a discourse, prepared for the ears of some romanists (at a general quarter sessions, in the north, when they were summon'd to take the oaths.) by sr. christopher wyvill baronet, one of his majesties justices of the peace in those parts: and now profered to the eyes of them all wyvill, christopher, sir, 1614-1672?. 1679 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67231 wing w3782b estc r204134 99825317 99825317 29697 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67231) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29697) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2105:22) a discourse, prepared for the ears of some romanists (at a general quarter sessions, in the north, when they were summon'd to take the oaths.) by sr. christopher wyvill baronet, one of his majesties justices of the peace in those parts: and now profered to the eyes of them all wyvill, christopher, sir, 1614-1672?. 14 p. printed by stephen bulkley, and are to be sold by richard lambart bookseller, york : 1679. with a preliminary imprimatur leaf dated: aug. 29. 1679. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholics -england -controversial literature -early works to 1800. popes -temporal power -early works to 1800. popish plot, 1678 -early works to 1800. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse , prepared for the ears of some romanists ( at a general quarter sessions , in the north , when they were summon'd to take the oaths . ) by sr. christopher wyvill baronet , one of his majesties justices of the peace in those parts : and now profered to the eyes of them all york . printed by stephen bulkley , and are to be sold by richard lambart bookseller , 1679. imprimatur , robert feild . aug. 29. 1679. a discourse , prepared for the eears of some romanists , &c. i am not onely sorry and troubled , but afflicted , to see so many persons standing there , who ( could they but quit themselves of one or two needless scruples , pardon me gentlemen , if i use that term ) were fit to sit here and mannage the affaires of the country . realy , i would not wish any of you ( upon the meer accompt either of your purses or persons ) to turn your backs of one fundamentall doctrine , that appears such , upon a serious and impartial enquirie ; but even in consideration of those your temporal concerns , you may have just occasion , to review your notions , and after due search easily find . 1. that that sort of supremacie which the laws require , on the behalfe of our kings , doe's no way violate , or invade the priestly function . 2. that that sort of supremacie , which the pope now clayms , was vtterly unknown to the primitive church ; and is neither consistent with , nor at all becoming the priestly function . 3. that this sort of supremacie has stragled , in the world , to the cost of many crowned-heads , and the destruction of numberless christian people . 4. that this sort of supremacie was ( first ) founded in bloud , and so fostered ever since ; having been formerly , and formally ( in direct , plain words ) declared against , both by a council , and a pope . 5. that the chief and most celebrated authors , in the romish church have writ in defence of their exorbitant supremacie , after such a manner , as does rended it rational , yea necessary ( especially it being compared with their former known actings , and the posture of this day ) to keep on foot the old , and perhaps to make new laws , in prejudice of recusants . 1. that we may discover the truth , or falsehood of this proposition , it will be requisit to know distinctly , what the challinges of the king are . what he absolutely and freely disowns . he expects then to be custos uriusque tabulae ; this was no more then all the kings of iuda exercised ; and those of them that were most zealously active in the purging the temple , in the preserving , or restoring the true worship of god , ( as iosiah ) we find most commended , most celebrated in holy writ : we find too , ( to note that by the way ) they still called to the law , the written law , and to the testimonies , making them their rule . 2. chorn. 17th . iehosophat 29 hezekiah 34. iosiah , he expects further , that all the members of the church within his dominions , should be subject to his courts ; and clergie-men , as well others , ( in case of notorious crimes ) tryable there . he expects to nominate , appoint , and call to any spiritual preferments , what persons he please , without the interposition of any forraign power , or potentate : this is no more then every patron of a parish-church looks at , as his own right . the whole of this is no more , then elutherius , bishop of rome , declared to be in lucius king of brittain , when he sent to him to desire , not his leave , but advice , in the resetling a christian church ; for the gospel had been both preached and owned here before ; and without any help from rome ; tho , at that time sadly over-run again with paganisme . but now negatively , let us see what the king pretends not to ; not the conferring of orders ; not administration of sacraments ; not to preach the word ; not ( of himself ) to define articles of faith ; and herein , both the preamble of the statute , and the injunctions which were afterwards purposely framed , ( to satisfie such as seem'd to mistake the point ) are so plain , that it 's a wonder how a considering man , can have any religious fear or scruple about it . these together , are such an innocent kind of supremacie , so just and so frequently exercised by christian emperors , and kings of england , ( even all that had any thing of judgement , spirit , or good fortune ) as certainly none that has lookt at all into historie only , will deny his prince . 2. doubtless if our blessed lord had meant , that this prodigious sort of supremacie ( joyned with a never failing infallibilitie ) should ever have been the main article of our faith , he would not have answered his inquisitive disciples so unsatisfactorily , as he he did ; mark 9.34 , 35. ver . nor would he have left the world without a clear direction , in a matter of so vast concernment ( to all it 's future generations ) now that he did not so , is evident , since st. paul when he sadly foretold the church , how , after his departure , grievous wolves should enter in ; and amongst them , many should arise speaking perverse things ; advises them not , to make their addresses to any one that should ( then ) happen to be bishop of rome ; but commends them to the word of gods grace , to be built up thereby : as we read acts. 20.29 , 30 , 31 , 32. a shrewd signe , that the apostle did not understand tu es petrus in the popish sence ; nor in that other place , which has a minatorie exhortation to rome ( as well as to other gentile churches ) least she also might be cut off , romans 11.18 , 19 , 20 , 21. ver . what think you , would all the eastern bishops have stood out so vigorously , and so long ( in that controversie about the celebration of easter ) if it had ever been received as a standing rule , that your vniversal monarch , in the west , was gods plenepotentiarie , in all causes ecclesiastical . would the third councill of carthage ( wherein st. augustine was present ) have past a decree , that none should be stiled head , or prince of priests ? would the great gregory ( even when he sat in the pontifical chaire ) have pronounced such a pretender the forerunner of anti-christ . even st. peter ( from whom you seek to derive it ) demonstrates , that he neither had , nor desired any such lordship , or superiority , 1 peter 5.2 , 3. would heirome have said , pari omnes , inter se authoritate fuisse apostolos ? would ambrose have slipt so , as to have writ , non habent haereditatem petri , qui fidem petri non habent ? would b●sil have assigned to alexandria , and antioch , a better title to the succession of peter ? would he , and so many other old fathers , have blamed , chid , derided ; nay , even contemned the bishop of romes pride , if all the world had been obliged to be led by the nose , what way he should please ? 3.4 . it is in vain then to seek after the sort of supremacie , now contended for during the first six hundred years ; but i shall presently lead you it's rise : and that leaning upon the authorities of such authors , as you will not refuse to call your own ; know then , that not halfe an age after gregory was gone off this stage : a certain man that went by the name of boniface had a mind to be paramount in the church , and there ( luckily ) fell out to be at the same time , a person of great power , who long'd to be emperor ; these two , struck a bargain ; mauritius ( the rightfull master of them both ) together with his whole family , cruelly was murder'd : ph●cas got the scepter ; and boniface was by him constituted universall bishop : from hence , all men must date the original of this fatal supremacie ; fatal , i say , because it has been so fruitfull , and teeming in slaughters , rebellions , ( you must bear with the term , since matter of fact , in almost every age bears testimonie thereof ) and massacres . it was indeed a fine cast of this new office , which anno 747. was given to chilpric ( the last of the first royal house in france ) by the then pope zacharie ; poor chilpric was an unactive , easie creature , and therefore must be sent into a monasterie ( where you may suppose , he lived not long after . ) but pepin was a brave young blade , and zacharie stood need of such an one : he presently absolves him from his sworne allegiance , and mounts him up to the throne . but tush ! this was nothing to the freaks ; the subsequent holinesses play'd all the empire , ( nay well-nigh ) all europe over , by pulling , yea kicking off crowns ( anno 1080 , gregorie the 7th . by arming subjects ( yes sonns ) against their princes ( anno 1110. paschal second . ) the two last henry's of paris felt the weight of the two swords , which the pope clayms as his own , though they fell but by two sorry knives in the hands of two wretches , but both disciples of the iesuits ; and all to make room for this monstrous supremacie ; at the cost , not only of albigences , waldenses , hussites , ( and such as they will call hereticks ) but even of their own children , who mistook that stepdame of rome for their true mother . t is true , st. ambrose ( pretty , early when the discipline of the primitive church was yet in it's right state and just vigor ) did stave off the hands of the emperor , from touching the sacred elements , when he found them polluted with it innocent blood . but , i beseech you consider ( for this very perticular may serve to rectifie your judgements . ) 1. what he was . 2. how far he proceeded . he was bishop of millaine , a place alwayes reckoned in the territories of italy ; not bishop of rome : nor acting by any authority derived from thence . he went no farther then the episcopal power would bear him out : he kept him from the holy communion ; but he did not dethrone him : he did not absolve his subjects from their allegiance : he did not give away his dominions , to any that could catch them . that these things were acted in the face of the sun , plaetina , baronius , guiccardin de serres , with i know not how many more , are uncontroulable witnesses . let honest mathew paris ( the monk of saint albans ) tell you , how common it was for every priest , prelate , or fryar , transalpinare , to hite away to rome , and bring back with them an interdict , ( or not unfrequentedly , an excommunication ) against the king , and whole kingdom of england . but let him tell you too , how often the legate ( a later ) and other domineering , extorting agents from that proud see , have been kept on the further side of the dike , and not suffered transfretare , unless upon such terms , as our governours would admit of , and prescribe , notwithstanding all the power they pretended , or produced from his holiness . 5. as to this last charge ( wherein much of the present occasion seems to lie ) whether your church in her head , in her members , in her decretalls , in her canon-law , in some of her approved councills , have not made such declarations as must warn ( nay compel ) all princes and states , to make defensive laws against such encroachments ? doe but ( i beseech you ) peruse what the present right reverend bishop of lincoln has both candidly , and charitably , offered you : i shall content my self with instancing in a few ; let the language of clement the eights brevis ( when queen elizabeth had ( now ) one foot in the grave ) be first heard ; he strictly ( therein ) forbids all his catholicks to suffer any to succeed ( how near soever in bloud , or right ) unless such as should preingage to become a vassal to this romish church . and ( to see the luck of a thing ) these breves were directed to the hand of one henry garnet ; who , not long after , was found to have , more then a finger , in the powder-plot : with one arm he would have kept king iames from ; with the other , he would have blown him out of his three kingdoms . next , be pleased to consult bellermine ( who was made , in his time , and i think esteemed so ever since , but a little lower then the very pope . ) ask him , how we can be assured that his catholicks will prove good subjects ? his answer is legible ( lib. 1. de clericis ) they stand not bound to the laws of any prince coactively ; but directively onely ? ask him further , what if they will not be directed , but tread those laws under their feet ? yet ( says he , with the same front , and truth ) they may by no means receive punishment , by any secular magistrate , nor at all be brought before his trybunal . but what if they should chance ( and what has been may be ) to be found ingaged in treason ? the words of zimanca ( in his aphorismes , de confessione ) are positive , a clerks rebellion is not treason ; for he is not subject to the king : this is pretty well for the clergy , the notion being extended ( as they intend it ) to all their several orders of monks and fryars . but what say they to the laity ? take the summ of the whole matter from creswell , who , in pure love ( no doubt ) to his country-men , gives this forraign advice ; it is an undoubted point of faith ( says he ) that any christian prince whatsoever , if he have manifestly swarved from the catholick faith , and would draw others to do so , falls immediately from his power , and dignity ; and that , even before the pope have given sentence , his subjects may , and ought , if they have power , to remove him : ( andr ' . philopat ' . page 109. edit . 1592. ) it were no hard task , here to rake together , more then a good many of such dictates as these , from men of this stamp , whose works have been licensed , approved , printed , reprinted , and generally sold through all popish countries without contradiction ; and in this case , it may well be said , qui malum non prohibet , cum prohibere potest , perpetrat . 't is true , mariana's shameful book , was once at a crittical season ( for fear of a worse clap ) censured at paris ; but it was never so at rome : and i doe verily doubt the common doctrine of the iesuites ( with their adhaerents ) will be found , that the strongest knots , of promises , oaths , or vows , made for fidelity to temporal princes , may be cut asunder by their spiritual alexander , who ( unjustly ) would usurpe both the swords ; and ( perhaps ) is sorry he hath not more worlds to conquer . suffer me now , for a conclusion , and to abate a little the surprise you may be in , at the severities , at present , exercised towards you , ( though the late proclamations , as well as the statutes , must needs quit us from any blame in that behalf ) to remind you of one or two things , in which i have proof , more then abundant ; and of which , some ( yet living ) can give testimony . 't is confest , some of you gave signal , and very brave assistances to our late soveraign charles the first , in those unhappy warrs , ( upon what accompt , or motive , let it be decided at the last day ; ) but , that the whole body of romanists , could have been content to have sat down under a very bramble , in stead of the true oake , was manifest from the addresses pretended to come from them all ; wherein the catholick gentleman ( in a book publish't presently after anno 1652. or thereabout , with a great many arguments for his favour ) tells oliver , they had generally taken , and punctually kept the engagement : ( in that page , towards the latter end ; which , in that i have , is mark't 41. but should be 127. ) next , it would make one admire , how ( after the good services mr. huddleston , the honest pendrills &c. had done his present majesty ) the irish , of the same communion , and creed , could be perswaded to lay aside , their own commendable purposes . the natives of that kingdom were ( most of them ) upon the accompt of the bloudy insurrection , anno 1641. under the call , and subject to grievous paenalties at his majesties restauration : but he , according to his princely clemency , required them , onely to let him have new tests of their future loyalty , under the obligation of those oaths , you now stick at : he was pleased to allow them ( since they seem'd willing to the thing , but onely were dissatisfied in certain expressions , and those formes were not establish't in ireland ) after consultation with their own priests , to offer him , what might be equivalent thereto : they did so , and after some time , shew'd it to the king : he was willing to accept it , according to that draught : but one of the popes best be-trusts , then at bruxells , hastens ( in that nick of time ) to school them better ; and they neither durst ( it seems ) nor would proceed further in that business : and what use then ) can a through paced roman catholick make of his own conscience ? if , after such means , being arrived at settlement , he must yet throw away all , and implicitly give up his faith , to the most imperiously politick dictates , of an old ( perhaps ) doting mortal-man . and , now sirs , methinks i hear you say , what i have heard some of you say often ( and i verily think sincerely . ) 1. that you are wholly ignorant ( which is , in this case , the best sort of innocency ) of any design against his majesties person , or government . 2. that , if the pope himself should invade this land , and warr against the king , you would fight under the royal banner , and endeavour to cut his throat as soon as any mans . 3. that it 's a sad thing , if a few hare-brain'd fellows have imbarked in a desperate action , the whole communion ( though innocent ) should be involved in the suffering part . as to the two first , i can say little , but this : if i were a papist ( and durst consider the true state of things , and the wilde expectation of the roman see in these matters ) i should not know , how to make my due obedience to my soveraign , and my necessary submission to the pope's commands , lodge in one breast ? and for the last , i doe concurr with you . 't is , indeed , a very sad thing ; but ( gentlemen ) if you will not do it your selves , who can distinguish you ? what i have now said , i have said with clear intentions , with an ardent desire to serve you ; and after a long dilligent search ( to which no man living could be more engaged then my self . ) if any of you desire a farther discussion of things here briefly touched ( either in order to clearer satisfaction , or with a design of opposition ) they shall at any opportunitie command it , from yours , c. w. the demonstration of antichrist. by edmund gurnay, bach. theol. p. of harpley norfolke gurnay, edmund, d. 1648. 1631 approx. 25 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02398 stc 12529 estc s120940 99856131 99856131 21654 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02398) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21654) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1069:9) the demonstration of antichrist. by edmund gurnay, bach. theol. p. of harpley norfolke gurnay, edmund, d. 1648. [6], 28, [2] p. printed by i[ohn] b[eale] for iames boler, and are to be sold at the signe of the marigold in pauls churchyard, london : 1631. printer's name from stc. cf. folger catalogue, which gives signatures: a¹² b⁶. running title reads: ecce antichristum. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. tightly bound. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. transubstantiation -early works to 1800. popes -primacy -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the demonstration of antichrist . by edmvnd gvrnay , bach. theol. p. of harpley norfolke . london , printed by i.b. for iames boler , and are to be sold at the signe of the marigold in pauls churchyard . 1631. to the all-hopefvll charles , by the grace of god , prince of wales , &c. it is the glorie of all temporall power to maintaine the glory of christ , and so consequently to confound antichrist , when , therefore , the prouidence of god sends temporall princes into the world , such as can giue any intelligēce toward the discouering this antichrist , cannot be thought ouerhastie in presenting the same vnto them . indeed , the intelligence which this little booke can do in such kind of businesse must needs be thought little ; notwithstanding , it was a little pibble-stone that bored the front of goliah , when the valiant men of israel were afraid to encounter him . also the littlenesse of it may be a meanes to induce gods little ones , the sooner to begin to turne the leaues thereof as they shall begin to awake vnto the day-light of vnderstanding . which happy time of our princes awaking , it resoluing to wait ; the author shall in the meane time beseech the almighty to visit him daily with the light of his countenance , and as his abilities shall grow , to allure them into the most pleasant paths of his most royal● seruice . ecce anti-christvm . hee that professeth himselfe the supreme head of the church of christ , and yet forceth men , vpon paine of death , to blaspheme christ , hee is antichrist . because it cannot be imagined how any power vpon earth can more cunningly , and out of a deeper mysterie doe christ such vniuersall mischiefe . but the pope of rome does professe himselfe the supreme head of the church of christ , ( and that is granted ) and yet forceth men vpon paine of death , ( both temporall and eternall ) to blaspheme christ . and this we thus proue : hee that forceth men vpon paine of death to grant , that there is no other christ but he whose perfit body , soule , and deity hath , for these 1600. yeers last past , beene ordinarily present amongst men vnder that particular forme which immediately before the speaking of a few words was the forme of a senselesse creature , and in that forme does enter into the mouthes of liuing creatures ▪ he forceth men to blaspheme christ . because this position does blaspheme , the manhood of christ . the god-head of christ . the maiesty of christ . the holinesse of christ . the iustice of christ . the mercy of christ . the wisdome of christ . the power and word of christ . first , it blasphemes the manhood of christ ; because it giues him such a body as in the outward eyes of those that are present with him hath no more similitude with the body of a man than a chip or a stone . secondly , it blasphemeth his god-head ; because it supposeth the creator to be ordinarily vnited vnto the forme of a creature . thirdly , it blasphemeth his maiesty ; because it giues him such an outward presence as the vilest and poorest man liuing would be ashamed of , and euen vtterly abhorre . fourthly , it blasphemeth his holinesse ; because it supposeth him to goe through more vncleane passages , than euer liuing man did , and such as of necessity do either reiect or corrupt whatsoeuer they receiue . fifthly , it blasphemeth his iustice ; because it affirmeth him to be ordinarily present amongst men , in a forme nothing like a man ; and yet wee must vpon paine of damnation beleeue that he is a perfit man. sixthly , it blasphemeth his mercy ; because it layes this intolerable burthen vpon the faith of little ones , either to looke for no saluation , or to beleeue that thing to be their sauiour which in all outward appearance is but a morsell of bread . seuenthly , it blasphemeth his wisedome ; because it supposeth him to worke daily multitudes of most incredible and most stupendious miracles , for no other purposes but such as are daily effected without any miracles at all : there being no kinde of benefit redounding vnto mankind by this his supposed bodily presence , but such as daily does redound vnto vs in his bodily absence : for daily does hee giue vs the gift of faith in his bodily absence ; daily does he conuerse with men , sup with men , and dwell with men in his bodily absence ; daily does hee giue all kind of gifts vnto men in his bodily absence ; daily does he send the cōforter in his bodily absence ; for the cōforter wil not come vnles he goes away ; ioh. 16.7 . yea ( finally ) daily does e giue vs his flesh to eat in his bodily absence ; for except we eat his flesh , we haue no life in vs , ( ioh. 6.53 . ) but hee that beleeueth hath euerlasting life ( ioh. 6. ●7 . ) and therefore he that beleeueth , does alwayes ( in his most bodily absence ) eat his flesh . to conclude , what benefit , what grace , what comfort was euer heard of , or can be imagined , but may bee imparted vnto men as well ( not to say incomparably more easily , more sweetly , more credibly ) in his bodily absence , as in this supposed bodily presence , wherunto such stupendious miracles must concurre : namely ( for a taste of them ) these amongst others : 1. that the perfit body of a man must bee couched and contriued into the forme of a bit of bread . 2. that the liuing body of one man must wholly enter into the mouth of another . 3 that the same man shall be in infinite places at once . 4. that the perfit body of man shall ordinarily come downe from heauen , and yet the outward eyes of those which entertain him shall not see it . 5. that these so vncouth wonders shall be wrought at the call of mortall men ( euery priest ) vnto the end of the world , &c. and is not this a blaspheming of the wisedome of the almighty to make him the de●isor of these so inglorious , and ( to say nothing of the quality of them ) insuperfluous miracles . also wee further adde , that it blasphemeth his power ; because it makes it the instrument of such operations as are dishonourable and repugnant vnto his wisdome , his maiesty , his iustice , and euen all his conditions and attributes ; whereas the power of god on the contrary does so infinitely apply it selfe to the honour and glory of god , as that it doth continually resist , confound and destroy whatsoeuer does offer the least diminution vnto it . last of all , it blasphemeth his word ; and that both his created word , and also his reuealed word . for what is his created word , but the faculties of sense & reason ? what word , or what light had man in his innocency , to shew him which was the middle tree in the garden ( which vpon paine of death he was forbidden to taste of ) but his common sense ? and what other word or light haue men now in the state of recouery , to tell them which is a man , and which is a beast ; which is a fish , and which is a serpent ; and to lay them out their particular taskes , portion ▪ and callings , but their common sense ? this therefore so immediately created and sacred light , if it bee made a notorious lyar , ( for what is it else if it constantly affirmes that to bee a morsell of bread which indeed is the perfit body of a man ? ) is not therein the word of god blasphemed ? and as for his reuealed word , both his originall word ( the scriptures ) and also his deriued word ( the fathers ) are not they also contradicted and blasphemed by this position . for first , concerning the scripture , does not that euery where tell vs , that our sauiour was in euery point like a man ? that he had the face , limbs , and properties of a man ? that hee did eat , drinke , and speake like a man ? also doe not the scriptures expresly say , that the heauens must containe him till all things bee restored ? acts 3.20 . and that he shall so descend from heauen ; as hee first ascended vp into heauen ? whereas by this position hee hath for these 1600. yeeres continually descended bodily from heauen , not once in such a manner descend , as hee first ascended : yea , the scripture euery where tells vs that now hee is in the state of glory ; whereas this position contriues him into a more vile forme than euer man had , and tyes him to a more base condition than euer any man ( or indeed any liuing creature ) did vndergoe . for though they seeme to doe him great honour while they carry him about ( in those breaden formes ) in their pompous processions ; yer when withall they professe that in the end he is to be eaten vnder those breaden formes , all the honour they bestow on him is no better honour vnto him , then the guilding the buls hornes when hee is led to be baited , is an honour vnto the bull. finally , the bread which our sauiour termed his body , does not the scripture every where call it still bread notwithstanding , he tooke , brake , blessed , and gaue bread , say all the euangelists ; sometime also saying as much of the cup as of the wine : paul also calling it bread , both in the blessing , and in the eating , and also after the eating : and the acts of the apostles terming these communions ( chap. 2.42 . ) a continuance in breaking bread : and ( chap. 20.7 . ) a comming together to break bread : and all the fathers for many hundred yeeres together immediately following the first institution , when at any time they made mention of it , as securely calling it bread , as if they neuer imagined that any would euer make question thereof . and for proofe hereof , wee haue thought good to close vp this point with a border of citation● out of them ; leauing the force of their sayings to the applicati●●● of the reader for breuity sake . clemens romanus ( to cite them according to the times wherein they liued ) saith thus of it ; we offer vnto thee our king and our god , this bread and this wine , giuing thee thankes : concil . tom. 2. ignatius thus ; there is one flesh of our lord iesus , and one bloud , one bread and one cup. epist . 2. iustine martyr thus ; when prayers are finished , bread and wine is offered : and elsewhere thus ; christ hath giuen the bread to the end wee should remember that he was made a body for such as should beleeue . in dial. contra tryphon . and apolog. 2. irenaeus martyr thus ; as the eucharist consisting of two natures , the earthly and the heauenly , so our bodies , &c. tertullian thus ; calling the bread his body , to the end you may vnderstand that he hath giuen bread to bee a figure of his body . contra marcion . 3.19 . clemens alexandrinus thus ; the wine signifies the bloud allegorically . lib. de paedagog . 10.6 . origen thus ; if you take this saying , [ except ye eat the flesh of the sonne of man , &c. ] according to the letter , the letter killeth . hom. 7. in leuit. & elswhere thus ; after we haue giuen thankes , we eat the loues presented . contra celsun . 8. cyprian thus ; our lord gaue with his owne hands bread and wine , which he called his body . de vnct . chris . and elswhere thus ; this bread is conuerted into our flesh and bloud , and serueth for our life . epist . 2. eusebius caesariensis thus ; christ and his ministers doe represent the mysteries of his body and bloud by bread and wine . de demonst . euangel . 5.3 . athanasius thus ; how few would his body haue sufficed that it should be meat for all the world . in illud [ quicunque &c. ] concilium nicenum thus ; wee must not basely [ humiliter ] be intent vpon the bread and the eup , but lifting vp our mindes by faith , &c. concil . 1. macarius egypt , thus ; in the church bread and wine is offered being the figure of his flesh and bloud . homil. 27. epiphanius thus ; christ speaking of a loafe which is round in figure , and cannot see , heare , nor feele , saith of it , this is my body . in anchor . ambrose thus ; thou sawest the sacraments vpon the altar , and wondredst at the creature ; yet is it a solemne and knowne creature : de sacram. 4.3 . and elsewhere thus ; in the law was a shadow , in the gospell an image , in heauen the truth . lib. 10. ex offic . c. 48. gregory nissen , thus ; whose hath abundantly drunke of the apostles springs , hath already receiued whole christ . in vi● mos . chrysostome thus ; if it be dangerous to transferre sanctified vessels vnto priuate vses , where in not the true body of christ but onely a mysterie of that body is contained : how much les● ought wee to giue the vessels of our owne bodies to the deuil● which god hath prepared for himselfe to inhabit . in matth. 5. homil. 11. and elsewhere thus ; it is counted worthy to be called the lords body , though the nature of bread remaineth there still . ad caesar . monach. citat . à ●arijs author . and againe , thus ; wooll when it is died , is called no longer wooll , but purple or scarlet , though the nature of wooll stil remaineth . in psal . 22. gregory nazianzen thus ; we ●ow partake the passeouer , ●hough in a figure , yet much more cleare than in the old law. de pasch . orat. 2. hierome thus ; christ is not corporally in the church . in prou , 1. ● . and elsewhere thus ; christ left bread and wine , as he that goes ●voyage leaues a gage : in prim . ●d corinth . 11. and againe , thus ; i take the gospel to be the body of christ , and that more truly than the sacrament . in psal . 147. austine thus ; if we looke to the visible signes , by which the sacraments are performed , who can bee ignorant that they are corruptible . de bapt. lib. 3. cap. 10. and elsewhere thus ; by reason of the resemblance betwixt the sacraments and the things , the sacraments often times take the name of the things . epist . 23. and elsewhere thus ; this is a perfit rule to vnderstand whether a speech be figuratiue , that whatsoeuer in scripture cannot bee referred vnto integrity o● faith , or verity of manners , that resolue thy selfe is figuratiue . d● doctr . chr. lib. 3. chap. 10. where upon hee inferres our sauiour speech , [ of eating his flesh ] to be figuratiue , because according to the letter , it is a sinfull act ; calling it a carnall sense to take figuratiue speeches properly , and a miserable bondage of the soule . theodoret thus ; he honoured the signes which we see , with the name of his body , not changing the nature , but casting grace vpon nature . and elsewhere thus ; the mysticall signes after sanctification doe not depart from their nature , but remaine in their former substance , figure , and ●orme . dial. 2. cyril thus ; our sacrament a●oucheth not the eating of a man. ad obiect . theod. and elsewhere thus ; he gaue peeces of bread to his disciples . in 4. io●n . gelasius thus ; by the sacraments we are made partakers of the heauenly nature and yet for all that ceaseth not the nature of bread and wine . contra eutichens . fulgentius thus ; how did he goe vp to heauen but as he is very man , contained in a place ? or how is hee present with the faithfull , but as he is very god without all measure ? ad thrasimach . regul . 2. ephrem thus ; taking bread into his hands , he blessed it , and brake it for a figure of his body . contra inquis . diuin . natur. vigilius thus ; to goe to his father , and from vs ; was to take from the world that nature which he receiued of vs. contra eutichens . concilium constant . thus ; christ commanded the whole substance of bread , chosen for his image to bee set on the table , lest if it resembled the shape of a man , idolatry might bee committed . extat in concil . nicen. 2. procopius gazeus thus ; there is now giuen an image , a type , a figure of his body , receiuing no more the bloudy sacrifices of the law. super gen. 49. beda thus ; hee substituting the sacrament of his flesh in the figure of bread and wine . in luk. 22. and elsewhere out of austine thus ; that which you see , ●is bread and wine , which your very eyes can tell you . in 1 cor. 10. druthmarus thus ; wine maketh glad , and increaseth blood ; and therfore the blood of christ is aptly figured thereby . in mat. rhabanus maurus thus ; the sacrament is turned into the bodies nourishment . lib. 1. chap. 13. paschasius thus ; what finde they which taste these things , beside bread and wine , otherwise than by faith and hearing ? de corp . & sang . dom. bertramus thus ; the signes , as touching the substance of the creatures , are the same after consecration that they were before . de corp . & sang . dom. bernard thus ; what is it to eat his flesh , and drinke his blood , but to communicate with his passions , and to imitate his conuersation . in psalm . [ qui habitat &c. ] bonauenture thus ; the sacraments are said to containe gods grace , not as a vessell does water , but because they signif● gods grace . in 4. sentent . dis● 1.9.3 . and his text-man lumbard thus ; christ offered himselfe vpon the crosse , and his remembrance in the sacrament . lib. 4. dist . 12. the glosse vpon the common-law ( a principall witnesse in this cause ) thus ; it is his body improperly after a fashion , not in truth but in signification , quoting austine for it . super canon . hoc est corpus meum . decr. p. 3. dist . 2.16 . most true therfore our ground is , that whosoeuer inforceth men vpon paine of death , to grant that there is no other christ but he which is ordinarily present amongst men in the forme of common bread , he forceth men ●o blaspheme christ . all the na●ures , properties , and attributes of christ being blasphemed by ●uch assertion . but the pope of rome does force men vpon paine of death ( both spirituall and temporall ) so to grant : their tridentine councell inforcing it vpon paine of spiritual death , in these words ; viz. whosoeuer shall deny that in the most holy sacrament of the eucharist , is truly and really contained the body and bloud , together with the soule and diuinity of our lord iesus christ , and therefore whole christ ; but shall say that it is there onely as in a signe , or in a figure , or vertue , let him be accursed . concil . trident. sess 3. and one of their synode enioyning berengari● thus to say ; with my mouth and with my heart , i profes● that the bread and the wine afte● consecration , is not onely a sacrament , but also the true body and blood of iesus christ , and sensually in truth is handled and broken with the hands of the priests , and torne ( atteri ) with the teeth of the faithfull . decret . p. 3. dist . 2.16 . ego berengarius , &c. and as for temporall death which the gaine-sayer of this position did thereupon vndergoe ; what nation vnder their authority hath not records thereof written in bloud ? not to cite their secular lawes , which condemne all , heretikes ( amongst which , the resister of this position they count the cheefe ) ad poenam ignis : i.e. to bee burnt to death , and to vndergoe all kinde of penalties beside , in their name , friends , fautors , posterity , goods and fortunes that can bee imagined . summa angelica . litera here●icus . or if our english admirers of rome will beleeue nothing concerning the discipline of that church , but so farre forth as they can be assured thereof within the bounds of england ; they may haue recourse to the six articles established in english parliament ▪ the first whereof enacteth thus ▪ whosoeuer shall say , that in the sacrament of the altar vnder the forme of bread and wine ( after the consecration thereof ) there is not present , really , the naturall body and bloud of our sauiour iesus christ ; conceiued of the virgine mary ; or that after the said consecration there remaineth any substance of bread or wine , or any other substance but the substance of christ , both god and man , &c. then he shall be adiudged an heretike , and suffer death by burning , and shall forfeit to the king , all his lands , tenements , &c. as in case of hye reason . an. 31. hen. 8.14 . for though this law was enacted when the popes authority was suppressed , yet did it take the beginning from the church of rome : and a little after , in the reigne of quene mary , was executed to the full , by vertue of the romish authority . our demonstration therefore is most plaine , and let hea●en and earth bee iudge of it . hee that professeth himselfe the supreme head of the church of christ , and yet forceth men ●pon paine of death ( both temporall and eternall ) to blaspheme christ ; hee is antichrist . but the pope of rome so professeth , and so inforceth . therefore en & ecce antichristum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02398-e190 circa an. c. p 2. an. c. 10● 133. an. 172. an. 196. an. c. 207. an. 250. an. 308. an. 327. an. 329. an 360. an. 379. an. 384. an. 385. an. 378. an. 394. an. 424. an. 490. an. 550. an. 526. an. 550. the true maner of electing of popes written by a french gentleman ... ; faithfully translated according to the french copie ; with a list of all the cardinalls therein assisting and others. traicte sommaire de l'election des papes. english. 1605 bignon, jérôme, 1589-1656. 1605 approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16136 stc 3057.7 estc s200 22038320 ocm 22038320 24983 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16136) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 24983) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1745:12) the true maner of electing of popes written by a french gentleman ... ; faithfully translated according to the french copie ; with a list of all the cardinalls therein assisting and others. traicte sommaire de l'election des papes. english. 1605 bignon, jérôme, 1589-1656. [30] p. printed by val. s. for nathaniell butter, at london : 1605. dedication signed: hierome bignon. running title: a treatise of the election of the pope. signatures: a-d⁴ (last leaf blank). reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng leo -xi, -pope, 1535-1605. popes -election. 2006-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-07 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the trve maner of electing of popes . written by a french gentleman , resident in rome at this last election . faithfully translated according to the french copie . with a list of all the cardinalls therein assisting and others . at london , printed by val. s. for nathaniell butter . 1605. to my lord the duke of vandosme my most honourable lord , the late departure of our l. p. clement the 8. hath administred vnto me a subiect and opportunity during the vacancie , to search out more particularly all points about the election of popes , and the formes of proceeding therein , as well ancient as moderne , iudgeing it a very inconuenient matter , that we should be so addicted to the investigation of the least strange antiquities , as some doe , employing their whole studie herein , and to be ignorant of that which occurreth in our owne times , and in other things which touch and more neerely concerne vs. i made therefore a little memoratiue , with intent onely that it should haue been for mine owne particular vse , that vpon any default of my memory heereafter , i might haue had recourse to the same : but my dutie , ( for the honour you vouchsafe me , in being inquisitiue after my studies , & hauing a care of the same ) obliging me to giue you aduise herein , you did not only desire to see it , as you haue alwaies an incredible affection to vnderstand , and be acquainted with al honest and commendable maters , with a spirit and courage which surmounteth your yeares : but further hauing seen the same , you thought it expedient , that it should bee published and imprinted : it being not altogether impertinent to my relations of rome , which before i presented to you , reduced as they saiy , within the length of a little foote ; according to the proportion of my age of fourteene yeares . it shall bee therefore you , my good lord , to whome they that reade this treatise , and take any contentment therein , must giue thanks ; euen as on the contrary , they that out of a prowd humor , disdaine and contemne whatsoeuer is not done by themselues , shall haue somthing to say against you , and not against me , that doth but onely obey and obserue your will and pleasure , as i ought to doe ; hauing no other reference heerein , but to demonstrate by all meanes possible , that i am , my lord , your thrice humble and most obedient seruant , hierome bignon . a briefe treatise touching the election of the pope . chap. i. divers maners , wherein heretofore they have proceeded to the election of the popes . the maner of creating and choosing the popes at rome , hath bin divers , according to the diversitie of times . some will needes affirme , that at the beginning he that was present pope , designed and ordained his successour : and that saint peter after this maner established saint clement , to governe and rule the church after him . but that so resting without an other example , and not being followed afterwards , one can make no rule nor order of it , the same hauing taken no effect : because saint clement succeeded not saint peter , but linus , and after him cletus : and saint clement was but the third after saint peter : we likewise find it written , that linus and cletus were also chosen by saint peter ; not for successors , nor to be intentiue on prayer and preaching , neither to haue pontificall iurisdiction , but onelie for ayde and assistaunce in externall and temporall matters . and that saint clement woulde not embrace this establishment , so much in modestie , as by diuine inspiration , for feare lest the example of such a nomination should bee drawne to a custome in succeeding times , and that therby the power and authoritie of the church might bee diminished in choosing or instituting of a pastor : as also by the canon of the apostles 76. and by the counsell of antioch , chap. 23. it is not lawfull for a bishop , being at the point of death , to choose and appoint in his place a successour . by which , it may be gathered , that this custome was vsurped by some bishops , of whome there are diuers examples . certaine it is , that after saint clement , all the popes were made and created by the voyce and suffragation of the clergie and christian people of the cittie of rome , and by the bishoppes of other prouinces that then were there . the which was obserued till the schisme that fell out betweene damasus and vrsicinus , about the yeare of our lord , 369. for damasus being then chosen pope , by one part of the people and clergie , and vrsicinus by another , and both of them supported by their fauorites : they both were desirous to hold and maintaine this dignitie , which caused great factions and sedition , and went so farre , that they came to hand-blowes : so that one day , there was an hundred seauen and thirtie dead bodies left in a church ; for which cause , the emperour afterward interposed his authoritie , in case of any such scisme hereafter ordaining him , whom he would haue to be pope . and in this sort was damascene established by the authoritie of the emperour vaelentinian . and not long after , there occurred the like diuision , betweene eulalius and bonifacius , and great sedition was raised within the cittie of rome vppon this occasion , and symmachus the gouernour not being able to appease or set downe anie order for the same , in the ende by the meere authoritie and power imperiall of the emperour honorius , boniface was made pope . this dignitie hauing bene before , as it were sequestred for the time , by the emperour , and committed to the bishop of spoleti , that then was during the feast of easter . and so there grew then diuision betweene symachus and laurentius : the which king theodorick , making knowne , in an assemblie helde at rauenna , hee confirmed symachus . and afterwardes the cause of scisme ceasing , to preuent the tumult and disorder that might grow thervpon , the emperour was alwaies wont in such elections to bee present . and it came to this point , that an election of the pope , made by the people and cleargie , was not auayleable , except it were ratified and confirmed by the emperour : in that hee elected , durst not proceede to his consecration , without the princes will and consent , vnto whom , for the right , and prerogatiue of confirmation , a certaine summe of money was giuen . this maner of proceeding continued , while the daies of the emperour constantine , the 3 : who beeing mooued by the good and holie life of pope benedict , 2. which was in the yeare , 686. he sent vnto him a constitution , by which it was ordained & decreed , that whosoeuer afterwards shold be chosen , by the cleargie and people of rome , he was incontinently to bee reputed for the true vicar of iesus christ , without attending therein the authoritie of the emperour of constantinople , or of the exacque of italie , resident in ravenna . afterwards in the yeare 773. pope hadrian the first , in the counsell of lateran , wherin there was 153. bishops assembled in the church of saint sauiour in rome , with their aduise and consent , gaue the power of electing and choosing pope to charlemaine king of france , who was afterwards made emperour , for driuing the lombards out of italie : but this continued no long time , because after that the emperour loys the debonaire sonne to charlemaine , released this royall prerogatiue , in the dayes of pope paschall the first , and remysed vnto the cleargie , and people of rome , the full and free power of creating and electing of popes , which continued and tooke place , for a long time after . but pope , leo s. hauing bin maintained in the seate with armes , by the emperour otho the 1. in recompence of his benefit , and being offended with the in constancie & mutability of the people , he transferred all the authoritie of creating and making popes , vnto the person of the emperour otho the 1. about the yeare , 963. othos successors vsed this authoritie and priuiledge til the time of the emperour henry the 4. vnder whom pope gregory the 7. called before hildebrand : who was chosen in the yeare 1073. surrendred the same prerogatiue again , vnto the clergie , and people of rome , and presently after , pope paschall 2. hauing remised it into the handes of the emperour , henry 5. hee incontinently after reuoked the same againe . in the yeare 1509. pope nicholas 2. in the counsell of latran . 4. made a decree touching the election of popes , importing thus much : that first the cardinall bishops would treate amongst themselues of the election , conferring afterwardes with the other cardinalles about the same , and so the election by them made , to be approoued and consented vnto by all the people , and cleargie of rome , vsing these words : vt cardinalis episcopi diligentissime simul de electione tractantes , mox christi clericos cardinales adhibeant : sicque reliquus clerus , & populus ad consensum nouae electionis accedat : and yet for all this , the emperors would not afterwards giue vp this their right , and pretention , as we haue before declared . and then by little and little this prerogatiue came to the hands of so many cardinalles onelie , as well those that were bishops , as others , that were priests and deacons . at last , gregorie 1● , in the counsell of lyons , in the yeare 1274. instituted the manner of the popes election , by the cardinalles : which were all to bee shutte and enclosed in one place , called the conclaue , in the towne where the precedēt pope should depar : so that no body might goe in , nor come out , or conferre , by letters , messengers , or otherwise , with the same cardinalles , while they had created a pope , to whome they brought , and deliuered their ordinarie refection at a window : and if in the space of three dayes sithence their entrance , they had not agreed vppon an election , it is said , that for fiue daies after , they were to haue but onely one dishe at dinner , or supper : and after this , if they yet continued longer without making an election , they were to haue nothing giuen them , but bread , wine , and water , while they had chosen a pope : after the decease of the pope , they were to deferre their session for 10. dayes , to expect , and attend for the absent cardinalles , before they entred into the conclaue : although notwithstanding , entrance was not forbidden thē , so they came afterward , the matter being yet entire , and not treated of . the same was confirmed by pope clement the 5 : who by his constitution forbad that such a forme should not be corrected , changed , nor altered by the cardinalls in sede vacante , and that nothing might be added or taken from it , in any sort whatsoeuer : but by a bull of pope clement the 6. there was some moderation , as wel for the forme of the conclaue , wherin they were permitted to make separations , & to furnish celles for eache cardinall , with tapistries onely , as for the meate they were to haue brought them . it remaineth therfore , that wee a little more particularlie touche the forme , and order , which is vsed at this day , in such an election , and all that which palseth , and is performed in the conclaue . chap. ii. of the forme , and order , which they vse and proceede in at this present , to the election of a pope . presently after the pope is departed , yea and euen when they see , or that they haue aduertisement from the physitions that hee is at the last cast , the cardinalls which are then in rome , assemble together in the priuy consistory , to consult for the gouernment of the towne , and to prouide for the affaires of the vacancie : & then the seate being vacant , they are apparelled in coquests rochettes , & mozzettes without copes , in signe of iurisdiction , the people of the towne all in armes , guarde at the gates of the cittie , the cardinalls pallaces , and in other quarters . the day after the cardinalles reassemble together in the same place , for the like effect , and to determine of such affaires as then occurre , as also to prouide , for the preparation & adopting of that which is necessarie for the holding of conclaue . afterwards they carrie the corps of the deceased pope ordinarilie into s. peters church , except the departed pope , made choice of his sepultur in some other place . therto all the cardinalles presentially assist , which are at the assemblie : the dead body is reuested with pontifical ornaments , & laid vpon a bedstead in the church , or some chapell of the same , where the people come & kisse his feete . in the daies following , the cardinalls solemnize the popes obsequies : and there is a convention in the vestrie of saint peters , wherin the princes embassadors do vse to enter , making their remonstrations , & motions touching the election to be performed . during the vacancie , the great chamberlain gouerns rome . but so ther is no expedition nor dispatch of any thing admitted in the apostolicall chancerie , while there be a new pope . and in briefe , as soone as the pope hath yeelded vp his breath , the vice-chāceler taketh the bulls or seales , causeth thē publiquely to be broken , rased out , & that side to be taken away of them , wheron the deceased popes name was written , so that they cannot be sealed withall . and the other side wheron are grauen the heads of saint peter and paule , they wrap within a linnen cloth , which he layeth vp in some casket , with his seale , & cōmitteth them into the hands of the chamberlaine . whose office , together , with that of the penitentiaries , continueth during the vacancy : and if they should chance to die , the cardinalles might discharge the same , for the time onely of such a vacancie . nine dayes after the popes death , they celebrate the masse of the holy ghost , and beeing finished with singing the hymne , veni sancte spiritus , they enter into the conclaue . the conclaue at rome , is in a place ioyning to saint peters churche , within the popes pallace , in sixtus his chapell , as bigge as a great church , where is portraied the last iudgement , and it was the excellent worke-manship of michael angelo : which chapell they set forth after the manner of a domitorie in convents , but that there are many great allies , and some more lesse , & narrower , and with the order of celles , or little cabinets , wherin the cardinalls lie . to the which conclaue , the chappell of pauline , & the great royall hall abutt , and are adioyning , beeing as it were a part of the same . the gates , lower windows , and all accesses , are so mured , and closed vp , that one cannot talke , or communicate with any of those within . when they are entred into the conclaue , they assemble together in the chappell pauline , where they consult of all things which concerns the gouernment of the conclaue , & the same day , they take the oaths of the officers , deputed for the guard of the conclaue , as well of those without , as of them within . at the beginning , after they are entred , the cōclaue remains open , for some little time , and then princes ambassadours vse to go in , and make their recommendations , and sollicitations in fauour of him , or them , whom they knowe to be best liked , and affected by their princes . after this , the conclaue is shut , and then no man may any more goe in , nor communicate in any sort , with any one without , neither by letters , messengers , nor otherwise : nor likewise go out , till there be a new pope created , except some cardinall chaunce to arriue , who alwayes during the conclaue , may haue free entrance . and yet this is to be obserued , that all cardinalls are not priuiledged to enter in , except they be byshops , priests , or deacōs , at the least , for cardinals subdeacons , haue no voice therin , nor are admitted any entrance : and yet we finde that the cardinall of austria , beeing but a subdeacon , entred into the conclaue of sextus 5. by reason of a warrant or briefe that hee had from gregorie . 13. by meanes of which , it was graunted him , and the which hee shewed and presented , when they would haue denyed his entrance . euery day the necessarie prouision is brought them , which they giue them in at a window , or by the wicket of the gate , before which there is treble garde , wherof the neerest to the gate , consistes of the prelates that are in rome , who looke that none may communicate with those that are inclosed in the conclaue , and for this cause , they searche the vessells and platters , to see whether there bee not any letters hidden in the same . euery cardinal within the conclaue , can haue no more , but two men to serue him , whom they call conclauistes . the conclaue being closed , the day following the deane of the cardinalls after the celebrating of masse , administreth the holie communion to all the cardinalles . after this the conclauistes assemble together , in the chapell pauline , before the maister of the ceremonies , who taketh notice of them , and sees whether they do not execute their appointed number . also at the beginning the maister of the ceremonies reades the bull of pius 4. wherein it is expressed , that the cardinalls entring into the conclaue , should bee sworne . euery daye in paules chappell , one of the cardinalls celebrates the masse of the holy ghost , and so they proceede to the election of the pope : which for the most part also is performed after two manners , one by scrutinie , & the other by adoration . the scrutenie is held after this sort : euery cardinall writes within a certaine billet of paper , his voice and choice , and at the end of masse , he putteth it into the great challice of gold , which standeth vpon the altar : then al the billets are powred forth vpon a little table , which for this purpose is set before the altar : there are three of the cardinalls , which in the sight , and presence of all the rest , vnfold these little rulles , or billets , pronouncing aloude his name , who hath subscribed to euery of them , and the cardinalls write & set downe in a sheet of paper , the nūber of the voices which euery one hath , to know who hath most . where by the way we must note , that to choose , & create a pope , there must cōcurre two thirds of al the cardinals voices in the cōclaue by the constitutiō of pope alexāder , 3. set down in the chap. licet de vitāda de electione , in the decretals : for if in such a scrutenie , ther is not any one , with whō the two thirds accur ; at the same instāt they cast al the billets into the fire , & by this means the affaire is referred ouer to some other time , whē they make and recommence an other scrutenie in the same forme : the which , by reason of this , vseth to be repeated & reiterated many times , while these two thirds occurre in one person . the which falls out very seldome , by way of scrutenie : so as they are vrged to haue recourse to adoratiō . notwithstanding , the want of voices in scrutenie is sometimes supplied by the accessi , so called : which is , when those that gaue their suffragation & voice by billet to some other , they now giue it to him whom they see to haue most voices , & sing these wordes ; accedo ad cardinalem talem : from whence that word of accessi came . and to the ende that no fraud may be committed herein , he that giues his voice by such accession , sayes ; let them looke on my billet , which hath on the toppe such a deuise : and that by this , on may know that he had nominated an other : and this is for feare , least it should happen , that he which had giuen his voice by billet to one , might giue it again by this forme of accesse to an other : which would be two voices in one mans person , instead of one . the billets they vse , are made after his fashion : the cardinall that giues his voice , takes a leafe of paper , folded into diuers plightes , and vpon the last he writes his owne name : and in the two first , he causeth the cardinalls name to whom he will giue his voice to be written by his conclauise , in this maner : ego eligo in summum pontisicem reuerendiss . dominum meum cardinalem . n. afterwards they choose the billet at both endes : vpon which they also set some deuise at the cardinalls pleasure , that without vnfolding the same , it may bee known , by the external deuise . there is yet an other kind of scrutenie , which they call open , or apertis vocibus , which is , when the cardinalls being assembled together , declare aloude him , whom they choose . the other maner , which is adoration : is , when the cardinalles being assembled together in the chappell , turne towardes him , whom they desire to be made pope , doing reuerence vnto him , and bending the knees very lowe , and when they see that the two thirds are gone to this maner of adoration , the cardinall thus adored , is made pope . and though this maner of election , be referred to that which is called by the auncients , and in the cannon law , per inspirationem , and that they say , it is the way of the holy ghost , which was , whē all with one voice without any treatie , or precedent scruteny , and without any formalitie , concurre , as it were by diuine inspiration , to say , that such a one must bee made pope , it being thus equally designed by euery one . notwithstanding this forme of adoration is not esteemed by many , so lawfull , and auaileable as scrutenie : because by meanes of contentions , and partialities , there may be some fraude or violence committed therein , in that the weaker side may be drawne to adoration by the example of those more mightie , and those fearful , induced by them more resolute . and oftentimes it hapneth , that those who would haue consented to the electiō of some one , by free voice , seeing this generall and violent concurrance in adoration , they suffer themselues to be caried away with the violence of this streame . that by this they may demonstrate , how they haue a part in such an election , and they will not bee the last herein , for feare of displeasing and incurring his displeasure who should be chosen . all this is performed in paules chappell , in the ordained place , for the popes election . ther was heretofore a third manner of the popes election , by forme of comprimise : & this was , when all the cardinalls vppon some amongst them , to whom they wholy referred themselues , for the choosing and electing of him , whom they should iudge most capable : but this fashion , though it be one of the three manners of election approued of in the chap : quia propter , de electione , in the decretalls , is more vsed at rome : wherof some giue this reason , because this power of nominating a pope after the death of alexander the 5. being giuen to baltasar cossa , then cardinall of s. eustachio , hee made himselfe pope , saying : ego sum papa . and he was called iohn , the 23. chap. iii. what is obserued , when the elestion is performed , and after . vvhen the two thirds of the voices concur in one persō , be it by scrutenie secret , or open , by meanes of accesse , or by way of adoration , he out of doubt is truly pope . notwithstanding the other cardinalls also , vse to giue their consent thereunto . and then the chiefe cardinal bishop , all the other being set , pronounceth , and declareth in the name of all the colledge , that he chooseth such an one for pope . and demādeth of him how he is affected , and willing to vndertake the same , which he hauing declared , and accepting of the election , all rise vp to gratifie him : and at the same instant , putting on his rochet , they cause him to sit downe in a prepared seate , which is placed before the table , neere the altar , they giue him the fishers ring , & cause him to deliuer and make knowne , by what name he wil be called . this forme of changing name , was brought in , receiued and vsed , since the time of pope iohn the 12. who was chosen in the yeare , 155 : he being before called octauian : yet diuers ascribe this institution to pope sergius , 2. who was in the yeare , 844. hauing therfore declared what name he wil take vpon him , he vseth to subscribe to the constitutions , which had bene agreed vppon , and sworne vnto , by all the cardinalls , before the election , & to signe certaine supplications , and requests . in the mean while , the chiefest of the cardinal deacons , opening a little windowe , from whence the people which attend , may see , and be seene , he shewes forth a crosse , pronouncing these words , with a loud voice ; annuncio vobis gandiū magnū : papam habemus . reuerēdiss . cardinalis e●orētinus electus est in summū pontificē , & elegit sibi nomen , leo 2. this being done , he is disvested of his common garments , which belong to the clearks of the ceremonies , and revested with all the habits pontificall , and causing him to sit vpon the aultar , all the cardinalls a rowe doe him reuerence , in kissing his feete , hands , and mouth . during this entercourse of ceremonie , all the gates of the conclaue are opened , the barres , and walls which closed and mured the passages , gates , and windows , are broken down , & ouerthrowen : & the souldiers entering confusedly , as it were by force , take & pill whatsoeuer they meete withal in their way . and this is the reasō , that when any one is declared pope , the conclauistes do all they can , to ramasse , & lay close vp , and get together , all the best things that belong to their cardinall : and in in like maner the people vse to rush into his house that is chosen , & to pillage the same . at the same time , the newe pope is carryed into saint peters churche , followed with the channons and singing men of the same churche , which sing ; ecce sacerdos magnus ? and after hee hath prostrated himselfe on the earth , and made his prayer , hee is placed vpon the great & high pontificall chayre , where , te deum laudamus is said : there againe before the holy assemblie , & multitude of people , which come thither in great preasse , hee is adored by the cardinalls , bishops , prelates , and others . and then hee giueth generall absolution , and his benediction to euery one , with much solemnitie , & ceremonies ; which graunt full indulgence : and incontinently after he is carryed into saint peters pallace , highly reuerenced by euery one , and whereof hee receiues such contentment , as euery one may easilie iudge . some daies after , with great pomp , and magnificence , the new pope is solemnely crowned , in an eminent place , which is before the porche of saint peters , vpon a scaffolde , richly adorned and set forth , and there is put vpon his head , the hara , or triple crowne , called regnum . sigisbert , and aimoinus write , that this crowne being enriched with many precious stones , and other beautifull ornaments , and being sent to clouis king of france , by the emperour anastace , clouis sent it againe , for a present and gift , to the church of saint peters in rome . this crowne is set on the popes head , by the chiefest of the cardinall deacons , to whom this office is appropriate , and then many other notable ceremonies are performed : and amongst others , some putting fire to towe , cryeth out aloude : pater sancte , sic transit gloria mundi ; omnis caro saevum , & omnis gloria eius sicut flos agri . from thence hee goes on procession to saint iohn laterans , accompanied with all the cardinalls , and prelates which are in rome , with all his officers , and with manie others , lordes and gentlemen , and this procession is on horsebacke , after the manner of a magnificent entrie , with great pomp and solemnitie : the order , forme , and magnificence whereof , would bee to long here to represent . at the ende of this procession , the pope vseth to feast all the cardinalls . there is an other thing about consecration , which is performed , when the chosen pope , had not before bene consecrated byshop , in which case there are also many other solemnities vsed , about this consecration . the election of pope leo the 11. placed at this present in the cathedrall seate . with a list of such cardinals as were there , and assisted at this solemnitie , and of all the rest that haue place in rome conclaue . pope clement the 8. called before hippolitus aldobrandin , cardinall of saint pancrace , & great penetentiarie , was after the decease of innocent the ninth chosen pope , the thirtie day of ianuarie , 1592. he held the seate for the space of thirteene yeeres , one moneth , and fiue dayes . a father verie memorable , and recommendable for his great piety , deuotion , and charity , with other high and rare vertues , as also for his singular prudence in the management of affaires : he departed the third day of march about ten a clock at night . after his decease , all ceremonies and solemnities requisite in such a case , as well for his buriall , as others , were obserued , with many assemblies , and congregations in the vsuall places . the conclaue was so prepared , that there was no celles in sixtus the fourth his chappell , as before there was woont to bee : but all the celles and chambrets were addressed and prepared in the greatest part of saint peters pallace : that is to say , in the first , second , and third hall , within the hall of the consistorie , leonine , and gregorian , and in the most of the chambers of the pallace . the cardinals entred into the conclaue , the fourteenth of the same moneth of march , and there was of them to the number of three-score and one . the scrutenie was diuerse times set on foote , and many cardinals propounded . and amongst others , my lord cardinall baronius , who at the beginning had thirtie voices , and in the daies following , they amounted to the number of seuen or eight and thirtie , which was not yet a sufficient number to make the two thirds : although it was a thing which he no wayes contended after , but on the contrarie estranged himselfe from it as much as might be , doing whatsoeuer hee could to hinder this proceeding . there was also some others propounded , against whom , exclusions and oppositions were made : but the first day of aprill , when they came to mention my lord cardinall of florence , there was presently such a concurrence , & consent on all parts , that without making any scruple or doubt in the matter , they being in paules chappell , the place ordained for such elections euery one ran to adoration , and it was begun by my lord cardinall of ioyeuse . and at so great a promptitude , alacritie , and harmonie of all willes , that we neede not to doubt but it was a verie diuine inspiration : euen they themselues , who ( as was supposed ) would haue beene some obstacle , and that had attempted and made shew of some such matter , concurring therein with their full consent , because there was no bodie , that would either heare or adheere vnto them . and thus the same day , being the first of aprill , about seuen a clocke in the dawning , my lord cardinall of florence , or de medices , was chosen pope , and tooke vpon him the name of leo the eleuenth . since the publishing of this relation , newes is come by diuerse letters of the death of this leo : and of an other election in hand : who ( as it is supposed ) was made away by poyson : but because there is yet no vndoubted certaintie of the same , i would bee loath to publish any priuate aduertisements , or to set that for infallible truth , which is onely grounded vpon surmises : wherefore it will bee better to attend some further aduertisement , when i wil be readie ( curteous reader ) to acquaint thee withall . in the meane while be satisfied with this which hath beene deliuered by an eye witnesse . finis . a list of the cardinalls assistants : and those absent are marked with a starre . 