ) offert , confert , aut facit ea quae sua natura hominem ad bonum converterent , atque ad illustrandum , & emollieadum volerent , sed abutentium vitio fit , ut magis obdurentur . p. 827. ( 4 ) flagella , flagellorum remotio , adversa , impiorum indurationem promovent , iisque pulsati inster ineudis sub malleo magis indurescunt . p. 828. finall impenitence . question third . prosperity makes the wicked worse . * psal . 50.18 , 19 , 20 , 21. adversity makes wicked men worse . deliverances make wicked men worse . wicked men are worse , by the word . * sciendum est , evangelium non perimere quenquam ▪ sed evangelii contemptum . bez. in 2 cor. 2.16 . by the sacrament . grande id nefas , quando remedium , non modo , non proficit aegro sed in venenum vertitur . par. in 1 cor. 11. question fourth . reasons are , 1. from god. 2. from the elect converted . 3. from elect unconverted . 4. from reprobates . question fifth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vnium , quo qui laborat , ad quodvis scelus , paratus est . joh. 8.44 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in crastinum recondere , quo significatur homines dum cupiditatibus suis quotidie indulgendo existimant se aliquod bonis suis adjicere , tandem pro the sauro inventuros dei indignationem . bez in loc . question sixth . question seventh . corollaries from the first part of this direction . the second part of the first direction , ten lessons to be learned in this city that hath been a great house of mourning . verity of divine threatnings . desert of sin . mans mort●l●ty . the worlds vanity . the uncertainty of all relati●ns . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they set forth to sea , v●la da●t , when they have done their voyage , vela contra . hunt . humility . parity in ●●t ●●d afflictions . difference ●n the ●anner . folly of delays . mortification . ten aggravations of gods peoples sin , if they be worse . seventeen arguments to gods people to be better . perform your purpose , pay your vows . seven arguments for care to keep o●r resolutions made in time of fear and sickness . the heart is deceitful sin is encroaching . satan will assault . the world will interrupt . you will meet with opposition . concurrence of many duties re-qui-red . twenty helps for keeping our resolutions . watch against your darling sin . signs of a beloved sin . and against temptation . sin is as odious to god when you are well as when you were sick . holiness in ac● , pleasing to god , more than in purpose . sin is prejudicial , ●h●n you are well as when you were sick . holiness in act will be sweeter to you , than onely in purpose . when you are well , you are stil mortal . believe judgment to come . gods eye is upon you . keep conscience tender . choose a choise friend . gods purpose always the same to you . holy courage . zeal . frequent self-reflexions . renew your purpose . it will bring great benefits . pray for strength . mortifie self-love and use self-denial . examples . fourteen aggravations of neglect to live up to our holy resolutions . it is great hypocrisie . double iniquity . crea●●olly . it is to lye to god. * oratio , quando non est conformis menti dicentis , dicitur falsa ethice quando non est conformis rebus , est salsa logice . to sin against conscience . it will make death terrible . it is great unthankfulness for your life . it will make you loose the benefit of affliction . it is to approve of sin after dislike . if thou hadst dyed in thy sickness thou hadst been damned . it encourageth the devil to tempt . it provoketh god. hinders prayer . begets doubtings . since you live , look after the cure of soul-sickness . sin is the souls sickness . sickness of the soul more dreadfull than of the body . signs of the cure of soul-sickness . how to be cured of soul-sickness . christ the soul-●hysician . directions to give to god the glory of our souls cure . the reader is desired to make the following direction the fourth . be eminent in your place and relation . subjects duties to magistrates . ministers should be more in studying . praying . preaching . 10 appellations , shewing the work of ministers . living exemplarily . the peoples duty in hearing the word . governo●s of families must set up gods worship in their houses . why ? wherein in praying . four reasons for daily prayer in families . r●adi●g the word of god. 4 reasons for reading scripture in families . repeating things delivered in publick . in catechizing . 4 reasons for catechizing in families . in singing psalms . how 〈◊〉 really . for five reasons . livelily . chearfully . constantly . duties of husbands & wives , whom god hath spared in this plague . the properties of their love superlative . constant holy , tender . forgiving love the reasons of their love wherein they should manifest this love . ☜ duties of parents whom god hath continued to children , viz. instruction . correction . prayer . choosing them a calling . disposing them in marriage duties of children , whom god hath continued to their parents . reasons for these duties . duties of masters whom god hath continued to servants . duties of servants whom god hath continued to masters . watch against secret sins . abstain from secret sins . considerations to watch against secret sins . god setteth secret sins in the light of his countenance . masked sins detected . 4 properties of gods view of secret sins . secresie is no security . it is a sign of sincerity . god judgeth not by outward appearances . to allow secret sin is great ●mp●iety . secret sins provoke god and grieve the spirit . and destroy your peace . h●nder grace . and fervent prayer , and prevent audience . do harden . stop communications of gods secrets ▪ if you make conscience of secret sin , you shall have an open reward . in these you have least help from others . que. 2. helps against secret sins . god his eye . e●e judgment to come . deep hatred . true fear . uprightness of heart . design gods approbation . be watchful . suppress first motions of sin . sense of gods love . secret duties . secret duties . secret things in publick duties . secret evils in publick duties to be avoided . since you live after the plague , be dead to the world. to the profits of the world . are corrupt●ble . hurtful . unprofitable . hurtful uncertain . easily valued . unsatisfying . to the honours of the world. to the pleasures of the world. to the wisdom of the world. ☜ signes of a man that is dead to the world ▪ since you live , after this plague , be dead to sin , and be buried with christ . believers are buried in 3. respects . 2 differences between the burial of our friends and our sins . 5 resemblances . comfort to those that are buried with christ . since you live after this plague , walk in newness of life . what newness of life doth not consist in . in what consisteth newness of life . the excellen●ies of a new life . hindrances of walking in newness of life . since you live after this plague , keep upon your heart a sense of this mercy . helpes to be sensible of the mercy of life . if you have fewer objects of love left you , love god so much the more . since you live , remember what were the actings of conscience in time of danger , and live accordingly . since you live , after you have been in such danger , trust god for the future . description of trust . 8 arguments to trust in god. six special times to trust in god. since you live after this plague , give thanks to god. 3 wayes you must pra●se god with your tongue . heart . life . 12 arguments to thankfulness for life . psal . 6.4 , 5. psal . 30.9 . isa . 3● . 18 , 19. mat. 20.22 , 23. jer. 16.7 . psal . 16.5 . 6 helpes to thankfulness for life .