1 du perron a french-man , bishop of eureux . 2 tarugi a florentine , aged 81. yeares . 3 sfoudrato , nephew to pope gregorie the 14. 4 platto , a milanese , 56. yeares of age . 5 scrasino oliuario . 6 bianchetto , a bolognese of 52. yeares . 7 bishop of cracouia . * 8 visconte , a milanese of 58. yeares . 9 sannesio . 10 aquauiua , a neapolitane of 52. yeares . 11 montalto , nephew to pope sixte the fifth , of 38. yeares . 12 sauli a geneuoise , of 66. yeares . 13 charles emanuel pio of sauoy . 14 roias . * 15 ginusio . * 16 s. clement , borne at montferrat , of 58. yeares . 17 gueuarre . 18 buffalo . 19 bellarmine , a tuskan and iesuite of 64. yeares . 20 lorraine . * 21 mantica of friali , of 64. yeares . 22 baronius , a neapolitane of 66. yeares . 23 come , deane of the cardinals bishops of hostia , borne in come , a towne of lonibardit , of 78. yeares . 24 madrusso , bishop of trante . 25 camerin , of the dukedome of spolette , a towne vnder the papate of 64. yeares . 26 pallotta , borne in montalte in italie . 27 sourdis , a french-man , of 34. yeares . 28 monopoli . 29 beuilaqua ferrarois , of 38. yeares . 30 gallo , borne in the marq : of ancone , a towne vnder the pope , of 32. yeares . 31 verone , a venetian of 76. yeares . 32 s. cesaree , nephew to aldobrandin . 33 conti , bishop of ancone . 34 s. george , about 50. yeares of age . 35 diatristano , a bohemian , of 38. yeares . 36 delfino , bishop of vincence . 37 d'oria . 38 tosco , of 66. yeares . 39 aldobrandin , a florentine , nephew to pope clement the 8. last deceased , about the age of 34. yeares . 40 sforsa , a roman , of 48. yeares . 41 borghese of siene , of 58. yeares . 42 borromee , a milanese , of 42. yeares . 43 valente . 44 monte , of 57. yeares . 45 ssti , fourth nephew to pope innocent the 9. of 38. yeares . 46 ioyeuse , of the renowned familie of the ioyeuses , and protector of the french affaires . 47 pinello , a genowaise , of 66. yeares . 48 fernese , a roman . 49 spinello . 50 sapata . * 51 arigona , a milanese of 63. yeares . 52 agucchio . 53 deti , kinsman to the last pope deceased by the mothers side . 54 est , a ferrarese of 38. yeares . 55 iustinian , a genowaise , of 58. yeares . 56 giury , a french-man , of 56. yeares . 57 bandini , a florentine of 52. yeares . 58 florence , or de medices , a florentine of 69. years , or thereabout . 59 auila , a spaniard , protector for spaine . 60 perreti . 61 s. marcel , a genowaise of 62. yeares . 62 montelpero , borne in the marquisate of ancone , generall of the augustines , of 60. yeares . 63 gondy . * 64 cesis , a roman , of 48. yeares . 65 parauicino , a roman , by originall a grison , the almaine protector , of 58. yeares . 66 tauerna . 67 pamfilio . 68 ascoli , born in corregio in lombardie , of 66. years . 69 colonne , a roman . finis . a blovv for the pope, or, a discourse had in s. giles church, in elgen of murray at a conference with certaine papists, plainely prouing that peter was neuer head of the church : with a short register of all the attempts and murthers vpon kings and princes in our time by the persuasion of the iesuits. robertson, bartholomew, fl. 1620. 1615 approx. 77 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10823 stc 21096.5 estc s3099 33142645 ocm 33142645 28158 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10823) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28158) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1883:2) a blovv for the pope, or, a discourse had in s. giles church, in elgen of murray at a conference with certaine papists, plainely prouing that peter was neuer head of the church : with a short register of all the attempts and murthers vpon kings and princes in our time by the persuasion of the iesuits. robertson, bartholomew, fl. 1620. [72] p. printed by g. eld for roger iackson, neere the conduit in fleetstreet, london : 1615. "epistle dedicatorie" signed: barthol. robertson. imperfect: tightly bound, and with print show-through and loss of text. signatures: a-d⁸, e⁴. reproduction of original in: british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to 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2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a blovv for the pope : or , a discourse had in s. giles church in elgen of murray , at a conference with certaine papists , plainely prouing , that peter was neuer head of the church . with a short register of all the attempts and murthers vpon kings and princes in our time , by the persuasion of the iesuits . revel : 14. 8. and there followed another angell , saying , it is fallen , it is fallen , babylon the great citie , for shee made all nations to drinke of the wine of the wrath of her fornication . hieronymus . heretici conuicti ad contentiones prosiliunt . august : de ciuit : lib. 14. cap. 20. non theologi sed cynici mores , conuitiari , & allatrare . london , printed by g. eld for roger iackson , neere the conduit in fleetstreet , 1615. to the right honorable lord , iames , lord hayes , maister of his maiesties great wardrobe . the spirit speaketh euidently , that in the later dayes some shall depart from the faith , and shall giue heede vnto spirits of error , and doctrines of deuils . and surely , that prophesie , if at any time , is truly accomplished in these our daies , on whom the ends of the world are come : for blindnesse and error is so vniuersally spread , like palpable darkenesse , ouer the hearts almost of all , that vnlesse the lord had reserued vnto vs euen a small remnant , wee should haue beene as sodome , and should haue beene like vnto gomorrha . the sinnes of the people , and negligence , with ignorance of pastors , are the cause hereof : for the hand of the lord is not shortened , that it cannot saue , but our sinnes haue diuided betwixt him and vs , and hath made him hide his face , that he should not heare . the iniquities of the people haue commonly their beginnings from their teachers : therefore christ , when hee was to cure the disease of sinfull ierusalem , entreth first into the church , there to purge the impietie of the priests , which polluted with couetousnesse &c. the sanctuarie of the lord : like vnto a good physitian , who searcheth the maladie from the roote . for this cause are they styled salt , watchmen , light , trumpetters , physitians , souldiers ; and that they , in time , and out of time , bee able to teach , exhort , rebuke , improue , with all patience and doctrine : for who conuerts a sinner from the error of his life , saues him from death , and couers the multitude of sinnes . the church is a building , and preachers builders ▪ as the church of ierusalem was reared by the people with the sword in the one hand , and trowell in the other , so must they with wholesome and sound doctrine teach and resist the gainesayers : and if euer there was need , now it is , when out of that bottomlesse pit there are risen swarms of locusts , ouer-couering the face of the earth , making the people drunke with the wine of their fornication and idolatrie , who haue taught the world , with the sonnes of elie , to take raw flesh , and sow tares among the wheat . now ( i say ) it is time to be powerfull in deede and word before god and the whole people : for he that will doe and say , shall be called great in the kingdome of heauen . ecclesia est ciuitas ( saith one ) propter populi collectionem , sponsa prepter dilectionem , ouis propter mansuetudinem , ciuitas est , vigilate ad concordiam : ouis est , intendite pastui , sponsa studere ornatui . pastors are woers in christs place , beseeching the world to be reconciled vnto god. wee haue therefore to pray to the lord of the haruest , that he would thrust out faithfull labourers into his haruest , in this great desolation , and time of corruption , when antichrist hath setled his throne in so manie hearts , whome the lord shall in the end confound with the breath of his nosthrils . wee must not be partakers of others sinnes , in betraying the truth with silence , but foxes being driuen away , let the bed of the church be watched by 70. of salomons worthies : of the which , as i am not fit to be named one of the meanest , so haue i put in my mite ( for lacke of a talent ) and snrowd me vnder your lordships wings , against all rabzechez rayling : as salomon with nathans conuoy and helpe ; the shunamite by elisha his offer , were shadowed as with ionas gourd ; so doe i , induced by your lordships rare and singular vertues , cast my selfe vnder the mantle of protection . kings haue waded in this matter : of his maiestie , god willing , there will be more apt occasion to speake hereafter . but it is memorable in the most mightie edward the sixt of good memorie ; to whome , on the day of coronation , when three swords were presented ( signes of the kingdomes of england , france , and ireland ) craued the fourth to be brought ; which was ( after enquirie ) the booke of the holy scripture , the sword of the spirit : which did also , notwithstanding his tender yeares ( for he died at sixteene yeares of age ) compile , amongst other treatises , a comedie of this babylonicall whore. accept ( right honorable ) this first of these heads belonging to this matter : and so i humbly and heartily commend your lordship to the grace of god , which is able to build your l. further , and giue you an inheritance among them which are sanctified by the bloud of iesus christ : in whose mercie i commit your lordship . ianuar. 26. anno 1615. your honors in all humble dutie , barthol : robertson , minister of gods word . simonis rosarij antithesis 15. christi & antichristi anno 1558. ecce tibi lector vani ludibria papae a pedibus reges quem iuvat esse suis. qui tribuendus erat christe praesumit honorem iactitat & sancti , se caput esse gregis . dic mihi quaeso biceps , fietne ecclesia monstrū ? impie qua quaeso , talia fronte refers ? vah ; nequit esse biceps diuina ecclesia ? christus qui caput est vnum ; papa quid ergo ? lupus . huic caput est christus sancti quoque pastor ouilis atque suo teneras , numine pascit oues . attamen ille suis immensum territat orbem legibus , & populi , subiicit arte duces . the first article : that peter was neuer head of the church . the vniuersall church , as it is the citie and spouse of the liuing god ; so one part there of triumphant , is the companie of the blessed ones in heauen , who had runne their race here , kept the faith , and got the end thereof , euen the saluation of their soules : the other part is the societie of mankind , knowne to god , renewed in the spirit of their mind , purified by faith , waiting the comming of the lord iesus to their immortalitie . of this secundarie part , it is controuerted betwixt vs and the enemies of the truth , who should be the head thereof ; whether solely and onely iesus christ her husband , who neyther can admit , nor will allow , of spirituall fornication , imparting vitall and heauenly life , light , sence , and motion thereto . or whether there bee another head besides christ : so that the church , monster-like , hath two heads to one bodie . wee , out of paule , affirme , christ to be the onely true head of his church : who vseth this demonstration ; hee by whom all the bodie being coupled and knit together by euerie ioynt , for the furniture thereof ( according to the effectuall power which is in the measure of euerie part ) receiueth encrease of the bodie vnto the edifying of it selfe in loue , this same is , and onely can be , head. but so it is , that christ our sauiour is the same , and none euer can take vpon them iustly so to doe to the church , which is the bodie , ergo &c. yet the aduersaries to the veritie contend , that the bishop of rome , whome they call pope , should bee added vnto christ , to bee head of the church ; leaning vnto this , as to the speciall pillar and ground they build vpon , peter was the head of the church , the pope is peters successor , ergo the pope is the head of the church . to the intent the whole matter may be the more cleare and euident , and that a perfect answere may be had to the alledged argument , these heads in particular are to be treated and discussed plainely ; viz. 1 peter was neuer head of the church . 2 peter was neuer bishop of rome , nor yet in rome . 3 the pope is not peters successor , nor could succeed to him . 4 the pope is not head of the church , nor christs vicar . 5 the pope is the verie antichrist . first then , no man can denie , but if peter had beene constituted and ordained head of the church , the rest of the apostles would or should haue knowne it : for it stood them greatly vpon , to vnderstand to whom they should haue recourse in dangers , as to their commaunder , and vnto whom they should giue obedience : to whom also they should render an account of al their proceedings , least they should wander , bestowing their endeuours ( as it would appeare ) vnprofitably , not gouerned by any president , who should either allow or disallow of their trauels in their apostle ship , &c. but so it is , that they neuer acknowledged peter head of the church , nor of any of the apostles , much lesse of them all . yea christ , the wisdome of the father , in whom the godhead dwelleth bodily , and in whom are the treasures of knowledge and vnderstanding , leaueth no place to the vaine curiosity and foolish inuentions of man , a little before his death , as it were taking his farewell and good night of them : for then wee attend the last will and wordes of our friendes most , they take deepest impression in our mindes and memories , how much the more aduisedly and deliberately they are spoken , as it were , by the heart , with great waight , not onely because the time is short and imminent certainty of death , ( for christ knew wel his houre ) but also for that men keepe most eagerly that , whereof they haue no long expectation of endurance and continuance . christ , i say , the night before his death , after supper , recommended humility in his owne example to his apostles , not to be lookt on only , but followed , did wash their feete : and to signifie with due intimation , that nothing in that whole action did come , but of his prouident foresight & knowledge , whereto he was priuy ; yea , and the searcher of hearts did pry into the closet of iudas treason , which peter , when iudas was taxed for it , did desire to know by the meanes of iohn , who leaned on iudas breast : if he had been head , it was more competent in his own person to haue demaunded it . and for that they should be vnwelcome vnto the world , hee armes them with constancy and patience against the ignominie and shame of their future crosses , with promises of sending the comforter and other some heauenly instructions : yea it was so farre from iesus mind & intention , to ordaine peter head of his church , or of the rest of his apostles , that hee before them all and in peters owne presence perticularly foretells his deniall , if this was that champion ( not to derogate to the saint of god ) that was to be placed in primacie aboue the rest , iudge yee ? for when could iesus haue more opportune time , or the disciples better or quieter occasion to declare and heare a superior appointed ouer them , then now , when hee should fore-speake his defection to him , and his apostacie who so arrogantly relied vpon humane strength and fortitude ; beside that lately he had beene rebuked in the highest degree , by christ in calling him sathan , for apparantly christ might haue forborne and tolerated the future head of the church , and more mildly and softly entreated him , as in these and such like termes . peter thy lapse wil procure thee to bee lowest of all , because it will bee the greatest of all , yet i will after aduance and promote thee to bee highest and head of all . now hee was checked for intruding himself into the ciuil magistrates office , who if he had beene to bee surrogate in christs office might haue beene borne with , in some degree , yet so much as in him was , hee hindred the mistery of our saluation ; at all these times was good opportunity to conciliate to peter in so open audience and famous places , both of the disciples and men without , authority and credit , if it had stood with christs purpose to haue exalted and promoted peter to the dignity of beeing head ouer his people and church . but which is of greater moment , it may be , iesus would conceale and keepe secret to himselfe the dispensation of that charge vntill after his passion , or then keepe it in his own person , not willing to make any participant of the same , vntill the time appointed in his good pleasure thereafter : yet so it is , peter is heauily vpbraided after the resurrection , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a busie body in other mens affaires . in that reasoning , that christ had with the disciples , premonishing them that he was going and departing from them , and with thomas , pretending his ignorance of the way hee should take ; if any , or peter himselfe should haue beene substituted in christs roome , was it not now ? when so familiarly hee disputed with thomas , i will not say , but euen then he did answere to farre harder and difficult questions ; as the vnitie of the persons in one deitie , and if he should delay , and continue the deliuery of his mind in that point , would he not thinke you , once without ambiguity and equiuocation , both euidentlie and manifestlie thereafter haue declared the matter ? yea , iudas lebbeus receiued a perfect resolution of his demaund , in the oeconomy and distribution in the matters of mans saluation , which was to some manifested , to others hid : but of this transcendent excellencie there is neuer a whisper , and no maruaile , for he was to reserue that point to himselfe vncommunicable , not willing to diminish and lessen the same , by diuoluing that function to another , or though he had bin weary ( if so i may say ) to beare that burthen himselfe , as not of sufficient power and abilitie to discharge it , to the will of all his mysticall members , which did receiue spirituall sappe and iuyce of him , who is the roote , in the which his church is engrafted , by a true , liuely , and sauing faith. and into whom the church , after a heauenly and vnspeakeable manner ( yet truely ) is vnited and encorporated , and so become one body with him , flesh of his flesh , and bones of his bones . and we know it to be accustomably vsed ( for so did moses to iosuah at the lords owne direction , and dauid to salomon , &c. ) to establish the successor in the second roome , when one is eyther to dimit , or giue signification of the succedent , to preuent occasions of strife and debate which might arise , and are commonly bred for degrees of preferment ; but christ remits and sends them to no mans soueraignty , but as it were , manumits them , and of seruants , chuseth them his free friends , and as friends haue most things common , cheefelie , wils , councels and minds , so saith hee : all that i haue heard from my father , i haue declared vnto you ; but when said he , either first or last , that peter was head , or should be head of the church , which christ knew to be immortall , and peter then mortall , which christ told him thereafter , and the manner of his violent death . and that a man , no not all the men in the world can viuifie or quicken themselues : it is then farre off that one can viuifie another . but wee , when wee were dead in trespasses and sinnes , are quickned together , in , with , and by christ , by whose grace wee are saued : and surely neither peter nor any of the apostles , can transfuse or deriue any of the spirituall graces one to another , in such sort as christ by his spirit , saue onely , as all the disposers of the ministers of god doe , by the liuely preaching of the word , &c. therefore if it had been christs contentment to haue vouchsafed that prerogatiue vpon peter , when that controuersie anent superioritie did arise ; surely he would not haue passed it without decision , he is not the god of debate , but will haue all things done in order , for hee would haue this scrupple taken out of the way , seeing them all as vpon a stumbling block rush vpon it ; a little before in their gazing vpon the stately building of the temple and princely fabrick of that magnificent materiall church , and as they did after the resurrection dreame of the restitution of the crowne and commonwealth from the vnnaturall tyrannie of the romanes to whom they were tributaries ( for now the scepter had departed , and the lawgiuer from betwixt iuda his feete ) with close mouth , neither than nor now did he passe ouer , neither the matter & purpose it selfe , neither themselues vnreproued , but forespake the ruine & sacking of the towne of ierusalem , thereby taking occasion to prophesie the consummation of the whol world , with the diuers incidents at that period of time , when it should happen , as in that his sermon most euidently shewes it selfe . but in that so high a question , so earnestly tossed among thē nothing , the world and ierusalem both shall perish , and they shall wax old as doth a garment and as a vesture shall they bee folden vp , and in ierusalem ( as was then foretold ) is not a stone left vpon a stone , but the church endureth for euer , and such an euerlasting and eternall head should it haue , which peter in no wise could bee . this was i say the meetest time for remouing of the doubs , yet our sauiour did not command to acknowledge peter for head , which without all contradiction he would haue done if he had appointed him chiefe and principall ouer the rest , if so it had beene his intention , that the other apostles should haue acknowledged peter for their lord and master . yet so it is that flat contrarily he deliuers and giues his decree and sentence , that there should be no principalitie nor primacie among them , but the greatest as the smallest , &c. for so saith he , the kings of the nations doe raigne , &c. but so it shall not be among you . in the which words he doth not onely recall them from such gouernment and regencie as is amongst the gentils or nations , but also hee disswades and dehorts them from all manner of primacie ; for christ answered to no other interrogation heere , but such as they propounded ; but they did not enquire of the gouernment and lordsh. , of the kings of nations , for what was that forme of regiment appertaining or belōging to them , out of a primacy which euery one of them affected among themselues , and vnto the which they would haue climbed , for they did chide among themselues , and were diuided , as it is said there : and forsooth if any might haue looked for a high place and promotion , the sonnes of zebedeus , iames and iohn , ( christs cozens concerning the flesh ) wherevpon they did ground their petition by appearance . but there is no acceptation of persons with god. their mother as meaning to finde greatest fauour both in regard of her kindred with the virgine mary christs mother , as also for her sexe and humble behauiour , but all their suites were cast ouer barre , and they simply denied for the causes there alledged , which are not necessary here to repeat , and besides those reasons there set downe , they should haue remembred that christ before had closed their mouth from such a subiect , and therefore taught them , that their desire proceeded from ignorance and obiuion . but it would seem peter should haue his ordination , if not immediatly from christ , in the daies of his flesh , yet by the authoritie of the rest of the apostles , who had receiued the holy spirit on the pentecost in great aboundance , but they neuer acknowledged such place in peter , whose preheminence ( if any had been ) they would not haue neglected ; yet so it is they tooke vpon them boldnes to send both peter and iohn from ierusalem to the samaritans , whom they heard to haue receiued the word of god , for whom also the rest did pray and giue imposition of hands . now he who sends and directs another is aboue him that is sent , else how dare he vsurpe that title and right as to command , either how can he look for obedience , or perfecting any point of dutie at the hands of him who is sent if hee be not subiect to the senders command & will , for it is not said the apostles requested , or entreated , or besought peter , but that they sent the other apostles , hauing , from their meeting and present assembly enioined to peter and his colleague iohn , equall with him in that charge , to vndertake that iourney , for the benefit of the samarirans . if euer at any time , surely heere , peter might haue stood vpon his estimation , and might haue reiected their ordinance as arrogant and presumptuous in extending their power too much , if he had beene head of the church . it may be that peter as hee was euer very willing and prone to vndertake , so heere hee would yeeld to his brethrens desire , but who can excuse the apostles ; yea and the other brethren which were of iudea , which could not haue a like place and authoritie with the disciples of christ , in many and divers respects , which are not here to be reckoned , to haue accused and caused peter to giue a reason of his conuersation and doctrine among the vncircumcized , in that he had entered vnto them and eater with them after the receipt of the word of god , if hee had been constituted head of the church , either in christs time here vpon earth , or yet after his resurrection , by christ or his apostles or by any other means whatsoeuer remarkeable , who can say , but that the apostles haue done greatly amisse in challenging their superior and not rendring that simple and humble submission as in such matters is requisite , and suppose it were tollerable in the apostles , who were in like rank and estate with him ; yet if peter had been mounted ▪ to that degree , he could not haue comported to heare himselfe so disgraced as it were , and contended against by those farre inferiour to the apostles , and adacted to giue in his apologie , clearely expounding and dilating the whol matter vnto them with all the circumstances thereof . peter , if hee had been their master and head , might haue put them to silence for their sudden strife with him , or else haue said , i haue done no wrong , i haue reason for my actions ; and that may suffice that i haue commandement by reuelation from aboue , wherevnto i am priuie my selfe . peter yet might haue deliuered in defence of his proceedings to the apostles and brethren of iudea offended at him , for peters primacie had not been divulged and made manifest to the church ( if any had ) or for persecution and iniurie of the time it was suppressed and holden vnder vntill more conuenient time , while it should break vp , either ( truely ) in antioch , or at rome . but it is exceeding maruellous that paul should not many yeares after haue got intelligence of the same seeing it was such a necessary head in the church as tending to calme & tranquill all controuersies when refuge and appeale should be made to him as vnto an oracle ) for whom god sendeth in his worke whatsoeuer , him hee furnisheth fit and meet for the discharge thereof ) and being aduanced to bee head , his graces should haue surpassed the other apostles , especially paul , who cals himselfe an abortiue issue and borne out of time , and it is credible that paul would not take that arrogancy vppon him , by sundry arguments to contend , himselfe no wise inferior to peter , if peter was head of the church , & that hee receiued no point of doctrine from him , or any other of the brethren at ierusalem , to which hee did ascend by reuelation to know his conformity with them . moreouer in recompting certaine disciples as iohn and iames , he placeth not peter in the first order and roome : this is farre from his accustomed manner : who was so meeke as a nurse to her children , and who requireth his galathians to bee as he was , for he was as they were , and to giue to all men their duty , scare to whom feare and honor to whom wee owe honor , but in gods cause when hee did see peter , that he went not the right way to the truth of the ghospell , hee did withstand him to his face before all men , because hee was to bee rebuked , what can bee more euident ? we know when paul was rauished in the third heauen and receiued vasions and reuelations , fourteene yeares before hee manifested the same , and heard words vnutterable : but of this preferment of peter , there is not one siyllable , yea paul was his contradictor in this place , where , hee bringeth his warrant , for in that matter and combate with peter hee did nothing without expresse command , as not purposing one foot in that voyage without speciall reuelation ; yea and if the subscription and date bee true , hee wrote the same epistle to the galathians from rome . now in many other placees he comes to intimate by the spirit of prophesie the condition of the world and the state of the church vnder antichrist , but of this prerogatiue of peter at any time hee hath not one word , but that three yeares after his conuersion hee came vp to ierusalem to see peter and staid with him fifteene dayes , where paul might haue beene taught of others , or of peter himselfe , and beene perswaded of this his primacy ; after soe many yeares since christs ascention , and so many dayes conference and society with peter himselfe , who doubtles would haue imparted to paul , whom hee cal'd his beloued brother , all speciall comfort aud heauenly grace particularly this point of the head of the church , if any other then christ had beene , land so much the more for that paul , of all the apostles , makes oftenest mention in all his epistles almost thereof , euer deferring that honor to christ onely , the sauiour of the church which is his body , for paul is farre off from grudging and disceptation , but his zeale must shew it selfe when christs truth is peruerted as hee himselfe witnesseth . besides this three yeares after god had reuealed his sonne in him that hee might preach him among the gentiles , because hee did foresee that this verity should bee called in question , by them who would establish another head of the church then christ , hee conceites a graue atestation , saying , in these things which i write vnto you behold before god i lye not , as also more plainely in another place , whose preacher and apostle ( saith he ) i am constituted , i speake the truth in christ and lye not , euen a teacher of the gentiles in faith and verity . moreouer three yeares after his conuersion he passed to ierusalem and fourteene yeares after hee ascended to ierusalem the second time , now in this seauenteenth yeare after his calling to the apostleship , which fell in the yeare of christ , anno 6. paul testifies the ghospell of vncircumcision was committed vnto him , as that of the circumcision to peter , and the lord blessed and made both their ministeries effectuall , so that it came to passe that paul and barnabas did couenant and giue their right hands of fellowship that they among the gentiles , iames , peter and iohn ( for so hee rankes them ) among the iewes should discharge their apostleship ; now it must be of necessity that if peter was head of the church , then hee was constituted head both ouer iew and gentile , ( vnles they would say , that hee was but halfe a head ) but paul affirmes and that by their owne motiue and voluntary will , that the ghospell of the gentiles was committed to him and barnabas and not vnto peter , how can we say then that he was , or apoynted to bee , head of the church , seeing he was bound and tyed by his owne faithfull promise , beside his commission , not to meddle with the gentiles in his ministery , or was not that an vnfirme head of the church ( if so i may say ) that had so mutilate a body , seeing the one halfe as it were seperated and seioyned from peters apostleship , he hauing obliged himselfe by his troth in his right hand to the contrary . againe if christ would haue peter to bee an vniuersall apostle both of iewes and gentiles , how durst peter without speciall licence had and obtained of his author , and euident certainties thereof , haue brought his calling into such streighths and narrownes so hastily or at any time after , that within foure and twenty yeares he should enter in league with paul to dimit and forgoe , the most dificult part , and of greater confequence , because both that the benefit of calling was not generally offered before but counter-manded ; which was a mistery , as also for the multitude and greatnesse of the gentiles ▪ for there was farre more gentiles then iewes , whom the lord suffered to walke in their owne waies while there was light , in some measure , among the iewes in particular places and persons , although not generally and amongst the greatest , and yet such as might make inexcusable , and for this cause peter not vnmindfull of his charge , hee had contracted himselfe vnto , as hee taught , with great liberty and feruency among the iewes , for wheresoeuer he might haue occasion , as wee see aboundantly in the acts of the apostles , so likewise by writing an epistle hee taught the iewes , strangers which dwelt heere and there throughout pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bythinia , contayning himselfe alwayes within the limits and bounds of his calling , requesting them to be mindfull of the wordes of the prophesies spoken so long time before , for vnto iewes was it that the oracles of god were committed . and so did paul also , being seperated to the worke , he was called to was sent a faire off to the gentiles by the lord by whom hee had receiued grace and apostleship to the obedience of faith among all the gentils for his name , and therefore cals it , the exalting and adorning of his ministerie to bee called the apostle of the gentils , working in the euangell of god , that the oblation of the gentils might bee acceptable , sanctified by the holy spirit , not but that it behooueth the word of god to bee first expounded to the iewes , but since they did repell it , and thought them vnworthy of eternall life , he and barnabas did conuert themselues vnto the gentiles , whose preacher , apostle , & doctor he cals himselfe , yet euer desiring to prouoke his kinsmen , that he might saue some of them . and to whom i pray you can we better giue credit vnto then to peter himselfe : for surely , although once he had dissembled in that deniall of his maister in three-fold forme . and again ▪ in that euill example he had giuen to barnabas and others , when hee is precisely challenged by paul. now would hee not haue hid his talent in the earth , but that which was spoken to him in the eare , hee would haue spoken vpon the house tops , especiallie since he had promised by christs praier , his faith should not faile ; yea , and it was enioyned him not to deny , but being cōuerted to confirme his brethren in the veritie of those things he had heard and seene , as hee did also abundantly ; yet hee cals himselfe no other then apostle and seruant , not superior : yea , hee names himselfe a fellow-elder with them who are elders . and if it be so , how can he he iustly said to bee lord and prince ouer his brethren , and rest of the elders , shall wee giue him more then either christ bestowed vpon him , or that hee would claime himselfe , or any of the rest of the apostles and elders would acknowledge him to be . and which is more , he requests them to feede the lordes flocke which is amongst them , taking diligent heede thereunto , not by constraint , but willingly ; not for filthy lucre , but of a readie mind , not as though they were lords ouer gods heritage , but to be examples to the flocke , that when the cheefe shepheard shal appear , they may receiue an incorruptible crowne of glorie : he forbids dominion & lordships ouer the heritage of god , if he had so done himselfe , and affected primacy in the church , which was farre from the mind of this saint of god , hee had wrongfully forbid that , whereof he was culpable himselfe . likewise who will not esteeme it a great absurdity to repute all the apostles , which then liued , and all the company of the faithfull to be peters members , and all things that appertaine and belong to a spirituall body , to be communicated by him to them , which must be graunted , and that of most necessary consequence followeth , if we condiscend peter to be head of the church : but this of paul onely , in place of all that might be brought in , is plainly refuted , who doth esteeme himselfe nothing inferior to the highest apostles , here is no exception of peter , or primacy , which paul ( such is his modestie ) wold haue don if peter had bin superior . and who would not contend paule to be head of the church of the gentiles , rather then peter : because it is proued already he is appointed both by christ , as also with consent of those which were thought to bee pillars of the church , and in price had conditioned to be the apostle of the gentiles . now it is certaine , wee are not of the iewes , but of the gentiles , if there should bee any of the apostles head of our church , it must therefore be paul , who did correct peters error in antiochia , the first place of his alleaged seat and residence , to whom also euen their own great bulwark tho : aquinas . 2. secunda quest . 33. sect . 4. & gloss. ad gal. 2. 11. doth make paul equal , but not superior . besides this , paul was sent to rome by god , that he should testifie of iesus christ , as he had done already in ierusalem , whom the lord did encourage to that effect : the which also by an angell of god , sent to him by night , was reiterate , saying ; feare not paul , it behooueth thee to be presented to caesar : and further , paul was at rome and taught there two yeares , and the romans did thereby come to that perfection of religion , that their faith at that time was spoken of in all the world . here is a speciall designation of paul to goe thither , whither we heare of none to be formerly sent , appointed thereto by two seuerall mandates , tending to one scope , who did enter into rome , exercised the office from morning till euening , expounding the law and prophets , testifying and perswading of the kingdome of god in iesus christ , and made his aboad there during the space aforesaid in a house hired for himselfe , and receiued all that came vnto him , teaching with all boldnesse of speech without let , what can bee more craued in a good bishop , then which we find in paul at rome , but in all this time there is no mention made neither by paul of peter , neither salutation sent to him in any of all the epistle paule sent to rome , neither yet any remembrance had of peter in any of the epistles he sent from rome ; as that to the galathians , ephesians , philippians , colossians , the second to timothy , to philemon , vnlesse their subscriptions be faulty : no remembrance i say , neither any word of salutation which paul vseth not to omit , and that very largelie , yea , and not to forget euen the most obscure men and women , so they be faithfull of whatsoeuer degree . now i pray you , whether peter or paul hath best right to claim the superiority , or which of these two shall wee adiudge to bee head of our church ( if either of them be . ) and by the way ( gentle reader ) take a view , whether or not , peter was euer at rome , at the least neuer in pauls daies , and if not then , hee neuer saw rome with his eyes , as shall be proued ( god willing ) in our second discourse . for the which cause anthonius pyranensis legatus did say , it was not lawfull for men to reade pauls epistles : for i know ( saith he ) by reading of them , men may become lutherans ; and therefore ioh. siluanus atheseus . pastor herbipolis confesseth , that the papists doctrine was false and antichristian , and that he had learned that out of pauls epistles : which moueth rhegius gallicus aristarchus , when he had burnt 9. in lyons for lutheranisme , publikely to proclaim , that if the holy church had not receiued pauls epistles , & accounted them canonique , he would not repute them better or of more credit then the fables of aesope . and therfore are they named by them , armamentarium lutheranorum . fincelius writeth , that anno 1557. a priest in forcham , a citie in the bishoprick of lamberg , in his sermon , alledged paul to haue erred , and that the sacrament of the supper should be receiued vnder one kind only : and if it be not so , that sathan should take him away aliue from out of his pulpet , and so it happened to the great feare of all the whole diocesse ; as the history written by the said fincelius at length reports . and wee know the whole scripture is giuen by inspiration of god ; and is profitable , &c. that the man of god may bee perfectly instructed vnto euery good worke . and that timothy from his childhood hath knowne the holy scripture , which might make him wise to saluation : now since they conteine all things necessarie to bee beleeued , and that to beleeue the holy church vniuersall is one point of our faith , and for that the militant church here is one part thereof : the head whereof is searched heere by vs , and seeing the holy scripture directeth vs to no other head then iesus christ , wherefore is it that wee would bee wise aboue that which is reuealed , yea rather foolishly enquire for that which the word of god hath been silent in . and pursue after that which cannot in any case become meet to supply and minister the vertues and duties requisite in him who should be head of the church , and those neuer were nor can happen in the person of any mortall . yea paul takes vpon him to institute timothy and titus to be bishops , and prescribes vnto them , their particular and seuerall duties , yet hee sends vs alwaies to another head , namely christ , and that which hee doth it is not of any power he receiued of peter , for this he markes purposely as neither did titus create bishops in creta by any ordinance deriued from peter . i ioine hereto that paul accompanied with barnabas passed through all the churches of asia , in which they preached and there , by the suffrages of the same , choosed bishops and elected them , and in a word paul in that most solemne and most accurate sermon , rendred to the bishops of asia , neuer enioined them to submit themselues neither to peter nor any other whatsoeuer earthly wight head of the church . and would hee obscure the same if it had been commaunded him , or any waies profitable vnto saluation or quitting the estate of the church , for hee declared vnto them all the counsels of god , yea and foretels them that after his departure there would greeuous wolues rush in amongst them deuouring the flockes and that euen of themselues should men arise speaking peruerse things to draw disciples after them , as hereticks doe at all times , but he neuer remembred peter vnto them , who should put order to this proud attempt and hainous tyrannie in the church . if hee had been made superiour to asswage the furie and rage of tumults and schismes : paul would not haue buried the same in the beds of obliuion , but he euer directs vs a farre other course which is to christ onely . surely christ is a priest for euer after the order of melchizedech leauing no vicar nor successor but his holy spirit which hee promised to send , and lead his disciples in all truth , and to bee present with the church for euer . to the which priesthood in the new testament neither by paul , or whosoeuer hee was that was author of the epistle to the hebrewes who speaketh of this matter at length , is mention made any to succeed the same , for hee had neither beginning nor ending of daies , as it was constituted in that aronicall priest-hood to passe from man to man , in leui his posterity to the comming of the messias who hath by his owne blood entered in once into the holy place , and obtained eternall redemption for his church which is his bodie , euen the fulnesse of him that filleth all in all things . and to the end neither peter nor any of the rest of the apostles were otherwise sent but as god sent christ , but his kingdome and regiment is not of this world , for christ tooke not vpon him to iudge and distribute of earthly and transitorie affaires , but hee by his word and sacraments , which are the ordinary meanes to breed faith , and by the operation of his holy spirit from aboue , doth effect the whole purpose of mans saluation , instilling in mortall soules the immortall seed of the gospell of the lord , by whose power wee are kept through faith vnto saluation , which is prepared to bee shewed in the last time . and this is that precious balme farre aboue that of gilead , whereby christ the head of his church doth annoint the hearts and cheere the mindes of his own elect with vnspeakable peace descending from christ as the head ( like vnto aarons oyntment ) vnto his church the members of his mysticall bodie sonnes of god by free adoption , coheires with their head the lord iesus christ. if flesh and blood can accomplish these offices , let any reasonable man iudge . it is now conuenient we heare what our aduersaries obiect in the contrarie , that by this meanes the truth may more brightly shine , and doubting braines be resolued , as also that those in whom the veritie hath taken some hold may be cōfirmed and established , and way bee stopt to the vndermining and subuerting of the simple and ignorant . scripture , say they , cals peter first , and why should wee deny him the place which the word of god giues him . answere . it is not one thing to bee called first , and to be called principal lord or commander , for wee say homer is the first of greeke poets , hath he therfore commandement or power ouer all the rest : peter in order may bee called first , either in feruencie or magnanimitie or such like , but his authoritie and dignitie ouer the rest is denied . secondly , paul making mention of peter about three and twenty yeares thereafter , inuerts that order and placed him betwixt the bonerges , that is iames and iohn the sonnes of thunder , to signifie that there was no hidden mysterie in that ennumeration , yea , and in the catalogue , by sundry of the euangelists , the disciples are permixt . but if vpon peter ( say they ) the church was builded , hee must be gouernour and head thereof : for so sayth our sauiour , thou art peter , and vpon this rocke will i build my church . answere . albeit there might be framed a sillogisme in moode and figure , as there cannot be , because there bee foure tearmes ( after the schoole-men ) which cannot enter in a right sillogisme ( besides the construction in the greeke and latine tongues , which altogether ouerthrowes the argument alledged ) yet the assumption is denied : for there is not meant peter , on whome the church should bee builded , but vpon christ ( as with manie other auncient doctors , august . iohn , tract . 124. ) which christ was that rocke which he confessed immediately before to be the sonne of the liuing god. so lyranus in gloss : marginali super hanc petram scilicet quam confessm est , ibidem in gloss : interlineari & gloss : ordinaria , tu es petrus scilicet à me petra , ita tamen vt mihi retineam dignitatem fundamenti . et lyranus ibid. sayth , quod ecclesia non consistit in hominibus quia multi pontifices & principes inuenti sunt apostatasse à fide . and so also gregorius nicenus in testimoniis veteris & noui testamenti . but in stead of all these , paule satisfieth vs when he sayth , no man can lay any other foundation but that which is layd , iesus christ. then peter is not the ground : which if it had beene otherwise , beleeue we , that paule would be ignorant of it , or of purpose denie so serious and earnest a matter . moreouer , if the church was builded vpon peter , how was it , it did not fall when peter , at the voice of a maid , yea , and a long time thereafter , was relapsed and reproued by paule , as is aforesaid , and whome christ did vpbraid with the most vile name of a deuill . will the building stand firme and stable after the ground is sunke or fallen ? or rather , is it not the foundation that vpholds and sustaines the whole fabrick ? but that church which christ promised to build vpon this rocke , could not fall : for so saith hee , the gates of hell shall not preuaile against her : she cannot therefore be founded vpon such a tottering mould as peter was . paule boasts of himselfe ( and that truely ) that as a skilfull master-builder he had layed the foundation : and shall wee thinke , that christ , the wisdome of god , would build vpon the sand where the winds beat and waters rise , and made it fall , and not vpon that stone , hewen out of the mountaine without hands : and shall the masons of salomons church bee commended for their wisdome , that they should haue brought-great stones and costly stones to make the foundation of that materiall house , euen hewed stones , ( which was figuratiue of christ and the temple of his bodie ) and shall wee not say , loe heere is a greater one then salomon . the fathers all dranke of the rocke that followed them , and the rocke ( saith paule ) is christ. and certainely no man , yea the deuill cannot denie , but that there is one bodie , and one spirit , one lord , one faith one baptisme , one hope of our vocation , one god and father of all ; and that this church began in the creation with adam and eue , and continued euer since in one place or other , familie or kingdome , sometimes longer , sometimes shorter , sometimes larger , sometimes narrower , and had but one ground , which now also , vnder the gospell , as by the prophets long since hath beene fore-told , the gentiles are ioyned thereto . but where was this foundation then ? what was the ground that this building leaned to ? for shame wee shall not say peter was borne then , vnlesse wee-should make him as old as adam and eue , or then ( i tremble to speake it ) elder then them both ; for the ground of the house must be first layd before building be made . surely , if wee will trust paule , he will explaine the matter , that neither iewes nor gentiles , beleeuers , are anie more strangers and forrainers , but citizens with the saints , and of the household of god , and are builded vpon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , iesus christ himselfe being that chiefe corner stone in whome all the building , coupled together , groweth vnto a holie temple vnto the lord , in whome yee also ( saith hee to them of ephesus ) are built together , to be the habitation of god by the spirit . if any point of all this can bee attributed iustly to peter , hee is blind that cannot see . i know the aduersaries of the truth will trust peter at least , who sends the iewes dispersed vnto the consideration of another foundation . if hee had beene that ground that the church should bee built vpon , would hee not haue claymed it himselfe ? if so be ( sayth hee ) you haue tasted how bountifull the lord is , to whom you come as vnto a liuing stone , disallowed of men , but chosen of god , and precious , and yee as liuely stones bee made a spirituall house , and a holy priesthood , to offer vp spirituall sacrifices , acceptable to god by iesus christ. wherefore it is contained in the scripture , behold i put in sion , viz. the church , a chiefe corner stone , elect and precious , and he that beleeueth therein , shall not be ashamed . vnto you therefore which beleeue it is precious , but vnto them which be disobedient , the stone which the builders disallowed , the same is made the head of the corner , and a stone to stumble at , and a rocke of offence , euen to them which stumble at the word , being disobedient : where liuely , as it were in orient colours , hee paints out that romane hierarchie and antichrist . for seeing they stumble in disobedience at the word of god both in doctrine and manners , dispensing with it , and substituting in place thereof councels , traditions , ceremonies . for this cause they forge to themselues another then the true head of the church , and would haue a pretended entrie and passage thereto by peter , without any warrant or approbation in the word of god , as shall bee at length , in his owne place ( god willing ) euidently proued . but ( say they ) to whom the keyes of the kingdome of heauen was giuen , him had christ appointed head of the church : for hee had receiued 〈…〉 to binde and loose , remit and 〈…〉 sinnes : for al these tend to one sense and meaning , and soe said christ that to peter hee would giue them . answer , if iesus had giuen the keyes , and power to lose and bind , &c. to peter only , it had beene somewhat , but so it is , that christ promised the same in the person of peter , vnto all the rest of the apostles , as the foresaid lyranus gloss : interliniari vpon the seauenteenth verse of the same expoundeth , and soe hath gloss : ordinaria ex hieronimo , habent eandem potestatem etiam alii apostoli quibus post resurrectionem dixit , accipite spiritum sanctum , habet eandem et omnis ecclesia in presbiteris et episcopis . but why is mention specially-made heere , of peter and of the rest of the apostles ? answere ibidem ex hieronimo , petrus specialiter accepit claues quod quicunque ab vnitate fidei et societate eius se seperauerint a peccatis solui et regnum coelorum ingredi non possunt . and ciprianus lib. de simplicitate prelator : in persona vnius hominis dominus dedit claues omnibus vt omnium vnitatem denotaret . vide augustinum in iohn : tractat 129. secondly , it is answered , christ said not ( do , sed dabo ) which promise christ did perfect and accomplish thereafter to all the apostles , with peter , wheir the first day of the weeke , after his resurrection , iesus stood in the middest of them &c. and breathed on them and said , receiue the holy ghost ( is there a better porter , or key-bearer , of the heauens then the holy ghost ? ) whosoeuer sinnes yee remit , they are remitted vnto them ; and whosoeuer sinnes yee retayne , they are retayned , &c. vvas heauen euer more lockt , till now ? then none could haue accesse to abrahams bosome , and enioy that inheritance , prouided for them before the foundation of the world was layd . but to shut vp this matter , well hath augustine sayd , tractat 11. & 124. & 501. super ioh. if christ gaue the keyes to peter alone , then the church had not the keyes after him but as hee answered for all , so hee receiued the keyes withall . and what account hath beene made of them by the pope iulius the second , aruoldus farronus , burdegalensis , gallicus historicus testifie : which gilbertus ducherins translates thus : in galliam vt fama est bellum gesturus acerbum ▪ armatam eduxit iulius vrbe manum : accinctus gladio claues in tibridis amnem proiicit et saeuus , ralia verba facit , cum petri , nihil efficiant ad praelia claues , auxilio pauli forsitan ensis erit . and seeing iesus our sauiour did commit the feeding , that is , the ouersight of his sheepe and lambes particularly vnto peter , would hee not haue him had one degree or other of preferment among the apostles and aboue the people of the world for such direction was not giuen to the rest of the disciples . answere . hee that doth feede the lambes is not lord but a seruant , for so hee saith , feede my sheepe and not thine owne , yea and peter makes an opposition betwixt dominare in clerum , to haue dominion ouer the lords inheritance , and pascere oues , to feed the sheepe . answere . secondly , peter was commanded to feede the flocke , not that hee should presume aboue the other fellow apostles , sed vt apostolico muneri redderetur , vnde per fidei elapsum & christi abnegationem excidit , saith augustine : thirdly , it is answered , for that hee specially directeth his speech to peter , if hee loued him , and that three seuerall times , by augustine ibidem . christus rogauit petrum num se amaret , ter , vt trini negationi redderetur tri●a confessio , & ●●minus linguae amore quam timore seruiret . for it was hee onely , among the apostles that so openly and cowardly denied his master , as it was foretold him , for the which cause no demand was directed to the rest of their loue towards christ , &c. fourthly it is answered to feed in the scripture by vsuall forme of speach , is to teach and preach , &c. as also lyranus ibid. and arias montanus do testifie , with innumerabe others , and were not the rest commanded to goe and teach all nations baptizing them ? &c. or is it because peter was commanded to feede , were the rest enioined to bee idle , remisse and negligent ? or rather did not their sound passe through the world , and as they were commanded were witnesses vnto christ both in ierusalem , and in all iudea , and in samaria , and vnto the vttermost parts of the earth . yea , did they not direct their wholesome and sound doctrine both to sheepe and lambes . first , both yong and old , master and seruant , husband and wife as it is euident aboundantly in their writings and epistles , yea both to iew and gentils , to those who are within , and those who are without . and shall we say therefore , that all they that did feede were heads of the church . gerion of whom the poets fable had not so many heads , but the church shall haue many more which is most absurd , for they are all enioined to passe about the lords businesse , yea and paul affirmes that the cure of all the churches did hang vpon him . to this effect saith cyprianus , lib. de dignitate eccles. pastores , sunt omnes sed grex vnus ostenditur , qui ab apostolis omnibus vnanimi consensu pascitur ; wherefore if all the apostles were enioined to feede the flock of christ , then was not peter onely . and if hee were commanded for the causes before specified so to doe , shall wee not thinke , that christ ascended on high and led captiuitie captiue . and gaue guifts vnto men , some to bee apostles , and some prophets , and some euangelists , and some pastors and teachers , for the gathering together of the saints for the worke of the ministerie , and for the edification of the bodie of christ till wee all meete together in the vnitie of faith , and knowledge of the sonne of god vnto a perfect man , and vnto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of christ , which charge the holy scripture euerie where , and histories of all times doe report . and suppose it were so that to feede the flocke would import him to bee head of the church , then reason i thus , peter was appointed head of them whom hee was commanded to feede , but no man will say , hee was commanded to feede the rest of the apostles , ( viz. ) preach and teach them their gospell wherevnto they were put a part and receiued by the liuely voice of iesus christ , for vnto them it was giuen to know the mysteries of the kingdome of heauen . it must needs follow therefore that hee was not , at the least , head of the rest of the apostles , and so consequently not head of the whole church whereof the apostles were members . yet say they if paul ascended to ierusalem to peter to conferre his gospell with him , and from him receiue authority for the confirmation of his apostleship , that he should not tunne in vaine . then it must needs bee that paul did acknowledge peter head of the church . answere , paul did not conferre with peter onely , but with iames and iohn also which were esteemed of price , and pillers of the church second answere , paul himselfe denyeth that he did receiue ought of them , neither was inferior to them , and truly if he had receiued confirmation of his calling from them in that respect , he had beene inferior : and that which is of more importance , if paule had acknowledged peter for his lord , and head of the church , how was he so bold i pray you , to withstand him to his face ; and so publiquely , in presence both of iewes and gentiles vpbraid his dissimulation , alleadging him to bee a rocke of offence to others , who were brought into the like dissimulation . but thou wilt demaund what mooued paul from siria aud silicia , and other farre distant bouilds , wherein he had planted the gospell amongst the gentiles , to take the second paines and trauaile vppon him to passe to ierusalem , if it were not for the cause aforesaid . answere . paul expresseth the cause himselfe of his ascending to ierusalem , was to remooue and cut off that false rumour which was spread abroad by false apostles , that hee taught otherwise then the rest of the apostles did : for these false brethren did conioyne moses and leuiticall ceremonies of the law , new moones , saboaths , circumcision , &c. with iesvs christ and euangelicall doctrine , as simply and absolutely necessary vnto saluation , which paul reiected to be done ; yea , taught , that whosoeuer was circumcised , was fallen from grace , and that by the workes of the law , no flesh should bee iustified , but by the faith of iesus christ , and not by the workes of the law. thus then i reason , if paul at that time did ascend to receiue authoritie , and confirmation to preach the gospell : then wee must graunt , that the foureteene yeares proceeding , wherein hee had trauelled in the euangell , hee had openlie taught without any warrant , which is manifest absurditie . and last of all , if paul receiued any authoritie of peter to publish the gospell : how is it that paul declares , he was an apostle not of men , neither by man , but by iesus christ , and god the father which had raised him from the dead . it rests therefore , that peter was neuer ordained head of the church : and that whatsoeuer the aduersaries of the troth alledge for the establishing of his primacie and superioritie , is friuolous , and cannot abide the ballance of the sanctuary , because they are too light . wherefore , also in that third time christ acquaints his disciples with his resurrection , most liuelie speaking and inuiting peter with the rest , to eate after his vnprofitable labour all the night , he did not euen then , as it were , lastly designe him to such a supreame place . and also he left vnto him a propheticall declaration what death hee should dye , and would he not haue signified vnto him of this his great stile in the church . and this did peter himselfe very well remember , and prepares himselfe for such a departure ; recommending sundry good and profitable obseruations , doctrines , and lessons to the iewes , saying ; i will endeuour therfore alwaies , that ye also may be able to haue remēbrance of these things after my departure ; but neither christ remembreth in the gospell at any time , neither the apostles nor brethren then remaining of the church , acknowledge , neither saint luke the compiler of that ecclesiasticall history of the acts of the apostles recordeth , neyther yet peter leaues any succeeding monument of that meere vsurpation , which cannot fal without great blasphemie in any humane nature . soli deo gloria . ¶ prophetia frederici jmperatoris de excidio romano , ad gregorium pontificem . roma diu , titubans , varijs erroribus acta corruet ; & mundi desinet esse caput . o roma , à roma quantum mutata vetusta es , nunc caput es sceleris , quae caput orbis eras . finis . a short register of iesuits attempts and murthers , of kinges and princes of our time . and that you may haue an inspection how carefully the papists , who bragge of peters primacy , haue fed the flock of christ , and diligently administred the keyes : ( nam potest atem dedit remittendi non admittendi peccata petro christus , ) i will briefely remember that decree published by the pope in the yeare of his great iubile , proclaiming himselfe prince of all kingdomes , as well in matters temporall as spirituall : for he accompts it noe sinne , to bereaue kinges and princes , ( the lords anointed ) of their liues : a breefe recitall whereof is heere set downe , and collected out of the iesuites catichisme , published in french , 1602. and experience in these our dayes . lowe contries . the prince of orange was killed by balthesar girrard borne in the contry of bourgondy , sent by the regent of the colledge of triers . peter pan ; a cooper , dwelling at ipres was sent to kill maurice prince of orange , and earle of nassau , the other princes sonne , by the iesuites and prouincial of doway , executed at leyden . scotland . robert bruce , accused & sore troubled at bruxelles , by father william chrichton , because he would not kill , or cause to bee killed by some other , iohn metellanus my lord chancellor of scotland . maister iames gordon and william chrichton , iesuites , perswaded certaine of the nobility of scotland , to giue certaine blankes which they deliuered , to george carr , and were discouered by the indiscretion of robert albercrome , &c. england . william parry at the desire of bennet paulmeo , in venice , and haniball coldrett● , at paris , was induced to haue killed queene elizabeth was executed ianuary . edward squire executed for intending to poyson the foresaid queene elizabeth of good memory , and the earle of essex , great marshall of england , and after deputy of ireland , at the desire of father richard walpole iesuite in spayne . henry sammier of luxembourge , iesuite , plotted with certaine others to bereaue the said queene elixabeth of her life . france . peter barriere borne at orleance , by his first trade a basketmaker , purposed to kill the french king either with knife or pistoll in the midst of his gardes , at the request of foure monkes of lyons . henry the third , king of france and poland , was killed by iames clement , a dominican , the which also had a caueat giuen in his epitaph vpon the tomb of his hart , in the church of saint clow , neere paris adioyning to the house where he was slayne . adsta viator , et dole , regum vicem , cor regis , isto conditum est sub marmore , qui iura gallis , iura sarmatis , dedit , tectus eucullo , hunc sustulit sicarius , abi vi●tor ? et dole regum vicem . king henry the fourth , striken in the mouth , in his royall pallace of the louure , in the midst of his nobility , by iohn chastall a parisian , executed the 29. of december 1594 the which king also was afterwardes slaine by francis rauiliack , borne at angolesme , after hee had built the iesuites a colledge in la fleshe , where the said king was borne , and had reduced them , and defaced the marble pillar , in the which was recorded that first blow of the said chastel , who was but 19. yeares of age , brought vp in the iesuits schole in paris . italy ▪ vpon saint steuens day in christmas , as iohn galeas duke of millan went vnto the church , three gentlemen of a towne named cases of the families of the empoignane viscount and olgiate , at the discourses of cola mentouan , doubted not to murther him though they could hardly escape the dukes guard , for two of them were slanie presently , the third hang● portugall , sebastian king of portugal was counselled by the iesuits , to vndertaken iourney for the conquest of the kingdome of fesse , where he was slaine in a pitch't field , lost boh his life and kingdome togither . aragon . antonio de peres , secretary of estate to the late king of spaine , escaping out of prison in castile , hee with the iesuists , moued the aragonians to take armes against the said king &c. but thereafter by the same meanes the aragonians dissolue the armie , &c. the king of spaines forces enter sarragossa , where they pull downe houses to the ground , kild the nobillity , raise a cittadell withn the towne , & since that time the king of spaine had command there absolutely , as he doth within the rest of his dominions ; wheras before the people of aragon had in their foundation from all antiquity very great priuiledges , against the absolute power of their kinges . poland . stephan batori , king of poland , & sweden , was suboined to enter sweden , that the iesuites might be admitted there , duke charles his vncle & lieftenant generall answered , the people would neuer be brought to like of that society &c. the king is bereft of sweden , & those places which were gotten by the prowesse of gustaue his grandfather , & kept by the wisdome of his father : poland being not very firme to him withall . and what shall be said of iesuite garnet , that arch traytor ? counted a martyr by vild blood-sheders , the like conspiracy was neeer contriued since the creation , yet that horible attempt was approued by vnnaturall papists of this land , and alowed by the iesuites generall at rome . and to end this , their custome is not onely to perswade to commit , but also to commend such diuilish and odious slaughters . like as iohn duke of burgundy when he had caused lewis duke of orleance , sonne and brother to a king to be slaine . produced iohn pettit iesuite , who passed to the ladyes church at parris & preached that murther to be lawfull &c. the which satanical violence was stiffly mainetained by them , vntill iohn gerson chancellor of the vniuersity of parris got him to the counsel of constance , holden by 141. bishops , & procured such attempts be cal'd herertical . yea iohn guignard priest , regent in the coledge of clairmont , in the citty of parris , approued the most cruell and barbarous paracide of king henry the third , by the foresaid iohn chastell for the which he was led to the place of the greue , there hanged , and afterwards burned . so did also borgoin prior of the iacobins defend the same . but this is most memorable that iohn marriana , scholemaster to the now king of spaine , is not ashamed to publish defences for the murther of kings , & dedicates it to the said king phillip the third , printed in cenobio madrili 13. decemb. 1598 and approued by frier peter de onna , to the which the vniuersity of paris , agreeing with the word of god , opponed it selfe and pronounced the committers thereof heretiques . if this be feeding the flocke of iesus christ , any reasonable man may iudge : one did say very well , it was the duty of a good shepheard to sheare the shepe and not to flea them . if they would knowe further of the histories aboue aleadged , they may haue them in their owne historiographers , and the lord so blesse thee , that thou maist make thy vse hereof , to the glory of god , and honour of the higher powers ordayned by him . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10823-e160 1. ti. 4. 1. esa. 1. 9. ier. 3. 12. 15. isay 59 ▪ math. 21. 12. math. 5. 13. ier. 6. 17. ez● . 33. 2. isa. 37. 8. 2. tim. 2. iac. 5. 20. mat. 18. 15. 1. cor. 3. 9. neb. 4. 17. 18. reu. 9. 2 , 3 reu. 18. 3. 4. sa. 2. 15. luc. 24. 19. math. 5. 19. math. 9. 38. 2. thess. 2. 8. isa. 11. 4. 1. reg. 1. 22. 2. reg. 4. 13. ion. 4. 6. the oath of allegeance . obiit 1553. 6. iulii . notes for div a10823-e580 dist. 19. notes for div a10823-e740 1. tim. 3. 1 cant. 1. 1. pet. 1. 9. rom. 12. 3. act. 15. 9. ioh. 15. 3. ioh. 14. 6. col. 3. 4. ephes. 4. 16. luke 11. 49. iohn 13. 15. ibid. 17. ibid. 18 ▪ 19. ibid. 31. 32. ibid. 37. 38 ihon 18. 11. iohn 21. 22. ioh. 14. 5 8. ibid. 8. 9. ibid. 23. 24. rom. 12. rom. 17. act. 1. mar 13. mat. 23. luc. 21. mat. 20 , 20. mar. 10. 35. mar. 9. 33. iuc . 9. 46. act. 8. 14. act. 11. 1. 2. 3. ibid. 2. gal. 2 , 2 , 6. ibid 9. 1. thes. 2. 7. 8. gal. 4. 12. gal. 2. 12. gal. 2. 2. 1. tim. 4. 1. 2. thes. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 2. pet. 315. phil. 2. 14. gal. 11. 8. 19. gal. 7. 21. ● . tim. 2. 7 gal. 2. 8. eph. 4. 23. i. pet. 1. 19 act. 13. 27. 1. pet. 1. 1. 2. pet. 3. 12 rem . 3. 2. act. 13. 2. rom. 1. 5. rom. 11. 13 act. 13. 46. 47. 2 tim. 1. 11 rom. 11. 14. mar. 14. 66. 67. 68. 2 pet. 1 15. 16. 17. 18. 2. pet. 11. 1. pet. 5. 1. ibid. 3. 4. 5. rom. 12. 16 gal. 2. 11. act. 20. 11. act. 27. 23. 24. act. 28. 30. rom. 1. 8. act. 28. 31. 32. &c. alue . exami . part. 1. chap. 1. ephes. 22. & 4 , 15. col. 1 , 38. & ● . 19. 1. tim. 4. tit. 2. gal. 1 , 1. tim. 1. 1. li. 7. 1. 11. act. 14. 23. act. 20. act. 20. heb. 7. 1. 2. heb. 9. 11. ephes. 1. 23. iohn 18. 39. luk. 12. 14. 1. pet. 1. 4. mat. 10. 2. gal. 2. 9 , luk. 6. 14. mat. 16. 18. 1. cor. 3. 11. 1. cor. luc. 11. 49. 1. reg. 5. 17. 1. cor. 10. 4. eph. 4. 4 , 5 , 6 eph. 2. 20. 1. pet. 2 , 4 , 5 , 6. math. 16. 19 ioh. 20. 22. iohn 21. 15. 2. pet. 5. 3. ephes. gal. 2. 2. 3. 4. 5. ibid. 11. gal. 2. 4. cal. 5. 2. 4. iohn 21. 3. 4. ibid. 18. 19. ● pet. 1. 14. notes for div a10823-e5480 1600. 1584. 1598. iun. 22. 1594. 1585. 1597. 1582. 1593. 1589. 1594. gunpowder . griffin and wilkinson . 1415. sess. 15. 6. int. 1413. 1610. the intrigues of the conclave, at the choosing of a pope as also a particular relation of what past at the election of sixtus v, and clement viii : to which is added an historical essay, to demonstrate that according to the principles of the church of rome, there has not been, nor can be, any true and lawful pope since the election of sixtus v / written by a gentleman of rome. gentleman of rome. 1691 approx. 83 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45953 wing i277a estc r1571 13069418 ocm 13069418 97104 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45953) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97104) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 742:39) the intrigues of the conclave, at the choosing of a pope as also a particular relation of what past at the election of sixtus v, and clement viii : to which is added an historical essay, to demonstrate that according to the principles of the church of rome, there has not been, nor can be, any true and lawful pope since the election of sixtus v / written by a gentleman of rome. gentleman of rome. 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will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sixtus -v, -pope, 1520-1590. clement -viii, -pope, 1536-1605. popes -election. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-03 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the intrigues of the conclave , at the choosing of a pope ; as also a particular relation of what past at the election of sixtus v. and clement viii . to which is added an historical essay , to demonstrate , that , according to the principles of the church of rome , there has not been , nor can be , any true and lawful pope since the election of sixtvs v. written by a gentleman of rome . licens'd j. f. march 4. 1690 / 1. london , printed for largley 〈◊〉 , at sir edmonbury godfrey's head , near 〈◊〉 bridge . mdcxci . the intrigues of the conclave , &c. the doctrine of the pope's infallibility , upon which hang almost all the articles of the romish religion , is a banter of that nature , that i think the assertors of it , who are generally well enough acquainted with the court of rome , are much more to be wondered at , than the soothsayers were by cato , if they hold their countenance when they look upon one another , i am sure nothing can equal their impudence who pretend to be serious in maintaining such a cause , but the impertinence of those who by dint of solid argumenrs endeavor to confute them , since there is no considering person but must know that it is impossible that they themselves shou'd believe what they wou'd fain put upon the rest of mankind . when we shall here take a view of the conclave where this infallible pope is forged , and behold what scandalous qualifications generally recommend persons to st. peter's chair as they call it . what base and detestable practices are used by the managers of the several parties and factions , to promote those whom they think likely to prove subservient to their private , and commonly wicked and abominable designs , i am sure none will imagin that they who are concern'd herein , tho' their blasphemous cant is all the while of nothing but divine inspiration , can think their proceedings to be influenced by the holy ghost , or indeed desire they should . for the better understanding of the following relation , and for the reader 's satisfaction , i shall , before we go any further , give a short account of the manner of the election of popes in former ages , together with a more particular description of the proceedings of the conclave in our times . but , by the way , i cannot forbear taking notice of a very formal story that is told us in the book of the sacred ceremonies now used by the church of rome , which says that st. peter , whil'st bishop of that see , instituted a college of four and twenty senators , who afterwards , in the time of pope sylvester , were named cardinals , that is princes of the church . these , and no other were to have a vote or suffrage in the election of their bishop , and if any other usurped that right , it was by intrusion or violence . now i wou'd fain know whether all those popes , which by the confession of the said book itself were chosen either by the clergy and people in general , or nominated by the emperors for so many ages together , are to be accounted more duly elected , than they that are stiled schismaticks and antipopes ? if not , what will become of that uninterrupted succession which of late years has been so much boasted of ? it is certain that for the first five centuries the bishops of rome were chosen by the joint consent of the clergy and people , to whom they were accountable for their administration , and so far were they from arrogating that unlimited authority over the church which the popes of the later ages have pretended to , that they were subject in matters of faith to the censures of the clergy of their own diocess , by whom eugenius the first was interdicted from celebrating divine service until he had renounced the heresie of the monothelites . after the death of simplicius odoacer king of the heruli makes a law , under pretence of remedying the disorders that often happen'd at the elections of popes , by which he forbad both people and clergy to proceed to the choice of any until they first knew his pleasure concerning the person that was to be elected . this law was twenty years afterwards abolished at the fourth council of rome by the consent of theodorick king of the goths . but this arrian prince toward the later years of his reign was so far from preserving those priviledges which he had restored to the romans , that he took upon him to create the popes himself . felix the fourth deriving his authority wholly from his nomination . the gothish kings that succeeded him followed his example herein , only sometimes they were content to approve of the person whom the clergy recommended to them . when justinian had driven the goths out of italy , he retain'd the same power over the popes that they before had assumed , both he and his successors obliging the new elect to come and demand a confirmation from them , for which they were to pay a round sum of money before they could exercise even their spiritual function . and because of the distance between constantinople , the then seat of the empire , and rome , the exarch of ravenna had often power delegated to him , to enquire into the merits of the person nominated , and if he found nothing objected against him , he was to approve of his election . thus isacius the exarch made a journey on purpose to confirm severinm . this custom continued until constantine the emperor , sirnamed pogonatus out of the great veneration he had for the sanctity of benedict the second , sent him a decree wherein it was established , that he whom the people and clergy of rome should chuse , should for the time to come be forthwith acknowledged for st. peter's successor , without expecting the authority of the emperor , or his exarchs . but this decree was never , as i can find , much regarded by that emperor's successors , for the popes were never consecrated without their consent and approbation . when the empire of the west fell into the hands of charles the great , he retain'd the same right still , and transfer'd it to those of his race . the german emperors kept it as long as they could , but when they grew weak and feeble , the popes instead of submitting to their approbation , pretended that they had a right to dispose of even the empire it self , so that at last , tho' not without a great deal of squabling , it was carried , and decreed , by nicholas the second , that the election of the popes should entirely remain in the power of the cardinals . this canon was afterwards confirmed by several popes and councils . alexander the third ordained , that he only should be esteemed canonically elected , that had the votes of at least two thirds of the college of cardinals ; and this is that way of election that has obtain'd ever since , and which we are now going to describe . after the funeral rites of the deceased pope are celebrated , the cardinals enter the conclave , which is held for the most part in the vatican , where in a long gallery are erected small apartments , called cells , hung with purple cloth , for the reception of every cardinal . when they are shut up they are allowd but two servants a piece , or conclavists , as they call them , who are generally the craftiest fellows that can be met with . during the time that the conclave lasts , the city militia are always upon duty without doors , and the masters of the ceremouies continually walking about the gallery within , to prevent any private correspondence , or underhand dealing , insomuch that the very dishes that are sent in to their eminencies are searched , lest there should be any letters concealed in them . commonly before they proceed to any election , there are certain articles drawn up , relating either to the better government of the church , or reformation of abuses , and presented to the sacred college in general , which every one subscribes , and swears that if he shall be chosen pope , he will religiously observe ; but this oath , tho' taken in the most solemn manner , is seldom or never kept , the new pope generally handselling the plenitude of his power in absolving himself . there are three different ways of election now made use of in the conclave , scrutiny , access , and adoration , there was a fourth formerly used , but now quite left off , called compromise , which was when the cardinals found it impossible for them to agree , amongst themselves , consented to chuse out of their own number three , or five , giving them power to elect whom they pleased . this election was performed somewhat after the manner of our auctions , by inch of candle , for it was to be concluded and determined during the time in which a taper , lightedby common consent , continued burning , but if they could not agree before it went out , the commission expired with it . the scrvtint is performed after this manner , every cardinal has ready prepared for him a scroll of paper folded in to five pages , on the first of which the conclavist writes the name of the person for whom his master gives his vote , with these words , ego eligo in summum pontificem dominum meum cardinalem . — the cardinal never writes this himself , unless he counterfeits another hand , for fear lest his character should be known ; on this fold two others are doubled down , and all three fastned together with some wax , and marked with two different seals made for that purpose . on the fourth page the cardinal writes his own name , which he covers after the like manner with the fifth . at the time appointed for the scrutiny all the cardinals take their places in their order , in the paotina chappel , with the scrolls they have prepared in their hands . then every one in his turn goes up to the altar , before which is placed a table cover'd with a purple carpet , and upon it a chalice with a patina , or plate set thereon , on each side of which sit the first cardinal bishop , and the first cardinal deacon . here every one kneeling , makes a short prayer , and then puts his scroll into the chalice , which done , the senior cardinals of every title , that is , bishop , priest , and deacon , go to the chambers of them that are sick , and gather their votes , which are prepared with the like care and circumspection as the rest , when all the scrolls are put into the chalice , the cardinal bishop turns them all out upon the patina , and takes the first that comes to his hand , and gives it to the cardinal deacon , which he reads with an audible voice , the cardinals noting with their pens how many votes each person hath . if it happens that any one has two thirds , he is made pope , without proceeding any further , and then all the billets are opened , and every one's name that consented to the election read publickly . but this happens so rarely , that it was accounted a miraculous thing that adrian , charles the fifth's tutor , was chosen at the first scrutiny : but if this happens not , then the master of the ceremonies comes in with a pan of coals , and turns all the papers out , so that no man is known for what person he has given his vote . when the election cannot be determined by scrutiny , then it is tried by access , which is thus performed : each cardinal rising from his seat , goes and makes a profound reverence to him whom he wou'd have elected , saying , ego accedo ad reverendissimum dominum meum . — the rest in the mean time writing down the names of those both to whom the access is made , and who make it . this has some resemblance to the ancient manner of giving votes in the roman senate , when they that concurr'd in the matter proposed went from their places to the person who made the first motion , from whence came the saying , in sententiam ire , which is not unlike the custom of our parliaments , when the house divides itself into yea's and no's . but that which makes the greatest noise and bustle in the conclave , is the way of adoration . which is seldom put in practice but when some young and hot headed cardinals resolve to become masters of the election , and when they see they cannot accomplish their design in a peaceable manner , endeavor to do it by plain force , these being generally the nephews of the deceased popes , and consequently at the head of all those promoted by them , who are obliged in honour ( nay , some make it conscience ) not to bauk at any thing wherein they may serve their young masters , they having first laid their plot amongst themselves , watch their opportunity , when the rest of the cardinals are in a hurry and confusion , to fall down on their knees before the person whom they design to chuse , and adore him as pope . those that have not been made acquainted with the contrivance , either fearing lest the adorers should have a sufficient number to compass their ends , or suspecting the courage and constancy of one another , are often forced to do the like , by which means every one being unwilling by his standing out to incur the displeasure of him who he thinks will be elected without him , strives to seem as forward as he can , and thereby oftentimes becomes the main occasion of the promotion of one for whom perhaps he has the greatest aversion . this is the manner of election by way of adoration , which , thô sufficient of itself , is still confirmed by scrutiny ; yet the managers thereof take care that it shall receive no prejudice thereby . there was another way frequently practised in former ages , which was called by inspiration or designation of the holy ghost . that is , when the cardinals were assembled in the chappel , the first bishop arose , and in a short speech exhorted the fathers to make choice of one , who for his piety and wisdom was worthy of so great a dignity ; then he demanded by which way they thought fit to proceed by compromise , or scrutiny , telling them withal , that if his opinion might prevail , he thought — was the fittest person . if all present , or two thirds of them concur'd in the person nominated , he was without any scrutiny pronounced canonically elected . the pope that is chosen after any of these methods , is conducted into the sacristia , and is there cloth'd with the pontifical robes , from thence he is brought , with a rich mitre on his head , into the chappel , and seated on the altar , where the cardinals perform the ceremony of adoration to him , every one in his order kissing his feet , hands and mouth . this done , the doors of the conclave are opened , the pope shews himself to the people , and blesses them . then the first cardinal deacon proclaims with a loud voice these words , annuntio vobis gaudium magnum , papam habemus , reverendissimus dominus cardinalis — electus est in summum pontificem & elegit sibi nomen . — then his holiness goes to st. peter's church , the cardinals leading the way , with a cross carried before them ; when he comes to the altar , he there takes off his mitre , and kneeling down gives thanks to god , and the apostles , and then arising sits upon the altar . here first bishop kneels and sings the te deum , then the adoration is again performed after the same manner as it was in the conclave , which with a short office concludes that days solemnity . these are the outward formalities of the conclave . but how the private designs and intrigues of the several factions are carried on , we shall see in the two following relations . but he that desires a true specimen of all the little arts and tricks , whereby the candidates themselves procure the votes of others , will without doubt be fully satisfied with the behavior of montalto , known afterwards by the name of sixtus the fifth , an account of which take as sollows , it is certain that never any person more craftily concealed a proud and aspiring mind , with a profound dissimulation , than this cardinal did : for thô he had in his youth play'd all those pranks in little , which after his advancement to the holy chair , made some of the greatest princes in christendom to tremble , and had , upon all occasions , exprest a most haughty and turbulent spirit . yet he was no sooner promoted to the purple , and had begun to cast his eyes upon that mark to which all the desires and hopes of the sacred college are continually directed ; but instead of the fiery and arrogant peretti , he was presently transformed into the meek and humble montalto . before nothing cou'd make him more proud , than to see himself admired and envy'd by all mankind ; now the very heighth of his ambition was to become the most despicable object of contempt and scorn to all the cardinals . he so smother'd that vivacity of spirit which was always used to sparkle in his discourse and actions , that now he was become famous for an example of a dull and blockish stupidity . he was naturally of a strong and vigorous constitution , yet he now counterfeited so many diseases and infirmities of old age , thô he had scarce past threescore , that he never appear'd in publick , but he seem'd as if he were just stooping into his grave . these little arts of his had that happy succefs , that to his great joy he soon found that the best titles his brethren could give him , were those of a lazar , and the ass of la marca . perhaps one born under our dull and northern climat , may think these strange qualifications , to recommend one to the sovereign pontificat , yet we shall find that they only were the cause of montalto's exaltation . upon the death of gregory the thirteenth , before the cardinals enter'd into the conclave , montalto makes a visit to farnese , dean of the college , one who had always exprest the greatest contempt imaginable of him . to him he makes a most lamentable complaint of the infirmities of his age , and desires the favour of him , that he would dispence with his appearance at the conclave , if he thought it would last long , for the time of his dissolution drawing near , he could not expect to live to see a new pope chosen . farnese advises him not to abandon the interest of the church , upon an occasion of so great a concern ; to which he replies , that if there were any hopes that his suffrage would be in the least service able to holy church , he would resolve to meet death in the conclave . as he was going on in the same cant , farnese takes him up somewhat sharply , saying , my lord , i wou'd have you take a little care of your own concerns too , for i cannot believe but you have as great an affection to the holy chair as another . montalto something surprized at this reparty , calmly replies , that the cardinals must necessarily be quite blind , if to so great a person as his lordship they wou'd go to prefer one who had neither merit nor experience , nor any thing good in him , besides an ardent desire of serving his good friends and patrons . the same discourse he us'd to all the rest of the cardinals , especially to the heads of factions , and those that had any pretentions to the papacy ; telling every one in particular , that it would be a great prejudice to the church if the government was committed to any other hands , and that if he had a hundred votes they should all be at his lordships service . the forty two cardinals that compos'd this conclave were divided into five factions ; cardinal farnese appear'd at the head of the first ; the second was led by este ; the third by alessandrino ; the fourth was directed by altemps ; and the fifth , which equal'd them all in number , was that of buon compagno , nephew of gregory the thirteenth , whose creatures they were . the pretenders were fourteen ; farnese and savelli of paul the thirds creation ; santa croce paleotto , st. george , and sirlet , of pius the fourths ; montalto cesis , st. sevarina , and albano , of the promotion of pius the fifth ; fachinetti commonly called santi quatri ; della torre , mondovi , and castagna , creatures of gregory the thirteenths . altemps medici , and alessandrino , upon the first entrance into the conclave had plotted together to make cesis pope , and thus they managed their design . after the bulls are read , all the cardinals have liberty to go out of the conclave , upon condition , that they return again béfore night . this they thought the fittest time to put their project in execution , for as soon as the cardinals , who as they suspected would exclude cesis , were gone out , they intended to carry him into the paolina , and there proceed to a scrutiny , and elect , and adore him without any opposition . but this was not kept so secret , but the cardinal di san sisto , who had always declared against cesis , was informed of it at his going out of the conclave , he thereupon immediately returns , and sends for the rest that were ingaged in the same interest . this unlucky accident quite broke the measures of cesis party , for it made so many declare against him , that his favourers durst never so much as mention his name again in the conclave . after him serlet was proposed , altemps medici , and all the creatures of pius the fourth appeared zealously in his behalf , and had certainly succeeded , had not farnese , este , and storza , as stifly opposed them ; their reason for excluding sirlet was , because he had been excluded once before , for they were resolv'd never to trust one whom they had offended . another cause of his misfortune was , his familiarity with cardinal como , who had formerly disobliged most of the sacred college , whilst he was secretary of state to pius and gregory , they therefore now thought fit to take their revenge upon his friend . besides , farnese humbly conceived himself to be far the better man of the two , and therefore knew no reason why sirlet should be prefer'd before him . castagna's turn came next , but the old cardinals thought their honour was concern'd , not to let one of the last promotion get the start of them , and so they excluded him , tho' for his vertue , learning and moderation , he was counted a person as worthy as any to fill the holy chair . the person next mention'd was savelli , who for his vertue was esteem'd not much inferior to the former ; but the prodigious number of his bastards was feard would be a charge and scandal to the holy see. but medici supported him as far as he could with his credit , until colonna and cesis , savelli's declared enemies , told him plainly , that they would abandon his interest , and go over to farnese , if he persisted ; medici thereupon thought it more convenient to forsake his friend ; then cause a rebellion amongst his creatures , and thereby give farnese , for whom he had no great affection , an occasion of becoming master of the election . by this time several intrigues were on foot in behalf of della torre , who was then absent from rome . but farnese and san sisto , who expected him every hour , did what they could to protract the time till he came ; they had laid a design , that when he entered the conclave , they and their whole party should meet and receive him at the door , and crying out , long live the pope , carry him to the chappel , and there fall to adoration . thinking , not without reason , that it was impossible for any cardinal to have the courage to oppose them . medici being informed of their contrivance , was not a little disquieted thereat , for he saw plainly , that should della torre be chosen pope , farnese having so much influence over him , must necessarily engross all the power to himself , and consequently would cause such a number of cardinals to be made , who being wholly at his devotion , should elect him if he surviv'd the pope , as in all probability he would , he being the younger , and more healthy of the two. these considerations set medici's wits at work , but not being able to find amongst his own friends a sufficient number to form an exclusion , he began to grow desperate , till at last he perceived , that aleslandrino and este were practising under-hand in montalto's favour ; the former , because he was a creature of pius the fifth , his uncle ; the other , engaged thereto by rusticucci , who had great influence over him . to these medici , to rid himself of the fear of farnese , makes secret proposals of a union ; offering his own and friends votes for montalto . this motion was readily received , and agreed to . medici had credit in the court of spain , and was sure of the spanish faction . alessandrino had many friends amongst them , and este was chief of the french faction ; so that now both crowns agreed in the choice of one person . montalto all this while kept himself close in his chamber , insomuch that there was so little notice taken of him , that he seemd to be abandond and forgotten by all mankind . he seldom came out , except it were to mass , or into the paolina , to assist at the scrutinies , but he seemd so little concernd at the intrigues there , that he was thought not so much as to mind what he was doing . but he knew very well that nothing could better advance his own affairs , than this seeming neglect of them ; nor indeed was he less industrious than those who make the greatest noise and stir , when ever he met with any of buon compagno's party , he would say , that the cardinals ought to make choice of one that was agreeable to him , the sacred college owing that deference to the memory of his vncle , who had govern'd the church with so much zeal and charity . when he had any occasion to speak to a friend of farnese , he launched out in his praise , saying withal , that he was astonish'd , and could not comprehend the meaning of people that he was not yet chosen . to those that depend upon medici , he spoke of him , as one of the greatest deserts in the whole college . in short , he always took an occasion to speak well of every body , but would never want a panegyrick for those whom he thought either his enemies , or to have any credit or authority in the conclave . alessandrino , medici and este , having made the league we have spoken of amongst themselves , came privately to montalto's chamber to inform him thereof . alessandrino speaking in the name of the rest , bids him be of good courage , for they were come to bring him the good news of their resolution to make him pope ; which he no sooner heard , but he fell a coughing , as if he were ready to give up the ghost ; as soon as he found himself able to speak , he told them , that if that were their intention , god knows his reign could be but short , since life it self was a burthen to him ; and consequently the cares of the church would be much too heavy for him to bear , without a great deal of succors and assistance . the cardinals told him , that god without doubt would give him force sufficient to govern his church . but he continuing his discourse , told them , that he was resolv'd never to accept of the papacy , of which his want of experience renderd him vnworthy , unless they would promise him before hand to take upon them the government conjointly with him , for he could not in conscience undertake it alone . medici told him , that they would take care that he should not want assistance . ay , says he , ( after some time spent in spitting and spawling , ) if you make me pope , you will do the same as if you placed your selves in the chair , we shall divide the pontificat bewixt us ; i will have the name and title ; i will be pope in appearance , and you shall have the power and authority . nothing could give greater encouragement to these young cardinals to prosecute the enterprize they had undertaken , than the sly old man's discourse , who now thought they had gotten a pope after their own heart . and as soon as they had parted from him , began to reckon amongst themselves the great advantages they should make of a silly old coxcomb , that had neither sense nor understanding ; who had , as they vainly imagin'd to themselves , so fully discover'd the great weakness both of his body and mind . they promised to themselves nothing less than an absolute power both in church and state , for how can he , say they , undertake to concern himself in any business of moment when pope , who whilst a cardinal was content to be led by the nose by others ; and to whom should he commit the government of himself , and the care of all things , but to them who had raised him ? as for his nephews they were born and bred rather to manage the plow , than state-affairs . they so far pleas'd themselves with this fancy , that they were resolv'd no obstacles should retard their design . medici neglected the honour of his family , which upon some private disgusts was engaged against montalto : alessandrino deserted his old friend albano , who besides his personal merits had obliged him by all the ties of gratitude to his interest , and was particularly recommended to him by his uncle on his death-bed . but he put them them off who spoke in his behalf upon the account of his merits , by telling them , that he was too wise a man for the papal chair , since the spaniards would never consent to the election of one who was no● of a far more moderate vnderstanding . but they were both now content to sacrifice their honour to their ambition , yet they repented of what they had done , before they went out of the conclave . but at present they thought every hour , before they had accomplished their design , a year of their reign lost , montalto was therefore recommended by them in all haste to the rest of the cardinals , as one of a quiet , peaceable , and obliging temper , of a good and easie nature , and one who had a kindness for all the world , and wou'd give disturbance to no body . and , in short , that had all the good qualities that were requisite in such a pope as they desired . i shall not stay to recount all the little arts which they used to gain over to their party every one in particular , their chief intrigues being level'd at the heads of factions . san sisto had the whole creation of gregory v. under him , and had already engaged himself to farnese . in the first place they thought it most convenient to debauch some of his followers , in which having succeeded , by letting them know how their interest lay that way , they began to make their attempt upon him . but the greatest obstacle was , gregory san sisto's uncle had disobliged montalto , by taking away the pension that had been assign'd to the poor cardinals , of which number he was one , notwithstanding that a little before he had dedicated his commentaries upon st. ambrose to him , upon which account san sisto had exprest some fear of montalto's resentment . to remove which difficulty they made use of his confident cardinal riario , who being sick of the gout at that time , order'd himself to be carried to san sisto's chamber , to whom , with a great deal of seeming concern , he said , that the faction of montalto was grown so powerful , and his election so far advanced , that he wou'd infallibly be chosen ; so that it was but time lost to endeavor to retard a thing which wou'd succeed , to the confusion of all those that oppos●d it . wherefore he advis'd and conjur'd him not to lose the honour and reward of being assistant to that election , since it was not in his power to hinder it . it was not a small surprize to san sisto to hear this discourse , but his astonishment was much encreas'd , when riario had scarce taken his leave , but in comes guastavillano , another of his creatures , ( the business having b●en before concerted between them ) upon the same errand , telling him withal , that he wondred that a man of his prudence and 〈◊〉 was not come over before this time , since if he persisted on the longer in ●is obstinacy , his ruine was inevitable . during all these intrigues , montalto continued still quiet in his cell , without discovering that he had the least thoughts of the papacy ▪ when those that manag'd for him came to give him an account how things past , his general answer was , that if the difficulties in the conclave seemed great , what were they to expect in the vatican ? he conjured them therefore never to entertain any thoughts of chusing him except they would first promise him to take upon themselves the whole government of the church . had this been spoken by any other person , the cheat must certainly have been discovered , but he acted his part so well , his words exactly corresponding with his actions , that what would create a suspition of affectation in others , only served to increase the opinion every one had of his pure and natural simplicity . but thô he seem'd thus retired from all the world , yet as he wou'd never let slip any opportunity of cringing to , and fawning upon all the chiefs of the factions , he wou'd ever be telling of the great obligations he had to cardinal alessandrino , and say , that if he were lord of many worlds , he shou'd never be able to repay the favors he had receiv'd from his vncle pope pius v. when he made his court to those of the spanish faction , he wou'd be sure to look and talk as sillily as he cou'd possibly , and this gain'd the very hearts and souls of them : for they knew very well that their master hated nothing more , than to see a man of sense placed in st. peter's chair , for fear lest he shou'd prove a bad neighbour to his dominions in italy : but as for montalto , they took care to publish that he had the greatest respect imaginable for him . one day montalto making a visit to cardinal altemps , told him , that he was so much obliged to him , and the marquis his son , that he was resolv'd entirely to devote himself to their service , and shou'd be proud of having an occasion to acknowledge his lordship as his only benefactor and maker of his fortunes . altemps was so tickled with the compliment , that he presently answer'd , that if it lay in his power , he might assure himself of being pope . montalto , upon this , calls god to witness , that he had no ambition of so eminent a dignity of which he knew himself both incapable and unworthy : but if he shou'd be upon any account induced to desire it , it was only that it might be in his power to give a testimony to the world of the profound respect and esteem he had for his friends , but more particularly for his most illustrious lordship . the same discourse he used to madruzzo , who had his catholick majesties instructions at this conclave , and indeed to every one whom he thought any way able to be serviceable to him . the time being come when they were to proceed to the scrutiny , and all the cardinals having taken their places in the paolina for that purpose , whilst the bulls of cardinal di vercelli were a reading , he being newly come into the conclave , alessandrino , upon a sign given him by esté , taking san sisto aside out of the chappel , my lord , says he , altemps and medici have resolved that montalto shall be chosen immediately , our friends have generally concur'd with them , so that the business is as good as done already , only we have forborn to put the last hand to it , out of the respect we bear to you . we have left it in your power to chuse whether you will oblige the new pope ever to acknowledge you the author of his greatness , or have the displeasure of seeing one made against your will and consent . san sisto considering this discourse , and recollecting what had been before told him by riario and guastavillano , began to forget his engagements with farnese , and promise he had made never to give his vote for any one without his advice and concurrence ; whereupon he sends for all his creatures , to consult with them what was best to be done upon this occasion . a great part of them had already engaged themselves for montalto , who were not now wanting to recommend him to their patron as the fittest person to fill st. peter's chair , the rest seeing his party so powerful , durst not so much as open their lips against him . every one wondred that farnese the dean of the college , one of a working head , and great experience in the intrigues of the conclave , did not more vigorously oppose one whom he had hitherto declared against , and had always treated with the greatest contempt and scorn ; but he relied upon san sisto's promise , who , if he had continued firm , had certainly together with him excluded montalto . it was from this security of his that the adverse party made their greatest advantage . besides , the mean opinion he always entertained of montalto , made him the more negligent in opposing him ; he thought it impossible for one of such a cadaverous look , should trouble him many days : and that his simplicity was such , that there was no fear of his resentments , it seemed indifferent therefore to him whether such a stupid and wretched creature was made pope , or continued cardinal . wherefore when he asked san sisto , why he consented to this election ? and was told by him , that it was because the person was of a calm and easie nature , under whom they should enjoy all the liberty they desired . he returned answer , that he was much in the right on 't , for montalto was one that had not wit enough to do any mischief , nor vnderstanding to do any good. san sisto having felt the pulse of his creatures , thought it now his best policy to agree to their sentiments , and seem as forward as he could in declaring for montalto , putting himself therefore at the head of them , he enters the chappels , where whilst some were proposing a scrutiny , he , to enhance his merits , joining himself with alessandrino , goes immediately to montalto , whom these both compliment , by crying out , the pope , the pope . the greatest part of the college applauded what they had done , and approved of it , by imitating their example . but the dean farnese not liking this tumultuary proceeding , order'd them all to their places again in order , to proceed in a regular manner to the scrutiny . montalto hereupon slisly whispers san sisto , desiring him to see that it may be done without prejudice to the adoration already performed , which made both him and alessandrino cry out twice , without prejudice to the adoration . as soon as montalto perceived that above half the votes were for him , without staying till the scrutiny was ended , leaps out of his seat , throws away his staff , that had hitherto supported him instead of a crutch , into the middle of the place , and begins to stretch out himself , insomuch that he soon appeared half as big again as he was before : but that which was most surprizing , he fetches such a lusty hem , that a young man of thirty could scarce reach . we may well think that the cardinals were startled at this sudden alteration . the old dean began immediately to see repentance in the countenances of alessandrino and san sisto , faid aloud , let us not go too fast , there is an error in the scrutiny . but montalto knowing that the time was now come wherein he might speak for himself , resolutely told him , that the scrutiny was good , and according to form. and a little after , he that within an hour or two had scarce strength sufficient to enable him to cough , roared out the te deum with such a thundring voice , that the roof of the chappel began to shake . as he was kneeling before the altar , according to the custom to make a small ejaculation , the master of the ceremonies observing the usual formalities , asked , if he accepted of the papal dignity ? he putting on a grave and majestick countenance , answer'd , that he had received one popedom already , which consequently he could not accept of again : but if they had another to give him , he was ready for it ; for , thanks be to god , his shoulders were strong enough to bear double the weight of what was yet put upon them . farnese , as well as the rest of the cardinals hearing these words , turned to santa sevarina , and said , they thought they had placed an ideot in st. peter 's chair , but now i perceive we have gotten a pope who will make fools and asses of us . santa sevarina shrugged his shoulders , but could return no other answer , than the lord have mercy upon us . as the masters of the ceremonies were putting on his pontifical robes , he , as if he were weary of that formal and decrepid posture which he had so long kept himself in , stretch'd out his limbs with that vigor as astonished all the beholders . rusticucci hereupon presuming upon his former familiarity , said to him , holy father , i perceive the holy chair contains a sovereign remedy for all distempers , since it restores health , and youth to old and infirm cardinals . to which he screwing up his face as formerly as he could , replyed , i feel it . when medici told him , that he seemd now to have different mine and air from what he had whilst a cardinal . i was looking then , says he , for the keys of paradice , and therefore held down my head , but now i have found them i lift up my eyes to heaven , having nothing else to seek for on earth . it was no unpleasant sight to farnese , when he beheld este , medici , and alessandrino , instead of expressing their joy for having a pope of their own creation , look very melancholy upon it , wherefore he said to sforza , as he was going out of the conclave , that charles the fifth having abdicated the empire in the morning , repented of what he had done before night , which i believe continues he , those three cardinals are not to begin to do now . i shall count them happy , replys sforza , if their repentance last no longer than that emperor 's did . as soon as sisto quinto , for so montalto had stiled himself , was conducted to the lodgings prepared for him as pope , he could not rest till he had found an opportunity of letting those that had advanced him know how he was resolved to bank their expectations , he therefore commands , that the cardinals , alessandrino , medici , rusticucci , este , san sisto , aitemps , be invited to sup with him . but here i cannot omit a story that they tell of him , to make us the better acquainted with the change that was made in him , his maestro di camera , according to his constant custom , while he was cardinal , came and asked him , what he would be pleased to have to supper . he putting on such a stern countenance as seemd to reprove the fellows impudence , replyed , is this a question to be asked a soveraign prince ? go , continues he , and provide me a magnificent and royal entertainment , out of which i shall chuse what pleases me best . the cardinals that were invited being all come , except este , who suspecting the entertainment they were like to have , excused himself , alessandrino seeing the pope stirring about busily , began to wonder that he had not taken any repose after that days fatigue . but he told him , that business was his chief repose . but your holiness , replys alessandrino something too familiarly , did not seem to have so much strength yesterday , nor the day before . he smartly taking him up , answered , yesterday and the day before i was not pope , but now i am . rusticucci seeing some of his robes not sit as they should , began to put them in order , but he told them , that it did not become him to be so familiar with the pope . but these two cardinals who had promised themselves so much authority , could not yet contain from medling . but as they were giving orders for what they thought convenient about the popes apartment , his holiness , very seriously , desired them not to put themselves to so much trouble , for he being master there , would take care to command things to be done according to his own pleasure . when they were sat down to the table , he presently began in a long discourse to preach to them concerning the power that christ had given to st. peter , in making him his vicar upon earth , he often repeating , thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church ; upon which words he would say , how profound are the judgments of god! jesus christ has left upon earth but one peter , one sovereign pontife , one onely vicar , one head ; to him only has he entrusted the care of his flock ; thou art peter , that is , thou only art the high-priest , to thee will i give the keys of heaven . which is as much as to say , thou shalt have an absolute power over all things , without exception , to bind and to loose . it is to thee only , to thee alone , that have given power and authority to govern my church ; to thee that art my vicar , and not unto others that are thy inferiors and servants . it was no hard matter for the cardinals to comprehend the meaning of all this . they plainly saw that his discourse was only leveld at those castles in the air which they had been so long building ; but that which mortified them the most , they were forced to let him , run on without daring to give him the least interruption ; for if any did but offer to mutter , he was sure to give him a severe reprimand , and put him in mind of his distance . at last rusticucci , something bolder than the rest , ventur'd to say , it is a great surprize to me , most holy father , when i consider , that you often used to say in the conclave , that it was impossible for you to govern the church without assistance , but now your discourse tends the quite contrary way . you say true , ( answers sisto very gravely , ) but i said it then , because i believ'd so ; but to day god has endued me with so much strength , that i believe no such thing . with this compliment he dismiss'd them . and now i shall take my leave of him , being afraid that i have straid too far from my subject , my title page informing me , that i have no business at present out of the conclave , i shall therefore now give the reader an account of what passed in it at the election of clement the eighth . the sacred college was at that time divided into three principal factions . the first of which was the spanish , whereof madruzzo was the leader . his catholick majesty had nominated five to them , out of which they were to procure the election of one , viz. colonna , como , paliotto , santa sevarina , and madruzzo himself . santa sevarina was the man who in outward appearance stood the fairest in the opinion of this party , tho' it was not doubted but many of them had by-ends of their own , which subdivided them into many petty factions , one whereof favoured madruzzo , who secretly aspired to the papal dignity himself . the second faction was of those who were creatures of sisto quinto , and consequently were obliged , by what they call honour and gratitude at rome , blindly to submit themselves to the conduct of montalto his nephew , who , tho' he had in a former conclave vigorously opposed the exaltation of santa sevarina , yet now contrary to the maxims of his nation , he appeared as stoutly in his behalf , and join'd forces with the spaniards , venetians , and florentines . it is uncertain whether he did this the better to make his court to the king of spain , and the great duke , who tho' of different interests , yet both appeared zealously in the behalf of santa sevarina , or else to ingratiate himself with the spanish faction ; so that if the person they had pitch'd upon fail'd , one of his creatures might serve . the third party was that of the creatures of gregory the fourteenth , who tho' at first despicable , upon the account of their inconsiderable number , being no more than fifteen against thirty seven , yet by their courage and conduct , and firm adherence to one another , we shall find them perform miracles in the conclave . it is requisite , for the better understanding of the subsequent relation , that i here give the reader a list of the names of these persons who have so far signaliz'd themselves . they were arragona , old colonna , paleotto , como , altemps , canano , mondovi , lancidotto , ascoli , sforza , sfondrati , pallavicino , boromeo , aquaviva , and platta . but here we must take notice that young colonna , who was of the adverse party , had promis'd his uncle , that at any time when he could invest him in , or deprive him of the papacy , he would decline his vote for santa sevarina . this little party being exasperated at the bravado of their adversaries , who publickly gave out , that they had the papacy in their hands , bound themselves under a solemn oath to use their utmost endeavors to work the exclusion of santa severina . this enterprize seem'd to every body else almost impossible to succeed , but they resolv'd that nothing should discourage them in their resolution ; and in order to effect their design , they were not wanting to inform the cardinals of the great severity of santa severina's life , a topick which they , not without reason , thought would create an extream aversion to him in the minds of the sacred college . they likewise did what they could to raise jealousies betwixt him and montalto , and the spaniards and florentines . they thought to take off montalto by telling him how he would advance his glory and interest , by the exaltation of one of his own creatures . the same arguments were used to debauch madruzzo . they told the other competitors how easie a matter it was to attain their desires by their assistance , which should never be wanting to them . we may well imagine by what follows , that these insinuations were swallow'd by most of them , tho' for the present every one was afraid to let his sentiments be known , lest he should be found singular . thus were the minds of the cardinals dispos'd when they entered the conclave , after the preliminary ceremonies were perform'd , it was the opinion of montalto , and the wisest of santa severina's party , that they should attempt his adoration the first night , without giving time to those of their own side to cool , or their adversaries to work upon them . if this advice had been follow'd , the business had certainly been done that night , considering the heat , confusion , and darkness , they were then in , whilst every one jealous of his neighbour , would think , should he refuse to comply , that he thereby markt out himself as the only object of the future popes indignation . but this was an enterprise too hastily laid for the more staid and politick spanish ambassador , who by staying in the conclave till 't was late in the night , taking his wise and impertinent measures with the graver sort of cardinals of his party , let so fair an opportunity slip . the night was employd by madruzzo , spinola and montalto , in encouraging and confirming their several adherents . early in the morning they muster up all their forces and march to santa severina's cell , at the head of them ; whom they salute and honour as pope , from hence they conduct him to the chappel paolina to perform the ceremony of adoration . here it was no unpleasant sight to see what a bustle and clutter their eminencies made , in striving who should appear most officious at his exaltation . young ascanio colonna shew'd himself as industrions as any man. old gresualdi the dean , who could not run as fast as the others , coming last into the chappel , was sain to make the most wretched grimaces , that a little joy might appear in his countenance . we may well imagine the sad condition the poor excludents were in at this time . but nothing could quite cast down their courage , they resolving to bestir themselves to the last . time would not permit them to make any congregation among themselves , lest whilst they were consulting , their adversaries should make the pope ; all that they could now do , was to order , that none of their party should go into the paolina , lest he should be tempted to comply , or unadvisedly do something that might be interpreted a consent , but that all should do their utmost amongst their friends and relations to gain one vote only , or , at least , to prevail that it might be suspended for that morning . arragona colonna , and altemps , tho' sick of the gout , orderd themselves to be carried into the hall , hoping by their presence to prevail with some one person . here they had the mortification , to behold all things carried according to the desire of their enemies . altemps was presently assaulted by the cardinal del monti , who with a gay countenance told him , that by the direction of the holy ghost they were going to adore santa sevarina , and desired his concurrence , that the honour and merit of so great an action might be attributed wholly to him . altemps who before was in a very surly humour , now in great rage and fury told him , that he scorn'd his advice , and bid him go worship the devils , pope himself , if he pleas'd . in the mean time ssorza , sfondrato , boromeo , and aquaviva , were not idle , but were continually tampering with as many as they could lay hold on , but all to no purpose ; sfondrato and boromeo at last fastned on la rovere , who as yet continued in his chamber . him they thought to gain over to their side , by putting him in hopes of the papacy for himself ; but montalto and mattei soon got him out of their hands , and carried him in triumph with them thrô the hall to the paolina . this sight put poor altemps out of all patience , insomuch that he could not forbear treating the reverend old man with the most spiteful and virulent language . the cardinals in the chappel were now all ready to proceed to the adoration , their antagonists , to leave nothing unattempted , stood before the door , endeavouring to disturb and distract their minds , by raising what confusion they could amongst them . their malice had its desired success , for as the others were just going to worship santa severina , sforza and aquaviva began to bawl out , that they neither ought , nor could proceed any further without a scrutiny , saying , they were not sure they had a competent number to complete the adoration ; and that if they came to an election contrary to the accustomed manner , they were resolved to protest against it . hereupon there was such a hubbub and tumult rais'd in the chappel , that nothing could be seen in it but confusion and disorder . some cryed there was no notice to be taken of any such protestation , some were for , others against , the coming to a scrutiny . some said that the votes were not to be gather'd before the adoration , others that it was altogether needless . but the dean , to prevent all objections , endeavors to appease the raging of this giddy-headed rabble , and sets about the gathering of the votes himself . this he attempted several times , but never could reckon above four , but some impertinent cardinal or other would be always interrupting and confounding him . they within perceiving at last that all this stupefaction proceeded from the excludents , who stood at the chappel door , doing all the mischief they could , ordered the door to be shut , which was opposed by sforza and aquaviva ; whereupon they had like to have fallen together by the ears . at last , the secretaries of the college , and masters of the ceremonies were ordered to number the voices , but such was the disorder amongst them , that they bungled more at it than the old dean did ; hereupon several cardinals undertook this difficult task , and by their medling with it , made it ten times more intricate than ever . it is a strange thing that these profound masters of the most refin'd politicks in the world , should be thus brought to their wits end , they knew not how nor for what . we see here poor santa severina fail'd of becoming st. peter's infallible successor , because they that were to make him so , were not able to count thirty six . hereticks will take this for an odd sort of a reason , why holy church should continue for some considerable time without her so much boasted of supreme and unerring judge . had the conclave been made up of our goathamitish sages , the business had been by this time effected : for allowing any one of them not to count himself , yet there remained thirty five still , which made up two thirds of the cardinals , and consequently was a sufficient number to make a pope . but that which was still more strange , the excludents well knowing how many were in the paolina , and most of them beginning now to think of yielding , and to curry favour with the new elected pope , as they thought santa sevarina must necessarily be ; aquaviva still resolute thô in a defperate cause , sends his conclavist into the paolina , to number the cardinals that were there , who , as if it were fatal to all persons to blunder that day , brought him word that there were but thirty four , thô nothing is more certain than that there were thirty six present . aquaviva suspecting some mistake , sends him again on the same errand , and he returns with the same answer . this news put new life into the excludents , who began to assault the rest afresh , but all to no purpose , till old colonna bethought himself of the promise his nephew had made , who sends a note to him by his conclavist , to put him in mind of it , charging him withal to come out , lest by his stay there he should be the ruine and confusion of his whole family , and best friends . ascanio took some time to consider of this message , but at last finding it was in his power to make santa sevarina pope , or hinder him from it , resolves to go out ; what pulling and haling there was at the door by each party to keep him in , and get him out , was to be seen by his robes , which were torn in pieces . how agreeable his desertion was to the excludents , soon appeard in old colonna's face , who could not chuse but weep for joy at the sight of him ; but this lasted not long , for those in the chappel , now grown more cautious , orderd the door to be shut , intending to proceed immediately in a more regular manner to the scrutiny ; for which they had votes enough still left , for the person concern'd may give his vote for himself , tho' he cannot adore . but altemps beginning to take heart again , and turning to the young cardinals , exhorts them to make a vigorous assault upon the door . whereupon sforza , aquaviva , boromeo , and sfondrato , began to storm with so great a noise and clamour , that they forced it to be opened . they within desire a parley , and send gresualdi and madruzzo to treat with the excludents , but it was impossible for them to come to any agreement , for both parties pretended to an equal share of inspiration from the holy ghost , only it is thought that the trustees had some under-hand-dealing with the excludents in their own behalf . but they returning without effecting any thing , they were sent about the includents , after a long debate , resolv'd to proceed to the scrutiny , mass was ordered to be celebrated , and the cardinals to prepare to receive the communion according to custom , the dissenting party were sent to , and desired to join with them , which they fearing some trap might be laid for them , refus'd , and receiv'd the eucharist by themselves in the chappel of sisto from the hands of sfondrato , which being perform'd on both sides , sforza and aquaviva were deputed by the excludents to go into the paolina to observe how things were managed at the scrutiny . in the mean time gaetano goes to canano's chamber , where he found him sick of the gout , or at least pretending himself so , gaetano uses all the arguments he can to allure him to his party , by telling him , what a meritorious and heroical act it would be for him to make santa sevarina pope . but he having some small pretentions for himself refus'd to go , or be carried out , upon pretence of the great pain that was in one of his toes , tho' it was evident that it lay more in his head , than in his feet . santa sevarina's conclavist something more subtle than the rest , came a little while after to him , and with a seeming joy told him , that his master was elected pope , and desired to see him . but the crafty old fox was not to be caught with a banter , but told the conclavist , that he would take time to consider of it . but notwithstanding his , and his associates refusal to comply , santa sevarina had still a sufficient number of votes to complete his election , of which he seemd so secure , that he began to declare how he would forgive all those that had oppos'd him ; and in testimony thereof , he gave out , that it was his design to take upon him the name of clement . all things were now ready for the scrutiny , and since the followers of santa sevarina had already given their votes for him , by saluting him pope , and carrying him from his cell to the paolina to adore him , it was thought fit that the votes should be given publickly ; for thereby it was supposed , that none durst refuse his consent which he had given for so many hours together . this put sforza and aquaviva to their last shifts , who now plainly saw , that without some bold and desperate resolution their ruin was unavoidable . they therefose very impudently affirm'd , that this way of proceeding was contrary to all the ancient customs and liberties of the sacred college ; and that if the scrutiny was not made secretly , they would protest against the election , commanding the masters of the ceremonies to take notice of this their protestation . one may well wonder at their confidence , in putting such a sham upon the sacred college , there never having been any bull which forbids the scrutiny to be done in publick . but the folly of the rest is inexpressible , who suffer'd themselves to be ▪ led by the nose by their profest enemies , but it was san sevarina's fate to be chouz'd of the papacy , and his parties yielding this point to their adversaries , was the only means to bring it about : for it being carried that a secret scrutiny should be made , whereby it was in the power of any person to withdraw his vote without being known , there were found but 30 for him , four having privately deserted ; which , together with his own , would have completed his election . it is not in my power to express the joy the excludents made appear upon this occasion , much less the confusion of the contrary faction , when they found themselves so shamefully cheated . but to give santa sevarina his due , he bore his adverse fortune with the same magnanimity as he did his prosperity , when he went into the chappel attended by so great a number of cardinals , and continued there as pope for some hours . this imaginary advancement works no alteration in him , nor did he appear in the least dejected when he came out , no more than an ordinary cardinal . returning alone to his cell , he found it plunder'd by the conclavists , as the custom is , when any one is declared pope . the sight of which , notwithstanding his former philosophical humor , was observ'd to force some few tears from the good old man. but montalto was resolved not to be discouraged for all this , but without pulling off his robes , whil'st the rest went to dinner , he calls all his creatures together about him in the paolina , and with a long harangue , which i don't think worth my while to write down , exhorts them all to unity and perseverance in the same cause . old la rovere begans to be somewhat resty hereat , and let 's montalto know , that this violent zeal for santa sevarina look'd , as if he thought none of his own creatures fit for the papacy , amongst whom there was a great number of very worthy men , wherefore he thought fit to tell him , that if he would nominate one of them , he should command his vote ; which in point of honour and gratitude to his vncle sisto , was wholly at his service , otherwise he would make bold to follow the dictates of his conscience . but i should grow tedious if i went to relate the last efforts and struglings of santa sevarina's dying party , his opponents following their blow so closely , that it was impossible for him to recover any strength , or rally again his scattered forces . the endeavors of madruzzo and montalto proving ineffectual , their zeal began to cool , especially the formers , since the other faction , the better to draw him off , had persuaded him to set up for himself . but this had like to have raised civil dissentions betwixt them two , and a mutiny amongst montalto's creatures , who openly declared against madruzzo ; which made him peaceably lay aside his pretensions , rather than lose his credit by vainly persuing them : and this he was the rather induced to do , for fear lest by breaking with montalto , he should thereby incite him to set up one who might espouse contrary interests to those of his catholick majesty . after him como and paleotto were named , as persons recommended by the king of spain ; but montalto having had some clashings with them in former conclaves , was resolved not to trust them with the sovereign power . next to these old colonna began to conceive some small hopes of himself , he expecting the excludents to side with him because he was of their party , the spanish votes because he was one of the persons nominated by that king , and montalto's by reason of the affinity between their families : but he finding his friends begin to forsake him at a dead lift , imitated madruzzo's prudence , and retreated , whilst his honour was safe . some were of opinion that rusticucci's old age , and the expectation of his approaching death might somewhat recommend him , but his hopes , as well as his brethrens , soon vanished into smoke : there were several other little pretenders not worth the naming , whose business was soon done , because they were none of montalto's creatures , whose intrigues had that success , as that now he found it absolutely in his power alone to make whom he pleas'd , the greatest part of the college continually importuning him to name the person that should be pope . hereupon he at last discovers his design which he had long kept secret , and proposes aldobrandine ; his choice was immediately confirmed with almost an universal consent of the cardinals , only madruzzo stood out for some small time , alledging , that derogated from his master's honour , to have one chosen who was not recommonded by him ; and that aldobrandino not having yet declared himself for any faction , it was to be suspected that instead of favouring spain , he would rather stand neuter . but the true reason was , that which in italy is generally the cause of an irreconcileable enmity , he thought that he had formerly injured him , when in the conclave of vrban vii . he was the onely person that worked his exclusion : but finding now that it was not in his power to serve him such a trick again , he thought it most conducive to his own and master's interest , by a ready compliance , to expiate his former offence . his affected forwardness in seeming to promote what he could not hinder at last put an end to this tedious intriguing and turbulent conclave . an essay to prove , that according to the vndeniable principles of the present church of rome , there has not been a true and lawful pope ever since sixtvs the fifth . i suppose , that from a bare relation of these two conclaves , any man of sense may perceive by what spirit the elections of popes are generally influenced . but if roman catholicks would be guided by the dictates of right reason , i don't know of any controversie depending betwixt them and us that had not been long since determined . to comply therefore with their humour , i shall here endeavour to prove from such maxims which cannot be question'd , without denying all the authority that ever they pretended to be in their church , that there has been no pope duly elected , and consequently had any lawful jurisdiction , ever since the election of sixtus the fifth ; whereby i hope to make it evident , that either there never was any such thing as infallibility in pope , or councils , or both together ; or if there was , it serves now only to demonstrate , that it is at this present totally extinquished . there are none i am sure can deny , but that simony is decreed by the universal consent of innumerable popes , canons , and councils , to contain heresie in it ; so that he that is guilty of the former , must also be a heretick ; and that if any person gets into the pontifical chair by simony , he becomes thereby heretical , his election is null and void ; and he is not only not head of the church , but inferior to all other christians . julius the second in his bull to this purpose decrees , that whosoever procures the suffrage of any cardinal by any promise , obligation , or compact , made by himself , or others , tho' his election be accomplished by the vnanimous consent of the whole college of cardinals , and confirmed by adoration , it is yet void , and of no effect ; and the person so infected with simoniacal heresie , is to be accounted by all men as no pope , or bishop of rome , but an apostate and arch-heretick , and incapable of all manner of jurisdiction and authority in matters both ecclesiastical and temporal ; and from that time forward deprived , ( even without any declaration , ) of his cardinalship , and all other benefices , or dignities whatsoever ; nor can any subsequent acts of obedience done to him by the cardinals , inthronisation , or continuance of time , make good his vnlawful assumption to the pontifical chair . now from these principles which are founded upon the greatest authority in the romish church , i suppose it easie to shew , that there has scarce a pope been chosen for several hundreds of years , whose election has not been tainted with simony , which if made out upon any one , is sufficient to prove an interruption in the succession ; and then all those prerogatives which by it the popes pretend to derive from st. peter fall to the ground . we have already seen in the conclave of sixtus compacts , promises , and obligations , with a witness , but i have reserved one passage for this place , which to take away all contradiction , will clearly evidence that his election was carried directly contrary to the bull of julius . cardinal d' este before he would engage himself and followers to espouse montalto's interest , bargained with him , that if he were pope he would never raise to the purple . hieronymo matthei , a roman bishop , whom este mortally hated , which montalto not only promised him , but in a formal instrument drawn up for that purpose , gave him his hand and seal upon it . but when he came to be sixtus the fifth , he made it his chief care and study to mortifie those that had ad anced him . matthei was made a cardinal amongst the first that he promoted . este finding himself deceived in this , as well as his other expectations , was so netled thereat , that to be revenged of the pope , he sent the original contract made between them to philip the second king of spain . his catholick majesty was so far concern'd at the scandal that must necessarily arise from hence to holy church , that in the year 1589 he sent the duke of sessa his ambassador to sixtus to intimate to him the necessity of a general council concerning his simoniacal election , and to require the cardinals created by his predecessors to appear at the said council , which he design'd to hold at sevil. but upon the duke of sessa's coming to rome the pope dies , so the design of this council for a new election came to nothing . sixtus his simoniacal entrance into the chair being thus notorious to all the world , it necessarily follows , that all the pretended cardinals of his creation had no lawful authority to act as such . yet we find after his death that of fifty three cardinals that made up the conclave , twenty five of his making bore the greatest sway therein , who under the conduct of montalto , nephew to sixtus , were the authors of vrban the seventh's election . a few days after they did the like for gregory the fourteenth ; and next to him , for innocent the ninth . but let any unprejudiced romanift in the world judg of the validity of their election . we have already seen how powerful that party was in the conclave of clement the eighth , who was himself one of sixtus his creatures , and owed his advancement wholy to the rest , so that he was under a double incapacity of being chosen . the spaniards , tho' they above all other roman catholicks , are the most devoted to the holy see , were sensible enough of the unlawfulness of clement's election , especially when he began to act contrary to their interest ; for when he absolved henry the fourth , and thereby acknowledged him king of france , they did not stick in several books written by them to that purpose , publickly to aver , that he had no authority to admit that prince into the communion of the church , he having nothing to do therein himself ; for if sixtus , say they , was guilty of simony , then by the 〈◊〉 of julius the second , he was no true and lawful pope , and consequently could not make cardinals , nor they who derived their power from him elect a pope . now i might carry down the same argument to prove the invalidity of the election of all the succeeding popes , but left it should be worn thred-bare , the conclave of this clement has furnished us with a fresh one ; but in the first place it will be covenient to premise , that according to the canons , he that hath the suffrages of two parts in three of the cardinals , ought from that very moment to be accounted duly elected ; and he that is set up during his life , is no other than an antipope . as for the ceremonies of inthronisation , adoration , or kissing the foot , they are no more than the effects and consequences of a true election , and no way essential to it , which as the canon , [ in nomine domini , ] does allow , may be omitted if opposed , either by force or cunning of any that dissent from the rest . this we have seen to have been exactly the case of san sevarina , he was taken from his cell by above two thirds of the cardinals , and carried by them into the chappel , and there placed in the pontifical chair , and publickly acknowledged and adored as pope ; and ought certainly to have continued so , notwithstanding his being cheated of his right by the infidelity of his followers , and the tricks of his adversaries , who made shift to cause aldobrandino to jostle him out of the holy chair . but tho' he kept possession of it , yet was his title very much question'd and disputed at rome , as well as in spain ; nor can i see any reason in the world why he ought not to be counted an 〈◊〉 and antipope . i● i thought it worth the while , i might proceed to make out , that none of the succeeding popes had any better title : but i think there is enough said , not only to prove a failure in the succession , but to unchurch the whole communion , ●o as it is impossible for it to be ever restored . for allowing the abovementioned persons to have been intruders into the holy chair , neither the cardinals of their creation , nor those whom they elect , can have any other authority than what they received from them . and the holy see and sacred college being thus become heretical and schismatick , this contagion of necessity must diffuse itself into the whole communion : for the fountain head being once poysoned , it is impossible for the streams that flow from it to be uncorrupted . so that according to the present constitutions of that church , it is not in the power even of a general council to reform it . i shall conclude with my advice to our romish friends , that they would henceforward cease to cavil at some pretended irregularities which they would fain make us believe they have espied in the conduct of our reformers , since our church is not at all founded upon the sandy foundation of human authority ; and tho' we have the greatest veneration imaginable for those great men , yet we still acknowledge them to have been men , and consequently not exempt from a possibility of erring . finis . the ancient liberty of the britannick church, and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate discoursed on four positions, and asserted / by isaac basier ... ; three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church, &c., selected out of a latin manuscript, entituled, catholico-romanus pacificus, written by f.i. barnes ... ; translated, and published for vulgar instruction, by ri. watson. de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. 1661 approx. 82 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26737 wing b1029 estc r9065 11985427 ocm 11985427 51928 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26737) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51928) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 52:13) the ancient liberty of the britannick church, and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate discoursed on four positions, and asserted / by isaac basier ... ; three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church, &c., selected out of a latin manuscript, entituled, catholico-romanus pacificus, written by f.i. barnes ... ; translated, and published for vulgar instruction, by ri. watson. de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. english basier, isaac, 1607-1676. barnes, john, d. 1661. catholico-romanus pacificus. english. selections. watson, richard, 1612-1685. [24], 55, [6], p., [12], 48, [12] p. printed for john mileson, to bee [sic] sold by elisha wallis ..., london : 1661. first ed. of this translation of: de antiqua ecclesiae britannicae libertate. reproduction of original in british library. imperfect: first ([24], 55, [6]) pages only appear on the film. "select discourses" by f.i. barnes and "a letter written by the reverend dr. basier to the honourable sir richard brown" are lacking. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. popes -temporal power. divine right of kings. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ancient liberty of the britannick church , and the legitimate exemption thereof from the roman patriarchate , discoursed on four positions , and asserted by isaac basier , d.d. and chaplain in ordinary to his late majesty of great britain , charls the first . three chapters concerning the priviledges of the britannick church , &c. selected out of a latin manuscript , entituled , catholico-romanus pacificus , written by f. i. barnes , of the order of st. benedict , yet living [ as is said ] in the roman inquisition . translated , and published , for vulgar instruction , by ri. watson . london , printed for iohn mileson , to bee sold by elisha wallis , at the horse-shooe in the great old-bayley , 1661. to my worthy good friend mr. richard watson , &c. at caen. sir , the cause why the abundant satisfaction i inwardly conceived , at the receipt of your most obliging letter , and reading of that excellent diatribe of doctor basiers , which accompanied it ( by mr. coventrie's favour ) according to your direction , hath no sooner thus dilated it self on paper , hath been that ingenious young gentlemans absence these holy-daies , as hee himself will ( i doubt not ) for my further justification , testifie ; i do therefore , sir , with all gratitude , acknowledge both dr. basier's , and your ample favours , in this whole design , no less relating to what is already so worthily performed , than to what is also so meritoriously projected and intended , as that i should do my self great wrong to refuse the annex of my name ; where it should rather be my ambition to have it appear ; but , on the other side , give mee leave , sir , to suggest one caution , that you take heed ( since you intend it should pass currant in england ) the stamp of my name do not , in regard of my relation to my royal master , ( i will not say , adulterate the coin , or abate the intrinseck value , but ) make it less welcome to praeoccupated and misperswaded readers . the doctor 's english letter , to mee , i hold not only fit for the press , as a testimony of the authors eminent industry and merit , but also as it is useful to the publick , indeed , such a one , written with so apostolical a spirit , as that i have been often heard to say , that i could never read it , but as a kinde of nine-and-twentieth of the acts ; use therefore i beseech you , sir , my name with all freedome , as you think good , you cannot entitle mee to any thing of this kind , which doth not add , as to my honour , so to my obligation to you ; whose prone , and undeserved , favour herein i shall , upon all occasions , ambitiously endeavour to requite by some more solid acknowledgement , than this bare signing my self , most worthy sir , paris , this first day of the year , 1658. which i heartily wish you most happy . your most humble and obliged servant richard brown. to the honourable , sir richard brown , clerk of the right honourable privy-council to his majesty of great britain , &c. sir , though i took the liberty , some years since , to publish the latin diatribe of the worthy doctor , which i found in my * lords cabinet , after his decease ; yet i could not so well presume to address it , as , i am confident , intended by the learned author , unto your noble self ; by my adventure in the translation i have somewhat improv'd my title , to a degree of propriety , and can so far justifie yours , at least to what is mine , if you please to own a patronage of the work , under so much disadvantage , as the change of language puts upon it . your approbation of it in the design gives mee no full assurance of your satisfaction at sight and reading ; but your ability to judge the difficulty of englishing such matters , in such a stile as they require , and your incouragement of all that aims at the publick good , yeeld mee hopes of your acceptance , and dispensation with whatsoever unavoidable defects ; that it was presented to you no sooner , you in part know the reason ; until of late it hath been as hard to finde a press for any treatise that vindicated our church , as for a dedicatory epistle to any resident of our king : but my long frustrated attendance for a supplement from mr. justell was the first dilatory it had , and very lately , i think , it hath been discountenanced by an aversion , if no more , of some private inquisitours , where you are , from all that hangs the church of england on this hinge of primitive antiquity , or the authority of ancient councils . it waits on you now , accompanied with somewhat i communicated not before , obtained by the friendly industry of that * ingenious gentleman , who sent mee f. barnes's manuscript , whence i selected what ( and more than what ) the doctor directs us to , though hee survives not to entertain the duplicate of my thanks , nor to take pleasure in the effect of his own pains , or mine , and to actuate further the most commendable quality , which happily discoverd it self very early in him , a singular complacency in accommodating a private friend , and a generous promptitude to advance any thing wherein publick interest was concerned . i must needs , in gratitude , do him the honour of laying this leaf of lawrel on his hearse , which hath passed through several hands of our reverend clergy , and gentry , * where hee died , recommended , sir , with your own serious condolence unto mine , that he acquired the character of a prudent exemplary young gentleman in his life , and a very pious christian in the self-discerned approaches to his death . sir , for printing the doctors letter , i should apologize ( unto him ) if you lent mee not yours to countenance it ; as your permitting it before to be read and copied , had signified your inclination to have some such right done to our church , and him , which could not better be than in company with another work of his own , and what his approves . the advertisement you further gave mee , that his additional relations were addressed to sir george radcliffe , came too late for mee to recover them , by the means i used , out of his papers ; as the notice of his death did for some other letters that had passed , to my knowledge , between my lord , and sir george , upon theological points of controversie , wherein they differed , and which they discussed with some little earnestness , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if the former be not irrecoverably disposed of , sir , you have now a fair opportunity to secure them ; though , if the good doctor himself be living , the late misfortune befallen the country learned * travellers , not to exercise their function where the duty of praying for the king should be prohibited ; and a signal instance it was of christian courage in our reverend author , when an exile , to refuse the offer of a plentiful support , where that would not be allowed ; yet it had been worth his journey to smyrna , to convert the consul , who now , i hope , hath more than the merchants argument ( which many times is more prevalent with men of business , than the divines ) i mean , that of interest , to convince him . sir , the benediction the doctor gives to you and yours , in allusion to that which issued from the ark to obed edoms house , i have a very particular obligation to suffrage in , though so long after the date of his ; it was testimonium dei faventis , saith grotius ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith philo , of the propitiatory , or cover to it , a testimony or symbole of gods favourable and powerfull mercy to the good man ; not so restrained to the presence , but , even after its removal to the city of david , no doubt , he and his family were blessed by it . sir , the publick exercise of our liturgy , is the antitype we reflect upon , which , by gods singular indulgence to you , hath , when chased out of the temple , took refuge in your house , so that we have been forced many times to argue from your oratory for a visibility of our church ; your easie admission of mee to officiate in it for some months , and your endeavours to have such an establishment made for mee , as whereby , in the most difficult of times , i might have had a comfortable subsistence , and a safe protection under your sacred roof , beside the other graces and civilities i had from you , exact this open retribution of my thanks ; as the character of my holy order , impressed on mee in your chapel , may have consigned mee , somewhat peculiarly , to be your priest , when any emergent may require the canonical performance of my ministery within your walls ; however , sir , i shall not offer the holy sacrifice at any of gods altars ( which are now again erecting by a most miraculous mercy to his king and people ) but i shall commemorate , in your behalf , the little emblem you preserved of them , when they lay in their dust and ruines ; nor shall the cloud of sacred incense ascend in the sanctuary without the mixture of my breath , while i have it , to ask a return from heaven , in showers of blessings to you , and your posterity , whose name , & memory , must be ever venerable to the english clergy , as your person hath been most obliging to many of us , among whom , though the unworthiest of them , i pray assist and honour with the continuance of your patronage , noble sir , your most grateful , and very humble servant , ri. watson . caen , aug. 12. 1660. positions . i position . the rights of patriarchates . custome introduced ; councils confirmed ; emperours established . ii position . the britannick church , as being alwaies placed without the suburbicaries of the italick diaecese , in the time of the nicene council , was in no case subject to the roman patriarchate , but enjoyed a patriarchate of its own ( as to the substance of the thing ) so as did the other churches placed in the rest of the free diaeceses . iii position . the britannick church was , with very good right , restored by her soveraign , to her ancient ecclesiastical liberty , and that according to the rule of the ancient catholick canons , by which the word ) the metropolitick rights custome hath introduced , appears from the very words in the sixth canon of the first great nicen council , wherein the confines of the three chief patriarchs are determined , and the origin of the roman metropolitan , as also the alexandrian , antiochian , and those of other provinces ( which at that time did alike enjoy , each its own . ) i say , the origin of every one of these , is referred by the council ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to custome ; and moreover the synod doth decree a religious observation of that custome in these solemn words , which the church truly catholick did perpetually reverence as an oracle , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let ancient customes be in force ; commanding likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that churches should have their priviledges preserved . the same is clearly evident from the words in the second canon of the first constantinopolitan council , which most expresly commands each church in every diocess to be governed according to that custome of the fathers which had prevailed , the priviledges being preserved which by the nicen canons have been granted to the churches . the second part of the position ( viz. that councils have confirmed the rights of patriarchates ) is manifest both by the former paragraph , and principally by that illustrious canon , which is the last save one of the oecumenick council at chalcedon ( that is the 206 canon of the universal church ) a neither the truth nor validity whereof hath any one questioned , unlesse carried away violently with an affection to the roman partie . the words of the said canon are most emphatical . behold the very marrow and vigour of it express'd . first , the catholick ancients do assert , that they in this decree , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and every where follow the definitions of the holy fathers . secondly , that the priviledges of the elder rome , they say not ( are founded by christ , or by peter , or by paul , but ) are indulged by the fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , they adjust the reason of this prerogative , and that not divine , nor indeed so much as ecclesiastical , but meerly secular , to wit ( as wee shall demonstrate in the third paragraph ) the imperial authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that city was emperesse of the rest . fourthly , the fathers , moved by the same consideration , declare , that they ( as much as lyes in them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will communicate equal priviledges to the most holy throne of new rome . rightly judging ( they are the words of the very canon ) that constantinople , which they call new rome , being honoured both with empire and senate , may enjoy equal priviledges with the elder rome ; and in ecclesiastical affairs , no less than she , be extolled and magnified , as her second , or next unto her : hitherto the canon , second , to wit , in order , but no way obnoxious in jurisdiction to rome , as is plain by her equality with rome , every way asserted in the canon , and will afterward more clearly appear both out of the 8th . canon of the first ephesine council , as also the ninth canon of the council of chalcedon ; both which canons are cited and illustrated in the following position . the third part of the position , viz. the rights of patriarchates emperours have established , is confirmed both by reason and by practice ; and that first general , then special likewise . the general reason , being as it were the foundation of this whole discourse deeper laid , is farther to be reached . first , therefore wee say , that fathers of families were at first both princes and priests . moreover , as the supplicate of the whole gallick people , to * king philip the faire , almost four hundred years since , very rightly observeth against pope boniface , melchisedec is expresly said to be king before priest , and consequently the king taketh not from the priest , nor ought to acknowledge that hee owes unto the priest his crown , or the rights thereof ( such as the external regiment of the church is proved to be afterward . ) secondly , wee say , that by propagation of families , and their amplification into cities , and communities , the oeconomick authority in process of time , became politick . thirdly , wee assert , that in the first institution of the priesthood , moses took away no part of the supream jurisdiction from the politick authority ; therefore the royal power remained the same it was before , both legislative and iudiciary , as well in sacred as civil affairs . for moses , as * king in iesurun , was constituted by god himself , the keeper as well of † both trumpets , as tables ; now what pertained to moses as king , is every kings due . this very comparative argument , as rightly consequent from moses to constantine the great , after the revolutions of so many ages , eusebius five or six times applies to establish the imperial authority about the convocation and confirmation of the first nicene council . fourthly , as moses , not aaron , delivered the ceremonial law : so , long after moses , king david instituted the courses of the priest , and solomon thrust out abiathar the high priest. fifthly , when christ inaugurated his apostles , hee furnished them with great powers of his own , such as are the administration of sacraments , and power of the keyes ; but all that christ bestowed on his apostles cumulatively , nought at all privatively : for indeed our lord christ would neither by the evangelical priesthood , nor his whole first advent , have any thing detracted from the jurisdiction or authority of the civil powers ; nor that kings , because christians , should have their prerogative abated . sixthly , wee say , that kings , as kings , ought to be the liturgick officers of christ ; and so far kings in their degree may , yea ought to be ministers of the church , and , as it were , external bishops of the ecclesiastick government , ( as s constantine the great said wisely of himself ) that same the magnificent title of christ himself , prince of the kings of the earth , seems to erect for all kings of right , although in fact most of kings are not , yet by vertue of this title they are obliged all to bee christians . seventhly , we say , that there are very many things pertaining to the external polity of the church , which although they belong properly and primarily to the king alone , yet in case of necessity , as they say , and secondarily are out of course devolved upon the clergy . for instance , to call synods ; ordain fasts or festivals ; distinguish parishes into diocesses , or provinces ; to fix and ratifie the hierarchical degrees of bishops , so as this man is a bishop , that a primate , the third a metropolitane ; that this bishop should be under the jurisdiction of that metropolitane , and contrarily , upon some weighty or lawful either occasion , necessity , or publick commodity of the church , that this should be exempt from the other under whom hee was before . these , and very many of like sort , according to the various state of the church , pertain both to the king and priest. for those two most different times of the church's condition ought not to be confounded , i mean of persecution , and peace . because in time of persecution under infidel kings , so long as princes are altogether and every way dis-joyned from the church , and the church from princes , the divine order ceaseth , and the royal succession suffer's necessarily interruption ( i say interruption , not abolition ) for so long the case is plainly extraordinary , and , while so , the woman is in the desart , and the church supplies this defect of princes as she can . as when the husband is absent or sick , the matron governs the family . but the divine positive order re-entring , the ordinary state of the church returneth also ; so soon as kings resume the christian religion , the partition-wall presently falls down , and then by due right kings take again their exteriour power over the christian church . otherwise we should say , that in order to the government of the church , there ought to be no difference between pharaoh and moses , between nero and constantine ; nor , as to dominion in sacred affairs and the right use thereof , that this emperour communicates any more with the church , than the other ; which would be dissonant , not onely from right reason , but also from holy scripture . therefore the emperour , so soon as hee becomes christian , ought to obtain his restitution intire . and this in this argument is the matter of right , or general reason , which wee lay down as the base of that right which belongs to the emperour in establishing the external limits of the ecclesiastical government . as to the matter of fact , or practice , that is both general or catholick , and also special . the general practice ( beside the assumption of the second argument which was proved before ) consists in an induction of councils , as well general as provincial , all which as they supplicate from the emperour himself the very convocation of councils : so do they submit to the same emperour every one of their decrees , even those in matters of faith , which although , as to their intrinsec authority , they depend onely on the word of god , and truth it self ; yet , as to their extrinsec authority , they depend on the imperial sentence : but if those of faith , how much more those which are onely of the bare regiment of the church , such as is the establishment of patriarchates , lye all under the imperial decrees ? to wit , in this sense , that the canon of the church may have the force of a law , that wholly proceeds from the authority of the prince . thence is it , that every one of the ancient councils , all the ancient catholick bishops ( even the bishop of rome himself ) present them alwaies to the emperour to be supplied , amended , perfected ; and so humbly petition from the emperour , not a naked protection , or late execution ; but an intire ratification and confirmation of every council , without which , as to the external effect , they are to become unattired , void , and plainly of no force . concerning this truth , i appeal not onely to the councils of cavalion , mentz and toures , with the rest of the less sort ; but i produce the very four general councils , concerning the first of which , viz. that of nice , eusebius expresly relates , that the emperour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , confirming the decrees of the synod , did fortifie them , as it were with his seal . i appeal also to the first council of constantinople , and the very epistle of the council to the emperour theodosius , wherein all the holy fathers petition the emperour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to have the suffrage of the synod confirmed . yea , i appeal to leo himself pope of rome , ( whom i beleeve not to have been of the most abject spirit among those in that pontificate ) who in every one of his † letters to three emperours , humbly petitions ( not commands , much less decrees ▪ but ) beseecheth , supplicates , that the emperour would command , &c. but it may suffice to have declared these things , though somewhat at large , yet but by the way , to the evincing ( by a general rule from the whole to the part ) that the rights of patriarchates introduced by custome ▪ confirmed by councils , were established by emperours , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was the last lemme of our position . the same will appear more evidently in the special practice of the catholick emperours . for by what authority iustinian the emperour erected iustiniana prima to a new patriarchate , and indulged unto the same ( they are the words of his eleventh novel ) the highest priesthood , the highest authority , and ordained that that should have the place ( not onely vicegerency , but place ) of the apostolical see , so as it should be , saith nicephorus , a free church , and head unto it self , with full power , &c. ( what could be said more amply , what more magnificently of rome her self ? ) so likewise by the same imperial authority , the very same emperour iustinian , novel . 131. ch . 1. restored the african diocess to its ancient patriarchal prerogative ( which the invasion of the vandals had interrupted ) and so by his imperial writ did hee constitute the bishop of carthage absolute primate of whole africk . lastly , this is the very thing which in the last age the emperour of britain king henry the eighth by the like right imitated in his diocess , viz. not by erecting it anew ( which yet in the case of iustiniana prima iustinian did ) but onely restoring the same britannick diocess unto the ancient liberty it enjoyed in the primitive times of the ancient oecumenick councils , viz. the * nicene , constantinopolitane , and ephesine ( concerning which more hereafter ) and thus much more than needs , of our first position , because that is , as it were , the foundation laid for the rest that follow . the second position . 1 the britannick church 2 as being alway placed without the suburbicaries of the italick diocess , 3 in the time of the nicene council , was in no case subject to the romane patriarchate , but enjoyed a patriarchate of its own ( as to the substance of the thing ) so as did the other churches , placed in the rest of the free diocesses . the structure , or proof . to the first wee must observe , that the britannick diocess was one of the thirteen , into which , according to the computation of some , the whole roman empire , but the very praefecture of rome it self , was anciently a distributed . we must also observe that the britannick diocess had been one of the six diocesses of the western empire , among which it appears to have excelled out of tacitus , spartian , and the other more famous roman historians . to the second , wee must mark , that by the nicene council every province had its metropolitick bounds set . certain it is , i say , that therein were fixed the ecclesiastick limits to the three chief metropolitanes , that is , to the roman , alexandrian , and antiochian , the right alwaies of the other provinces being preserved , which were no way subject to these metropolitanes . b it matters not whether wee call them patriarchs , or primates ( the origin of which terms , as the amplitude of their office , wee owe rather to the following ages ) whether wee call them exarchs , as the council of chalcedon , can. 9. or arch-bishops , as iustinian promiscuously , or metropolitans , or onely bishops , as this very nicen council , all is one , so long as it effectually appears , that by patriarchs , wee understand them to whose both ordination and jurisdiction the provinces of intire dioceses were attributed , and who had the hearing and judging of all ecclesiastick causes in the last reference , so that , according to e iustinian the emperour , yea according to the very oecumenick council of chalcedon from the patriarchal sentence out of council was allowed no regular appeal . wee call , with the lawyers , those suburbicary provinces , which were concluded in one diocese , the law term , because of the manifest coextension of both , being translated from the republick to the church . thirdly , let us grant ( which yet is undetermined ) that the roman patriarch had obtained an extraordinary or patriarchal jurisdiction over all the provinces of the italick diocese , as his suburbicaries , and that they were those ten in number , viz. the three islands of sicilie , corsica , and sardinia , and the seven other placed on the continent . which ten provinces some do assign to the same diocese , induced by that ancient observation , from which it appears , that the ecclesiastick jurisdiction of the dioceses , both for the beauty and benefit of order and unity , as also to insinuate a mutual harmony ( which ought , as much as may be , to be cherished between the church and republick ) in a certain accurate imitation , was so coextended with , and adjusted to , the temporal regiment of the secular vicars , that the ecclesiastick patriarchates or primacies were not enlarged farther than the temporal jurisdiction of the vicars , that is , to the limits of those dioceses , the cities whereof , in which resided the vicars , were metropolies , where was fixed the praetory it self , which was the highest tribunal of all causes , and all appeals likewise in the provinces subject thereunto . the very same government of the church was retained for the conservation of ecclesiastick unity , unto which was had special regard by that singular and excellent subordination of the lesser clerks to their bishops in every city ; of the bishops unto their metropolitanes in every province ; and of the metropolitanes to their patriarchs in every diocese . but in case either of heresie or schism , the church was succoured by councils , either provincial , which were rightly called by the metropolitane , or patriarchal , which by the patriarch , or lastly general , which by the emperour himself . now as this premised general coextension of the ecclesiastick jurisdiction with the civil government appears by comparing the second canon of the constantinopolitan council with the very code of the provinces : so that particular definition of the italick diocese may bee fetcht out of ruffinus d the best interpreter of that very sixth nicene canon , who expresly mentions the suburbicaries in that place , where he professedly interprets the said canon ; who being both an italian , and near the age of the nicene council , was able clearly to distinguish the proper limits ( as then fixed ) of the italick patriarchate . howsoever it is evident to any man , that even in this sense , from the jurisdiction of all those ten italick provinces , as — penitus loto divisos orbe britannos . from the whole world the britains were divided . to the fourth , viz. that in the time of the nicene council the britannick diocese was subject neither to the roman patriarchate ( as some of yesterday , grosly suppose ) nor yet to any forein jurisdiction ; shall presently appear , when wee shall shew , that the britannick churches enjoyed their own primate or patriarch . that being all matter of fact , is to be fetched out of the britannick history it self , which is written by venerable bede , the chief historiographer of the said britain , and a catholick priest too . in him therefore wee may read the huge difference of the britannick church ( howsoever e most catholick in other things ) from ( that i say , not with the same bede , contrariety to ) the roman church , both in the different observation of easter , wherein the britains following the use of anatolius the constantinopolitane patriarch , and not that of the bishop of rome , conformed themselves to the eastern , not western churches , as also in the different administration of holy baptism , and in many other things ( witness augustin himself , who was legate of gregory the roman bishop ) the same also appears out of the constancy of the britains in their rejection of the said augustin , whom although sent express by the roman pontifie , that hee might preside over the britains ; yet , saith bede , all the britain bishops refused to acknowledge him for their arch-bishop , as who had an arch-bishop of their own ; whosoever hee then was , whom it would not bee hard to know from the prerogatives of his metropoly , and priviledge of his seat in councils . as for the state of the britannick churches , and their partition , it will bee worth our pains to search it in the undoubted records of the british antiquity . from the very time therefore of constantine the great , and so of the nicene council , all britany was in times past canton'd into three onely provinces , * over which were , after the romane manner , in temporal affairs , three romane proconsuls or praesidents ; as likewise in spiritual there praesided as many arch-bishops commonly called metropolitans from their metropolies , or principal cities wherein were resident both the secular and sacred provost , or metropolitane . the first of these three provinces was called maxima caesariensis , the greatest caesarian [ or inverted if either way to be englished ] the metropolitan whereof was the bishop of york . the second was called britannia primo , the first britain , the metropolitane , of which was the bishop of london . the third was britannia secunda , the second britain , called the legionary metropoly , and thereof the is●ane bishop , or bishop of ca●ruske in the tract or county of monmouth . that was the state of this metropoly from lucius unto king arthur , in whose time the metropolitical dignity was transferred to the bishop of st. davids , to whom were subject , as suffragans , the welch bishops , until in the time of henry the first , or as some will have it , henry the third , the same metropolitane was reduced under the obedience of the arch-bishop of canterbury . now whatsoever either in the provinces themselves , or churches , was afterward irregularly parjeted from abroad , that cannot prejudice the imperial authority , to which belongs , as we have before shewed , both to dispense the external government of the church , and to establish the jurisdictions which it limits . much less can a usurpation , advanced by force or fraud , derogate from the oecumenick decrees of the ancient fathers , or frustrate so many most grave canons , venerable for their age , published thereupon , such as is the premised 6th canon of the nicene council for the ancient prerogatives , and the second canon of the constantinopolitan , by which is charged , that no bishop approach any churches situate without his bounds ( which most grave canon i wish the bishop of rome had religiously observed , the peace of the church had been better assured ) the council goes on , commanding , that all bee kept according to what was defined at nice . and that these may not seem too remote from our britain , the canon concludes in a general sanction , that all things ought to be done according to that custome of the fathers in force . but that such had been the custome of the britains , as to have all weighty affairs synodically disputed within themselves , appears out of bede . † moreover , to have been in use , that the bishops of that nation were consecrated by one bishop , baronius himself somewhere observes . at that time truly so beautiful was the state of affairs in britain , until some ages after the council of nice , augustin the monk was sent by gregory , who , what hee could not by right , first by fraud , then by the armed assistance of ethelbert , and his new-converted anglo-saxons , indeavoured to force the catholick bishops of britain to acknowledge and receive him for their arch-bishop ; but they couragiously replied , that they could not abandon their ancient priviledges , and subject themselves to the mandates of strangers . f that any other custome had been in the sacred government of the british church , no man can ever evince out of genuine antiquity . and so much concerning the second position . the third position bearing proportion to the second . the britannick church was 1 with very good right 2 restored by her soveraign to her ancient ecclesiastical liberty , 3 and that according to the rule of the ancient catholick canons , by which was confirmed for the future the intire liberty of the churches . to the first , whatsoever the rebels at this day on either side falsely alledge to the contrary , it appears out of very many histories , and the authentick chronicles , that the kingdome of england hath been an empire , and so accounted in the world , which was governed by one supream head , or king , both in spirituals and temporals , and that wholly independent of any forein prince or supremacy whatsoever on earth . this is the very marrow expressed from the formal words of a statute at large set out to this purpose by the assembly of parliament , that is , of the whole kingdome in the 24th . year of king henry the eighth , chap. 12. at which time the three estates of england , to wit , the clergy , nobility and commons , willing to recall the ancient rights of the kingdome , taken away rather by force and power , than any rule of the canons , decreed to have controversies ended within the bounds of the kingdome , without any appeal to foreiners ( which indeed is one principal prerogative of a patriarchal jurisdiction . ) but upon this whole britannick affair , the thing most worthy our observation is , that this decree , for the liberty of the britannick churches was not introductive of a new law , as in spight to the kings of britain new upstarts calumniate , who are either ignorant of , or opposite to , the britannick priviledge : but the said decree was onely declarative of an ancient custome , which had constantly prevailed in england , eight hundred years since , and so many ages before : yea and was intirely renewed as often as occasion required . concerning this most g just assertion , wee attest the ample margin filled with a long train of the ancient britannick statutes , which the ingenuous reader may be pleased at leisure to view and consider . whence by induction of parts will appear , that this was no new enterprize , nor a single irregular act of henry the eighth alone ; but that long before the time of henry the eighth , this had been the ancient supremacy of all the kings of england , over all persons , and in all causes whatsoever , so well ecclesiastick as temporal . wee proceed to the second , and prove the ancient state of the church to have been such , out of the undoubted monuments of the britannick church ; where first wee may collect out of the fore-cited * venerable bede , as also † henry of huntington no less than the rest , that augustine the monk stirred up ethelbert king of kent against the bishops of the britains , because they in behalf of the ancient britannick liberty denied to subject themselves and their churches unto the roman legate . yet further , huntington adds , that neither the britains nor scots ( that is the irish ) would therefore communicate with the english , and h augustine their bishop , more than with pagans ; the reason was , because augustine did seem to deal uncanonically with them , by constraining them to receive him for their arch-bishop , and subject themselves to the mandates of strangers ; when as the ancient manners of the britannick church required , that all things should be synodically transacted within themselves . hence is it , that the britains did alwaies celebrate their ordinations within themselves , and this is also another honorary priviledge of the patriarchal jurisdiction , and concerning this wee again appeal unto * bede in his history of aidan the bishop ; yea to baronius himself , where quoted before , who relates , out of lanfranke , the custome of the kingdome to have been , that the bishops thereof were consecrated by one single bishop ; but that these ancient customes of britain were abrogated by the force rather , and power of the anglo-saxons , than by any synodical consent . the said † bede testifieth the same , where hee relates that colman the bishop ( finanus's successour in the pontificate of the northymbrians ) with his fellows , chose rather to desert episcopate and monastery , than their ancient manners . which fact of bishop colman is worth observation , lest , what some falsely pretend , onely the monks of bangor may seem to have rejected augustin , against whom , charged upon them , this was the legitimate defence of the ancient britains , these being their very words out of * beda before , that they could not abandon their ancient manners , without the consent and license of their own bishops . and truly this answer of the britains was grounded on very irrefragable , very catholick reason , and that because this unwonted subjection had contradicted the sixth oecumenick canon of the council of nice , which expresly commands the ancient manners to bee kept . this had also destroyed the eighth canon of the first ephesine council , by which first such usurpation , to wit , in the case of the cyprian church , is called in hypothesis , a thing innovated beside ecclesiastick constitutions and canons of the holy fathers , which , as common diseases , therefore needs a greater remedy , because the dammage is greater which it brings . secondly , therefore the holy synod ( in thesi , as they say , or in general ) commands , that that should be observed in all dioceses and provinces wheresoever ( behold the authentick charter of the britannick liberty . ) thirdly , that no bishop ( the roman not excepted ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should invade any other province , which from the beginning hath not been under his , or his predecessours jurisdiction ( as , for instance , did augustin the monk. ) fourthly , the oecumenick canon goes on , and a hundred and fifty years , more or less , before augustins invasion of the britannick church , as it were fore-seeing it , by provision declares it to be void , in these most weighty words . that if any one shall invade it , and make it his own by force , hee shall restore it . fifthly , yet further ( for the following words are most emphatical , and which , as by and by shall appear , seem chiefly to regard the roman bishop himself . ) the holy synod warneth , that the canons of the holy fathers be not passed by , nor that the pride of secular power creep in under the specious pretence of administring sacred affairs , and by little and little unawares wee lose that liberty which our lord iesus christ , the deliverer of all men , hath purchased for us by his blood . yea the holy oecumenical synod , for the greater enforcement , yet again repeats the decree . it hath therefore pleased the holy and universal synod [ to decree ] that to every province be preserved pure , and inviolate , the rights which it had from the very beginning , according to ancient custome , every metropolitane ( and so the britannick ) having liberty to take copies of the act for his security . yet the holy synod concludes according to its oecumenical authority : if any one shall bring any sanction ( every word is most general ) repugnant to those which now are defined , it hath pleased intirely the holy and universal synod , that it bee void . hitherto for the liberty of the churches [ extends ] the most express canon of the catholick church , which after the matter of fact first declared , completes the matter of right in favour as well of the britannick , as cyprian church . for since , as out of the praemises appears , the britannick church in the west enjoyed the same priviledge wherewith the cyprian church was honoured in the east , why may not shee lawfully resume what is her own , in time of peace , which was taken from her , by tumult and force , in a turbulent time of the wars ? the sum of the whole most inculent canon is this ; the ancient and truly catholick church would have the rights of every church preserved , not taken away , and if they be taken away by force or fraud , what patriarch soever doth it , his fact is declared void , and moreover hee is commanded to restore that province which he hath made his own . now that this canon was establisht in a tacite opposition to the roman bishop himself , is , not obscurely , to bee collected out of the * acts of that council ; for it is evident from them , that the canon prevailed , notwithstanding the epistle of innocent the first to alexander , wherein the roman bishop declared , that the cyprians were not wise according to faith , if they subjected not themselves to the patriarch of antioch , when as , notwithstanding , wee see the decree of the universal synod plainly contrary to the papal sentence , wherein namely it was judged that this was attempted by the antiochian , beside the canons , and that therefore all the letters brought by him against the cyprians were of no effect . hitherto the third position . the last followeth . the fourth and last position . the britannick church persevering in its primitive exemption from the roman patriarchate , so far is it from that it ought , or can be therefore called schismatical , that rather in the very same respect ( before truly catholick iudges ) that church appears both to have been , and yet really to bee , by so much the more every way catholick , by how much that church , more than others , is an assertour of the whole ancient catholick liberty , which by so many sacred canons of four general councils , the nicene , constantinopolitan , ephesine and chalcedonian , the catholick fathers have decreed , and antecedently declared to remain ratified for ever against all future usurpations . since the time that the ancient liberty of the britannick church , was by right resumed ( as before ) with the solemn consent of the whole kingdome , the i britannick church ( now truly catholick in the rest ) can by a like right retain the same without the loss of her catholicism , without any brand of schism , much less of heresie . we do willingly owe the proof of this assertion to barns , a most learned and peaceable man , at the same time [ when hee writ it ] a roman priest ; a monk in the order of the benedictins , a britain , and therefore no unfit arbiter of this britannick cause . first , therefore , whether the causes of our withdrawing were sufficient , is no way a matter of faith , but wholly matter of fact , whereto the roman bishop himself ( that i may speak the truth as gently as may be ) was at least accessory , and therefore can be no competent judge of the cause , but rather , if the business would bear a controversie , it were to be presented to a truly oecumenical or general free council , rightly and legitimately called . now so far is it from that the britannick church even refused to present her self , or her cause , before the tribunal of such a council , that the britannick church rather holds a general council to be above any patriarch ( even the roman himself ) according to that pair of councils held at basil , and constance . this the britannick holds together with the gallican church , a renewing of the ancient concord with which church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so far as conscience permits , were even at this time much to be wished , it being k manifest that above a thousand years since , much friendship passed between the gallican and the britannick church , even at that time when the britannick church did not communicate with the roman : and certainly if both parties would mutually understand one the other , without prejudice , and that of the two , which is in the extream , would remit of its rigour , that consent of the britannick church with the gallican would not be so improbable as it seems at the first aspect to them that are ignorant of both , or either . but this onely by the way . to our purpose again . wee say the britannick church doth so reverence the general councils , that she hath provided by a special statute , that not any one endued with spiritual jurisdiction , shall declare or administer his ecclesiastical censures , or adjudge any matter or cause to be heresie , but onely such as before had been determined , ordered , or adjudged to be heresie by the authority of the canonical scriptures , or by the first four general councils , or any of them , or by any other general council . this was in the reign of queen elizabeth the very catholick sense of the britannick church , and her due esteem of general councils , which the old parliament openly testified in the solemn assembly of that whole kingdome , for we disdain to make mention in this place of the cabals or conventicles now adayes , which reign in the turbulent rebellious state of that church and republick : for those swarms of sects are onely the cancers and impostemes of that lately famous church , which no more belong to the sacred body of the britannick church , than a wenn doth to the body natural : and truly if heretofore the great mother of us all , the catholick church seemed almost universally to be utterly swallowed by a sudden deluge of l arrianism , what wonder is it if the britannick church , but one of her daughters , lye under the same fate for a time ? this for the first point . concerning the second , it is to be very much observed , that the britannick church , at the time of her withdrawing , was not truly in fact , much less by right , subject to the bishop of rome , having been — years before her reformation under edward 6. altogether exempt from the roman patriarchate , to wit , by the imperial authority , and by that of prince henry the eighth , whom to have been impowred to do it by right appears before in the first position . but what occasion soever of the withdrawing at that time shall bee pretended , it cannot prejudice the royal right , or any way derogate from the ancient custome of the britannick church . nay , the british nation could not have opposed either of the two , without being hainously guilty both of rebellion and schism , especially since that whole business of the church's restitution was transacted with the express consent of the britannick clergy ( then romane ) a provincial council of which alone , in defect of a general ▪ was at that time the supream meerly ecclesiastick tribunal of the britannick nation , whereunto , onely , the britannick church ought to be , or indeed could be subject , because in that article of time , no council , truly general , sate . as for that of trent , which afterward followed , it was at highest onely patriarchal , to which consequently the britannick church , before exempt by lawful authority from the romane patriarchate , was no way subject . whereas therefore the britannick church can be said to have opposed it self to no lawful ecclesiastick authority at all , which notwithstanding inseparably is of the essence of schism , certain it is , that church is no way schismatical , but , on the contrary side , the britannick church , according to the singular moderation and christian love she perpetually sheweth toward all christians , as she keeps off from her external communion no christian of what ever communion he be ( so that he hold the foundation intire ) but ( unless a most just excommunication put a bar ) opens her catholick bosome , and draws forth her holy breasts to any genuine nursling of the catholick church ; so as well in faith , as the internal communion of charity , as likewise in the external communion of the catholick hierarchy and liturgy , yea and ceremonies also , she yet cherisheth and professeth an undivided peace and consent with the catholick church , from which the britannick church never did , nor ever will separate her self , as being alwaies most tenacious of the whole truly catholick foundation . for one thing it is ( on the hinge of which just distinction is the whole state of this great controversie turned ) one thing , i say , it is , to separate her self from the catholick or universal church , and to form to her self a congregation or religion apart different from the catholick church , as in times past the donatists did ; another , not to communicate in all with some one particular church ( as for instance , the latine ) or rather to abstain from the external worship which is used by some persons , in some places , under an express protestation ( for thence is sprung the modest and innocent title of protestants ) under protestation , i say , so soon as the occasion of scandal should be taken away , of reconciliation , and under a vow ( not so much out of any absolute necessity , as for publick peace , and catholick unity's sake ) of returning to the communion of that particular church , from which that the protestants were estranged , yea in the latter age violently driven away by thunder , and sword , and fire , is better known out of history , than to want any proof , or further amplification . it appears therefore out of the premises , that the britannick church constituted in this , as i may say , her passive state of separation from the communion of the bishop of rome , is wholly free from all blemish of schism , by reason that the m bishop of rome himself first of all interrupted christian communion with the britannick church , and yet further inderdicteth the britannick church his communion , and in that again the pope extolleth himself above a general council lawfully called ( unto which the britannick church hath ever attributed the decisive judgement ) while in his n bull of the lords supper , he forbids an appeal from himself to a general council . to all these add ( what in conclusion is principally necessary ) to wit , that the britannick church , after the very sacred canon of the scriptures ( such as is defined in the † † conc. laodic . can. ult . ancient councils ) adheres closely unto tradition truly universal , as well ecclesiastick as apostolical , both which lean on the testimony or authority of the truly catholick church , according to that in vincentius of lirinum , his fam'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or essay of ancient catholicism , quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus , &c. that which every where , which alwaies , which by all , &c. it appeareth that the britannick church bears upon these two catholick principles , to wit , holy scripture , before and above all ; and then universal tradition ; not onely because the general council of nice , wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customes are underset and established ; but also the britannick church , in a * * the first synod . after her articles of religion were fixed . an. 13. regin . elizab. provincial council of her own , hath most expresly ordained by a special canon . wee conclude therefore , that the britannick church , such as shee was lately under episcopacy rightly constituted , was no way schismatical , neither materially , nor formally , since that she neither erected unto her self chair against chair , which is the foul brand of schismaticks , in st. cyprian ; nor did that church cut her self off from episcopacy , or made a congregation at any time unto her self against her canonical bishops ( which ever is the formal character of schismaticks , by the definition of the o o concil . constantinop . 1. can. 6. vel . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. woe call them hereticks which rend themselves from , and set up synagogues , or conventicles against , our canonical bishops , &c. constantinopolitan council ) much less did she shake off her bishops , and with the continued succession of bishops , by consequence , the succession of her priests , not interrupted ( as i may say ) from the very cradle of her christianism . and as for lawful ordination ( as well in the material part , the imposition of hands , as in the formal , wherein signally , by a set form of words , both praerogative of ordination , and also jurisdiction is conferred on the bishops ) this her ordination , i say , rightly and canonically performed by the catholick bishops , shee proves out of the very records or monuments of consecrations : so that no man can by deserved right charge upon the britannick churches , that ancient reproach of schismaticks in p p matthew parler , a godly and learned man , &c. who was chaplain to henry the eighth , &c. being duly elected to the arch-bishoprick of canterbury , after a sermon preached , the holy spirit invoked , and the eucharist celebrated , by the imposition of hands of three bishops in former times , william barloe of bathe , iohn scory of chichester , miles coverdale of exceter , and iohn suffragan of bedford , was consecrated at lambeth ; hee afterward consecrated edmund grindal , an excellent divine , to bee bishop of london , &c. see camdens annals of the affairs of england , part . 1. ad an . 1559. tertullian , vos ex vobis nati est is ; you are new upstarts , born yesterday of your selves . nay so tenacious are the genuine britains of the ancient religion , and by consequence of her catholick discipline , that for the intire restitution of their bishops , their most gracious king himself charls , emperour of great britain , chuseth rather to suffer so many , and so most undeserved injuries ( even which is horrid to be spoken , to death it self , which in dishonour and contempt of all q q in good earnest , this hainous fact so strikes at all monarchs through the side of one king of great britain , that unless it incense all kings and princes whatsoever , as to a most just indignation , so to a serious revenge ▪ it may be feared that the contagion of such a damnable example , will diffuse its infection into neighbour-kingdomes , it so threatneth and menaceth the destruction and ruine of monarchy it self ; since that in the most seditious epilogue of the perfidious covenant , in most express words , they exhort and animate other christian churches , as they love to speak , which either groan under the yoak of antichristian tyranny , or that onely are in danger of it , that they would joyn in the same , or like association , and covenant , with them , forsooth , to the enlargement of the kingdome of iesus christ , &c. you hear the words , yee christian princes , yea , and you see their deeds . it is the affair of you all that is acted , but of such among you especially , whom particularly they will seem to have marked out with that black character of antichristianism , which in the sense of these traitours , is not so common to every meridian , but that it seems to threaten some region before other , with its malignity . god avert all of that nature portended by it . christian monarchs , those most desperate rebels threaten to their king , and not long since potent monarch ) then abolish episcopacy , as mindful of that r r at the coronation of the king of england , the arch-bishop consecrating , in the name of the whole clergy , twice adjures the king in these words . ss . 1. † † this is translated out of the latin copy . my liege , will you grant , conserve , and by your oath confirm the laws , customes , and liberties , given unto your clergy by the glorious king , st. edward your predecessor ? the king answers , i do grant , and take upon mee to keep them . also . ss . 5. the arch-bishop advertiseth the king in these words . my lord , the king , wee beseech you , that you will conserve to us and the churches committed to our trust , all canonical priviledges — and that you will protect and defend us , so as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of bishops , and churches put under his government . the king , almost in the same words promiseth , that hee , to the uttermost of his power , god helping him , will keep the canonical priviledges of the churches , and that hee will defend the bishops themselves . afterward the king being lead to the altar , there touching with his hand the holy bible , solemnly swears , that hee will perform all these things , adding moreover this imprecation to be trembled at . so help mee god , and the contents of this holy book . i thought fit to insert here this form of the kings oath , taken out of the royal records themselves , that it may bee made manifest to the whole christian world , that his majesties magnanimity and constancy hitherto , is to be imputed not to pertinacy , but religion , whatsoever otherwise is said by such as blaspheme , or reproach him with their 〈◊〉 language . oath , to be trembled at , whereby hee religiously bound himself to god and the church at his coronation . the clergy , and likewise better part of the nobility , as also the britannick people , dispersed here and there ( rivals with their king in this part of his religion ) refuse not to undergo the loss of all their estates , persecutions , banishments , yea are ready to indure all kindes of extremity , to their very last breath , rather than consent to the schismaticks , in the extermination of catholick episcopacy , which under a most false pretence of religion , stubborn traiterous persons , sworn enemies of the whole catholick church , of religion it self , and christian truth , as also of all empire and monarchy , attempt by force of arms , abandoning the whole royal authority : whom , the best and greatest god , the severe assertour of catholick unity , vouchsafe to disperse in his own time , and recollect at length the britannick church , heretofore a very illustrious part of the christian world , yea , the whole christian universe it self , as one flock under one shepheard . amen . s. d. g. can. vi. concil . nicaen . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a letter to the right honourable , the lord hopton , importing the occasion of writing the fore-going treatise . to the right honourable , the lord hopton , baron of straton , &c. my lord , the inclosed from dr. basier was left with mee when he took his journey toward italy ; hee acquainted mee with part of the contents , which may put your lordship in present expectation of two manuscripts , one of which is intended to sir george radcliffe ; i shall avoid all occasions , i can , of detaining them , being loath to deprive your lordship , for an hour , of the benefit which may be assuredly reaped by two tracts , so good in their several natures ; but the doctors commands , imposed upon another gentleman and my self , to search , & secure , divers quotations in his own , and the liberty hee granted of the other to be communicated for a time , necessitate mee to crave your lordships pardon , and forbearance a little while , one of the books cited by him , being not yet to be met with , and the transcription not to be done in haste . the occasion of the doctors setting pen to paper , was taken from a work which mr. chr. iustell ( he who put out the greek and latine councils your lordship hath ) is about , which he means to entitle geographia sacro-politica , making clear the distinctions of several dioceses , &c. and asserting the priviledges of some churches , exempted from the supremacy of the roman . the doctor hath importuned him to enlarge somewhat about our church , and i think ( in my hearing ) prevailed with him for a promise . this diatribe hath prepared the way a little for him , & given him a sight of what he did not so particularly understand , in reference to us . the main businesse is , the parallel of our , with the cyprian priviledge , which i wish they may sufficiently prove , to the satisfaction of the world. i shall be very glad to hear your lordships approbation of what the learned doctor hath done toward it , in the reading whose book , if any scruple retard you , i may chance to remove it , knowing the authors meaning by the daily conversation and conference i had with him . if i thought your lordship had not the lord montrosse's history , and sr. balthazar iarbiers vindication of the king ( as hee pretends ) already dispatched to you by another hand , i would use all diligence to procure , and send you them , by the first , being very ready , wherein i may , to express my self , my lord your lordships very faithful , and most obsequious servant , ri. watson . paris , march 17. 1648. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26737-e450 * lord hopton . * mr. thomas coventry . * paris . * dr. basier dr. duncon notes for div a26737-e1210 a this very 28th . canon appears in all greek copies , and although controverted by pope leo , whom it seemed to concern , yet we have seen , and read the very same canon likewise in an excellent latine copy , the quadrate characters whereof , and other marks of antiquity , argue the book to bee about one thousand years old . this copy is in the rich library of the famous ●ustell , who heretofore gave mee the liberty of seeing it . there is also another ancient latine copy in the famous library of the noble th●●●nus , wherein yet the same canon is to bee read ; so that wee may justly question the fidelity of the later roman copies , which have it expunged . * acta inter philip . pulch. & bonifac . 8. * deuter. 3● . 5 . † numb . 10.1 . rom. 13.6 . s you are bishops as to the interiour , i , as to the exteriour . isa. 49.23 . † lett. 23 , 24 , 25. achrida , now ochrida . novel . 131. c. 3. * nicene can. 6. constantinop . can . 2. ephesin . can . ult . hierocl . notit . provinciar . occidental . in append. geogr. sacr. carol. à s. paul. edit . paris . 1641. a the ordinary jurisdiction of the praefecture over the city was concluded within the hundredth mile from the city . b this difference seems to be between patriarchs and primates ; they [ that is , the patriarchs ] had ever the preference and precedence in councils , when as out of the councils was little other than an identity of their offices . there are they who , in a strict way of speaking , will haw rather the rights of metropolitans fixed in the council of nice ; but those of the patriarchs after the dioceses designed in the following councils , and namely in the council of chalcedon . however that be , it nothing retards our opinion concerning the ancient exemtion of the britannick , whether metropolitane , or patriarch . e the exarchs of dioceses are patriarchs , to whom intire dioceses were attributed . that zonaras testifies upon this canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , the definition of this canon , concerning the order of judgements iustinian confirms . l. 46. c. de episc. et cler. et l. 2. c. de episc. audi et novel . 123. cap. 22. these things chr. iustell ; the most famous searcher of ecclesiastick antiquities , learnedly observes , ad can. 187. concil . chalcedon . d an ancient translation of these canons hath mentioned those suburbicaries expresly in a latine copy about eight hundred years old , which is also extant in the library of the famous iustell . the words of the translation are , ut episcopus romanus suburbicaria loca gubernet . e that the british nation had been converted to christian religion many ages before augustin the monk was sent into britain by gregory the great , appears out of the holy fathers , as well greek , as latine , the chief of whom are athanasius in secunda epist. contra arian . tertul. advers . iudaeos , num . 43. apud pamel . it appears likewise out of the ancient gildas de exidio britanniae ; for hee refers the birth of christianism in britain to the highest time of tiberius , that is , about the year 135. according to the computation of baronius , who confesseth that britain was nine years elder than rome , in her christianism , vid. euseb. pamphil. in chronico . moreover augustin the monk himself acknowledgeth the bishops of the britains for truly catholick , notwithstanding their difference in rites from the romans , yea , and that when they refused to subject themselves to the roman bishop . beda lib. secundo hist. cap. secundo . * beda antiq. britan . p. 11. & passim . † bed. hist. l. 2. c. 2. f there are not wanting very ancient historians , who impute the slaughter of the britains to augustine , by whose instigation they say ethelbert slew one thousand two hundred of them , because they would not obey augustine in the council . essebicus . monach. in merlin . comment . nicolaus trivet . citat . a do ▪ henr. spelman . concil . p. 111. galfrid . monumet . g 1. the king is a mixt person with the priest , because hee hath as well ecclesiastical as temporal jurisdiction statut. anno decimo h. 7. fol. 8. 2. anno christi 755. king kenulphus exempteth the abbot of abbington from episcopal jurisdiction ; and the fact of the kings was judged for legitimate . 1. h. 7. fol. 23 , 25. 3. among the laws of edward the confessor , chap ▪ 19 it is said , that the king is constituted chief vicar , that hee may rule the kingdome and people of the lord , and , above all , the holy church . 4. in the time of edward the first , one had brought a bull , derogatory to this right of the crown , for which he was condemned to exile , and it was judged , that his crime had the nature of treason . 5. 4 ed 1. the king in parliament ( as they speak ) himself expounded the canon made at the council of lions , de bigamis . 6. 16. ed. 3. the excommunication of the arch-bishop of canterbury was judged valid , notwithstanding the contrary sentence of the roman pontifie . 7. 17. ed. 3.23 . the king by his supremacy ex-exempts the archdeacon of richmond from episcopal jurisdiction , as also all ecclesiastick colledges , and even monasteries , which the king founded , were exempt by the same right . 8. 27. ed. 3.84 . the king and supream ordinary present by lapse . 9. 33. ed. 3. aide du roy. 103. kings anointed with sacred oyl are capable of spiritual jurisdiction . 10. 11. h. 4 37. the pope cannot change the laws of england . 11. 12. ed. 4.16 . a legate , coming into england , ought to take an oath , that hee will attempt nothing in derogation to the rights of king and crown . 12. 2. rich. 3.22 . the excommunications and judgements of the roman pontifie are of no force in england . 13. 1. h. 7.20 . the pope cannot erect the prviledge of a sanctuary in england . 14. 25. ed. 3. it is determined , that the pope hath no right in england of conferring archbishopricks or bishopricks . 15. 27. ed. 3. whosoever , by summons or sute , shall trouble any of the subjects of the king of england , without the realm of england , shall incur the loss of all his goods ( which the law of england calls praemunire . ) 16. 16. rich. 2. cap. 5. it is provided by law , that because the king of england holdeth his crown immediately from god , therefore if any one shall pursue in the court of rome any translation whatsoever of process or excommunication , &c. hee shall incur the same forfeiture of his goods , being beside put out of the kings protection . 17. 2. h. 4. it is decreed , that the popes collectours , by vertue of his bulls , have no authority nor jurisdiction in england ; but that the archbishops and bishops of england are the kings spiritual judges . 18. 11. h. 4.69.76 . the commission of judges pronounceth with one mouth , that the premised statutes are onely affirmative of the common custome of england , but not introductive of a new law. it were an easie thing to accumulate six hundred more of this sort , but these will bee enough for the reader nor prejudicate , yet hitherto perchance ignorant of these statutes . * hist. eccl. l. 1. c. 27. et 2. c. 4. ad annum 883. † hist. l. 36. h hence is that sad complaint [ apud bed. l. 1. c. 27. ] of gregory himself in his epistle to augustin . in anglia , inqut , tu solus episcopus , &c. in england , saith hee , thou art the only bishop . how the onely ? since out of the historical context [ bed l. 2. c. 2. ] it appears clearer than the mid-day light , that there were at that time other bishops in britain beside augustin ; but yet in very deed augustin was alone , because neither the britains , nor the scots , would communicate with augustin , as who accounted him a notorious violatour of the ancient ecclesiastick liberties of the britannick island . * bed. histor. eccl. l. 3. c. 3. † lib. 3. c. 36. * lib. 2. c. 2. * tom. 2. ephesin . synod . append . 1. cap. 4. ep. 18. i let the reader see if hee can get barnes's manuscript , the title whereof is , catholico-romanus pacificus chap. 3. de insulae magnae brittanniae privilegiis ; for which his sober work that good irenaeus , although hee were of an unblameable life , and entire fame , yet some years since was , as they say , carried out of the midst of paris by force , devested of his habit , and like a four-footed brute , in a barbarous manner , tied to the horse , and so violently hurried away , first into flanders , afterward to rome , where being first thrust into a dungeon of the inquisition , and then into the prison for madmen , * hee died . yet those fierce people not content with his death , have indeavoured to extinguish his fame , boldly publishing , that hee died distracted . this chapter is one of the three translated out of the said manuscript , and herewith published . * some of his own order suppose him to be still living . notes for div a26737-e8520 k hence is it , that wini being ordained by the gallick bishops , is received by the britains , even then when they rejected augustin the roman bishop . witness bede . lib. 3. c. 7. l so that g. nazianzens church was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noah's ark ; and st. hierom breaks out into these horrid words ; ingemuit orbis , & se arrianum factum esse miratus est . the world groaned , and wondred , that shee was become arrian . m for full ten years after the reformation , under queen elizabeth , the roman-catholicks , without scruple , communicated with the protestants , until pius the sixth by his interdictory bull disturbed all . n how well this new interdiction agreeth with the ancient oath of the pope , the reader may judge , when ( as cardinal deus-dedit very well notes in his collection of the canons ) the ancient form of the popes oath , which is yet extant , canon . sanct. dist. xvi . quia papa jurabat , se 4. concilia servaturum usque ad unum apicem , was that wherein the pope sweared , hee would observe the four councils to a title . whence the most learned laschasserius very wittily infers , in consult . venet. thus , non potest igitur pontifex romanus jure contendere , &c. the roman pontifie cannot therefore by right contend that hee is superiour to those canons of the councils , unless hee will arrogate a power unto himself over the four evangels . to this oath of the pope agrees the ancient profession of pope zozimus , can. conc. statut. 5. q. 5. to decree , or change any thing contrary to the statutes of the fathers , is not in the power or authority of this see. see more at large concerning this subject * barnes's manuscript , quo supra , paralipomen . ad ss . 2. de conciliis , papa , schismate . * that chapter is likewise herewith printed . a blowe for the pope touching the popes prerogatiues. extracted word for word out of the booke of martyres. actes and monuments. selections foxe, john, 1516-1587. 1631 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09846 stc 20110 estc s105126 99840856 99840856 5396 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09846) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5396) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 933:03) a blowe for the pope touching the popes prerogatiues. extracted word for word out of the booke of martyres. actes and monuments. selections foxe, john, 1516-1587. 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2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a blowe for the pope . touching the popes prerogatiues . extracted word for word out of the booke of martyres edinbvrgh , printed by iohn wreittoune . 1631 the proud primacie of popes painted out in tables , in order of their rysing vp by little and little , from faithfull bishops and martyres , to become lords and governours over kings and kingdomes , exalting themselues in the temple of god , aboue all that is called god. 2. thess. chap. 2. in the table of the primitiue church , hath beene ( gentle reader ) set foorth and exhibited before thine eyes , the grievous aflictions and sorrowfull torments , which through gods secreet sufferance , fell vpon the true saincts and members of christs church in that time , especially vpon the good bishops , ministers , and teachers of the flocke : of whom , some were scourged , some beheaded , some crucified , some burnt , some had their eyes put out , some one way , and some another , miserably consumed : which dayes of woefull calamitie continued neare the space of three hundreth yeares . during which time , the deare spouse and elect church of god , being sharply assaulted on everie side , had small rest , no joy , nor outward safety in this present world , but in much bitternesse of heart , continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse , passed over their dayes beeing spoyled , imprisoned , contemned , revyled , famished , tormented , and martyrde everie where , who neither durst well tarrie at home for feare and dread , & much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies , but onely by night , when they assembled as they might , sometimes to sing psalmes and hymnes together . in all which their dreadfull dangers , and sorrowfull afflictions , notwithstanding the goodnesse of the lord left them not desolate : but the more their outward tribulations did increase , the more their inward consolations did abound : and the further off they seemed from the joyes of this life , the more present was the lord with them with grace and fortitude , to confirme and rejoyce their soules : and though their possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled , yet were they inriched with heavenly gifts and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold , then was true religion truely felt in heart . then was christianitie not in outward appearance shewed , but in inward affection receaved , and the true image of the church not in outward show presented , but in her perfect state effectuall . then was the name and feare of god true in heart , not in lippes alone dwelling : faith then was fervent , zeale ardent , prayer not swimming in the lips , but groaned out to god from the bottome of the spirit : then was no pryde in the church , nor lasoure to seeke riches , nor time to keepe them . contentions for triffiles was not then so farre from christians , that well were they when they could meete to pray together against the devill , author of all dissention . briefly the wholechurch of christ iesus , with all the members thereof , the further it was from the type and shape of this world , the nearer it was to the blessed respect of gods favour and supportation . the first rysing of the bishops of rome . after this long tyme of trouble , it pleased the lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the saincts and servants of his sonne , to release their captivity , to release their miserie , and to binde vp the old dragon the devill , which so long vexed them , whereby the church began to aspyre to some more libertie : and the bishops which before were as abjects , vtterly contemned of emperors , through the providence of god , ( which disposeth all things in his time after his owne will ) beganne now of emperours to bee esteemed and had in pryce : furthermore , as emperours grew more in devotion , so the bishops more and more were exalted , not onely in favour , but also preferred vnto honour , in so much that in short space they became not quarter masters , but rather halfe emperours with emperours . after this in processe of time , as riches and worldly wealth crept into the clergie , and that the devill had poured his venome into the church , ( as the voyce was heard the same time over constantinople ) so true humilitie began to decay , and pryde to set in his foote , till at last they plaide as the ivy with the oake tree , which first beginning with a goodly greene show imbraceth him so long , till at the length it overgroweth him , and so sucketh all his moysture from him , setting his roote fast in his barke , till at last it both stiffleth the stocke , and killeth the branches , and so commeth to bee a nest of owles , and all vncleane birds . not vntruely therefore it was said of augustine . religio peperit divitias , & filia , devoravit matrem : religion begateriches , and the daughter hath devored the mother : the verity whereof notoriously may appeare aboue all other in the church of rome , and the bishops of the same , for after that the church of rome , through favour of emperours , was indued with lands , donations , possessions , and patrimonies , so that the bishops thereof feeling the smacke of wealth , ease , and prosperitie , beganne to swell in pompe and pryde : the more they floorished in this world , the more gods holy spirit forsooke them , till at last the said bishops who at the first were poore , creeping low vpon the ground , and were persecuted long time , everie man treading vpon them in this world : now of persecuted people , began to be persecuters of others , and to tread vpon the neckes even of emperours , and to bring the heads of kings and princes vnder their girdle . and not that onely that , but furthermore through pryde and riches , they were so farre gone from all religion , that in the verie end they became the adversarie of god ( whom wee call antichrist ) prophecied of so long before by the spirit of god to come , sitting in the temple of god. &c. of whom we reade thus in the epistle of paul. 2. thess. 2. where he saith , wee beseech you brethren , by the comming of our lord iesvs christ , and by our fellowship together in him that yee bee not suddenly mooued in your minde , nor troubled , neither by spirite , nor by word , nor by letter , as it were from vs , as though the day of christ were at hand . let no man in any wayes deceiue you , for that day shall not come , except there come a departing first , and that that man of sinne bee revealed , even the sonne of perdition , that adversarie which exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called god , or that is worshipped : so that hee shall sit in the temple of god , as god , and set foorth himselfe as hee were god , by which words of st. paul , wee haue diverse things to vnderstand : first that the day of the lords comming was not then neare at hand . secondly , the apostle giving vs a token before , to know when that day shall approach , biddeth vs looke for an adversarie first to bee revealed . thirdly to show what adversarie this shall bee , hee expresseth him not to bee as a common adversarie , such as were then in his time . for although herod , annas , and cajaphas , the hie priests , and pharisies , tertullus , alexander the copper-smith , elymas and simon magus , and nero the emperour in pauls time , were great adversaries , yet heere hee meaneth another besides these , greater then all the rest , not such a one as should bee like to priest , king , or emperour , but such as farre exceeding the estate of all kings ; priests , and emperours , should be the prince of priests , and should make kings to stoup , and should tread vpon the necke of emperours , and make them to kisse his feete . moreover , where the apostle sayeth , that hee shall sit in the temple of god , thereby is meaned , not the personall sitting of the pope , in the citie only of rome , but the authoritie and iurisdiction of his sea exalted in the whole vniversall church equall with god himselfe . for let men giue to the pope , that which hee in his lawes , decrees , and in his pontificall requyreth , and what difference is there betwixt god and the pope ? if god set lawes and ordinances , so doth hee : if god hath his creatures , so hath hee : if god require obedience so doth hee : if the breach of gods commandements bee punished , much more bee his . god hath his religion , the pope also hath his : yea for gods one religion , he hath an hundreth : god hath set vp one advocate , hee hath an hundreth : god hath instituted but a few holy dayes : for gods one , hee hath instituted fourtie : and if the holie day that god hath appoynted , bee simplex : the feast that the pope appoynteth is duplex & triplex . christ is the head of the church , so is the pope : christ giveth influence to his bodie , so doth the pope : christ forgiveth sinne , the pope doth no lesse : christ expelleth evill spirits by hispower ; so pretendeth the pope by his holy water : furthermore , where christ went barefooted vpon the bare ground , hee with his golden shooes is caried vpon mens shoulders . and where christ was called , sanctus sanctorum : heeis called sanctorum sanctissimus : christ never practised but onely the spirituall sword , hee claimeth both spirituall and temporall : christ bought the church : hee both buyeth and selleth the church . and if it bee necessarie to beleeue christ to bee the saviour of the world : so is it necessarie to beleeuethe pope to bee the head of the church : christ payed tribute vnto caesar : hee maketh caesar pay tribute vnto him ; finallie , the crowne of christ was of sharpe thornes : the pope hath three crownes of gold vpon his head , so farre exceeding christ the sonne of god in glorie of this world , as christ exceedeth him in the glorie of heaven . the image and paterne of whose intolerable pryde and exaltation , according as st. paul doeth descryue him in his epistle foresaid , wee haue heere set foorth , not only in these tables to bee seene , and by his owne facts to be noted , but also by his owne words & registers ; clementines , extravagants and pontificals , expressed as in order ( the lord willing ) shall follow . the exaltation of popes aboue kings and emperours out of histories . first , after that italy and the citie of rome were overrunne by the gothes and vandals , so that the seate of the empyre was remooved to constantinople , then beganne ioannes patriarch of constantinople , to put foorth himselfe , and would needs bee called vniversall bishop of the world : but the bishop of rome in no case would suffer that , and stopped it . after this came the emperours deputy , and exarch of ravenna to rule italy : but the bishop of rome , through ayde of the king of lombards sone quailed him . not long after about the yeare of the lord fyue hundreth , came phocas the murthrer , who slew the emperour of constantinople his master maureits and his children . by which phocas , the bishops of old rome aspyred first to their preheminence , to bee counted the head bishops over the whole church , and so together with the lombardes beganne to rule the citie of rome : afterwards when the lombardes would not yeeld to him , in accomplishing his ambitious desire , but would needs requyre of the bishop the said citie of rome : hee stirred vp pipinus , but first deposed childericus the king of france , and so thrusting him into an abbey , set vp in his place pipinus and his sonne carolus magnus , to put downe the said king of lombardes called aistulphus : and so translated the empyre from constantinople to france , divyding the spoyle betweene him and them : so that the kings of france , had all the possessions and lands which before belonged to the empyre , and hee to receiue of them the quyet possession of the citie of rome , with such donations and lordships , which now they challenge vnto them , vnder the name of s. peters patrimonie , which they falsely ascrybe to that donation of constantinus the great . it followed then in processe of time , after the dayes of pipinus , carolus , and lodovicus , ( who had indued these bishops of rome , called now popes , with large possessions ) when the king of france were not applyable to their becke , to ayde and maintaine them against the princes of italy , who began then to push the saides bishops for their wrongfull vsurped goods , they practised with the germans , to redact the empyre to otho , first of that name duke of spaine , referring the election thereof to seven princes electors of germany , which was about anno 1002. notwithstanding reserving still in his hands the negatiue voyce , thinking thereby to enjoy that they had , in quyetnesse and securitie , and so did for a good space . at length when some of these germane emperours also , after otho beganne a little to spurne against the said bishops and popes of rome , some of them they accursed , some they subdued and brought to the kissing of their feete , some they deposed , and placed others in their possessions . so was henricus 4. by these bishops accursed , the emperour himselfe forced with his wife and chyld , to waite attendance vpon the popes pleasure three dayes and three nights in winter at the gates of canossus . besids all this the said pope raised vp rodolpus to bee emperour against him : who being slaine in warre , then the said pope gregory 7. not resisting this , stirred vp his owne sonne henricus 5. to fight against his owne naturall father , to depose him , which henricus 5. was also himselfe accursed afterward , and excommunicated , and the saxons at last set vp by the bishops to fight against him . after this the emperours began to bee somewhat calmed , and more quyet , suffering the bishops to reigne as they listed , till fredericke the first called barbarossa came , and beganne to stirre coales against them . howbeit they hampered both him and his sonne henry in such sort , that they brought first the necke of frederick in the church of venice , vnder their feete to tread vpon : and after that the said bishops crowning henricus his sonne in the church of s. peter , set his crowne vpon his head with their feete , & with their feete spurned it off againe , to make him know that the popes of rome had power both to crowne emperours , and depose them againe . then followed philippus brother to henry aforesaid , whom also the popes accursed , about the yeare of our lord 1198. and set vp otho duke of saxon. but when the said otho began to bee so saucie to dispossesse the bishops of their cities and lands , which they had incrotched into their bands , they could not beare that , but incontinent they put him besides the cusheon . the like also fell vpon otho the 4. that followed after philip , who was suffered no longer then foure yeares to reigne , about the yeare of the lord 1209. at this time fredericus 2. the sonne of fredericus barbarossa , was but young , whom the bishops of rome supposing to finde more mortified and tamed to their hand , advanced to bee emperour after his father : but that fell out much contrarie to their expectation : for hee perceiving the immoderate pompe and pryde of the romane bishops , which hee could in no case abyde , so netled them , and cut their combs , and waxed so stout against them , intending to extirpe their tyranie and to reduce their pompous riches to the state and condition of the primitiue church againe , putting some of them to flight , and prisoning some of their cardinals , that of three popes , one after another hee was accursed , circumvented by tieason , at last deposed , and after that poysoned , and last forsaken and died . after this frederick followed his sonne conradus , whom the foresaid bishops for his disobedience soone dispatched , exciting against him in mortall warre the lantgraue of thuring , whereby at length hee was driven into his kingdome of naples , and there deceast . this conradus had a sonne called conradinus , duke and prince of swevill , where this conradinus after the decease of his father , came to enjoy the kingdome of naples . the bishops stirred vp against him , charles the french kings brother in such sort , that through craftie conveyance , both conradinus which descended of the blood of so many emperours , and also frederik duke of austria , were both taken , and after much wretched handling in their miserable indurance vnseeming to their state , at length were both brought vnder the axe , by the popes procurement , and so both beheaded : and thus ended the imperiall stocke of frederik the first surnamed barbarossa . the like also happened to frederik the emperour , had almost fallen vpon philip the french king , by pope boniface 8. who because hee could not haue his commodities and revenewes out of france after his will , sent out his bils and letters patents to displace king philip aforesaid , and to possesse albertus king of romans in his rowme . and this hitherto of forraine stories : now touching our countrie princes heere in england , so speake somewhat likewayes of them : did not pope alexander the third presumptuously taking vpon him where hee had nothing to doe to intermeddle with the kings subjects . for the death of becket the rebell , albeit the king fusficiently cleared himselfe thereof , yet notwithstanding did he not wrongfully bring the said king henry 2. to such pennance as it pleased him to enjoyne , and also violently constrained him to sweare obedience to the sea of rome . the like also was shewed before in this storie to happen to king iohn his sonne , for when the said king like a valiant prince , had held out the tyrranie of those bishops eleven yeares together , was not all the churches of england barred vp , and his inheritance with all his dominions given away by pope innocent the 3. to lodovicus the french king , and he afterward compelled to submit both himselfe , and to make his whole realme fedetary to the bishops of rome , and moreover , the king himselfe driven also to surrander his crowne to pandulphus the popes legate : and so continued a privat person , 5 dayes standing at the popes courtesie whether to receive it againe or not ? and when the nobles of the realme rose afterward against the king for the same , was not hee then glad to seeke and sue to the foresaid pope for succour , as by his owne letter , taken out of the publicke rolles may appeare . king iohns supplication to pope innocent the third . reverendiss . domino suo & patri sanctiss . innocentio , dei gratia ioanni eadem gratia . r. angliae &c. cum comites & barones angliae nobis devoti essent , antequam nos & nostram terram dominio vestro subjacere curassemus , ex tunc in nos specialiter ob hoc , sicut publicè dicunt , violenter insurgunt . nos vero preter deum , vos specialem dominum & patronum habentes , defensionem nostram & totius regni , quod vestrum esse credimus , vestrae paternitati commissam , & nos quantum in nobis est , curam & solicitudinem istam vestrae resignamus dominationi , devotius supplicantes quatenus in negotijs nostris , que vestra sunt , consilium & auxilium efficax apponatis , prout melius videritis expedire , latores praesentium &c. teste meipso apud dour . 18. septemb. 6. and yet notwithstanding that the said king iohn did so yeeld to the pope , he was both persewed by his nobles , and also in the end w as poysoned , by asubject of the popes ownereligion , a monke of swinsted : as i haue sufficiently to proue not onely by william caxton , but also haue testimonie of the most part of chronicles for the same , ( a few onely excepted ) as of thomas gray in his french chronicle , also of another french chronicle in meeter , of ranulphus cestrenses , thomas rudburne also doth witnesse the same : so doth richard rid in novo chronico ad tempora hen. 6. the like also doth the chronicle called eulogium monachi cant. the words of walter gisborne an ancient historiographer bee plaine : no lesse is to be found in ioan. major . de gestis scotorum . lib. 4. cap. 3. fol. 56. where hee not onely maketh mention of the monke and of the poyson , but also of the abbot , of his absolution and of the 3. monks everie day singing for the said monks soule . to these i could also annex dyvers other wrytters both english and latin , without name , which witnesse that king iohn was poysoned , one beginning thus , heere beginneth a booke in the english tongue , called bruce . another beginneth : because this booke is made to tell , what tyme any thing notable . the thrid in english beginneth the reigne of britaine that now is called england , &c. of latin bookes which haue no name , one beginneth thus , britannia quae & anglia dicitur , ae bruto nomen est sortita . another hath this beginning , adam pater gener is humani . besides this , king henry 2 and king iohn his sonne , what kings haue heere reigned in england since their time , vntill the reigne of king henry the 8 , who althogh they were prudent princes , and did what they could against the proud dominion of those bishops , were forced at length sore against their wils , for feare to subject themselues together with their subjects , vnder their vsurped authoritie , in so much as some of them as m att . paris . wryteth by king henry the third , were faine to stoup and kisse their legats knee . the image of antichrist exalting himselfe in the temple of god , aboue all that is named god , out of his owne decrees , decretals extravagants , pontificals , word for word as it is out of the said bookes heere alledged and quotted . for as much as it standeth vpon necessity of salvation , for everie bumane creature to bee subject to mee the pope of rome . it shall bee therefore requisite nd necessary for all men that will bee saved , to learne and know the dignitie of my sea and excellencie of my dominion , as heere is set foorth according to the trueth and very works of my owne lawes , in style as followeth . 2. first my institution began in the old testament , and was consummate and finished in the new , in that my preift-hood was prefigurated by aaron : and other bishops vnder me were prefigured by the sonnes of aaron , that were vnder him . 3. neither is it to bee thought that my church of rome hath beene preferred by any generall councill , but obtained the primacy onely by the voyce of the ghospell , and the mouth of the saviour . 4. and hath in it neither spot nor wrinkle , nor any such like thing . 5. wherefore as other seats bee all inferiour to mee , and as they cannot absolue me : so haue they no power to bind mee or to stand against me , no more then the axe hath power to stand or presume aboue him that heweth with it , or the saw to presume aboue him that ruleth it . 6. this is the holy and apostolick mother church of all other churches of christ . 7. from whose rules it is not meete that any person or persons should declyne , but lyke as the sonne of god , came to doe the will of his father , so much yee doe the will of your mother the church , the head whereof is the church of rome . 8. and if any other person or persons shall erre from the said church , either let them be admonished , or els their names taken , to bee knowne who they bee that swerue from the customes of rome . 9. thus then for as much as the holy church of rome , whereof i am governour , is set vp to the whole world for a glasse or example , reason would what thing soever the said church determineth , or ordaineth , that to bee receaved of all men for a generall and a perpetuall rule for ever . 10. wherevpon we see it now verified in this church , that was foreprophecied by ieremie , saying : behold i haue set thee vpover nations and kingdomes , to plucke vp and to breake downe , to build and to plant . 11. who so vnderstandeth not the prerogatiue of this my preist-hood , let him looke vp to the firmament , where he may see two great lights , the sunne and moone : one ruling over the day , the other over the night : so in the firmament of the vniversall church . 12. god hath set two great dignities , the authoritie of the pope and the emperour : of the which two , this our dignitie is so much weightier , as wee haue the greater charge to giue accoumpt to god for kings of the earth , and the lawes of men . 13. wherefore bee it knowne to you emperours , which know it also right well , that yee depend vnto the judgement of vs , we must not bee brought and reduced to your will. 14. for as i said , looke what difference there is betwixt the sunne and the moone , so great is the power of the pope ruling over the day , that is , over the spirituality , aboue emperours and kings , ruling over the the night : that is , over the laytie . 15. now seing the earth is seven times bigger then the moone , and the sunne eight times greater then the earth , it followeth that the popes dignitie 56 tymes doeth surmount the estate of the emperours . 16. vpon consideration whereof , i say therefore and pronunce that constantine the emperour did naught in setting the patriarch of constantinople at his feete on his left hand . 17. and although the said emperour , wrote to mee , alledging the words of s. peter , commanding vs to submit our selves to everie humane creature , as to kings , dukes , and other for the cause of god. 1. pet. 2. yet in answering againe in my decretall , i exponed the minds and words of s. pet. to pertaine to his subjects , and not his successors , willing the said emperor to consider the person of the speaker , and to whom it is spoken , for , if the minde of peter had beene there to debase the order of priest-hood , and to make vs vnderlings to everie humane creature , then everie lack might haue dominion over prelats : which maketh against the example of christ , setting vp the order of priesthood to beare domination over kings : according to the saying of ieremie : behold i haue set thee vp over kings and nations : 18. and as i feared not then to wryte this boldly vnto constantine , so now i say vnto all other emperours , that they receaving of mee their approbation , vnction , consecration , and crowne imperiall , must not disdaine to submitte their heads vnder mee , and sweare vnto mee their alleadgeance : 19. for so you reade in the decree of pope iohn , how that princes heeretofore have beene wont to bowe and submit their heads vnto bishops , and not to proceede in judgment against the heads of bishops . 20. if this reverence and submission was wont to be given to bishops , how much more ought they to submit their heads to me , being superior , not only to kings , but emperours , and that for two causes : first , for my title of succession , that i pope of rome haue to the empyre , the rowme standing vacant . also for the fullnesse of power that christ king of kings , & lord of lords , hath given to mee tho vnworthie in the person of peter . 21. by reason whereof , seeing my power is not of man but of god , who by his celestiall providence hath set mee over his vniversall church ; maister and governour , it belongeth therefore to my office to looke vpon everie mortall sinne of everie christian man. 22. whereby all criminall offences al 's well of kings as all other bee subject to my censure . 23. in such sort that in all manner of pleading , if any manner of person at any time either before the sentence given or after shall appeale to mce , it shall bee lawfull for him so to doe . 24. neither must kings and princes thinke it much to submit themselues to my judgement , for so did valentinianus the worthie emperour : so did theodosius , and also carolus . 25. thus yee see must bee all judged by mee , and i of no man , yea , although i pope of rome , by my negligence or evill demanure bee found vnprofitable , or hurtfull , either to my selfe or others : yea if i should draw with mee innumerable soules by heaps to hell , yet no mortall man be so hardie , so bold , so presumptuous to reproue mee . 26. or to say to mee , domine cur it a facis ? sir why doe yee so ? 27. for although yee read that balaam was rebuked of his asse , by the which afse our subjects , by balaam wee prelats are signified : yet that ought to bee no example to our subjects to rebuke vs. 28 and though wee read in the scripture , that peter , who receaved power of the kingdome , and being cheife of the apostles , might by vertue of his office , controle all others , was content to come and giue answere before his inferiors , objecting to him his going to the gentiles , yet other inferiors must not learne by this example to bee check-meat with their prelats , because peter so tooke it at their hands , shewing thereby rather a dispensation of humilitie , then the power of his office : by the which power hee might haue said to them againe , it becometh not sheepe , nor belongeth to their osfice to accuse their sheepheard . 29. for els why was dioscorus patriarch of alexandria condemned and excommunicated at chalcedon : not for any cause of his faith , but onely that hee durst stand against the pope leo , and durst excommunicate the bishope of rome , for who is hee that hath authoritie to accuse the seat of s. peter . 30. albeit i am not ignorant what s. ierome wryteth , that paul would not haue reprehended peter , vnlesse he had thought himselfe equall vnto him . 31. yet ieremy must thus be exponed by my interpretation , that this equalitie betwixt peter and paul , consisteth not in like osfice of dignitie , but in purenes of conversation . 32. for who gaue paul licence to preach , but peter , & that by authoritie of god , saying , separato mihi paulum & barnabam : wherefore be it knowne to al men , that my church of rome , is prince and head ofall nations . 33. the mother of the faith . 34. the foundation cardinall , wherevpon all churches doe depend , as the doore doth depend vpon the hinges . 35. the first of all other seats without all spot or blemish . 36. lady mistris and instructor of all churches . 37. a glasse and spectacle vnto all men to be followed in all whatsoever shee observeth . 38. which was never found yet to slyde , or declyne from the path of apostolicke tradition , or to bee intangled with any newnesse of heresies . 39. against which church of rome , whosoever speaketh any evill , is foorthwith an hereticke . 40. yea a verie pagan , a witch , and an idolater or infidell . 41. having fulnesse of power onely in her owne hand in ruling . 42. decyding , absolving , condemning , casting out or receaving in . 43. albeit i deny not but other churches bee partakers with her in labouring and carying . 44. to the which church of rome it is lawfull to appeale for remedie from the churches , although it was otherwise concluded in the generall councill of millevit an : that no man fhould appeale over the sea vnder the paine of excommunication , yet my glose commeth in heere with an exception : nisi forte romanam sedem appellauerint . id est : except the appeale bee to the sea of rome . 45. by the authoritie of which church of rome , all synodes and decryes of councils stand confirmed . 46. and hath alwayes full authoritie in his hands to make new lawes & decreements , and to alter statutes , priviledges , rights or documents of churches , to separat things joyned , and to joyne things separated , vpon right consideration , either in whole or in part , either personally or generally . 47. of the which church of rome i am head , as a king is over his judges . 48. the vicar of s. peter . 49. yea not the vicar of s. peter properly , but the vicar of christ properly , and successour of peter . 50. vicar of ie sus christ . 51. rector of the vniversall church , director of the lords vniversall flocke . 52. chiefe magistrat of the whole world . 53. caephas , i. caput , the head and chiefe of the apostolick church . 54. vniversall pope , and diocesan in all places exempt , aswell as everie bishop is in places not exempt . 55. most mightie priest. 56. lex animata in terris . i. 57. a living lawe in the earth judged to have all lawes in the chest of my breast . 58. bearing the rowm of no poore man. 59. being neither god nor man , but the admiration of the world , and a middle thing betwixt both . 60. having both swords in my power , both of the spirituall and temporall jurisdiction . 61. so farre surmounting the authoritie of the emperour , that i of my owne power alone without a councill , have authoritie to depose him , or to trans-ferre his kingdome , and to giue a new election , as i did to frederick , and diverse others . 62. what power then or protestat in all the world is comparable to me : who haue authoritie to bind and louse both in heaven and earth . 63. that is , who haue power both of heavenly things , and also of temporall things . 64. to whom emperours , and kings are more inferiour , than lead is inferiour to gold. 65. for doe you not see the neckes of great kings , and princes bend vnder our knees , yea , and think themselves happy and well defenced , if they maye kisse our hands . 66. wherefore the sawcinesse of honorius the emperour is to bee reprehended , and his constitution abolished , who with his laytie would take vpon him to intermeddle , not only with the temporall order , but also with matters ecclesiasticall , and election of the pope . 67. but heere perchance some will object the examples and wordes of christ , saying , that his kingdome is not of this world , and where he being required to divide betwixt two brethren their heritage , did refuse it ; but that ought not to bee no prejudice to my power . 68. for if peter , and i in peter , if wee say , haue power to bind and louse in heaven , how much more then is it to bee thought , that wee have power in earth to louse and to take away empyres , kingdomes , dukedomes , and what els so ever mortall men may have , and to give them where wee will ? 69. and if wee haue authoritie over angels , which bee governours over princes , what then maye wee doe vpon their inferiours and servants ? 70. and for that you shall not marvell that i say ; angels bee subject vnto vs , you shall heare what my blessed clerk antonius writeth of the matter , saying , that our power , of peter and mee , is greater than the angels in foure things . 1. in jurisdiction . 2. in administration of sacraments . 3. in knowledge . 4. and reward . 71. and again in bulla clemen tis , doe i not their command in my bull , the angels of paradise to absolve the soule of man out of purgatorie , and to bring it into the glorie of paradise . 72. and now besides my heavenly power , to speak of my earthly jurisdiction , who did first translate the empyre from the greeks to the almanes , but i ? 73. and not onely in the empyre am i emperour , the place being emptie , but in all ecclesiasticall benefices have full right and power to translate , and to depose after my arbitriment . 74. did not i zacharias put downe childerick the old king of france , and set vp pipinus ? 75. did not i gregorius the seventh set vp robert wisard , and made him king of sicilie , and duke of cappa &c. 76. did not i the same gregorius also set vp rodulphus against henrie the 4 em perour ? 77. and though that this henricus was an em perour of most stout courage , who stood 62 times in open field against his enemies . 78. yet did not i gregorius , coram nobis , and made him stand at my gate , three dayes and three nights bare-footed , and bare-legged , with his wife and chyld , in the deepe of winter , both in frost and snow , intreating for his absolution , and after excommunicated him againe , so that hee was twise excommunicated in my dayes ? 79. and did not i paschalis after gregorie set vp the son of the said henricus against his father , in warre to possesse the empyre , and to put downe his father , and so hee did . 80. item , did not i pope alexander bring vnto henrie the second , king of england , for the death of thomas becket , and to cause him goe bare-foooted to his tombe at canturberrie with bleeding feet ? 81. did not i innocentius the third , cause king iohn to kneele downe at the feete of pandulphus my legate , and offer vp his crowne to his hands : also to kisse the feete of steven langtoun , bishop of canturberrie , and besides that merced him a thousand merks by yeare . 82. did not i vrbanus the second , put downe hugo erle in italie , discharging his subjects from their oath and obedience to him ? 83. did not i paschalis excommunicate also his son henry the fifth , and gotte out of his hands all his right , and title of elections , and donations of spirituall promotions ? 84. did not i gelasius the second bring the captaine cnitius vnder , vnto the kissing of my feete , and after gelasius ? 85. did not i calixtus , quaile the foresaid emperour henricus , and also bring in subjection gregorie , whom the said emperour had set vp against mee to be pope , bringing him into rome vpon a camell , his face to the horse taile , making him to hold the horse taile in his hand in stead of a brydle ? 86. further , did not i innocentius the second set vp and make lotharius to bee emperour , for driving out pope anacletus out of rome ? 87. did not i the said innocentius take the dukedome of sicilie from the empyre , and made roger to bee king thereof , whereby afterward the kingdome became the patrimonie of s. peter . 88. did not i alexander the third , suspend all the realme and churches of england for the kings mariage , 1159 ? 88. but what doe i speake of kings ? did not i the saide alexander bring the valiant emperour frederick the first to venice , by reason of his son otho , their taken prisoner , and there in s. marks church made him fall downe flat vpon the ground , while i did set my feete vpon his necke , saying the verse of the tsalme , super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis : 89. did not i adrianus pope , an english man borne , excommunicate william king of cicile and refuse his peace , which hee offered , and had he not overcome me in plaine field , i would haue shaken him out of his kingdome of cicile , and dukedome of apulia . 90. also did not i the said adrianus , controll and correct the foresaid fredericus emperour , for holding the left stirruppe of my horse , when hee should haue holden the right . 91. and afterward did not i excommunicate & curse him , for that he was so sawsie to set his owne name in wrytting mine . 92. and although a poore flie afterward overcame and strangled me , yet i made kings and emperours to stoup . 93. did not i innocentius 3. deject philippus , brother to fredericus from the imperiall crowne , being elected without my leaue , and after set him vp againe , and also set vp otho of brounswick , and after did excommunicate and also depose the same foure yeares , setting vp the french king to warre against him . 94. then was fredericus 2. by mee set vp and reigned thirtie seven yeares , and yet fyue yeares before , he died . 95. did not i honorius interdict him , for not restoring certaine to their possessions at my request . 96. whom also gregorius 9. did excommunicate twyse together , & and raised vp the venetians against him . 97. and at length innocentius spoyled him of his empyre , after that hee caused him to bee poysoned , at length to bee strangled by one manfredus , and did excommunicate his sonne conradus after him , not onely depryving him of his right inheritance , but also caused him with frederick duke of austria to be beheaded . 98. thus then did not i excommunicate and depose all these emperours in order ? henricus 4. henricus 5. fredericus i. philippus , otho , fredericus 2. and conradus his sonne . 99. did not i interdict king henrie the eight . 100. and all his kingdome of england . 101. and had not his prudence and power prevented my practise , i had displaced him from his kingdome , also briefly who is able to comprehend the greatnesse of my power , and of my seate . 102. for by mee only generall councills take their force and confirmation . 103. and the interpretation of the saids councils , and of all other causes hard and doubtfull ought to bee referred and stand to my interpretation . 104. by me the workes of all wrytters , whatsoever they bee , either bee reprooved or allowed . 105. then how much more ought my wryttings and decrees to bee preferred before all other ? 106. in so much that my letters and epistles decretall bee equivalent , with the generall councils . 107. and where god hath ordained al causes of men , to bee judged by men , hee hath onely reserved mee , that is , the pope of rome , without all question of men , vnto his owne judgement . 108. and therefore where all other creatures bee vnder their judge , onely i who in earth am the judge of all , can bee judged of none , neither emperour nor the whole clergie , nor kings , nor of the people . 109. for who hath power to judge vpon his judge ? 110. this judge am i , and that alone , without any other assistance of any counsell joyned to mee , for i haue power vpon counsels , counsels haue no power over mee . but if the counsell determine amisse , it is my aurhoritie alone to infring it , or to condemne whō i list without any counsell . 111. and all for the preheminene of my predecessor blessed s. peter , which by the voyce of the lord , hee receaved , and ever shall retaine . 112. furthermore , and whereas all other sentences and judgements , both of counsels , person or persons , may and ought to bee examined . 113. for that they may be corrupted foure wayes : by feare , by gifts , by hatred , by favour : onely my sentence and judgement must stand . 114. as given out of heaven by the mouth of peter him selfe , which no man must 115. breake nor retract . 116. no man must dispute or doubt of . 117. yea if my judgment , statute , or yoke , seeme scarcelie tolerable , yet for remembrance of s. peter it must bee humblie obeyed . 118. yea and moreover , obedience is to bee given not onely to such decrees set foorth by mee in time of my popedome , but also to such as i doe foresee and commit to wrytting before i bee pope . 119. and although it bee thought by some wrytters to bee given to all men to erre , and deccaved . 120. yet , neither am i a poore man. 121. and againe the sentence of my apostolick seat is alwayes conceaved with such moderation is concoct and digested , with such patience and rypnesse , and delivered out with such gravitie of delebiration , that nothing is thought in it necessary to be altered or detracted 122. wherefore it is manifest , and testified by the voice of holie bishops , that the dignitie of this my seat is to be reverenced through the whole world , in that all the faith full submit themselues to it as to the head of the whole bodie . 123. whereof it is spoken to mee by the prophet , speaking of the arke , if this bee humbled whether shall yee runne for succour , and where shall your glory become ? seing then this is so , that so holie bishops and scriptures doe witnesse with mee , what shall we say then to such as will take vpon them to judge of my doings , to reprehend my proceedings , or to require homage and tribute of mee , to whom all other are subject . 124. against the first sort the scripture speaketh . deuternomie : thou oughtest not to put thy syth in another mans corne. which thing to attempt against mee , what is it but plaine sacriledge ? 125. according to my canonists , which thus defyne sacriledge to consist in three things : either when a man judgeth of his princes judgement : or when the holie day is prophained : or whē reverence is not given to lawes and canons . 126. against the second sort maketh the place of the booke of kings , where wee reade the arke of god was brought from gaba to ierusalem , and in the way the arke inclining by reason of the vnruely oxen . ozias the levit put to his hand to helpe , and therefore was stricken of the lord : by this arke is signified the prelats , by the inclination thereof , the fall of prelats . 127. which also bee signified by the angels , that iacob did see going vp and downe the ladder . 128. also by the prophet , where hee sayeth , hee bowed downe the heavens and came downe : by ozias and the vnruelie oxen are meaned our subjects . 129. then like as ozias was striken for putting his hand to the arke inclyning , no more must subjects rebuke their prelats going away . 130. albeit heere may be answered againe , that all bee not prelats , which bee so called , for it is not the name that maketh a bishop , but the life . 131. against the third sort of such as would bring vs vnder the tribute and exactions of secular men , making the new testament , where peter was bid to giue the groate in the fishes mouth , but not the head nor bodie of the fish : no more is the head or bodie of the church subdued to kings , but onely that which is in the mouth , that is , the extern things of the church , and yet not they neither . 132. for so wee read in the booke of genesis , that pharaoh in the time , of derth , subdued all the land of the egyptians , but yet hee ministred to the preists , so that hee neither tooke their possessions from them , nor their libertie : if then the prelats of the church must bee neither judged , nor reprehended , nor exacted , how much more ought i to bee free from the same ? 133 which am the bishop of bishops , and head of prelats . 134. for it is not to bee thought that the case betwixt mee and other prelats : betwixt my sea and other churches bee like . 135. although the whole catholick & apostolicke church make a brydechamber of christ , yet the catholick and apostolick church of rome , had the preheminence given over all other by the mouth of the lord himselfe , saying to peter . thou art peter . 136. thus a discretion and difference must bee had in the church , as it was betwixt aaron and his children : 137. betwixt the threescore and twelue disciples , and the twelue apostles , betwixt the other apostles and peter . 138. wherefore it is to bee concluded , an order & difference of degrees in the church , betwixt powers , rior and inferior , without which order the vniversitie of the whole cannot consist . 139. for as amongst the angelicall creatures aboue in heaven , there is set a difference and inequalities of powers and orders , some to bee angels , some archangels , some cherubins , some seraphims , 140. so in the ecclesiasticall hierarchie of the church militant heere on earth , priests must not bee equall with bishops , bishops must not bee like in order with arch-bishops , with patriarchs , or primats , 141. who containe vnder them three arch-bishops , as a king containeth three dukes vnder him , in the which number of patriarchs , cōmeth in the stare also of an hundreth fourty two cardinals or principals , fo called , because as the doore turneth by his hinges , so the vniversall church ought to be ruled by them . 142. the next & hiest order aboue these , is mine , who am pope , differing in power & majoritie , and honour reverentiall , from these & all other decrees of men . 144. for the better declaration on whereof , my canonists make three kynds of power in the earth : immediato , which is mine immediatly from god : derivato , which belongeth to other inferior prelats from me . 145. ministralis belonging to emperors and princes to minister for mee , for the which cause the anoynting of princes and my consecration doth differ , for they are anoynted onely in the armes or shoulders , and i in the head , to signifie , the difference of power betwixt princes and mee . 146. this order therefore of priests , bishops and arch-bishops , patriarchs and others , as a thing most convenient : my church of rome hath set and instituted through all churches following therein ; not onely the example of the angelicall armie in heaven , but also the apostles . 147. for amongst them also there was not an vniforme equalitie or institution of a degree . 148. but a diversitie or distinction of authoritie and power , albeit they were all apostles together , yet it was granted notwithstanding to peter themselues also agreeing to the same that he should beare dominion and superioritie over all other apostles . 149. and therefore had his name given him , cephas , that is , head or beginning of the apostlehood . 150. wherevpon the order of the priesthood first in the new testament began in peter , to whom it was said : thou art peter , and vpon thee will i build my church : 151. and i will give thee the keyes of heaven : and thou being converted confirme thy brethren . 152. i haue prayed for thee that thy faith shall not faile , wherefore seeing such power is given to peter . 153. and to mee in peter , beeing his successor . 154. who is hee then in all the world , that ought not to bee subject to my decrees , which hath such power , in heaven , in hell , in earth , with the quicke and also the dead : 155. commanding and granting in my bull sent to vienna , vnto all such as dyed in their peregrination to rome , that the paine of hell shuld not touch them . and also that all such as tooke the holie crosse vpon them , should everie one at his request not onely bee delivered himselfe , but also deliver three or foure soules , whomso ever hee would haue out of purgatorie . 156. againe having such promises and assurance , that my faith shall not faile , who then will not beleeue in my doctrine : for did not christ himselfe first pray for peter , that his faith should not faile . 157. also haue i not a sure promise of pauls owne mouth , wrytting to my church in these words : god is my witnesse whom i serue in my spirit , in the ghospell of his sonne , that without ceasing i make mention of you alwayes in my prayers : rom. i. 158. where fore i condemne all such worthilie , which will not obey my decrees , to be despossessed of all their honours , without restitution . 159. so all they that beleeue not my doctrine , or stand against the priviledge of the church , especially of the church of rome , i pronounce them heretiques . 160. and as the other before is called vnjust , so this man is to bee called an heretique . 161. for why he goeth against the faith , which goeth against her who is the mother of faith . 162. but heere may ryse perchance a doubt or seruple , that if my faith and knowledge stand so sure by the promise of christ , and by the continuall prayer of s. paul ? whither is it true , or is it to bee granted that any other should excell men in knowledge or interpretation of holie scripture . 163. for looke whose knowledge is grounded vpon most reason his words should seeme to bee of more authoritie . 164. wherevnto i answere , and grant , that many there bee & hath beene more abundantly indued with fuller grace of the holie ghost , and greater excellencie of knowledge , & therefore that the tractations of augustine , hierom , and others thought to bee preferred before the constitutions of dyvers popes : yet i say in determination of cause , because they haue not the vertue and hight of their authoritie , which is given to mee , therefore in exponing of scriptures they are to bee preferred , but in decyding of matters they stand inferror to my authoritie : by vertue of which authoritie , 165. both they themselues be allowed for doctors : & their works approved , and also al other matters bee ruled , through the power of the keyes which is given to me immediatly of christ : although i deny not , but the same keyes bee also committed to other prelats , as they were to other apostles besids peter . 166. yet it is a thing to haue the keyes , another thing to haue the vse of the keyes . 167. wherefore heere is to bee noted a distinction of keyes , after the minde of my schoole doctors : one key which is called clavis ordinis : having authoritie to binde and loose , but over the persons whom they binde and loose , and this authoritie they take not immediatly of christ , but immediatly by mee the viccar of christ . the other is called clavis iurisdictionis , which i the viccar of christ take immediatly of him , having notonely authoritie to binde and loose , but also dominion over them on whom this key is exercised , by the jurisdiction of which key , the fulnesse of my power is so great , that whereas all others are subjects . 168. yea and emperours themselues ought to subdue their executions to mee , onely i am a subject to no creature . 169. no not to my selfe except i list , in foro poenitentiae , to my ghostly father submitting my selfe as a sinner , but not as pope : so that my papall majestie ever remaineth vnminisched . superior to all men 170. whom all persons ought to obey , 171. and follow . 172. whom no man must judge nor accuse of cryme , either of murther , adulterie , symony , or such like 173. no man depose but i my selfe . 174. no man can excommunicate mee , yea though i communicat with the excommunicat , for no canon bindeth me , whom no man must lye to . 175. for hee that lyeth to mee is a church robber . 176. and who obeyeth not mee is an hereticke , and an excommunicat person . 177. for like as all the iewes were commanded to obey the hie priest , of the leviticall order , of what state or condition soever they were , so are all christian men more and lesse bound to obey mee christs lievetennant on earth , concerning the obedience or disobedience , of whom yee haue in deut. 17. 178. where the common glosse sayeth , that hee who denyeth to the hie priest obedientiam , lyeth vnder the sentence of condemnation , as much as hee that denyeth to god his omnipotentiam . thus then appeareth that the greatnesse of my priest hood , 179. begunne in melchizedeck , solemnized in aaron , continued in the children of aaron , perfectionated in christ represented in peter , exalted in the vniversall iurisdiction , and manifested in silvester : so that through this preheminence of my priest-hood , having all things subject to mee . 180. it may seeme well verified in mee that was spoken of christ : psal. 8. omnia subjecisti sub pedibus ejus , oves & boves , & vniversa pecoracampi . volucres coeli , & pisces maris . that is to say , thou hast subdued all things vnder his feete , sheepe and oxen , and all cattell of the field , the birds of heaven , and fish of the sea . 181. where it is to bee noted , that by oxen , iewes and heretiques , by cattell of the field , paganes be signified , for although as yet they bee out of the vse of my keyes of binding and lowsing , yet they bee not out of jurisdiction of my keyes , but if they returne i may absolucthem . 182. by sheepe and all cattell are meaned all christian men both great and lesse , whither they bee emperours , princes , prelats , or other . by birds of the aire , yee may vnderstand the angels and potestars of heaven , who bee all subject to mee , in that i am greater then the angels , and that in foure things , as is afore declared , and hath power to binde and louse in heauen . 183. and to giue heaven to them that fight in warres . 184. lastly by the fishes of the sea , are signified the soules departed in paine or purgatory , as gregorie by his prayer deliuered the soule of traianus out of hell , and i haue power to deliver out of purgatorie whom i please . 185. lastly , by the fishes of the sea , are signified such as bee in purgatorie : in so much that they stand in need and necessitie of other mens helpe , and yet bee in their journey : viatores & de foro papae : id est : passengers , and belonging to the court of the pope , therefore they may bee relieved out of the store-house of the church , by the participation of indulgence . and for as much as some do object that my pardons cannot extend to them , that bee departed , for that it was said to peter , whatsoever thou shall lowse vpon earth , and therefore seeing they are not vpon earth , they cannot bee lowsed by mee : heere i answere againe by my doctors , that this word , super terram : vpon the earth , may bee referred two manner of wayes , first to him that is the lowser , so that who shall lowse , shall bee vpon the earth , and so i grant , that the pope being dead can lowse no man. also it may bee referred to him that is lowsed , so that whosoever is lowsed must be vpon the earth or about the earth : and so the soules of purgatorie may bee lowsed , which albeit they are not vpon the earth , yet they are about the earth , at least they be not in heaven : because oft times , a question may arise vpō another , & the heads of mē now a days are curious , a man hearing now , that i can deliver out of purgatorie , will ask here a question , whether i be so to empty all purgatorie at once or not , to whom my canonist . august . de ancho . doth answere by a triple distinction : quantum ad absolutam meamjurisdictionem , quantum ad ordinatam executionem , quantum addivinam acceptionem . first , touching my absolute jurisdiction , hee sayeth , i am able to rid out all purgatorie together , for as many as bee vnder my jurisdiction , as all be , except onely infants vnbaptised in limbo : and men departed onely cum baptismo slaminis , that is , with the baptisme of the spirit : and such as haue no friends to doe for them , that therefore pardons bee given these onely excepted : for all other besids , the pope hee sayeth , hath power to release all purgatorie at once as touching his absolute jurisdiction . albeit thomas aquixas part . 4 denyeth the same , forsomuch as christ himselfe hee sayeth , when hee came downe did not onely vtterly at once release all purgatorie . as touching my ordinarie execution , they hold , that i may if i will , but i ought not to doe it . thirdly , as concerning the divyne acceptation , that is , how god would accept it , if i did it , that they say is vnknowne to them , & to everie creature , yea and to the pope himselfe . and to the intent i would all men to see and vnderstand that i lack not witnesse besids these , if i list to bring them out , you shall heare the whole quyre of my divine clergie brought out , with a full voyoe testifying in my behalfe , in their bookes , tractations , distinctions , titles , glosses , and summaryes , as by their owne words heere followeth . the pope say they being the viccar of iesvs christ through out the whole world , in the stead of the living god , hath that dominion and lordship , which christ heere in earth would not haue , although hee had it in habitu , but gaue it to peter in actu : that is , the vniversall jurisdiction both of spirituall things and also of temporall , which double jurisdiction was signified by the two swords in the ghospell . and also by offering of the wise men , who offered not onely incense , but also gold : to signifie , not onely the spirituall dominion , but also the temporall to belong to christ and to his viccar : for as wee read the earth is the lords , and the fulnesse thereof , and as christ sayeth , all power is given to him both in heaven and earth : so it is to be asfirmed inclusive . that the viccar of christ hath power on things , coelestiall , terrestiall , and infernall , which hee tooke immediatly of christ , all other take it immediatly by peter and the pope , wherefore such as say that the pope hath dominion onely in spirituall things in the world , and not in temporall , may bee likned to the councillers of the kings of syria 2. reg. 20. which said that the gods of the mountaines be their gods : and therefore they haue overcome vs : but let vs fight against them in the low meadows & valleys where they haue no power : and so wee shall prevaile over them : so evill counsellers now a dayes , through their pestiferous flatterie deceave kings and princes of the earth , saying , popes , and prelats , bee gods of mountaines , that is , of spirituall things onely , but they bee not gods of valleyes , that is , they haue no dominion over temporall things , and there fore let vs fight against them in the valleyes , that is , in the power of the temporall possessions , and so we shall prevale over them : but what sayeth the sentence of god vnto them , let vs heare , because saith hee the sirians say that the god of mountaines is their god , and no the god of valleyes , therefore i will giue all this multitude into your hand , and you shall know that i am the lord , what can bee more effectuall spoken to set foorth the majestie of my jurisdiction , which i receaved immediatly of the lord , of the lord i say , and no man : for whereas constantine the emperour gaue to silvester , indowing him with this possession and patrimonie , that is , so to be exponed and taken not so much for a donation , as to bee counted for a restitution made of that , which tyranously was taken from him before . and againe , whereas i haue given at sundrie times to lodovicus and other emperours , of my temporall lands and possessions , yet that was done not so much for recognising of homage to thē as for keeping peace with them , for i ow to emperours no obediene that they can clame , but they ow to mee as their superior : and therefore for a deversitie betwixt their degree and mine , in their consecration they take their vnction in their arme , i on the head , and as i am superior to them , so am i superior to all lawes , and free from all constitutions : which am able of my selfe , and by my interpretation , to preferre equitie being not writen , before the law writen : having all lawes within the chest of my breast , as is aforesaid : and whatsoever this my sea shall enact , approue , or disproue , all men ought to approue and reproue the same , with out either judging , disputing , doubting , or extracting . such is the priveledge given of christ in the behalfe of peter to the church of rome 186. that what kingdome soever , countrie or province , choosing to themselves bishops & ministers , although they agree with all other christsfaithfull people in the name of iesus , that is , in faith & charitie , believing in the same god , and in christ his true sonne , and in the holie ghost , having also the same creid . the same evangelists and scriptures of the apostles , yet notwithstanding vnlesse that bishops and ministers take their origine and ordination from this apostolicall state , they are to bee counted not of the church : so that succession of faith only is not sufficient to make a church , exceptt he ministers take their ordination by them which haue their succession from the apostles , so their faith , supremacy , and chayre of peter , keyes of heaven , power to binde and lowse , all these bee inseparable to the church of rome . so that it is to be presumed , that god alwayes providing , and s. peter helping the bishoprick and dyocy of rome , shall never fall from the faith , and likewise is to bee presumed and presupposed that the bishop of that church is alwayes good and holy : yea although hee bee not alwayes good , or be destitute of his ownemerits , yet the merits of s. peter predecessor of that place , bee sufficient for him : who hath bequeathed and left a perpetuall dowrie of merits , with inheritance of innocency to his posteritie . 187. yea , though hee fall in homicide or adulterie , hee may sinne but yet hee cannot bee accused , but rather excused , by the murtherers of samson the shifts of the hebrewes , the adulterie of iacob . 188. and likewise if any of his clergie should bee found imbracing a woman , it must be expounded and presupposed , that he doth it to blesse her : furthermore , the pope say they hath all the dignities and all powers of patriarchs . in his primacy hee is abel in governament the arke of noah , in patriarchdome : abraham : in order melchizedeck , in dignitie aaron : in authoritie moses : in seat judiciall ; samuell : in zeale elias in meeknesse david : in power peter : in vnction christ : nay thou art anti-christ , my power they say is greater then all the sancts : for whom i confirme , no man may infirme , i may favour and spaire whom i please . 189. to take from one and giue to another , and if i beenemy to any man , all men ought to eshew that person foorthwith , and not tarrie and looke while i bid them doe so : all the earth is my dyocie , and i the ordinarie of all men having the authoritie of the king of all kings vpon subjects , i am all in all and aboue all . 190. so that god himself and i the viccar of god haue both one consist orie . 191. and am able almost to doe that god can doe claue non errante . 192. item it is said of mee , that i haue an heavenly arbitriment , and therefore am able to change the nature of things , substantialia vnius applicando alteri : and of nothing to make things to bee , and of a sentence that is nothing , to makeit stand in effect , in all things that i list , my will to stand for reason , for i am able by the law to dispence aboue the law , & of wrong to make justice , in correcting lawes and changing them , yee haue hard hitherto susficiently out of my doctors : now yee shall heare greater thinges out of my owne decrees . 193. read there pist. 96. satis . 194. also 12. caus . 11. doe you not finde there expressed , how constantinus the emperour fitting in the generall counsell of nice , called vs prelats of the church , all gods. 196. againe read my canon decretall , doe vee not see there manifestly expressed , how not man but god alone separateth that which the bishops of rome doth dissolue and sep●rat : wherefore , if these things which i doe bee said to bee done not of man but of god ? what can you make mee , but god ? againe , if prelats of the church bee called and counted of constantinus , for gods , i then being aboue all prelats , seeme by this reason to be aboue all gods : wherefore no marvell , if it bee in my power , to change time and times , to alter and abrogate lawes , to dispense with all things , yea with precepts of christ for where christ biddeth peter put vp his sword , monished his disciples not to vse any outward force in revenging themselues . 197. doe not i pope nicolaus wryting to the bishops of france , exhort them to draw their materiall swords in persewing their enemies , and recovering their possessions , setting against the precept of christ , the prophet saying , item where christ was present himselfe at the mariage in cana of galilee . 198. doe not i pope martinus in my distinction , inhibit the spirituall clergie to be present at mariage feasts , and also to marie themselues ? item where matrimonie by christ cannot bee lowsed , but onely for whooredome . 199. doe not i pope gregorius iunior wryting ad bonifacium : permit the same to bee broken for impotencie or infirmitie of bòdies . 200. item against the expresse caution of the ghospell , doeth not innocentius the fourth , permit vim vi expellere . 201. item against the new testament in swearing and that in these sixe causes . 202. likewise against the old testament i doe dispence in not giving tythes . 203. wherein two kinds of oaths are to bee noted , whereof some bee promissiora some bee assertoria . 204. item in vowes and that ex toto voto , whereas other prelats cannot dispence ex toto voto , i can deliver ex toto a voto , like as god himselfe . 205. item in perjurie i absolue , mv absolution standeth 206. where also note , that in all swearing , alwayes the authoritie of the superior is excepted . 207. moreover where christ biddeth lend without hope of gaine , doe not i pope martinus giue dispensation for the same ? and notwithstanding the counsell of thuring indicted the contrarie , yet with the bulles i dissanulled that decreement . 208. what should i speake of murther , making it no murther or homicide to slay them that be excōmunicate . 209. likewise against the law of nature . 210. item against the apostle . 211. also against the canon of the apostles : i can & doe dispence , for where they in their canon command a priest for fornication to bee deposed , i through the authoritie of silvester doe alter the rigor of that constitution . 212. considering the minds and bodies also of men now to be weaker then they were then : 213. brieflie against the vniversall state of the church , i haue dispensation , and for mariage in the second degree of consanguinitie and affinitie that is betwixt brethrens children although not , so that the vncle may not marrie his neece , vnlesse for vrgent and weightie causes . as for all such contracts betwixt party and partie , were that matrimonie is not yet consumat bv carnall copulation , it is but a small matter for mee to dispence withall : in summa if yee list brieflie to heare the whole number of all such causes as properlic doe ppertaine to my papall dispensation , which commeth to the number of 51. poynts , that no man may meddle withall , but onely i my selfe alone , i will rehearse them in english as they bee set foorth in my canonicall doctors . cases papall to the number of one and fifty , wherein the pope hath power onely to dispence , and none els besids , except by speciall licence from him . first the determination of doubts and questions belonging to faith . translation of a bishop elected or confirmed . likewise of abbots exempted . deposition of bishops . the taking of resignation of bishops exemptions of bishops , not to bee vnder arch-bishops . restitution of such as bee deposed from their order . the judiciall definition or the interpretation of his owne priviledges . changing of bishopricks : or demission of coventes . new correction of bioshps seats , or institution of new religions . subjection or division of a bishoprick vnder another . dispensation for vowing to goe to the holy land. dispensation for the vow of chastitie , or of religion , or of holy orders . dispensation against a lawfull oath , or vow made , dispensation against divers irregularities , as in crymes greater then adulterie , and in such as bee suspended in symony . dispensation in receaving into orders him that had two wyues . dispensing with such as being with murthers , that which is aboue their order , as if a deacon should say masse , being not priest. to receave vnto orders such as bee blamished or maymed in bodie . dispensation with marther , or with such as willingly cut off any member of mans bodie . dispensation to give orders to such as haue beene vnder the sentence of the great curse or excommunication . dispensation with such as beeing suspended , with the grea ter curse doeminister in vnholy order . dispensation with such as being vnlawfully borne to receaveorder or benefices . dispensation for pluralities of benefices . dispensation to make a man bishop , before he be 30. yeare old . dispensation to giue orders vnder age . the pope hath power to make and call a generall councill . the pope hath onely power to detriue an ecclesiasticall person , and giue away his benefice being not vacant . the pope onely is able to absolue him , who is excommunicat by name . the pope onely is to absolue him , whom his legat doth excommunicat . the pope judgeth onely in the causes of them , that appeall vnto him , and where hee judgeth no mar must appeale from him . onely hee hath authoritie to make deacon priest , whom he had made subdeacon either vpon sundayes , or vpon other feasts . onely the pope and none els at all times , and in all places weareth the palle . the pope only dispensses with a man , either being not with murtherers , or being vnworthie to bee made bishop . he onely either confirmeth or deposeth the emperour when hee is chosen . a man being excommunicat , and his absolution referred to the pope , none may absolue that man but the pope alon the same hath authotitie in any election , before it be made to pronunce it non when it is made . hee doth canonize sancts , and none els but hee . dispensation to how many dignities and personage in a church , and without charge and cure of the soule , belongeth onely to the pope . to make that effectuall , which is of none effect , and contrarie-wayes belongeth onely to the pope . to plucke out a monke out of his cloister , both against his owne will and the abbots , pertaineth onely to the pope . his sentence maketh a law . the same day in the which the pope is consecrated , he may giue orders . hee dispenseth in degrees of consanguinity and affinitie . hee is able to abolish lawes , that is both civill and canon , where danger is of the soule . it is in his dispensation to giue indulgences generall to certane places or persons . item to legitimate what person soever hee pleaseth , as touching spritualities , in all places , as touching temporalities , as honours , inheritance . to erect new religions , to approue or reproue rewles , ordinances , and ceremonies in the church . item to dispence and discharge and subject , from the band of alledgence , or oath made to any manner of person . no man may accuse him of any cryme , vnlesse of heresie , and that neither except hee bee incorrigible . the same is also free from all lawes , so that hee cannot incur into any sentence of excommunication , suspension , irregularitie , or into penelty of any cryme , but into the note of cry me hee may well . finally : hee by his dispensation may grant , yeato a simple priest , to minister the sacraments of confirmation to infants , also to giue lower orders , and to hallow churches and virgins . these bee the causes wherein i haue power to dispense , and no man els , neither bishop , nor metrapolitan , nor legat , without licence from mee . after that i now sufficiently declared my power in earth , in heaven , and in purgatory , how great it is , and what is the fulnesse thereof , in binding , and loosing , cōmāding , permitting , electing , cōfirming , deposing dispēsing doing & vndoing , i wil intreat a litle of my riches likewise , and great possessions , that everie man may see by my wealth , and abundance of all things , rents , tyths , tribute , my silkes , purple myters , crownes of gold and silver , pearles and gumes , lands and lordships , how god heere prospereth and magnifieth his viccar in the earth : for to mee pertaineth first the imperiall citie of rome , the palace of later an , the kingdome of cicile is proper to mee , aprilia and capua be mine , also the kingdome of england and ir land bee they not brought to bee tributaries to mee , 214. to these i admit also besids other provinces and countries , both in the occident and orient , from the north to the south these dominions by name , & others moe : 216. which constantinus the emperour gaue vnto mee , not that they were not mine of before , hee did giue them . 217. for that i tooke them of him , i tooke them not as a gift , as is aforementioned , but as restitution , and that i randred them againe to otho , i did it not for my duetie to him , but onely for peace sake , what should i speake heere of my dayly enemies , of my first fruits , annates , palles , indulgences , bulls , confessionals , indulgences & prescripts , testamēts , dispensations , priviledges , elections , prebendes , religious houses , and such like , which came to no small masse of money , in so much that for a palle to the arch-bishop of mentz which was wont to bee gotten for ten thousand 218 florence , now is growne to twentie seven thousand florence which i receaved of iacobus the arch-bishop not long before basil counsell : besids the friuits of other bishoprickes in germany , comming to the number of fiftie , whereby what advantage commeth vnto my coffers , it may partly bee conjectured . but what shall i speake of germany , 219. when the whole world is my dyocie , as my cannonists doe say , and all men are bound to belieue , 220. except they will imagine as the maniches doe two beginnings which is false and hereticall . moses sayeth . in the beginning god made heaven and earth , and not in the beginnings , 221. wherefore as i beginne so i conclude , cōmanding , declaring , and pronouncing , to stand vpon the necessitie of salvation , for everie humane creature to be subject to mee . the romish chaine. by edmund gurnay, parson of harpley gurnay, edmund, d. 1648. 1624 approx. 88 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02400 stc 12530 estc s121205 99856390 99856390 21933 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02400) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21933) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1069:10) the romish chaine. by edmund gurnay, parson of harpley gurnay, edmund, d. 1648. [8], 101, [1] p. printed by a[ugustine] m[athewes] for mathew law, and are to bee sold at his shop, neere saint austins gate, london : 1624. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank. variant: with an added leaf, inserted after a4, containing a dedication to sir roger townsend. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. popes -primacy -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the romish chaine . by edmvnd gvrnay , parson , of harpley . london , printed by a. m. for mathew law , and are to bee sold at his shop , neere saint austins gate . 1624. to the right honourable , the lords , knights , burgesses , and what other suffragans , in the high court of parliament . his maiestie ( right honorable , if it please you to remember ) in his epistle before the remonstrance , does greatly magnifie the third estate of france , for preferring an article in their parliament , against their kings obnoxiousnesse vnto papall deposition : in the defence of whose iudgment therein , his pen hath flourished out such a defence of kings rights , as shall neuer wither vnto the end of the world . now howsoeuer the parliaments of england were neuer inferiour vnto those of france for zeale and vigilancie , toward the maintenance of their kings supremacie ; yet may it please you to suffer the words of exhortation , to perseuer in such vigilancy and fidelitie , toward the lord and his immediate deputie : and as oft as you shall heare any of the night birds , croaking for the roman forraigner , so often to double your industry , toward the treading out those vermin and damming vp their puddles . and it may be , your iudgment will take some incitation thereunto , if you shall at some vacant time vouchsafe a perusall of this treatise : the maine argument for the romish title consisting of diuers propositions linked together , whereof not one is of force ; as now god-willing ( my leaue first taken of your honours ) i shall apply my selfe to declare . dedicated vnto sir roger tovvnsend ; knight-baronet : for vertue , sound religion , linage , titles , moderation , chastity , manhood , bountie , industry , and gouerning so large an estate , in so greene and vncuppled yeares ; without peere . the romish chaine , as farr forth as vniuersall supremacy is supposed to descend vnto him which now possesseth the roman papacy , by vertue of this chayne-argument . 1 the church militant must alwaies haue some praticular person for the vniuersall head thereof . 2 the apostle saint peter in his time , was that particular person . 3 only the successors of peter must be the like in their times . 4 onely the bishops of rome were the successors of peter in their times . 5 only the popes of rome were the successors of those bishops in their times . 6 only hee which now possesseth the roman papacy , is the successor of those popes . ergo , hee and only hee , which now possesseth the romane papacy , is at this day vniuersal head of the church militant . so farre forth wee propound vnto the world , this answer following . concerning therefore the first linke of the chaine , ( and so to the rest in order ) our protestation against it is this : that neither does any scripture imply , nor strength of argument inforce , nor any writer for the space of fiue thousand yeeres from the beginning of the world , determine , that the church militant must allwayes haue some one particular person for the vniuersall head thereof . for first concerning scriptures ; howsoeuer some particular text doe speake wonderous eminently of some particular persons ; as amongst others these following ; 1 i will giue thee the heathen for thine inheritance &c. 2 he shall iudge amongst the nations &c. 3 kings shall be thy noursing fathers &c. 4 i will make thy name to be remembred &c. 5 lord what is man that thou art so mindfull of him &c. 6 he shall build my city &c. 7 he will giue his angels charge ouer thee &c. 6 thou shalt tread vpon the lyon and the dragon &c. and the like we answer : that from the time that any scripture was first giuen , vntill the last period thereof , and for fiue hundred yeeres after , ( not to say a thousand ) these kinde of texts were neuer expounded , but eyther of the messias himselfe ( as the two first quoted : ) or of his spouse the church ( as the third and fourth : ) or of the condition of mankinde in generall ( as the fift and sixt : ) or of euery godly man in particular ( as the two last : ) but neuer of the pretended vniuersall head. secondly concerning strength of argument , that neither it can soe inforce , we proue ; because there cannot be imagined any benefit ( vse and benefit carrying all the moment in morall necessities ) which may redownd to the church by meanes of such vniuersall head : but such as may as well and farr better redownd there vnto , by the meanes of speciall and seuerall heads according as the seuerall continents , languages , and quarters of the earth , by the diuine prouidence are distributed . for though their may seeme to ensue great hope of vniuersall peace and vnity , whē all the strings of gouernment shall thus be setled in one onely hand ; yet such peace as is atteined onely by the extinguishment of plurall excellency , will proue little better then anarchy , or pedancy , and such as ignorant persons , (*) yea the very brute beasts are capable of . for they hauing all their wit confined vnto one onely head ( the head of their keeper , ) doe by that meanes the more quietly goe in and out vnto ther pasture : but as it is not good for man to bee alone , so neyther is it good for the church to be so all-one as that one parson cow-heard-like , may rule in all alone : for that beside peace and vnity there is requisite also difference and variety vnto the perfection of christian society : the very light of nature teaching vs that too much vnity dissolues a city ( as vnisons drowne harmony ) and makes it degenerate into a family ; much more , such a degree of vnity as shall reduce all cityes as it were into one family vnder one pater patriae , so farr therefore may it be that this vniuersall supremacy should produce any desirable peace and vnity , as that more lykely an vniuersall dullnesse and lethargy would insue thereof ; and that as well in the pretended head himselfe , as in the body . for what condition of life can bee imagined , more tedious , vncouth and vncomfortable , then that which this vniuersall head must continually abide in , when there shall not be found vpon earth any peere or consort , or helper for him like himselfe ! whereas the very deitie , which notwithstanding so infinitly excells for simplicity and vnity does entertaine plurality and society ; witnesse the trinity : as also the kings vpon earth are not without their brother-kings , ( some elder and some younger ) to consort with-all . yea besides this desolation and solitude , what incumbrancy and seruitude will ensue therevpon . for first concerning the head himselfe ; how intollerable his burthen must neede be , who can imagine ? for if that renowned moses was so tyred with the leading of only one people , and they of his owne language , into the earthly canaan : how must he looke to be tyred , vexed , and perplexed which shall haue the leading of all people , nations and languages into the heauenly canaan ? he being composed of flesh and bloud ( noe doubt ) as much as moses was , and as much subiect vnto mortalitie , casualty , necessity , infirmity and sinne ; yea incomparably coming short of moses ( vnlesse it be in his owne particular conceit ) for all kind of graces and diuine assistance : it being expreslly said , that the lord knew moses face to face ; that his like was neuer knowne , that he was the friend of god ; that after sixe score yeeres his eye was neuer dim , nor his naturall force abated ; moses also hauing his brother aaron to share with him in the maine businesse , and the rulers ouer thousands , hundreds , and fifties , to saue him the labour of inferiour causes ; the lord also most miraculusly , both raining dayly vnto the people a bread from heauen , and preseruing their clothing from waxing ould , therein sauing him the care for their temporal necessaryes : & yet not withstanding so groned moses vnder his burthen as that somtime he brake forth into this wish , that god would rather kill him then continue him in such misery . and as for the bondage which the body of the church must likewise vndergoe , by meanes of this vniuersall supreame , who can vtter it ? for the members of the church being dispersed ouer the face of the whole earth ; some of them must of necessity be as farre in situation from their head as the very antipodes ; and so by that meanes shall haue no principles of faith , no determinations of controuersies , and ( in efect ) no executions of iustice , but such as must bee appealeable , ane suspendable from , vntill a person dwelling in the furthest parts of the world be made acquainted therewith ▪ and shal haue ratified the same . yea , ( yet further ) how scandalous must these courses needes be in the eyes of iewes , and those which are without ; and what a stumbling block in their way ? for when the iew shall read in his ( and our ) prophets , that vnder the new couenant men shall so abound with knowledge as that they shall not need ( in comparison ) to goe to their next neighbour for it , it shall bee so written in their hearts : will hee euer be brought to beleeue , that the gospell which the christians imbrace can be that new couenant ; or that our christ can bee that messias , vnder whome knowledge is vniuersally confined ( at least for certainty and infallibilitie ) vnto the breast of only one particular person ? or can he iustly be argued of obstinacie , if hee resolues rather still to continue vnder moses law , which neuer inioyned him to goe farther then the bounds of canaan , ( which for quantitie exceeded not ours of england ) for any kinde of knowledges , sentences , resolutions , appeales , or determinations whatsoeuer ? and as for the infidells which are wholy without ; can it bee marueiled if they likewise resolue , rather still to worship the sunne and moone in the firmament , which once a day doe supervise them , then this onely sonne of god ; if he hath but one immediate vessell of his grace for all his followers to draw at , and that vnder the locke and key of only one particular person , and he confined vnto one particular angle of the earth ? yea , what course can be imagined , more apt to inforce and disperse contagion , heresie , & apostacie , through the whol body of the church , when the poluting , or peruerting of only one particular person , shall be the corrupting and infecting of the vniuersall head thereof ? yea , finally what temptations or prouocations more forcible toward the erecting of a second babell ; when all the world shall bee brought to obey onely one man , and consequently to learne onely one language ( perhaps the latine ) which god himselfe hath branded for the maine cause of attempting the building of the first babell ? these kind of dangers , difficulties , scandalls , bondages , & abasements considered , and put in the ballance against all imaginable conueniences or benefits , which may redound vnto the church , by meanes of this vniuersall head ; if they shall ouerpoyze : we may thervpon cōclude , that no strength of argument can inforce the accepting thereof . finally , whereas we thirdly protested , that no writer ( of what kinde soeuer ) for the first fiue thousand yeeres ( ab initio mundi ; ) did euer maintaine the necessitie of this vniuersall head ; wee take , that to be sufficiently proued vntill instance be made to the contrary ▪ and that no kind of authour of reckoning whatsoeuer , did at any time so determine ; this alone may bee proofe sufficient . for that all the possible knowledge which writers can haue , being either from scripture or from argument ( that which comes by reuelatiō being scripture it self if ( as we haue proued ) neither of these two originall lights acknowledg it , what good writer can affirme it ? much lesse maintaine it for a principle of the faith ? especially considering how all the principles of the faith are so euident , as partly both these lights acknowledge them , witnesse the decalogue : and partly one of these lights ( namely scripture ) does so abundantly acknowledge them , as that euer since the apostles time , they haue beene agreed vpon , witnes the articles of faith . how then shall those passe for tolerable writers , which will avouch , not onely for a truth , but also for a principle , that , which neither of these lights giue any lustre vnto ? yea and for such a principle , as rather should giue light vnto all other principles , then neede to borow light of any whatsoeuer . for it erecting a head for euery soule vpon paine of damnation to looke vp vnto , and depend vpon ; what lesse degree of light can be requisite vnto it then that which may make it cleere enough euen for runners to read it , and the most weake sighted to find it euen as readily as sucklings find the pappe : whereas on the contrary it is not only destitute of such immediate , instinctiue and noone shine light , but also is as vtterly voyd and vncapable of light as darknesse it selfe . iudge then reader of what validity the first linke of the chayne is ; which if it cannot hould ; the conclusion must of necessary fall to the ground : this being the condition of soriticall and chaine ▪ arguments that if but one of the propositions faile the conclusion cannot follow . so , as were this first proposition granted them , yet could it also be nothing for their purpose , vnlesse euery one following be made good , especially the next , which is this : the apostle peter in his time was this vniuersall head. against which position , our demonstration shall be this : the kings and gouernors which liued in the time of peter , had more authoritie ouer their christians which liued in their dominions , then peter had : peter therefore was not vniuersally the christians head. that those kings and gouernors had such authority more then peter had ; wee proue : because they stood more deepely charged from god , to improoue those christians vnto the glory of god then peter did . for the only end why god giues authoritie vnto men ouer one another , being this ; that mankinde may bee the more fully improued vnto his glory ; hee by that meanes hauing the honour , not onely of particular persons , but also of societies , families , cities , countreys and kingdomes , it must of necessitie follow , that such as are more deepely charged to improoue a companie vnto gods glory , must also haue the greater power and authoritie ouer that company which they so stand charged with . now that those kings were more deeply charged so to improue those christians then peter was , we thus proue ; by they had greater meanes so to doe : euery mans charge being answerable vnto his meanes , vnto whom much is giuen ( as our sauiour tels vs ) there being much of him to bee required ; and , the more mighty ( as salomon addes ) being to expect the sorer triall . now that the meanes of these kings were greater then the meanes of peter , we thus finally declare : first because it was in their power to protect those their christian subiects from persecutions , & so to open a doore vnto their preaching ; whereas peter was not able so much as to protect himselfe noe not to saue his owne shoulders from the whipp . secondly for that it was also in there powers to indow those their christians with priviledges and iurisdictions , whereby such as were otherwise vntractable vnto the gospell might by the meanes of such temporal hopes and feares ( which the carnall minded are onely sensible of ) be won or prepared therevnto . thirdly , and principally , because rhey had at their dispose and command ( though only in the lord wee grant , and no otherwise could peter or any mortall man haue at command ) the gifts , abilities , and mysteries of those their christian subiects ; the lord expresly charging euery soule ( amongst them ) to bee subiect vnto the higher powers ; and ( euen out of peters owne mouth ) that they should submit themselues vnto euery ordinance of man , whether vnto the king as the supreame , &c. so as though those kings were not in their owne persons indewed with such gifts and graces as were necessary vnto christian gouernment , at least not so abundantly indued as peter ; yet as long as they had the dispose , and authoritie ouer such persons as were so indued ; it was as well in effect as if they had been actually so indued themselues ; and of the two , the better by the phylosophers rule , who iudged mans condition in being borne naked , to be therein rather better then worse then the beasts ; for that man might by that meanes turne his ( naked ) hand into a speare , a spade , a sword , a scepter , a staffe , a pen , or what hee list ; and shift his garments when he list : whereas the beast hath no shift but must alwayes sleepe in his cloathes and shooes , and with his weapons about him of necessity . the meanes therefore which those kings had for the improouing of those christians vnto the propagation ( yea plantation ) of the gospel , must be acknowledged to bee farre greater then the meanes of peter , and so consequently there charge to be greater . for though it is easily granted that those heathen kings did little regard or feele any such charge ▪ but rather abused and hated the meanes thereof ; yet is not that materiall ; our question being , not what there feeling or practice was , but what their duty and charge was : which if it was greater then peters , then also by the proportion of common iustice , their authoritie also must bee greater . and so finally if their authoritie ouer those christians was greater then peters ; peter could not be their head ( and so not vniuersally the christians head ) vnlesse it should be supposed , either that peter was a subordinate head ( which is indeede no head but a subiect ) or that those christians were vnder two seuerall and vndependant heads , which both the law of nature , and also the law of grace abhors : it being as well a prouerbe as a text , that no man canserue two masters . for whereas it vse to bee pleaded that though those kings had a soueraignty ouer those christians in temporall affaires , yet might peter haue it in matters spirituall : such distinction does deale no better with the subiect , then that * false mother did , which was content that the infant should bee diuided : the thus diuiding soueraignetie being not only a cleauing of the head ▪ but also a renting of the subiect in twaine . for admitte that hee which hath supremacy in spiritualls , should haue neuer so little command , were it but of the least finger of the hand , or the least digit of the foote , yet might hee by meanes of it , either draw the seruice of the whole body , or so crampe and torment the whole body , as that he which should haue the command of all the rest , should haue no ioy , nor seruice thereof : much more then if he hath so great a share as the signification of spirituals may be extēded vnto ; & that not only in lawfull sense , but also in a proper and necessary sense : there being no gift , indowment or capacitie in man , but which both may and also ought to bee an instrument of the spirit , ( then the which what can bee more properly called spirituall ) wee being bound to serue the lord , not only with heart and soule , but with all our might ; euen our very eating and drinking ( the most common act that is ) being charged to intend the glory of god ; which not only is a spirituall end , but also the end of all spiritualls whatsoeuer . if peter therefore must haue any supreamacy at all ( especially in spiritualls ) he must of necessity haue all : souerainty ( like punctum or vnitas mathematica ) being vndiuidable . for though souerainty may be seated in diuers persons , as namely in a state ( as it is seated in but one in a monarchy ) yet must the authority in euery mandate goe together ; as likewise euery person must obey it , not at halues , but with his whole man ; and * whatsoeuer thine hand shall find to doe thou must doe it with all thy power . this then being beaten out for a ground , that peter either must haue all the soueraigntie or none ; come wee vp cheerely ( gentle reader ) close to the point , and see what euidence can be brought for peters absolute and sole supremacie . and ( not to say what is aleadged for this purpose but to say more then so ) all that can be aleadged must tend to the making good this argument . hee which in his time surpassed all men for spirituall gifts and holinesse , good reason hee should ouerrule . but peter so surpassed all men in his time : peter therefore must bee the supreame . wherevnto we answer ; that neither of the grounds are found . for as we acknowledge no cause why peters gifts should bee esteemed of a more infallible and diuine element then others of the time ( as by and by we shall more fully answer ) so neither is the proposition to be granted which presumeth , that the more spirituall a man is , the more he should be possessed with authoritie . for as the wife oftentimes may be more holy then the husband , and excell him in vertue , both for wisedome , gouernment , sobriety ; yea euen for courage and bodily strength , ( especially in his sicknesse and decrepite age ) and yet stands charged in conscience to giue him the preheminence : so may a subiect excell his prince for personall vertues and spirituall mysteries , and yet still remaine charged to be a subiect ; the maine reason hereof being this ; for that the vertues of a subiect are habitually in his prince , and so more properly his princes then his owne ; as the vertues of the wife are more her husbands then her owne ; the woman being made for the man , and being the glory of the man : and so a dignitie and reputation vnto the man. when therefore it is vrged for the preheminence of the spirituall men ( by spirituall men whether we meane euery member of christ , or only the ministers of christ it is not materiall ) that in scripture they bee vsually tearmed the shepheards and pastors of the church , the lights of the world , &c. we answer , that our question is not concerning the excellency , but concerning the dependancie of their gifts ; wee maintayning that the pastorall skill is subordinate vnto that power which layes out the pastures , and assigneth the foulds , and keepes off the wolues ; which being the proper offices of kings and gouernors , they are to be reputed ( as in writers both diuine & humane they be ordinarily tearmed ) the principall shepheards . though truly and properly the lord only is the shepheard , in respect of whom all kings , gouernors , and pastors whatsoeuer are but as sheepe before him ; though of his grace and for his purposes , he will haue them amongst men reputed as shepheards ; some of them to bee as his pages , and some only as bell-weathers ; whereof these haue power to leade the flocks , so far as they haue eares to heare , and list to follow the tingling of their bell : and the pages , to leade and driue them whether they haue list or noe . so likewise when spirituall men are called lights ; though the scripture expounds them to bee but candlesticks of such lights , yet may they bee inferiour vnto those which follow their light , as much as the lantherne-bearer is inferiour vnto his following master ; or as the vnderstanding is inferiour to the will ; whereunto though it be a guide , yet is it also a subiect ; the will hauing power to in force both obiects and principles vppon it . as therefore the moone and not the sunne , is said to rule the night , though all the light wherewith the moone rules , shee receiues of the sunne : so hee which possesseth the throne must be esteemed the ruler of the people , and not hee which is possessor of the light ; though it must bee confessed that all good rule is by the direction of the light . and as the sunne beeing beneath the moone , and vnder the earth , can doe nothing in the time of the night , but so farre foorth as it can cast his beames into the lappe and capacitie of the moone , which by vertue of her conspicuous eminency hath onely the power to disperse light vnto all that are vnder it : so the spirituall man during his being ( as it were vnder the earth ) in an earthen vessell , and in a priuate condition ▪ can doe nothing with authority , but in the vertue and power of him that sits in the throne : the maine reason heereof being this ; for that the rude and ignorant ( for whose only ordering and gouernment authority is imparted vnto men ) can incomparably better deserne who is a possessour of the throne , then who is a possessor of the spirit ▪ and so by that meanes more certainely know whom they are to obey . for as in wedlocke , had the lord ordained that the holier or the wiser of the two should be the head , there must needs insue continuall discord and vncertainty in the family , who should bee the head : the woman often times being ( seeming at least ) the holier , wiser &c. whereas hee expresly determining that the man shall be head ( which with the least turne of the eye is discerned ) so all controuersie is ended , and the weakest of the family easily resolued , who ( in case of difference about things indifferent ) ought to be obeyed . so in greater societies , had the lord ordained that the most holy , or the most spirituall should bee head , there must needs haue insued the like vncertainty and discord who hee should be : hee that is holy or spirituall to day , being apt to be otherwise ( at least in appearance ) to morrow ; and such as be most vnholy , being as apt to carry an appearance of the holiest ; whereas he expresly setting it downe , that hee which weares the crowne , or sits in the throne , or beares the the sword should be head , all such strife is soone at at end ; the weakest that is being able with ease to discerne who such persons bee . for , though oftentimes vsurpers may get posession of the crowne or the sword ; yet is that nothing so hard to discerne , as who is a false professor of the spirit : time , place , person , discent , records , and titles ( which carnall men can iudge of , and lay together ) being of sufficient force to detect who is an vsurper : all which though they bee but circumstances , yet are they such , as a man can haue no better for the discerning his owne father , whom notwithstanding he stands charged in conscience to obey . better therefore that authority bee tyed to the crown , then to the spirit ; and that not only in regard of mans necessities , but also more especially for the effecting the lords owne purposes ; who by this meanes can correct or scourge a whole nation , and yet smite onely one particular person : namely by suffering their prince or head to becom a tyrant or a babe : whereupon ( as himselfe hath taught vs ) a woe must befall the whole land : whereas were the crowne continually kept and possessed by the spirit , such a kind of rod should finde no place . for as concerning those which thinke there is no necessity for this consequence , because in case a babe or a tyrant supplies the throne , the whole nation neede not be obnoxious vnto any smart thereby , for that it is thought lawfull , yea necessarie to cut off such babes and tyrants . we answer , that such opinion is not only most impious and presumptuous against god , but also most preposterous , monstrous , vniust , and ridiculous before men . first , most impious it is ; because it is the common ordinance of god that wee should obey and honour princes ; yea that wee should honour our particular fathers , much more the fathers of the whole country : so farre must wee bee from abasing them , especially in case of their imbecillity . how impious then must they needs be , which will handle their princes no better then caityfes , and most desperate members ? secondly , most presumptuous it is , both for that it puts him by , whom the lord will haue raigne , namely that babe , or that tyrant for the purpose aforesaid ; and also for that it does interpose a iudgement seate betwixt the lord , and him whom the lord will haue his most immediate , his very next , his owne annointed . and as for the monstrousnesse of it , it appeares in this : both for that it supposeth a power in the body aboue the head ; namely that power which must cut the head off ; in the roome of which head , in case another head should grow vp ; yet must it still bee vnder that power of the body ; which is most preposterous ; and also ( in case no such head growes vp ) for that either the body must remaine without a head ( which will still be monstrous ) or some other member must supply the heads place which will be miserably ridiculous : for when the inferiour members which cannot discerne a head from a hand or a foote , but only by the outward shape and figure therof , shall see ( suppose ) a hand or at least that which is like a hand to be in the place of the head ; they must needs a great while take it for but a fellow member , and so not doe it that respect and obedience which to the head is due ; and then when at length after many admonitions they haue learned to see the power of an head vnder the shape of an hand ; yet withall when they shall also learne how that hand came there ; namely by cutting off the vnsound or foolish head : what remaines but that they thinke it necessary , ( at least lawfull ) for them to obserue whether that hand be found , or whether some fit of a chyragra be not growing vpon it : which if they finde ; what else but that some other member be thought of for the place ? and then who perhaps so likely to put forward as the foote ? which if it attaines to the place of the head ; as it must needs be a miserable shame and confusion to the domesticke members , so how can it bee otherwise then a most horrible scorne vnto the forraigne enemies ? and as good sport as the walking of men with their heeles vpwards , is to idle beholders . yea what more vniust euen in the eies of common sense , then that the master-builder should bee at this passe , either to giue account of the soundnesse of his worke vnto those which are beneath him ; or else to be at their mercie to haue the stage pulled from vnder him ? but , christian reader , i feare mee you thinke i haue committed an excursion ; and yet i pray suffer mee to answer one obiection more , which is thought to be of demonstratiue force for the intitling the spirituall man to the throne before any : and it is this . the first adam vpon his fall did forfeit all the domini and titles which the lord vpon his creation had set him in : such therefore as haue no other birth but from the first adam , can haue no title to dominions or authorities whatsoeuer : and therefore they which are borne of the second adam ( vnto whom the first adams inheritance must lapse vnto ) must be the only true heires thereof ; and consequently as men are more or lesse borne of the second adam ( that is , as they are more or lesse spirituall ) they shall more or lesse haue titles to kingdomes , lordships , properties or capacities whatsoeuer , and no otherwise . wherevnto wee answer ; first , that though adam vpon his fall did loose the sweetnesse of his dominions ( the curse of god inuading it ) yet does it not follow but that he might still retaine the state and title thereof ; euen as a rich man when hee falls into some tormenting desease , and so hath no ioy of all his riches , yet still remaines seazed and possessed of his riches neuerthelesse . secondly , the estate and dominion which god gaue vnto adam , though it might be a ioy & dignitie vnto him , yet was it principally to bee taken in the nature of a charge ; which charge it was not in adams power to auoid or forfeit vpon his trespasse and fall , but rather to double and increase it thereupon : a mans voluntary dashing his abilities , being no dispensation for his duties ; negligence being of no more force to discharge vs , then voluntary ignorance is to excuse vs. thirdly , that the lord did make vnto the first adam , a generall grant of vniuersall propriety and dominion , we expresly find ( gen. 1.28 . &c. ) but that hee did reuoke the same we finde not . paradise indeed , both the heauenly ( the fruition of god ) and also the earthly ( the garden of eden ) we find expresly that it was taken from him : but wee also finde as expresly , that it was giuen him only vpon condition of his obedience : whereas the donation of vniuersall dominion had no such condition annexed vnto it . fourthly , had adam apprehended that superiority and dominion should vpon his fall , be conueyed vnto men by the course of grace , and not by the course of nature : hee would neuer haue intitled his vngracious first borne vnto all his possessions , as the name cain signifies , and left nothing for his best-borne , but ( the younger brothers portion ) vanitie , as the name abel signifies . fiftly , the lord euery where so establishing the hethen princes in their states and kingdomes ; as pharaoh , nabuchadnezar , cyrus , ahashuerosh , darius , caesar , &c. who had no kind of right therunto , but by the law of nations , which hath his originall only from ( consecrated reason ) the law of the first adam , of whom only they were discended ( the second adam being to them vnknowne ; ) it may sufficiently teach that no reuocation of originall dominions did follow vpon the fall . but finally and principally , and in stead of all , may be this ; for that the second adam and his line ( vnto whom only such supposed forfeiture was to extend ) did neuer make the least title or claime thereunto : either when he was first promised , or when he was first made manifest in the flesh . for as concerning the time when hee was first promised , so farre was hee then from taking any vantage of the fall ; as that the first mention of him did promise a succour against our enemie that gaue the fall ; in these words : the seede of the woman , shall bruise the serpents head . likewise his first-borne abel ( who by faith in him offered the the good sacrifice ) was so farre from attayning any superiority by vertue of his being borne of him , as that it proued the only cause of his earthly ruine : his brother therefore hating him because his works were good ; and his works ( wee know ) being therefore only good , because he was borne of him . so also the patriarkes and holy men in their times ; did they not alwaies account themselues rather loosers then gainers by this second birth ? they euery where vndergoing tributes and bondages more willingly and more faithfully then any . and as for the time of the second adams manifesting himselfe in the flesh ; so farre was he then also from claiming any of the first adams rights , as that vpon all occasions , hee professeth the maine intent of his comming , to be for the restoring of his losses , euen though it were with the losse of his owne life : euery where styling himselfe no better then the sonne of man ; which the meanest of adams race might assume as well as hee : and finally , as often telling vs that his kingdome was not of this world ; that he came not to be ministred vnto , but to minister ; that he had not whereon to lay his head , and refusing so much as to arbitrate a matter betwixt two brethren ( which the most priuate persons that are may be allowed to doe ) least he should seeme to take vpon him the office of a iudge , and so leaue a conceit in his followers that some degree of authority might bee deriued from him : euery where finally prescribing such courses , and aduising all that desired to grow great in him , to exceed only in humilitie , preferring therefore a child before them all , when they stroue who should be the greatest : and telling them ( in effect ) that authority and greatnesse was to bee deriued only from the kings of the nations . for whereas after his ascention hee tells vs that all power was giuen him both in heauen and in earth , his meaning therein is only this ; that now all power both in heauen and earth should be vnder his humanitie , as before it was vnder his deity ; and that as all men , euen adam himselfe and all his race were formerly vnder him as he was the sonne of god : so now they should likewise bee vnder him as hee was the sonne of man. for the effecting thereof there needed no alteration of states , or new conueyances ▪ for that as all other creatures both in heauen and in earth ; whether angels , beasts , wormes , plants , stones , or whatsoeuer ; are likewise become subiect vnto this manhood , and yet still retaine their orders , natures , and properties as before : angels remaining angels ; beasts remaining beasts ; lyons , lyons ; stones ▪ stones , &c. so does it no otherwise follow but that mankind may likewise become subiect vnto the manhood of god ; and yet all men still to continue in their former properties : kings , remaining kings ; princes , princes ; fathers , masters , husbands , wiues , subiects , sonnes , seruants , in their former condition ; and ( as the apostles tell vs ) euery man in the same calling wherin he was called , as well after his birth in the second adam as in the first . for as the second adam did not thinke good to be the father of a new generation by the course of nature ; wherewith to propagate his church , but made choise of the old adams issue to new graft vpō . so may we conceiue it to be a course most answerable thereunto , that when he meanes to adorne and bespangle his church with scepters , crownes and authorities , he will not make new crowns or new scepters , or take away crownes and scepters from the old possessors , to adorne his followers withall : but only new graft vpon those old crownes and potentates ; and so most sweetely bring it to passe , that though hee does not make his followers kings , yet does hee make kings his followers . which as it is all one for the outward glory and countenance of the gospell , so it is farre more agreeing with the propertie and profession of the gospel ; namely in winning kings vnto the grace of god , by gentle , easie , weake , and peaceable meanes ; making choice of sheepe , and not wolues or lyons for his ambassadors , and that when hee sends to wolues and lyons and worse then tygers : that so those rebells in the day of visitation when they see how the lord hath dealt with them , and how in stead of sheepe hee could haue sent wolues and lyons in their owne kinde , to haue worried and destroyed them ; then as ouercome with the coales of fire which his long suffering had cast vpon them , they with all their hearts and soules , present him and his gospell with their scepters , crownes , dignities , and possessions : yea they thus breake forth into most vehement and sincere protestations ( as our so christian soueraigne hath taught them ) vnto his maiestie alone i haue deuoted my scepter , my sword , my penne , my whole industry ; my whole selfe with all that is mine in whole and in part : i doe it , i doe it , in all humble acknowledgement of his vnspeakable fauour , &c. * to whose seruice as a most humble homager and vassall , i consecrate all the glory , honour , lustre and splendor of my earthly kingdomes . wee conclude then , that neither diuine ordinance , nor church benefit , does inforce or perswade this ground ( without which saint peter cannot be intitled vnto soueraignty ; ) that the more spirituall men are , the more they ought to bee possessors of authority : which conclusion also were it granted , yet would not peters supremacy thereupon insue , vnlesse it bee also proued , that in spirituall gifts and graces peter must of necessity bee acknowledged to surmount all persons : which we grant not . for as concerning the text and collections which vse to bee alleadged for that purpose ; as namely that peter is ordinarily first named when the apostles are rehearsed . 2. that our sauiour three seuerall times gaue him charge to feede his sheepe . 3. that our sauiour particularly told him that he had prayed for him . 4. that our sauiour payed the tribute for him . 5. did more ordinarily discourse with him , then any of the rest . 6. gaue him a new name . 7. tearmed him a rocke , and promised to builde his church vpon him . 8. gaue him the keyes of heauen . 9. and finally , wrought especially by him in the primitiue church affayres . we thus shortly answer them in order . and first concerning his nominall priority , we answer , that it is not of force to intitle him vnto any principality ; it being not auoydable amōgst the most equals , but that there must bee such kind of precedency ; as for example in the trinity : though neither is peter euery where first named ; both a iames and b andrew being sometime named before him . 2. and as for our sauiours triple charging him to feed his sheepe : wee answere , that it is rather a checke then a grace , to bee often called vpon to doe a dutie : and in that it is said that peter was sory when it was said vnto him the third time , &c. it may seem that peter took it no otherwise ; as perhaps conceiting such tripling of his charge , to bee in the way of a glance at his triple denial . 3. frō the like consideration of peters weaknesse ( wee answere to the third ) might proceed our sauiours telling him , that he had praied for him . for no doubt our sauiours praier was as frequent & effectuall for the rest , though he saw not the like cause to tell them so much . 4. and as for our sauiours paying the tribute for him ; we answer , that it may rather argue peters pouerty and subiection , then any kind of excellency and dominion : the rest also perhaps not being lyable to the tribute which was then demanded ; either because they were no dwellers at capernaum , as peter was ; and so it might bee if it were the emperors tribute ; or for that they were not the first borne in their families , of whome onely the other tribute ( toward the temple ) was demanded . 5. and as for our sauiours so ordinary discoursing with peter ; wee answere , that it is ordinary with natural fathers , to make choice rather of their little ones to oppose and discourse withall , then their men growne sonnes ; especially when their intent therein is to teach standers by ; the most ready answerers rather then the more wary being fittest for such purposes . 6. and as for the new naming of peter ; wee answere , that diuers of the rest also had new names giuen thē ; as leui being new-named matthew ; saul , paul ; iames and iohn boanerges ; which name being by interpretation the sonnes of thunder , may farre better resemble persons of authoritie , then peters new name of cephas or petros ; for that a stone , as those names signifie , is more fit to make a subiect then a head , if names should bee regarded . 7. now as for our sauiours tearming peter a rock , and promising to build his church vpon him ; we answer , that neither doth that text giue peter any higher preheminence , for that the rest of the apostles were styled by higher termes then so ; euen no lesse then absolute and seuerall foundations of the church ; the wall of new ierusalem being said ( reuel . 21.14 . ) to haue twelue foundations , and in them the names of the twelue apostles : another text also ( ephes . 2.20 . ) making not onely the rest of the apostles , but also the prophets as deepe in the foundation as he ; when it saith , that the church was founded vpon the prophets and apostles ; in which text also it being further added , that iesus christ is the head corner stone ; if peter should so be esteemed a rock , as to bee the rocke alone , hee should so not onely surmount his fellowes ( contrary to those texts ) but also our sauiour himselfe . 8. nor againe does our sauiours giuing peter the keyes of heauen , any whit aduance peter aboue the rest of the apostles , vnto whom these heauenly keyes , whether the keyes of knowledge , the keyes of binding and loosing , the keyes of remitting and retayning , or the keyes of dauid ( if there be any odds or difference amongst these keyes ) were as expressely giuen . for first , as touching the keyes of knowledge ; those we find , euen the scribes and pharisees and common lawyers not to bee destitute of : and as for the keyes of remitting and retaining sinne ; those also our sauiour does plurally giue , when hee sayeth ; whose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , &c. though to speake truely and properly , neither peter , nor any mortall man euer had power to remit sinne , but onely as the priests in the old law had power to cleanse leprosie ; which was only by pronouncing according vnto the leuiticall rules , who were cleane , and who not ; the cognizance of leprosie being confined onely vnto them , and none in the congregation beeing reputable for cleane , ( after presumptions to the contrary ) but onely whom they so pronounced . thirdly , the keyes of binding and loosing ( if they must differ from the former ) are likewise found giuen to the rest , when our sauiour saith , whatsoeuer yee binde on earth , shall bee bound in heauen ; where the relatiue ( yee ) is thought to extend ( in the iudgement of * good expositors ) not onely to the rest of the apostles , but also ( in case there spoken of ) to euery member of christ . finally , concerning the keyes of david , which ( our sauiour in his glory professing himselfe to be the keeper of ) may seeme to haue the preheminence ; wee finde long before peters time to haue been committed vnto the prophet ieremie ( vnder the name of eliachim ) in these words : i will lay the key of dauid vpon his shoulders ; hee shall shut , and none shall open ; hee shall open , and none shall shut : wherein then consists the peculiaritie of peters keyes ? for though when our sauiour promised him them , hee tearmed them the keyes of heauen ; yet for as much as the keyes of binding , loosing , opening , shutting , remitting &c. doe concerne no other gates then the gates of heauen ; such nominall explications annexed vnto peters keyes , can giue no reall specialty vnto them . especially considering how the key of faith which euery beleeuer must haue as well as peter , is also the key of heauen ; yea and such a key , as without it , none of the other keyes can , and yet , it , without all the rest , is able , to open heauen gates alone . though truly and properly we must alwaies remember , that he only is able to open the heauens , which hath made the heauens ; his precious blood being the only true key indeed ; and his word reuealing so much , being the handle of that key ; and the faith of man beeing the hand , which by meanes of that handle , his word , does turne that key his bloud , vpon the maine boult , sinne ; which only hath shut heauen gates against the sonnes of men. 9. finally concerning peters agencye and imployment in the church affaires more then others , we answer : that the principall agents and speakers are not alwaies of necessity the principall persons : aduocates and pleaders , exceeding iudges and presidents in such offices ; the high priest aaron being as a mouth vnto moses , though moses was as god vnto him : and the men of lystra esteeming paul to be therefore inferiour vnto barnabas ( as much as mercurie was vnto iupiter ) because paul was the chiefe speaker . secondly , though wee find peter in the acts of the apostles , to take vp the occasions of speech very often and abundantly ; yet may we obserue diuerse tokens of more eminency in others ; especially in paul , iohn , and both the iameses : the one of these being graced with no meaner tearme then the lords brother ; & the other being named of paul ( and before peter ) amongst those which were accounted pillars : mention also being made of him with more authoritie then of any the rest : as when iames did but say ( act. 15.19 . ) my sentence is &c. presently without more ado the text addeth ( v. 22. ) it seemed good vnto the apostles to send , &c. iames also being only named when paul was dispensed withal for his cōdescēding vnto the iewish rites . and as cōcerning iohn , we find ; first that he is vsually called the disciple whom iesus loued ; that our sauiour permitted him to leane on his breast at his last supper : made him the son of his owne mother , & as a gardian vnto her : gaue him the grace to write his gospell in the diuinest manner ; with answerable canonicall epistles : as also made him the immediate pen-man of his special epistles to the seauen churches : & finally reuealed vnto him the future estate of the whol church vnto the end of the world . and as touching paul ; these peculiar excellencies we find concerning him . first , that his calling was by the lords immediate voice frō heauen ; was seperated by the appointmēt of the holy ghost ; was reckoned amonst the prophets of his time ; abounded in vnwritten reuelations , as iohn did in the written ; foretold the immediate blindnes of elimas ( which was answerable vnto peters like prediction of the death of ananias ) tooke the care of all the churches ; labored more thē they all ; would not build on anothers foundation ; had the largest prouince , namly ouer al the gētiles ; wrot most canonicall epistles ; most magnified his office ; stood most vpon his authority , affirming that who so despised his doctrine despised god ; commending his owne example , and citing his owne authority ( behold i paul , i say vnto you &c. ) and finally rebuking peter to the face . whereas cōcerning peter , as he is not any where noted for spirituall excellency and infallibilitie more then others , so on the contrary he is more expresly touched for infirmities and failes then any . witnesse both his ouerweaning of his owne strength , and boasting that hee would neuer forsake his master , when before the next morning hee denyed him and forsware him . witnesse his ignorance of the maine intent of our sauiours comming ( in disswading him from suffering ) whereupon he was called satan . witnesse his ignorance of the catholike extention of the gospell ; ( in refusing to admit the gentiles thereunto . ) and witnesse finally his timorousnesse in vsing christian libertie for feare of angring the iewes : with other fayles . for though wee reuerence the memory of saint peter as a choise vessell of gods grace ; yet when wee see him so aduanced aboue his fellows , & that only for the exalting his pretended successours so incōparably aboue their fellows no man can iustly bee offended if we note that peter was left-handed no lesse then his fellowes . but for a finall answer , thus we conclude ; that neither : peter nor paul , nor iames nor iohn , did sway the affaires of the primatiue church , but iointly the twelue together . for both the choosing the new apostle , the ordaining the seauen deacons ▪ the deciding controuersies , the disposing prouinces , the sending barnabas to antioch , peter & iohn into samaria , the taking account of peters going to the gentiles ( notwithstāding his diuine warrant therfore ) were all the ioynt acts of the whole twelue . the decrees finally going forth in no other name but in the name of the twelue . so as cōcerning any soueraintie , supremacye , primacy , or superexcellency ( of necessity to be granted ) in the person of peter ; we may finally conclude ; that neither did our sauiour ordaine it , nor the apostles acknowledg it , or inuest him with it , ( as there was no cause why they should , his cōmon infirmities considered ) nor did peter himselfe take it vpon him , but rather exceeded them all in subiection ; as both his long iourney into samaria , when the twelue sent iohn & him ; his giuing account of his actions when they were ( though vniustly ) excepted against ; & his suffring a publike rebuke at the hands of one which was none of the twelue , may testifie ; as also his so expresse teaching submissiō whether vnto kings as the supremes , or vnto gouernors , &c. admonishing those of his owne sort , not to carry themselues as lords ouer gods heritage , & neuer in his epistles intitling himselfe otherwise thē a seruant of iesus christ , or an elder , or an apostle at the most . whereas had hee taken himselfe to bee in that supereminencie as should make him head of the church ( yea such an head , as should be the originall vnto a succession of heads vnto the end of the world ) not only without arrogance hee might haue inserted it into his style , but also without wrong to posterity he could not haue omitted so to doe : euen by the same discretion wherewith s. paul does more often tearme himselfe an apostle , then any of the twelue vsed to doe ; because else his apostleship might haue beene doubted of : so there being doubt ( at least ) of peters being such an head , had it not farre more concerned him euery where ( at least once in his life ) to haue prefixed his title ? yea when there was a strife amongst the apostles who shold bee the chiefe ; was it not then hie time for peter to aduance himselfe ? or had our sauiour euer meant any such principality vnto peter , and that of such perpetuall necessity , would hee haue omitted so faire an occasion , to stablish a matter of that moment , which both with a word he might haue done ; and also when the time was , either then or neuer ( in a manner ) to bee done , his departure and death being so instant ? yea , would hee so on the contrary haue generally forbidden them the vse of any authority , when he told them that though the kings of the nations did exercise authority , yet with them it should not be so ? for , as for those which expound those words ( with you it shall not be so ) to restraine the disciples only from ruling so tyrannically , or so vniustly as the heathen ; they therein make our sauiours words to bee nothing to the disciples question : for they might haue answered againe , that there strife was not who should rule tyrannically or vniustly , but only who should bee chiefe ; whereas some one , or diuers of them might be cheefe , and yet not only no tyrants , but not so much as lawfull gouernours . but to conclude ; for as much as wee can finde no necessity for the acknowledging such supereminencie of peters spirituall gifts ; nor ( were that granted ) any step to authoritie thereupon ; nor that the kings and gouerners in peters time did loose there soueraignty ouer their christian subiects ; it cannot therefore be , that peter was vniuersally the head of all christians in his time : and so the second linke of the maine chaine proues of no force . the next is this : only the successors of peter must be these vniuersall heads in their times : whereunto wee answer ; first , that the founder of the church , iesus christ , did neuer ordaine that any principality , gifts , or capacities whatsoeuer should bee conueyed to any of his members by succession : secondly , that hee neuer disabled or excepted against any line , tribe , nation , language , or continent whatsoeuer , from taking as high place in his church , as his church afforded : thirdly , when his will was in the time of the old law , to haue the priesthood goe by succession ; he did both specifie the line wherein it should passe , namely the line of aaron ; ( confirming also the same by the miraculous budding of aarons rod ) and also expresly set downe all the rites and ceremonies , which should be stricty obserued at euery seuerall consecration ; yea , the very garments wherwith euery successor at his annointing , should be inuested , were determined . since therefore in the new law , no such line or tribe is mentioned , no rites appointed , no garments or manner of consecration inioyned ; it must be a forcible argument to conclude that in the new law no such succession was euer intended ; for that the new law being made , not vnto one people , but vnto all people , not for a time but for euer ; had much more needed specifications of persons , places , ceremonies and circumstances then that which was but for one particular people and in continuall expectation to vanish away . fourthly , when in processe of time the church shall attaine vnto such an amplitude , as shall reach vnto all the corners of the earth ; if none must then be head therof but the successour of peter , it must follow that peters successour shall bee intollerably surcharged : for either he must haue more gifts then peter had , or no more ; if more , then is he more then peters successour . but if no more ; there is no equitie nor proportion in it , that he whose charge is a thousand fold greater then peters , yet shall haue no greater measure of gifts to discharge it then peter had . finally , for as much as the lord hath told vs , that many shall come from the east , and from the west , and sit with abraham isaac and iacob , and the children of the kingdome shall bee cast out ; as also , that whosoeuer heareth his word and keepeth it , the same is his brother , and sister , and mother : and that it should not profit the iewes for that they had abraham to their father : hee telling vs also in the old testament by his prophet , that an vngodly sonne should fare neuer the better for his godly father , nor a godly sonne any thing the worse for his vngodly father : the course also of the times declaring vnto vs , how holy kings had vnholy sonns to succeede them : and on the contrary ; as good king iotham hauing a wicked sonne ahaz for his successour , and he a good son hezechia for his successour ; and hee a wicked son manasses for his successour , and hee a good grand-child iosiah for his successour ; and hee a wicked sonne iehoahaz for his successour : it may sufficiently resolue a christian mind how farre it is from the purpose of god , that his gifts and graces should goe by succession . for though often times a good and godly father had a good and godly son to succeed him , yet was not that by vertue of succession , but by vertue of gods grace immediately directing the son , as well as the father : euen as to day may be as faire a day as yesterday , and yet not because it succeeds yesterday , but because the sunn shines as immediately vpon it , as it did vpon yesterday . finally , ( for a conclusion ) whosoeuer challengeth supremacy in the church by vertue of succession , does plead no lesse then flat contradiction : for whosoeuer is supreame head of the church , must bee immediate vnto god himselfe ; but whosoeuer claimeth any thing by vertue of succession , does of necessity imply , that there is a person betwixt him and the lord ; namely his predecessor from whom his vertue is deriued . the next linke of the chaine is this : that only the bishops of rome were the successours of peter in their times . whereunto we answer ; first , that no diuine record does auouch so much , or so much as mention any by the name of bishop of rome : and therefore the knowledge of any rites concerning that sea , can not bee materiall vnto a point of faith . secondly , as it is not certainely agreed vpon , who that bishop was which immediately succeded peter , ( some affirming liuius , some clemens , and some clitus to bee the man ) so can there be no cause shewne , why som bishop of rome must needs be he . for first , if holinesse of life were sufficient to make a successour ; so euery christian might be peters successor as wel as any bishop of rome . secondly , if besides holinesse of life there must also concurre soundnesse of doctrine ; yet so also any pastor may as well be his successour . or if yet further such a quantitie of charge as peter had , bee requisite vnto the constitution of his successour ; yet so also euery ordinary diocesan is able to be his successor . or if yet further , the foure fold qualifications apostolicall , namely immediate calling , generalitie of commission , infallibility of iudgement , and vniuersality of languages must concurre to make such a successour : yet , as the first bishops of rome are no where avouched to bee thus qualified more then others , if so much ; especially if they knew no language but the latin , and came to their places by election , which is no immediate calling ; so neither will such quallification make a successor vnto peter more peculiar , then vnto the rest of the apostles vnto whom such foure-fold qualification was common : wherein then shall consist the marrow and quiddity which makes the roman bishops the peculiar successours of peter ? for , should it be supposed that some peculiar imposition of hands did passe from peter vpon the first bishop of rome ( wherewith the holy ghost was giuen in the time of the apostles ) or some portion of peters spirit was giuen to that first bishop ( as the spirit of moses was vnto the seauenty ) or that peters garments were put vpon him ( as the garments of aaron were vpon his successours ) or some such like rite of conueyance ; yet for as much as those kinde of ceremonies , when they were vsed had no vertue in themselues but were diuised by the wisedome of god , for the shaddowing and concealing his owne miraculous and immediate operations ( as our sauiour and the apostles vsed spitle , and clay , and hemmes of garments , napkins , partlets , & shaddowes ) the intitling any bishop of rome vnto peters vertue , spirit , or priuiledge , by means of any such outward passage which hath no diuine record to specifie it , is no lesse presumptuous then superstitious and ridiculous . finally concerning their argumēt from peters being the first bishop of rome ( their cardinall argument in this point ) that therfore only the bishops of rome are his locall , and so consequently his most proper successours : wee answer ; that neither is locall succession of force to attaine to the vertue of the predecessour ; there being no kinde of place , whether natural , ciuill , or mysticall , but which is capable euen of contrarieties ; euen the soule of man ( the purest vessell and continent that is ) being a receptacle of sinne as well as grace , and the temple of god being destinated for the seate of antichrist as well as for iesus christ . nor againe can the bishops of rome be proued ( at least in any peculiar manner ) so much as his locall successours ; both for that other bishops , as namely of ierusalem and antioch had peter for their predecessour ( & that euen by scripture inference ) as also for that no diuine ( or approued ) writer does auouch , either that peter euer was the bishop of rome , or that hee was personally present at rome . for whereas vpon peters dating one of his epistles from babylon , it is argued that he was then at rome ; for that mystically hee might account that city babylon , yet considering how there were three locall babylons , namely in syria , caldea , and egypt ; which were farre more neerly situate vnto peters prouince then rome was , there coniecture that peter meant rome by babylon in that text hath three to one against it . but if coniectures and good probabilities may be allowed to carry any sway in this businesse , it is easie to produce them abundantly , and that out of scriptures , that peter neuer was ( but as euery apostle was ) any bishop of rome . for first it is apparant that peter by the speciall appointment of the spirit was confined vnto them of the circumcision , whereof rome was no part : secondly , it was well nigh twenty or thirty yeeres after our sauiour gaue peter the charge of feeding his sheepe , that peter aboad about ierusalem , antioch , ioppa , and those quarters . thirdly , paul in his epistle to the romans , does tell them that hee alwayes had a speciall care , not to build on anothers foundation ; then the which text , what more faire argument can bee framed , that paul neuer esteemed the church of rome to haue any other founder then himselfe : as also his speciall commission ouer the gentiles ( whereof rome was the chiefe city ) his large epistle to the romans ( conteyning the foundation of the christian faith in all the dimensiōs ) his being free borne of the romans , his appealing to rome in his persecutions , his abiding there diuers yeares , and that with fauour for prisoner ; his inditing most of his epistles there , and neuer making mention of peter in any of them , but alwaies complayning how destitute he was , how all had forsaken him , how all sought their owne ; how he had none was with him but luke ; how he had none like minded vnto timothy ( euen when his death was instant ) and such like circumstances may inferre . vnles it were to be supposed , that after the death of paul , peter came out of asia into europe , to keepe consistory at rome ( and that 25. yeares by the rule of their owne stories ) there to beginne an vniuersall church-gouernment ( which in his best yeares hee neuer medled with ) and in that city which hee is supposed to esteeme mysticall babylon ? to this we may finally adde that no writers , liuing in the time of the first bishops , do any where auouch that those first bishops did euer challenge any such soueraigntie , but rather they auouch the contrary . for why does clement , ( who is supposed to bee the first bishop of rome ) in his epistle to iames , style iames , episcopum episcoporum regentem ecclesiam hebraeorum hierosolymis & c ? why does a father tearme antioch , caput orbis ? which , in that the disciples did there first begin to be called christians ; ( act. 11.26 . ) it might farre better be so tearmed then any other ; a councell also hauing these words apostolici throni antiochenae magnae ciuitatis . or why was the bishop of alexandria intitled iudex orbis ? or why did the councell of affrick forbid appeales ad transmarina concilia ? a father also affirming non esse congruum — that it is not meete for them that are in egypt to iudge them that are in thracia : or why did the councell of carthage forbid that any should be called the highest bishop ? or why does a pope of late times affirme that vntill the councell of nyce , there was but parvus respectus ad romanos episcopos ? in which councell also ( if hee meant nyceum primum ) why was it decreed ( an. dom. 323. ) vt honor cuique suus servetur ecclesiae ? wherein also it is expresly prouided that the bishop of ierusalem should haue his auncient honour : and why in the primitiue councells had the roman bishops sometime the fourth place , sometime the fift place , and sometime the sixt assined them ? yea finally , why did gregory ( himselfe a bishop and pope of rome ) liuing about 500. yeeres after peter , notwithstanding avouch , that none of his predecessours did euer take vpon him to vse the vngodly name of episcopus vniuersalis ? yea & so deeply to challēge the patriarch of constantinople for assuming it , as that he tearmed him therein , the fore-runner of antichrist : euery where not sparing in his epistles to brand that title with all the reproaches and execrations hee could deuise ; calling it tiphuum superbiae vocabulum temerarium , pompaticum , scelestum , superstitiosum , profanum , nomen erroris , nomen singularitatis , nomen vanitatis , nomen hypocrysios , nomen blasphemiae . surely ( a little by the way reader let me speake it ) if gregory so thought him to be defied which would be called episcopus vniuersalis , what would he haue thought of that person who ordinarily aduanceth him selfe in these manner of titles , properties , and conditions : 1. in papa est omnis potestas , supra omnes potestates tam coeli quam terrae . 2. papa et christus faciunt vnum tribunal . 3. papa potest dispensare contra ius diuinum . 4. persuaserunt pōtificibus quòd omnia possent , et sic quòd facerent quicquid liberet , etiam illicita et quod sint plùs quàm deus . 5. credere dominum nostrum deum papam non po tuisse provt statuit , hereticum esse censetur . 6. papa praecipit angelis , et habet potestatem in mortuos . 7. nec deus es nec homo , quasi neuter es inter vtrumque . 8. hic est ille melchisedeck , hic est caput omnium pontificum , de cuius plenitudine omnes accipiunt . 9. dicimus , definimus , pronunciamus , omnino esse de necessitate salutis omni humanae creaturae subesse romano pontifici . papa lux venit in mundum sed dilexerunt tenebras magis quam lucem . 11. tibi data est omnis potestas tam in coelo quàm in terra . 12. papa potest omnia quae christus potest . 13. authoritate scripturae licet non innotuere nobis indulgentiae , at authoritate romanae ecclesiae romanorumque pontificum quae maior est . 14. nedum circa coelestia , terrestria et infernalia papa gerit vicariatum christi , sed etiam supra angelos bonos et malos . 15. tu es omnia et supra omnia . 16. sacerdos est creator creatoris sui ; — qui creauit vos absque vobis , creatur a vobis mediantibus vobis . and if euen a priest can create his creator ; what then can hee not doe which makes that bishop who makes that priest that so makes his maker ? o feruent gregory that thou wert but so long awake as to heare these manaer of voices of thy successors ! for if thy zeale grew so hot against one for being tearmed episcopus vniuersalis ; how would it burne vp those , who with their babylonian tops haue surmounted euen lucifer himselfe ? for lucifers only sicknesse being this because he was not ( sicut altissimus ) peere with the highest . these most glorious birds of his , first making all mankind their footestoole , haue found the highest to be their inferiour , yea their very creature : and all this for the fulfilling that scripture . he shall exalt himselfe aboue all that is called god. the fift linke of the chaine is this : only the popes of rome were the successours of those bishops . whereunto we answer ; that for as much as the popes did differ from the bishops , both in name ( the word papa not being knowne amongst the ancient latines or those bishops ) and also in the forme of election , ( the most substantiall difference that states can haue ) and thirdly in the qualitie of the persons both electing and to be elected ; only cardinalls ( a colledge vnknowne vntill of late ) being both electores and eligibiles ; and finally in the quantity and specialty of their charge ; it must of necessity follow , that those popes were of a diuers kinde and originall from those bishops , and so consequently more or lesse then successours vnto those bishops , and so finally more or lesse then heads of the church . the last linke of the chaine is this : only hee which now possesseth the roman papacy is the successour of those popes . wherevnto wee answer ; first , that is not only void of diuine proofe , but also that it is vncapable thereof : namely because it is grounded vpon matters of fact which hapned long since the time when those proofes had their last period . secondly , as it is vncapable of diuine proofe , so also is it vncapable of the better kind of humane proofe ; namely that kinde of proofe which is by operation of iudgement ; matters of fact hauing only sense and eye-witnesse to beare them out . thirdly , wheras other matters of fact are ordinarily prooued with two or three witnesses at the most ; this proposition must haue no lesse lesse then two or three hundred ; euery seuerall successour ( whereof there haue beene aboue an hundred ) needing no lesse then two witnesses ( a register being a double witnesse ) to auouch the canonicall validitie of his choice . to these exceptions we might adde how sundry times and waies the succession from the first pope to the now present , hath beene interrupted . as first , for that the papacie diuers times by the space of an whole yeare , and sometimes seauen yeares hath beene vnsupplyed ; secondly , that diuers times againe , ( no lesse then thirty seuerall times ) there haue beene two or three popes at once : thirdly , for that diuers times , the successour hath contraryed , the predecessour , and that so mortally , as that the dead corps of the predecessour hath capitally been proceeded against . fourthly , for that diuers haue beene elected and installed incompetently , indirectly , fraudulently , & violently ; in which cases the so elected are by the locall decrees pronounced apostaticall , and not apostolicall . fiftly , for that diuers haue supplyed the place which in their liues were most vile , licencious , monstrous , homicidious , incestuous , scismaticall , hereticall , magicall , and diabolicall : in so much as a writer of their owne nation hath not spared to say that the goodnesse of a pope is commended when it exceedes not the wickednesse of other men . and finally for that their doctrine hath continually beene protested against , especially this last hundred yeares and that maugre all kind of torturings , murtherings , and massacrings that could bee deuised . these kind of allegatiōs though we might insist vpon , against the tenour of this pretended succession ; yet because it cannot be done , but by the aide of humane writers , which for that they bee subiect both to errour & falsifications , when we haue done neuer so much it will not be of force to either satisfie or conuince the conscience , which is the only thing wee aime at . to say therefore no more then we meane to make the conscience a iudge of , and yet as much as conditionally ( particulars not being capable of any other but conditionall demonstrations ) shall fasten vpon the conscience ; thus wee pronounce ; that if at any time since first the papacie began , any of the popes did euer inioyne vpon capitall penaltie blasphemous or idolatrus doctrine ; or ( to make our instance more speciall ) if they did euer at any time capitally inioyne either the worshipping of any kinde of image , or the bowing downe thereto ; or that men should attribute more reuerence vnto any kinde of image ( whether of god or man , christ or his crosse so supposed to be ) then vnto the meanest member of christ vpon the face of the earth ( yea the vilest man that is , hauing a deeper character and impression of god , then the colourings , caruings , or works of any mortall man whatsoeuer ) : or finally , if euer they did capitally inioyne , that men should esteeme , that to be the very true and proper person or manhood of christ , which before the speaking afew words they cōfesse was no better then bakers bread . in any of these cases wee pronounce and challenge their successiō to be extinguished & as vtterly dead as euer corps was whē the soul was departed . and that euery such successor was no better the successour of peter , then darkenes is the successour of the light , death the successour of life , and antichrist the successor of iesus christ . but admit none of these doctrines were euer taught in that chaire from the first to the last , ( which that is might bee true , no doubt all that euer writ or reported to the contrary would gladly be found lyars ) yet will not the maine conclusion follow therevpon , vpon , vnlesse all the former linkes of the chaine bee firme and inviolable : which if ( christian reader ) you find farre otherwise ; then iudge how it concernes you to beware how you venter the waight of your saluation thereupon : least as the people of israel leaning on the staffe of egypt did find it to bee but reed ; so you bearing your selfe vpon this chaine , doo in the end , when it is too late , find it to bee made of rushes : and while out of an hope to bee thereby haled vp to heauen , you suffer your selfe to bee hoysted out of that protection which god hath lent you vpon earth , you fall in the mid-way without recouery . which iudgement , god of his goodnesse keepe you and me from : and so christian reader commending these my paines vnto your seruice in the lord : in him i leaue you . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02400-e190 1 psalme ●● 2 esay . ● . 3 esay . 49. 4 psal 45. 5 psal : 5. 6 esay . 45.13 . 7 psal 90 . 1● . 6 psal . 90.13 . (*) wisd . 14.22 . arist . pol. 2.2 . deut. 34.7.10 . exod. 18. ●1 deut. 8. ● . 4 ▪ numb . 11.15 . ier. 31.31 . &c. gen. 11● luk. 12. wisd ▪ 6.8 . rom. 1● . 1 1 pet. ● . 13 . arist . depor● . an . 4 10. math. 6. * 1 kings 3.26 . 1 cor. 10.13 . * eccles . 9.10 . 1 cor. 11.7.9 . reuel . 1. & . 2. axioma theolog. esay . 3.4 . hebr. 11. 1 ioh. 3.12 . mat. 20.25 . mat. 28.18 . 1 cor. 7.24 . remonstr . anglice . pag. 249. * pag. vlt. a gal. 2. b ioh. 1.40 ioh. 20.23 . leuit. 13. * theophilact : in mat. 18.18 . non solum quae solvunt sacerdotes — sed quae et nas — sunt soluta et lig . reu. 3.7 . esa . 22.22 . exod. 4.16 . act. 14. gal. 1 . 1● . gal. 2. act. 21.18 . ioh. 19.26 . reu. 2. act. ● . act 13.2 . 2 cor. 11.28 . rom. 15. 1 thes . 4. ● galat. 5. ● . act. 15.22 . & 16.4 . act. 8.4 . act. 11.2 . 1 pet. 2.13 . 1 pet. 5. leu. 22.24 . num. 17. exo. 29.29 . mat. 12. vlt. ezch. 18. num. 11 : 15 exod. 20.26 . thes . 2.4 . 1 pet. 5.13 . galat. 2.7 . rom. 15.20 epist . 1. chrysost . ad pop . antioch . concil . constan . 5. act. 1. nyceph . canon . 92. chrysost . ad inno. aeneas sylu. coun. nic. 1 can. 6. can. 7. sozomen . hist trip . 2.1 . greg. 1. lib. 4. epist . 32. 1. concil . lat sub . leon. 10.2 . hostiensis . 3. ius canon . s. 16.1 . q. in gl . 4. fran. zabarel : 5. extrav . ioh. 22. in glos . 6. camotensis . 7. clem. in proem . in glos . 8. durand . l. 2.9 . bonif. 8. de maiorat . et ob . 10. cornel. episc . in orat . ad . synod in conc . tryd . 11. step. episcop . petracens . 12. host : de sentent . excom . 13. sylv. prier ; contr . luth. 14. felinus extrav de constitut . stat. con . 15 in conc. lat. dictū ad pap . iul. 16. stella clericorū serm . 111. esay . 14.13 2 thes . 2.4 . decret . 78. siquis . guiceardi . lib. 16. a discourse concerning a guide in matters of faith with respect especially to the romish pretence of the necessity of such a one as is infallible. tenison, thomas, 1636-1715. 1683 approx. 104 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64357 wing t695 estc r37882 17150689 ocm 17150689 105906 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64357) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105906) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1160:15) a discourse concerning a guide in matters of faith with respect especially to the romish pretence of the necessity of such a one as is infallible. tenison, thomas, 1636-1715. [6], 43 p. printed for ben. tooke ... and f. gardiner ..., london : 1683. other eds. show author's name on t.p. advertisement: 1 sheet bound before t.p. running title: of a guide in matters of faith. errata: prelim. p. [6] reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. popes -infallibility. faith. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-02 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion books printed for fincham gardiner . 1. a perswasive to communion with the church of england . 2. a resolution of some cases of conscience which respect church-communion . 3. the case of indifferent things used in the worship of god , proposed and stated , by considering these questions , &c. 4. a discourse about edification . 5. the resolution of this case of conscience , whether the church of englands symbolizing so far as it doth with the church of rome , makes it unlawful to hold communion with the church of england ? 6. a letter to anonymus , in answer to his three letters to dr. sherlock about church-communion . 7. certain cases of conscience resolved , concerning the lawfulness of joyning with forms of prayer in publick worship . in two parts . 8. the case of mixt communion : whether it be lawful to separate from a church upon the account of promiscuous congregations and mixt communions ? 9. an answer to dissenters objections against the common prayers , and some other parts of divine service prescribed in the liturgy of the church of england . 10. the case of kneeling at the holy sacrament stated and resolved , &c. in two parts . 11. a discourse of profiting by sermons , and of going to hear where men think they can profit most . 12. a serious exhortation , with some important advices relating to the late cases about conformity , recommended to the present dissenters from the church of england . 13. an argument to union ; taken from the true interest of those dissenters in england who profess and call themselves protestants . 14. some considerations about the case of scandal , or giving offence to the weak brethren . 15. the case of infant-baptism , in five questions , &c. 16. the charge of scandal , and giving offence by conformity , refelled , and reflected back upon separation , &c. 1. a discourse about the charge of novelty upon the reformed church of england , made by the papists asking of us the question , where was our religion before luther ? 2. a discourse about tradition , shewing what is meant by it , and what tradition is to be received , and what tradition is to be rejected . 3. the difference of the case between the separation of protestants from the church of rome , and the separation of dissenters from the church of england . 4. the protestant resolution of faith , &c. a discourse concerning a guide in matters of faith ; with respect , especially , to the romish pretence of the necessity of such a one as is infallible . london , printed for ben. tooke at the ship in st. paul's church-yard , and f. gardiner at the white-horse in ludgate-street . 1683. the contents . the question , whether a man , without submitting his judgment to an infallible guide on earth , may arrive at certainty in matters of faith. p. 1. the moment of this question . p. 2. the temptations to a belief of the negative part of it , sloth and vitious humility . p. 2. the resolution of the question in six propositions . p. 3. propos. 1. the true faith and the profession of it never failed yet , nor shall it ever fail , in all places . 3 , 4 , 5. propos. 2. wheresoever god requires faith , he gives means sufficient for the obtaining of it . 5 , 6. propos. 3. whatsoever those means are , the act of assent is ultimately resolved into each mans reason . 6 , 7 , 8. propos. 4. no true reason directeth to an infallible guide on earth . 8. this is proved by several considerations . consid. 1. god did not set up such a guide amongst the israelites . 8 , 9. consid. 2. god hath no where promised such a guide to christians . 9 , 10. either directly . 10 , 11 , 12. or by consequence . 12 , 13. consid. 3. god hath not given direction for the finding of such a guide ; which he would have done , had he designed the setting of him up . 13 , 14. consid. 4. we cannot find out such a one by the strictest enumeration . 14. for 1. this guide is not the church diffusive of the first ages . 14. nor 2. the faith of all the governours of all the primitive churches . 14. nor 3. an universal or general council . 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. which whilst the reformed deny , they do not assume to themselves such authority in their synods . 17 , 18. nor 4. is this guide any present church pretending to declare the sense of the churches of former ages . 18 , 19. nor 5. is this guide the bishop of rome . 20. this is shewed by the following arguments . arg. 1. the romanists themselves are not at agreement about his authority . 20. arg. 2. the infallible guidance of it is denied in the publick form of the popes profession . 21. arg. 3. his plea for this guidance as successor of st. peter is insufficient . 21. arg. 4. the writings of the popes manifest their ignorance and fallibility . 21. both in lesser matters . 22 , 23. and in matters of faith. 23. particularly , pope vigilius erred in a matter of faith. 23 , 24. and pope honorius . 24 , 25 , 26. arg. 5. there seems not , in the constituting such a guide , either necessity or fitness . 26. propos. 5. the reformed , especially those of the church of england , refuse not all ecclesiastical guidance , though they submit not to any pretended infallible guide . 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. nor doth our church pretend to immediate illumination in matters of necessary faith. 30 , 31. nor doth it exalt private reason to the prejudice of just authority . 31 , 32. but the vnlearned have more of the just guidance of authority in it , then in the church of rome it self . 32. propos. 6. though ecclesiastical authority is a help of our faith , yet the scripture is the only infallible rule of it . 32 , 33. this proposition is handled in three assertions . assert . 1. a man , without a papal guide , may know which are the true canonical books . 33 , 34. assert . 2. he may also find out the necessary articles of faith contained in those books . 35. the necessary doctrines are therein contained . 35 , 36. the sense of the words in which they are delivered , may be found out without submission to such a guide . 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , &c. assert . 3. a submission of our unprejudiced assent to the holy scripture as the rule of faith , is the true means to vnion in faith in the christian church . p. 42. errata . page 2. marg . l. 5. for , affirmative r. negative . p. 16. l. 13. for , abots r. abbots . p. 17. l. 10. for doubts r. doubles . p. 18. l. 21. for christian ancient r. ancient christian. p. 19. l. 19. for , them r. it . p. 20. l. 27. blot out the comma betwixt mauritius and burdin . p. 22. l. 13. for . salvations r. salutations . p. 23. l. 2. after this add ; refuse matter , it. l. 12. for nomina r. nomine p. 24. l. 3. after ▪ of , — add , an . l. 25. for , rigour r. vigour . p. 26. marg . l. 3. for consid. 5. r. arg. 5. p. 36. marg . put p. 583. after critique . p. 38. l. 1. for council r. counsel . p. 40. l. 6. for , relectance r. reluctance . a discourse concerning a guide in matters of faith. the design of this discourse is the resolution of the following query . whether a man who liveth where christianity is profess'd , and refuseth to submit his judgment to the infallibilty of any guide on earth , and particularly to the church or bishop of rome , hath , notwithstanding that refusal , sufficient means still left him whereby he may arrive at certainty in those doctrines which are generally necessary to the salvation of a christian man. satisfaction in this inquiry is of great moment . for it relateth to our great end , and to the way which leads to it . and it nearly concerneth both the romanists and the reformed . if there be not such a guide , the estate of the romanists is extreamly dangerous . for then the blind take the blind for their unerring leaders ; and being once misled , they wander on without correcting their error , having taken up this first as their fixed principle , that their guide cannot mistake the way . on the other hand , if god hath set up in his church a light so very clear and steddy as is pretended ; the reformed are guilty of great presumption , and expose themselves to great uncertainty , by shutting their eyes against it . now , there lyes before men a double temptation to a belief of the being of such a guide in the christian church ; sloth and vitious humility of mind . sloth inclineth men rather to take up in an implicit faith , than to give themselves the trouble of a strict examination of things . for there is less pain in credulity , then in bending of the head by long and strict attention and severe study . also there is a shew of humility , in the deference which our understandings pay unto authority ; especially to that which pretends to be , under christ , supreme on earth . although , in the paying of it without good reason first understood , men are not humble but slavish . but these temptations prevail not upon honest and considerate minds , which inquire , without prejudice , after truth , and submit to the powerful evidence of it . such will resolve the question in the affirmative ; and they may reasonably so do by considering these propositions which i shall treat of in their order . first , the christian church never yet wanted , nor shall it ever want , either the doctrines of necessary faith , or the belief and profession of them . secondly , wheresoever god requireth the belief of them , he giveth means sufficient for information and unerring assent . thirdly , whatsoever those means are , every man 's personal reason giveth to the mind that last weight which turneth deliberation into faith. fourthly , the means which god hath given us towards necessary faith and the certainty of it , is not the authority of any infallible guide on earth . yet , fifthly , all ecclesiastical guidance is not to be rejected , in our pursuance of the doctrines of christian faith , in the finding out or stating of which it is a very considerable help . sixthly , by the help of it , and principally as it offers to us the holy scriptures in the quality of the rule of faith , we have means sufficient to lead us to certainty in that belief which is necessary to life eternal . first , the acknowledgment and profession of the necessary doctrines of the christian faith , are annexed inseparably to the christian church . there is but one faith ; and according to the saying of leo the great * , if it be not one , it is not at all : for it cannot be contrary to it self . and though it be but one , yet men of differing creeds pretend to it , as the merchants of relicks in the church of rome shew , in several places , the one seamless coat of christ † . this one faith never did , nor ever shall in all places fail . the apostles were themselves without error both in their own assent to the fundamentals of the christian faith , and in the delivery of them . they heard the oracles of christ from his own mouth , and they were witnesses of his resurrection ; and they spake * what they had seen and heard . and they gave to the world assurance of the truth , by the miraculous signs of their apostolical office. and if they had not had such assurance themselves , and could not have given proof to others of their mission , there would have been a defect in the first promulgation of the gospel ; and such as could not afterwards have been amended . that which , at first , had been delivered with uncertainty , would , with greater uncertainty , have been conveighed down to after ages ; and men , who , in process of time , graft error upon certain truth , would much more have grafted error upon uncertain opinion . ever since the apostles times there has been true faith , and the profession of it in the catholick church : and it will be so till faith shall expire , and men shall see him on whom they before believ'd . for a church cannot subsist without the fundamentals of christianity . and christ hath sealed this truth with his promise , that there shall be a church as long as this world continues . * i mean by a church a visible society of christians both ministers and people ; for publick worship on earth cannot be invisible . but the true faith and the profession of it is not fixed to any place , or to any succession of men in it . god's providence has written the contrary in the very ashes of the seven churches of the lesser asia . neither is any particular church , though so far infallible in fundamentals as to be preserved from actual error , an infallible rule to all other christians . if they follow the doctrine of it , they err not , because it is true ; but if they follow that church as an unerring guide or canon , they mistake in the rule and motive of their faith. for that particular church which teacheth truth , might possibly have err'd ▪ and the church which errs , might have shined with the true light. but the whole church cannot so err in any age ; for then the very being of a church would cease . neither doth it , hence , follow , that the faith of the roman church , when luther arose , was the only true and certain doctrine . for that church was not then the only visible church on earth . the greek church ( for instance sake ) was than more visible than now it is , and more orthodox : the rich papacy having much prevailed upon the necessities of it by arguments guilded with interest . that church did not err in fundamental points ; the article of the procession of the holy ghost from the father by the son , which the romans accuse of heresie , being easily acquitted of it , if men , agreeing in the sense , forbear contention about the phrases . besides ; if our fore-fathers under the papacy embraced the true faith , we have it still ; the faith not being removed , but the corruption . their question therefore [ where was your religion before luther ? ] is not more pertinent amongst disputers than this is amongst husbandmen , [ where was the corn before it was weeded ? ] we have seen that necessary faith is perpetual , and it is as manifest that wheresoever god requireth the belief of it , he vouchsafeth sufficient means for information , and unerring assent . of all he does not require this belief , for to all the gospel is not preached , and where it is preached there are infants , and persons of age so distempered in mind , as to remain unavoidably children in understanding . and though the same sum of doctrines is generally necessary to salvation , yet the creed of all men is not of equal length , seeing they have unequal capacities . but wheresoever there is a particular society of men , who call themselves a church , yet err actually in the necessary articles of the faith , it is certain they were not forced into that error for want of external means . for the just judge of the world would never have required unity in the faith upon pain of his eternal displeasure , if he had not given to men power sufficient for such unity . no tyrant on earth has been guilty of such undisguised injustice as that is , which maketh a law for the punishment of the blind because they miss their way . the art●cles of christian religion come not to the mind by natural reason but by faith ; and faith comes by hearing or reading ; and where these means are not offered , a man is rather an ignorant person than an unbeliever . wherefore our saviour told the perverse jews , * that if the messiah had never been reveal'd to them , they had not been answerable for the sin of infidelity : but that , since he was come to them , and by them despised , their infidelity was blackned with great aggravation . the means , then , are sufficient wheresoever the end is absolutely required ; but whatsoever those means are , the act of assent is to be ultimately resolved into each mans personal reason . for no man can believe or assent but upon some ground or motive which appears credible to him . he could not believe unless he had some reason or other why he believed . when all is done ( said mr. thorndike * ) men must and will be judges for themselves . i do not quote the saying because it is extraordinary , but because that learned man said it who was careful to pay to authority its minutest dues . if a man believes upon authority , he hath a further reason for the believing of it . he is not willing to take pains in examining that which is proposed to him ; or he thinks himself of less ability in understanding than those from whom he borrows his light. if he desireth another to judge for him , his choice is determined by the opinion he hath conceived of him . every man has his reason , though it be a weak one , and such as cannot justify it self or him . something at last turns the ballance , though it be but a feather . this the romanists own as well as the reformed , till it toucheth them in the case of a new convert . to induce a man of another particular church to embrace their communion , they submit these weighty points to his private judgment : what is a true church , and which are the marks of it ? what is the roman church ? and whether the marks of the true church do only belong unto the roman ? what men or what books speak the sense of that church ? they tell us * that the light of a man 's own reason first serves him so far as to the discovery of a guide ; also that , in this discovery , the divine providence hath left it so clear and evident , that a sincere and unbyassed quest cannot miscarry . but when once this guide is found out , the man is afterwards , for all other things that are prescribed by this guide , to subject and resign his reason . as if it were not as difficult to judge of such a guide , as of his direction . it seems , the roman church is like a cave , into which a man has light enough to enter ; but when once he is entred , he is in thick darkness . but , how subservient soever our reason may be to our faith ; the means which god hath given us towards the certain attaining of it , is not the authority of any infallible guide on earth . this will not be disbelieved by those who weigh well the following considerations . first , god did not set up such a constant , infallible guide among the jews ; though , at first , he gave assurance to them by miracle , that moses had received his commission from him , and had brought to them the tables which he had written , for their direction , with his own finger . some of the sanedrim were of the sect of the sadduces , who erred in the fundamental point of a future state. most of them erred in the quality of the messiah , not considering their scriptures so much as their traditions . and of the errors of the levitical priesthood there is , in the old testament , * frequent mention , and great complaint . and the prophet malachy , † as soon as he had said , the priests lips shall preserve knowledge , he adds this reproof , but ye are departed out of the way . it is true , the israelites were , by god , directed in difficult cases to an assembly of judges * . but they were not judges of controversies in doctrine , but in property . to their sentence the people were to submit , as to an expedient for peace ; though judgment might be perverted , or mistaken . it must be , also , confessed that god spake to them by the oracle of vrim , and that the voice of it was infallible . but its answers concerned not the necessary rudiments of the mosaick law , but emergencies in their civil affairs ; those especially of peace and war. but if we admit that there was under judaism a living infallible guide ; it does not , thence , follow , that it must be so under christianity . for their small precinct ( the people of which were thrice in a year to come up to the temple ) was much more capable of such a judge than the christian church , which is as wide as the world. also the new revelation is more clear and distinct than the old one was , and stands not in such need of an interpreter . secondly , god hath , no where , promised christians such a judge : he hath no where said that he hath given such a one to the christian church . and seeing such a one cannot be had without gods supernatural assistance , the most knowing amongst men being subject both to error and to falshood ; it is great arrogance , whilst the scripture is silent , to say he is in being . and to affirm that if there were not such a guide , god would be wanting in means sufficient for the maintenance of peace and truth , is presumptuously to obtrude the schemes of mans fancy upon god's wisdom . he can govern his church without our methods . now , god hath no where promised such a judge to christian men ; though he hath promised help on earth , and assistance from heaven to men diligent and sincere in their inquiries after truths which are necessary for them . there are two places of scripture , which are by some taken for promises of such a nature , though they were not , by the divine wisdom , so intended . of these , the first is that which was spoken by christ unto st. peter . * the gates of hell shall not prevail against ( the church . ) which promise concerneth the church in general , and the necessary faith of it , and not any particular persons , or places , or successions of persons in them . and christ doth here assure us , that the gates of the grave shall not swallow up the church ; that it shall not enter in at them ; that it shall not die or perrish . but he doth not say he will preserve it by the means of any earthly infallible guide . he can , by other ways , continue it till time it self shall fail . the other place of scripture is , the promise of christ a little while before his ascension into the heavens . † lo , i am with you alway , even unto the end of the world : as long as this age of the messiah shall last , and that is the last time or age. this promise is , indeed , made to the apostles , and to their successors also . but it is a promise of general assistance ; and it is made upon condition that they go forth and make disciples of all men of all nations , and baptize them , and give them further instruction in the things which christ gave in charge to them . and some of the successors of the apostles have not performed these conditions ; and the governour of the church of sardis had not held fast what he had received and heard . as god hath not promised an unerring guide , so neither hath he said he hath set up such an one in any church on earth . he hath not said it , either directly , or by consequence . the places which are supposed directly to affirm this , are two , and both mistaken . one of them is that of christ to his disciples , after he had given commission to them to preach the gospel , * he that heareth you , heareth me ; me the infallible way and the truth . this speech , if it be extended to all ministers , it makes them all infallible guides . and it is certain they are so , as long as they deliver to the people what they received from christ. but the words are especially directed to the seventy disciples who were taught to preach a plain fundamental truth , that the kingdom of god was come nigh to the jews . † and these disciples were able to give to the jews a demonstration of the truth of that doctrine which they taught , by miraculous signs : by healing the sick , * and doing , among them , mighty works . another place , used as an express testimony is that in the first to timothy to whom st. paul saith , that the church is the pillar and ground of truth . but this place also is misapplied . it seemeth to be spoken of that church of ephesus in which st. paul advised timothy to behave himself with singular care : which place hath so far failed that the lofty building called st. john's church , † is now become a turkish mosch . but if it were spoken in a general sense , it would amount only to this meaning : a christian church is like a pillar sustained by a pedestal on which a writing is so fixed , that all who pass by may see it . it is ( as jerusalem once was to the heathen-world ) a city on a hill : it is a visible society which giveth notice to jews and gentiles of christianity , and is instrumental to awaken their observation , and by their sense to prepare the way to their belief . for , this advertisement being so publickly given to them , they have fair occasion of examining the grounds of christian truth , which when they find , they will be induced to build upon them . in this sense likewise , though not in this alone , apostolical men were called lights and pillars . in the book of the revelation * this promise is made to him who persevereth in his christianity , notwithstanding the cross which it brings upon him . him will i make a pillar in the temple of my god , and i will write my name upon him , and the name of his god , and the name of the city of his god which is new jerusalem [ or the christian church . ] and s. chrysostom † gives s. paul the titles of the light of the churches , the foundation of the faith , the pillar and ground of truth . the governours of the church do ministerially exhibit christian truth ; they do not by mere authority impose it . among the places which are said to prove , by good consequence , that there is a living guide of faith , that in the eighteenth of st. matthews gospel * is the principal . there our saviour , requireth his followers , if their brethren persisted in their offences , to tell it to the church , and to esteem them no longer members of their society , if they despised the sentence of it . from whence they conclude with strange inadvertence , that such a decree is therefore infallible . but our lord speaks of their brothers trespasses against them , and not of his heresie : and of the discipline , and not of the doctrine , either of the synagogue or the church . in which case if we submit , even where there is error in the sentence , for peace sake , and because we are come to the last appeal ; we worthily sacrifice private good to publick order . and such submission is safe in point of property , though not in point of doctrine ; for we may , without sin , depart from our property , but not from our faith. now , much of this that has been said in order to the explication of the foregoing places , might have been well omitted , if i had designed this little discourse for the use only of such romanists as had been conversant with the writings of the fathers . for then i should have needed only to have cited those ancients , and shewed that their sense of these several places was plainly different from the modern interpretations of the church men of rome . and , by this way of arguing , they are self-condemned . for they fall according to their own rule of expounding scripture by the unanimous consent of the primitive fathers , who with one voice , speak another sense . those who doubt of this may receive satisfaction from the learned letters of monsieur launoy . * if god had promised an infallible guide , or told us he had given one to his church , he would , doubtless , have added some directions for the finding of him . for , to say in general , you shall have a star which will always guide you without all dangerous error ; and not to inform us in what part of the firmament it is to be seen , is to amuse rather than to promise . now , god hath no where given us such direction . he hath no where pointed us to this church , or that council ; to this person , or that local succession of men. he hath not said the guide is at antioch , or hierusalem ; at nice , or constantinople ; at rome or avignon . you will say , he hath directed us to st. peter . i answer , no more than to the rest of the apostles , to whom he gave equal power in their ordination ; * all of whom he made equally shepherds of the flock ; † to all of whom he gave equal commission to make proselytes of all nations . * and in this sense st. chrysostom † affirmed concerning st. paul that the whole world [ or the world of the roman empire ] was his diocese . you will reply , that he promised , on him particularly upon this rock , or stone , this kipha ( a syriac word of the masculine gender † ) this peter ; to build his church . i answer , the ancients took the word as feminine , * and understood it rather of his confession than of his person . if it was spoken of his person , it was spoken by way of emphasis , not exclusion ; for there were twelve foundations † of these he might be called the first , having first preached the gospel to jews and gentiles , * the eleven standing up with him , and he speaking as the mouth of the apostolical colledge . we cannot , by the strictest ennumeration , find out any living infallible guide existing in any age after st. peter in the christian church . 1. this guide could not be the church diffusive of the first ages . for the suffrages of every christian were never gathered . and if we will have their sense , they must rise from the dead and give it us . 2. this guide cannot be the faith ( as such ) of all the governours of all the primitive churches . the sum of it was never collected . there were anciently general creeds , but such as especially related to the heresies then on foot ; and who can affirm , upon grounds of certainty , that each bishop in the world consented to each article , or to each so expressed ? 3. this guide is not a council perfectly free and universal . for a guide which cannot be had , is none . if such a council could assemble , it would not err in the necessaries of faith. for there cannot be a regular flock without a shepherd ; and if all the spiritual shepherds in the world should at once , and by consent , go so much astray ; the whole flock of the church catholick would be scattered . and that would contradict the promise of christ the supreme , faithful , infallible pastor . but there never was yet an universal council properly so called : neither can we suppose the probability of it but by supposing the being of one temporal christian monarch of the world who might call , or suffer , it . in the councils called general , if we speak comparatively , there were not many southern or western bishops present at them . it was thus , at that first oecumenical council , the council of nice ; though , in one sacred place ( as eusebius † hath noted ) there were assembled , syrians and cilians , phoenicians , and arabians ; paloestinians egyptians , theboeans , libyans , mesopotamians ; a persian , a scythian bishop ; and many others from other countries . but there was but one bishop for africa , one for spain , one for gaul ; two priests as deputies of the infirm and aged bishop of rome . whilst ( for instance sake ) there were seventeen bishops for the small province of * isauria ; yet such councils are very useful ; such we reverence ; but god did not set them up as the only and the infallible guides of faith. if these were such guides , what guided the church which was before them ? by what rule was ebion judged before the council of nice ? how can we be infallibly guided by them in controversies of faith not determined by them ; nay not brought before them ; nay scarce moved till these latter days ? such ( for the purpose ) are the controversies about the vertue of the sacrifice of christ , and of justification by the faith of mere recumbence upon his merits . or how shall a private man who errs in the faith , be deliver'd from his heresy , seeing he may die some years ere a council can assemble , or , being assembled , can form its decrees . arius vented his heresy about ten years before the council of nice was called for the suppressing of it . and soon after he had given vent to it , it spread throughout egypt and lybia and the upper thebes , as socrates † has reported : and , in a short time many other provinces and cities were infected with the contagion of it . and , in the pretended council of trent , no less than five popes were successively concerned ; and it lasted , in several places longer than two legal lives of a man. * there was , indeed , a canon in the western church † for the holding of a council once in the space of each ten years : but that canon has not been , hitherto , obeyed ; and as affairs stand in the church , it is impracticable . for the pope will exclude all the greek and reformed bishops : he will crowd the assembly with bishops of his own creation ; and with abots also ; he will not admit of former councils unless they serve his purpose ; not so much as that of nice it self . * he will be the judge , though about his own supremacy . he will multiply italians and others who , upon oath † owe their votes to him . he will not hold a council upon the terms approved by all romish princes . nor did they agree at their last council ; the emperour would not send his bishops to bologna , nor the french king his to trent . and though the french church believed the doctrines of that synod , yet they did not receive them from the authority of it , but they embraced them as the former doctrines of the roman church . and the parisian faculty (a) prepared the way to the articles of trent . notwithstanding all this , we firmly believe that at least the first four general councils did not err in faith ; and it is pious to think that god would not suffer so great a temptation in the church on earth . yet still we believe those councils not to be infallible in their constitution , but so far as they followed an infallible rule . for the greatest truth is not always with the greatest number : and great numbers may appear on contrary sides . the council of constantinople under constantine copronymus , consisting of three hundred thirty eight bishops , decreed against the use of images in churches . yet the second synod of nice consisting of about three hundred and fifty bishops determin'd for it . and , a while after , in the west , the council of frankford consisting of about three hundred bishops , reversed that decree : and , after that , the council of trent did re-establish it ; though there the voting persons were not fifty . with such uncertain doubts of belief must they move who follow a guide in religion without reference to a further rule . but , here , there is offered to us , by the guide in controversies , * an objection , of which this is the sum . the fifth canon of the church of england does declare that the thirty nine articles were agreed upon for the avoidance of the diversities of opinions and the establishing of consent touc●ing true religion . consent touching true religion is consent in matter , of faith. establishing of consent relateth both to layety and clergy . the third and fourth canons of 1640. decree the excommunication of those who will not abjure their holding popery and socinianism . the re●ormed churches in france teach the like doctrine , threatning to cut them off from the church who acqu●e●ce not in the resolution of a national synod . † the same course was taken with the remonstrants in the synod of dor● . * wherefore protestants ought not to detract from the authority of general councils , whilst they assume to themselves so great a power in their particular synods . the force of this objection is thus removed . every church hath power of admitting or excluding members , else it hath not means sufficient to its end , the order and concord of its body . every particular church ought to believe that it does not err in its definitions ; for it ought not to impose any known error upon its members . but though it believes it does not err , it does not believe it upon this reason , because god hath made it an infallible guide ; but rather for this , because it hath sincerely and with gods assistance followed a rule which is infallible . and , upon this supposition , it imposeth doctrines , and excludeth such as with contumacy dissent from them (a) 4. this guide is not the present church declaring to particular christians the sense of the church of former ages . how can this declaration be made , seeing churches differ , and each church calls it self the true one , and pretendeth to the primitive pattern . the church of rome hath , on her side , the suffrages of all the councils and fathers , the first , the middle the last , if campian the jesuite may be believed (b) on the other hand monsieur larroque hath written a book of the conformity of the protestant churches in france with the discipline of the christian ancient church , taking it for granted that their doctrine was catholick . and we likewise pretend , both to the doctrine and discipline of it . all of us cannot be in the right . the roman church , without any proof , calleth her self the church catholick ; and she pretendeth to conveigh to us the sense of the ancient fathers and councils ; which sense was that they understood formerly by the word tradition . * and in this sense a romanist said of pope honorius † , that he had broken the rule of tradition . but how can we esteem that church a faithful representer of the sense of the ancients whilst the reformed consult the ancients with equal ability , and find a contrary sense in them ? whilst the church of rome , * by a kind of ecclesiastical coinage , stampeth divine authority upon books esteemed by the councils and fathers to be apochryphal ? † whilst it hath forged decrees of popes , * and ( like a deceitful gibeonite ) rendred that which was really new , in appearance old and mouldy , on purpose to promote imposture ? how doth it give us the sense of the ancients , when it owneth what it formerly disowned as canonical , the epistle to the hebrews † ? when it taketh away the cup which pope gelasius called a grand sacrilege * ? when it now rejecteth the communicating of infants which , in former times , was esteemed by many a very necessary point ? when a former pope gregory condemns the title of universal pastor as anti-christian , and a latter insists upon it as the choicest flour in the papal prerogative ? when st. austin (a) and from him the very breviary (b) shall expound christs promise , of being always with his church , of the presence of his divinity and of his spirit , and not of his body : and pope innocent the third shall interpret them as meant also of his corporal presence (c) ? and , if the roman church falsifyeth written tradition , how shall we trust her for oral ? and how and at what time did that oral tradition remove from greece to rome where the greek church , which it alloweth to have been once possessed of the true tradition , is accused of heresie ? at the same time ( i suppose ) that the chappel of the virgin removed from nazareth to loretto . this principle of oral tradition is most uncertain to their judges ; and to those to whom they offer it , it is most obscure . it is a principle on which they can serve a purpose , in justifying novel doctrines as oral traditions not known to any but the roman church , which pretendeth to the custody of them . 5. god hath not set up any one person in the catholick church in the quality of an unerring guide in the christian faith. the bishops of rome who pretend to this prerogative , do but pretend : it is a tender point ; and the pope's legates , in the council of trent , * were enjoyned to give forth this advertisement , that the fathers , upon no account whatsoever , should touch it , or dispute about it . they who examine it , will soon reject it as false and useless . and , 1. whether the pope be or be not the guide , the men of the roman communion are exposed to dangerous uncertainty . for , it is not yet determined amongst them , whether they are to follow the pope , with , or without , or against a council . yet a pope hath owned a council which deposed other popes , and by decree , set it self above them , or rather vindicated the superiority due to it . thus martin the fifth received the papal mitre from the council of constance , after it had deposed gregory the twelfth , benedict the thirteenth , and john the twenty third . again , there have been , by the account given us in their own historians , † more than twenty formed schisms in that church ; two or more popes pretending at the same time to the infallible chair , and each of them not being without their followers and giving holy orders . and at this time there is risen an apologist * for mauritius , burdin or gregory the eighth , though he was ejected by the roman church , which received gelasius into his place ; burdin being disliked by them as a creature of henry the emperour . this schism ( saith st. bernard † ) distracted that church and gave it a wound only not incurable . and baluzius * professeth that it was then difficult to understand which of the two , gregory or gelasius , was the legitimate successour of pope paschal . now , how useless , to them , is the pretence of a guide , when they want some other guide who should tell them which of the pretenders they may securely follow ? secondly , the popes themselves , in their solemn profession , suppose themselves liable to the misleading of the people even in matters of faith. for , having owned the faith of the six general councils , * they further profess themselves and others to be subject to an anat●ema , if they advance novelty contrary to the aforesaid evangelical tradition , and the integrity of the orthodox and christian faith. thirdly , if the pope challengeth this power of infallible guidance , he must lay claim to it by his succeeding of st. peter in the chair apostolical . but , then , by equal reason , the successors of each apostle may challenge the office of an infallible guide . for the power which christ gave to st. peter , he gave to the rest : it was not special . and , for the bishops of antioch who first succeeded st. peter , they have a much fairer pretence than those of rome . the truth is , hierusalem was properly the mother-church : though rome was the imperial city ; and if , by this means , the popes had not sate higher , they would not have pretended to see further than others . fourthly , those who have considered the writings of many popes , and the decrees made by them , have found no reason to lay their faith at their golden sandal . it is manifest to every learned man that the eyes of the pope are not ( metaphorically ) like those of augustus in which ( it is said ) there appeared a brightness like that of the sun. if we had more of their history , and more of their writings , we should find more of their errors . they have shewed both ignorance and extravagance in opinion , and error in the faith it self . there are not , perhaps , weaker or more absurd passages in any ecclesiastical writer , than we may find in the works of pope innocent the third , who was called the wonder of the world * . he saith of subdeacons that they represented the nethinims † ( or nathinnims as he calls them ; ) and that nathaniel was one of that order . * that the pope does not use a pastoral rod , because st. peter sent his staff to eucharius the first bishop of treves , to whom maternus succeeded , who , by the same staff , was raised from the dead . † that the people have seven salvations in the mass , in order to the expelling the seven deadly sins , and receiving the seven fold grace of god. * that an epistle , signifying in greek an over-sending or supererogation , the word agrees very well to the apostolical epistles , which are superadded to the gospel (a) he allots to each article of the apostolical and constantinopolitan creeds , a particular apostle , and finds the mystery in all things that are twelve in number . for example sake , in the twelve loaves of shew-bread ; in the twelve tribes ; twelve hours , twelve months . he gives this reason why water is by the bishop mixed with wine in the holy chalice ; because it is said in the revelation , that many waters signify many people , and that christ shed his blood for the people (b) he saith that judas was not at the sacrament (c) because he was not to drink it new with christ in his kingdom , which priviledge he had promised to all the partakers . he teacheth that mice eat only the shews of consecrated bread (d) he professeth rather to venerate sacraments than to prie into them (e) because it is written in exodus the twelfth , concerning the paschal lamb , eat not of it raw , nor sodden at all with water , but rost with fire . i have not narrowly ransacked the plaits of the popes vestments , for this is obvious enough ; and so were a great many other sayings of equal weakness ; but i am weary of the folly of them . there have been other popes , also , injudicious even to duncery . eugenius the third approved of the prophesies or enthusiastick dreams of hildegardis , in the synod of tryers , as inspirations . pope zachary judged the true doctrine of antipodes , to be heretical in the case of the more learned and knowing virgilius (a) herein the pope committed a greater error than the poor priest who baptized in nomina patria & filia & spiritûs sancta (b) and whose lack of latin boniface the german apostle would have punished by the rebaptization of his proselytes , if the said virgilius had not , by application to that pope , prevented it . it is true , virgilius was accused as an heretick who had set up another sun and another moon , as well as another world of men whose feet were opposite to ours . but velserus himself (c) hath the ingenuity to confess that this was meant only of the sun and moon as shining to our antipodes , as well as to us : and that the accusation was framed by ignorant men who had not the acuteness to understand the globular form of the earth , and the scheme of the proposer . neither had pope zachary himself sagacity enough to discern the nature of this ridiculous charge . he who can mistake truth for heresie , may mistake heresie for truth . now that popes have erred not only in lesser things , but even in matters of faith , is plain from history . i will instance , only , in vigilius , and honorius , for-bearing to speak of liberius and divers others who swerved from the truly ancient catholick faith. pope vigilius framed a constitution in favour of the three chapters or nestorian-writings of ibas bishop of edessa , theodorus of mopsuestia , and theodoret bishop of cyrus . this constitution was published by cardinal baronius † out of ancient manuscript in the vatican library : and he calls it a decree * in defence of these chapters . in this decree the pope doth not only justify these heretical writings , but , with the followers of theodorus , he falsly chargeth upon the council of chalcedon the epistle of ibas * , and calls it orthodox . this charge the fathers of the fifth general council (a) shew to be unjust and false . that council condemneth those three chapters as heretical . and , together with them , it condemneth (b) pope vigilius and others under the name of sequaces or followers of nestorius and theodorus . baronius himself acknowledgeth that the decree of that council was set up against the decree of that pope (c) these chapters had not been condemned if they had not contained in them the nestorian-heresie . the epistle of ib●● does , in particular manner , extoll the d●r●● . and the council affirmeth concerning his creed , that the father of lies composed it . and it denounceth a ●●rse against both the composer and the believers of it . yet doubtless , these writings were , in themselves , inconsiderable enough . but the council opposed them with such rigour , because the faction had made them very popular , and advanced them into the quality of a kind of bible of the party . for pope honorius , he fell into the heresie of the monothelites . * that is , of those who held that there is but one will in both the natures of christ. this doctrine he published in his epistles . this he declared in the sixth general council † he is , in the seventh council * condemned as a monothelite . and he was expressly anathematized for confirming the wicked doctrine of sergius . the guilt of heresie in honorius , is owned in the solemn profession of faith made by the popes at their entrance on the papacy (a) this matter is so manifest that melchior canus (b) professeth , no sophistry is artful enough to put the colour of a plausible defence upon it . a late romanist hath undertaken to write the history of the monothelites (c) ; and the defence of honorius seemeth to be the principal motive to that undertaking . yet so great is the power of truth , and such , in this case is the plainness of it , that , in the apologist himself , we find these concessions : that the pope (a) was condemned by the council , and that the council was not to be blamed † ; that pope leo the second owned both the council and the sentence , and that honorius was sentenced as an heretick . * he would abate this guilt by saying (b) that honorius erred as a private person , and not as head of the church , because his epistle was hortatory , and not compulsive . it is true , he erred not as head of the church , for such he was not , neither as such was he owned . but he erred as a publick person and with heretical obstinacy . for pope leo , as he noteth , said concerning him , that he had made it his business to betray and subvert the holy faith. (c) now this matter of fact sufficeth for the refuting all the fallacious reasonings of the patrons of papal infallibility . for all must agree that they are not unerring guides who actually err . the sieur de balzac (d) mocks at the weakness of one of the romish fathers who offered four reasons to prove that the duke d' espernon was not returned out of england : and offered them to a gentleman who had seen him since his return . there seemeth no sitness in the constituting of such a guide ; nor any necessity for it . had it been agreeable to gods wisdom , his wisdom would not have been wanting to it self . god having made man a reasonable creature , would not make void the use of deliberation , and the freedom of his judgment . there is no vertue in the assent , where the eye is forced open , and the light held directly to it . it is enough that god ▪ the rewarder of them who believe , hath given men sufficient faculties , and sufficient means . and , seeing holiness is as necessary to the pleasing of god , and to the peace of the world , as union in doctrine ( to which there is too frequently given a lifeless assent ; ) seeing there must be christian obedience as long as there is a church ; seeing ( as the guide in controversy * himself urgeth ) the catholick church and all the parts of it are believed , in the creed , to be holy as well as orthodox ; we ask not the romanists an impertinent question when we desire them to tell us , why a means to infallibility in the judgment , rather than irresistibleness in the pious choice of the will , is to be , by heaven , provided in the church ? both seem a kind of destination of equal necessity . but , though the reformed , especially those of the church of england , see no necessity for an infallible guide , nor believe there is one on the face of the earth , yet they do not reject all ecclesiastical guidance ; but allow it great place in matters of discipline and order ; and some place also ( though not that of an unerring judge ) in matters of faith. at the beginning of the reformation the protestants , though they refused the judgment of the pope their enemy , yet they declined not the determination of a council . and , in the assembly at ausburgh , the romanists and protestants agreed in a council as the umpire of their publick difference . at this the pope was so alarumed ( saith the sieur de mezeray * ) that he wrote to the kings of france and england , that he would do all they would desire , provided they hindred the calling of a council . in the reformation of the church of england great regard was had to the primitive fathers and councils . and the aforesaid french historian was as much mistaken in the affairs of our church , when he said of our religion , that it was a medly of the opinions of calvin and luther (a,) as he was afterwards in the affairs of our state , when he said king james was elected at the guild-hall king of england (b.) the romannists represent us very falsly , whilst they fix upon us a private spirit , as it stands in opposition to the authority of the catholick church . mr. alabaster (c) expresseth one motive to his conversion to the roman church in these words : weigh together the spouse of christ , with luther , calvin , melancthon : oecumenical councils with private opinions . the reverend and learned fathers with arius , aetius , vigilantius , men always in their time burned for hereticks [ of which words , the former are false reasoning , the latter are false history . ] the bishop of meaux (d) reasons after the same fallacious manner , supposing a protestant to be of this perswasion that he can understand the scriptures better than all the rest of the church together , of which perswasion he saith very truly , that it exalteth pride , and removeth docility . the guide in controversies (d) puts the question wrong in these terms . whether a protestant , in refusing the submission of his judgment to the authority or infallibility of the catholick church in her councils , can have , in several articles of necessary faith , wherein the sense of scripture is controverted , as sure a foundation of his faith , as he who submits his judgment to the foresaid authority , or also infallibility ? here the catholick church is put in place of the roman , authority and infallibility are joyned together ; and it is suggested dishonestly concerning the reformed , that they lay aside the authority of the catholick church in her general councils . authority may be owned where there is no infallibility ; for it is not in parents natural or civil : yet both teach and govern us . if others reject church-authority , let them who are guilty of such disorderly irreverence , see to it . the christians of the church of england are of another spirit . of that church this is one of the articles : the church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies , and authority in controversies of faith. there is a question ( saith mr. selden * ) about that article concerning the power of the church , whether these words [ of having power in controversies of faith ] were not stolen in . but , it 's most certain , they were in the book of articles that was confirmed ; though , in some editions , they have been left out . they were so in dr. mocket's † ; but he is to be considered in that edition as a private man. now this article does not make the church an infallible guide in the articles of faith , but a moderator in the controversies about faith. the church doth not assume that authority to it self in this article which , in the foregoing * , it denied to the churches of jerusalem , alexandria , antioch and rome . when perverse men will raise such controversies , who is so fit , for peace sake , to interpose , as that church where the flame is kindled ? there can be no church without a creed ; and each particular church ought to believe her creed to be true , and , by consequence , must exercise her authority in the defence of presumed truth . otherwise she is not true to her own constitution . but still she acts under the caution given by st. augustine . (a) you bind a man on earth : take heed they be just bonds in which you retain him . for justice will break such as are unjust in sunder . and whilest the church of england challengeth this authority , she doth not pretend to it from any supernatural gift of infallibility , but so far only as she believes she hath sincerely followed an infallible rule . for of this importance are the next words of the article before remembred . — it is not lawful for the church to ordain any thing that is contrary to gods word written . — and besides the same it ought not to enforce any thing to be believed for necessity of salvation (b.) after this manner the church of england asserteth her own authority ; and she runs not into any extream about the authority of councils , or the catholick church . we make confession of the ancient faith expressed in the apostolical , nicene , or constantinopolitan and athanasian creeds . the canons of forty reject the heresie of socinus as contrary to the first four general councils (c.) our very statute-book hath respect to them in the adjudging of heresie . (d) yet our church still teacheth concerning them (e) , that things by them ordained have neither strength nor authority , unless it may be declared that they be taken out of holy scripture . when controversies arise , especially when the doubts concern not so much the article of faith it self , as the modes of it , we grant to such venerable assemblies a potiority of judgment . or if we assent not , yet for peace sake we are humbly silent : we do not altogether refuse their umpirage . we think their definitions good arguments against unquiet men who are chiefly moved by authority . we believe them very useful in the controversies betwixt us and the church of rome ; and as often as they appeal to primitive fathers and councils ; to fathers and councils we are willing to go with them , and to be tryed by those who were nigher to the apostles , in the quality of witnesses rather than judges . we believe that in matters of truth of which we are already well perswaded , there may be added by the suffrages of councils and fathers , a degree of corroboration to our assent . in sum we say with s. aust●ne * that there is of councils in the church of god a most wholesome [ though not an infallible ] authority . and if s. gregory naz●anzen never saw ( as he saith ) a happy effect of any synod , (a) this came not to pass from the nature of the means as not conducive to that end , but from the looseness of government , and the depraved manners of the age in which he lived : for such were the times of valens the emperour . it is true , there are some among us , though not of us , who , with disdainful insolence , contemn all authority ; even that of the sacred scripture it self . these pretend to an infallible light of immediate and personal revelation . it hath hapned according to the proverb , every man of them hath a pope within him . henry nicholas puffed up many vain ignorant people with this proud imagination . hetherington a mechanick , about the end of the reign of king james , advanced this notion of personal infallibility . his followers believed they could not err in giving deliberate sentence in religion (a) and this was the principle of wynstanley and the first quakers , though the leaders , since they were embodied , have in part forsaken it . but these enthusiasts have intituled the holy spirit of god to their own dreams . they have pretended to revelations which are contrary to one another . they can be guides to themselves only , because they cannot by any supernatural sign prove to others that they are inspired . and such enthusiasm is not otherwise favoured in the church of england then by christian pity , in consideration of the infirmity of humane nature ; but in the church of rome , it hath been favoured to that degree , that it hath founded many orders and religious houses , and given reputation to some doctrines , and canoniz'd not a few saints amongst them . the inspiration of s. hildegardis , s. catharine of siena , s. teresa , and many others seemeth to have been vapour making impression on a devout fancy : yet the church of rome in a council under leo the tenth , hath too much encouraged such distemper as prophesie * . for private reason , it is the handmaid of faith ; we use it , and not seperately from the authority of the church , but as a help in distinguishing true from false authority . and in so plain a case as heresie , if our church thinketh a private man may without an infallible guide on earth judge aright of it , it does but believe as pope adrian believed , as he professed in a synod at rome , of which profession report is made in the second synod of nice † for , speaking of the sentence against pope honorius , he excuseth it in point of good behaviour , because it was given in the case of heresie . for in that case , and in that case alone , he allowed inferiors ( so he was pleased to call the oriental bishops ) to reject the corrupt sense of those who are superior to them . i will hasten to the next proposition , after i have added one thing more which relates to the guidance of ecclesiastical authority : and it is this . those of the unlearned laity who are members of the church of england , have much more of the just guidance of ecclesiastical authority than the like order of men in the church of rome . for the authentick books of that church being all written in the latin tongue , the illiterate people resolve their faith into the ability and honesty of their confessor or parish priest. they take it upon his word , that this is the doctrine , this the discipline , this the worship , of their church . whereas each minister in our church can direct the people to the holy bible , to the books of homilies , articles , canons , common-prayer , ordination , as set forth in their native tongue , by publick authority . of this they may be assured by their own eyes , as many as can but competently read . they do not only take this from the mouth of a priest , but from the church it self . where the laws of the church and the statutes of the civil government are written in an unknown tongue , there the unlearned depend more upon private than publick authority ; for they receive the law from particular priests or judges . though ecclesiastical authority be a help to our faith , yet the holy scripture is the only infallible rule of it ; and by this rule and the ministerial aids of the christian church , we have sufficient means without submission to papal . infallibility , to attain to certainty in that faith which is generally necessary to salvation . i do not mean that , by believing the whole canon of the scripture in the gross , we thereby believe all the necessary articles of the faith , because they are therein contained . that looks too like a fallacy ; and it giveth countenance to an useless faith. for he that believes on this manner , hath as it were swallow'd a creed in the lump only , whereas it is necessary for a christian to know each particular article and the general nature and tendency of it . otherwise his faith will not have a distinct influence upon his christian behaviour to which if it were not useful , it were not necessary . to believe in general as the scripture believes , is with the blind and flexible faith of a romanist , to believe at adventure . he believes as his church believes , but he knows not what is the belief of his church ; and therefore is not instructed by that faith to behave himself as a member of it . the scripture is that rule of faith which giveth us all the particular articles which are necessary to eternal life . by this rule the primitive fathers govern'd themselves , and this they commended to the churches . and clemens alexandrinus (a) does in terms , call the consent of the old and new testament the ecclesiastical canon , and the touchstone of true and false . i will not multiply testimonies ; enough of them are already collected (b) . i will rather pursue the argument before me , in these three assertions . first , a protestant without the submission of his judgment to the roman church , may be certainly directed to the canonical books of holy scripture . secondly , he may without such submission , sufficiently understand the rule of faith , and find out the sense of such places in those canonical books , as is necessary to the belief of a true christian. thirdly , this rule of faith is the principal means of union in faith in the christian church . first , a protestant without the submission of his judgment to the roman church may be certainly directed to the holy scriptures . it is commonly said by men of the roman perswasion , but injudiciously enough , that we may as well receive our creed from them , as we do our bible . the scribes and pharisees might have said the like to the people of the jews . but with the good text , they conveighed down to them a very false gloss , and misinterpreted the prophesies , as meant of a pompous temporal messiah . but , for the reformed , they have received neither creed nor bible from the church of rome . the first enumeration of those books they find in the apostolical canons , and in those of the council of laodicea ; no western writings . they have received the scriptures from the universal church of all ages and places , the copies of them having been as widely dispersed as the christians themselves . and they receive them not from the infallibility of any particular church , but upon the validity of this sure principle , that all the christian world , so widely dispersed , could not possibly conspire in the imposing of false books upon them . for particular churches , we may , of all others suspect the roman , in reference to the scriptures . for what sincerity of dealing may we hope for from such a cabal of men as has forged decrees of councils and popes , obtruded upon the world apocryphal books as books canonical , purged out of the writings of the fathers such places as were contrary to their innovations , depressed the originals under an imperfect latin copy , and left on purpose in that copy , some places uncorrected for the serving of turns . for example sake , they have not either in the bible of sixtus , or in that of clement ( both which , though in war against each other , are made their canon ) changed the word [ she ] in the third of genesis , (a) for [ that , or , he. ] but , contrary to the hebrew text , to the translation of the seventy , to the readings of the fathers , they persist in rendring of it after this manner ; she shall break thy head. they believe this reading tendeth most to the honor of the blessed virgin , whom they are too much inclined to exalt , in the quality of a mother , above her son. the english translation of doway hath followed this plain and partial corruption . secondly , a protestant may without submission of his judgment to the roman church , find out , in the books of holy scripture , the necessary articles of christian faith. two things are here supposed ; and both of them are true . first , that the scriptures contain in them all the necessary articles of our faith. secondly , that the sense of the words in which these articles are expressed in scripture may be found out by a protestant , without the submission of his judgment to the papacy . first , the scriptures contain in them all the necessary articles of the faith. this is true , if the scriptures themselves be so : for this they witness * st. paul (b) saith of the old testament , as expounded of christ , that it was able to make a man wise unto salvation . much more may this be affirmed of the entire canon . the apostles preached the necessaries to salvation , and what they had preached they wrote down * concerning the manner of it , eusebius may be consulted † . for the primitive fathers , they allowed the scriptures to be a sufficient rule . irenaeus said of them they were perfect * ; and of the words of st. austine this is the sense ; among those things which are plainly set down in scrpture , all those things are to be found which comprehend faith and good manners . nay , the romanists themselves attempt to prove their very additional articles out of the bible . that there are in it the articles of the apostolical creed , is evident enough to a common reader . but how the romish articles should be found in that bible which was written some hundreds of years before they were invented , is a riddle beyond the skill of apollo . secondly , the sense of the scriptures , in matters necessary to salvation , may be found out by men of the reformed religion , without submission to roman infallibility . the learned know the originals , and the true ways of interpretation . and amongst us , those of the episcopal clergy have obliged the world with such an edition of the bible in many languages as was not before extant in the roman church . and a romanist who writes with great mastery in such matters , prefers it before the great bible of paris (a.) for those of the laity who are unlearned , they have before them a translation which errs not in the faith. and the phrases are not so obscure , but that , by study and ministerial helps , they may understand them . they have , before them , a translation which errs not in the faith. of this the italians and french may be convinced by comparing the translations of james de voragine , and the divines of lovain with those of signior diodati , and olivetan or calvin . and the english may receive satisfaction in this matter by comparing their translation with that of doway . in all of them they will find the same fundamental doctrines of faith. and were there any such material alteration made in our bible , it would appear by the notorious inconsistence of one part of the canon with another : it would have been , long ago , detected , and exposed to publick shame , both by the romanists and the other dissenters from our communion . but the former are not able to produce one instance ; and the latter agree with us in the use and excellence of the translation , though in other things , they extreamly differ from us : and where they do but dream we err they forbear not to proclaim it . in so much that a difference in the translations of the psalter which concerns not faith or manners † and a supposed defect in the table for keeping easter have been made by them publick objections * and stumbling blocks in the way to their conformity . it is true , there is a romanist who hath raved against the bible of the reformed , in these extravagant words (a;) the sectaries have as many different bibles , in canon , version , and sense , as are days in the year . — the sectarian bible is no more the word of god then the alcoran , almanack , or aesops fables . of great corruption he speaks in general , but his madness has admitted of so much caution , that he forbears the mention of any one particular place . the learned romanists understand much better , and the ingenuous will confess it . and they are not ignorant that we translate from the original tongues , after having compared the readings of the most ancient copies , and of the fathers : whilst they translate the bible from the vulgar latin , which , indeed , in the new testament is a tolerable , but in the old , a very imperfect version . if our english bible were turned into any one of the modern tongues by a judicious romanist who could keep council , it would pass amongst many of that church for a good catholick translation . and this is , the rather , my perswasion , because i have read , in father simon (a,) that not unpleasant story concerning the translation of mr. rené benoist a doctor of the faculty of paris . this doctor had observed that a new latin translation of the organon of aristotle , performed by a person who understood not the greek tongue , had been very well received : upon this occasion he was moved to turn the bible into the french tongue , though he was ignorant of those of the greek and hebrew . for the accomplishing of this design , he served himself upon the french translation of geneva ; changing only a few words , and putting others of the same signification in their room . but , it seems , he was not exact enough in this change of words . for he having over-looked some words which were used by the genevians and not the romanists , a discovery was made by the divines of paris , and this edition of the bible was condemned by them , though published under the name of one of their brethren . i do not say that such places of scripture as contain matters of faith , are plain to every man. but those who have a competence of capacity , who are not prejudiced against the truth , who pray to god for his assistance , who attend to what they read , who use the ministerial helps which are offered to them , shall find enough in holy writ to guide them to everlasting life . in finding out the sense of the scriptures , the church gives them help , but it does not , by its authority , obtrude the sense upon them . the guides of it are as expositors and school-masters to them : and by comparing phrase with phrase , and place with place , and by other such ways , they teach them how to judge of the meaning themselves . they give them light into the nature of the doctrine , they do not require them to take it upon trust . they endeavour to open their understandings that they may , themselves , understand the scriptures . and if they cannot themselves understand the doctrine , it will be of little use to them in their lives . for they then believe in general that it is a necessary truth ; but what truth it is or for what ends it is necessary , they apprehend not . a foolish master in the mathematicks may require his schollars to take it upon his word that a problem is demonstrated : but a wise and useful teacher will give them light into the manner of the demonstration , in such sort , that they themselves shall at last be able to judge that it is truly performed : and till they can do this , they are not instructed . st. hierom relates it in praise of marcella a roman lady (a,) that she would not receive any thing from him after the pythagorean manner , or upon bare authority . she would , with such care examine all things , that she seemed to him , not so much his schollar as his judge . it is certain that there are great depths and obscure mysteries in the holy bible . but the doctrines of christian faith are , to the sincere and industrious and such as wait on god in the way of the reformed church , sufficiently plain . but to the idle , the prejudiced , the captious , light it self is darkness . the romanists affright with this pretence of obscurity and profoundness ; as if we must not adventure into any part of the waters , because in some places , we may go beyond our depth . if there are hard and difficult places which the vnstable wrest ; who required their meanness to make a judgment of that for which they might perceive themselves to be insufficient ? but whilst st. peter speaketh of some few places in st. paul's writings which are obscure , he does , at the same time , suppose many others to be plain enough for the capacities of the unlearned . and if they be evil men , though very learned , they will wrest the plainest places ; and ( as some did in st. hieroms * days ) they will draw violently to their private sense a text of scripture which is incongruously , and with relectance applied to it . it is true all sects of christians cite the scriptures ; but that does not prove the obscurity of those sacred writings : it rather shews the partiality , boldness , and sophistry of those who alledge them . all laws are obscure if this argument hath force in it . for every man , in his own case , has the law on his side . men take up their opinions and heresies from other reasons ; and then , because the name of scripture is venerable , they rake into the several books of it , and they bend and torture places , and force them on their side by unnatural construction . so do the socinians , producing all the niceties of grammar and criticism in a matter of faith. yet the guide in controversies (a) useth it as an argument against the plainness of this rule of faith , that the socinians cite the holy scriptures in favour of their heresie . but is not this argument two-edged ? and will it not cut as well on the other side , and do execution against the words , of fathers and councils , and the apostolical creed it self ? for the socinians ( those especially who are turned arians ) since petavius hath furnished them with quotations , will cite the writings of the ancients : and slichtingius , a mere socinian , * hath expounded every article of the creed in a sense agreeable to the heresie of his master . but , if the scriptures were so obscure in necessary matters , what remedy would be administred by the roman church ? they cannot offer to us any ancient ; infallible exposition . what the antients have said , the reformed generally understand much better then popes , amongst whom there have been some who could scarce read the holy gospel in latin. for the fathers of the earliest ages , they were more busied in writing against heresies , then in explaining of scriptures . nor , to this day hath the roman church , given any authentick collection of expositions , either of the ancients or of her own . and if we must go to any church for a comment on the scriptures , let the roman be one of our last refuges . for it is manifest that the key the papalins use , is the worldly polity of that church . and as they like , so they interpret . had not they governed themselves by this art , we should not have found in the writings of their popes , and in the very canon law it self , those words which were spoken to jeremiah expounded of the supremacy of the bishop of rome (a) i have set thee over kings , to root out , to pluck up , and to destroy . (b) the donatists found their church in these words of the canticles , tell me ( thou whom my soul loveth ) where thou feedest ; where thou makest thy flock to rest at noon . for they expounded this ( as it liked them best ) of the flock of their party in the southern country of africa . such expounders of scripture are those popish writers , who interpret [ feed my sheep ] of the universal monarchy of the bishop of rome , and conclude that a pastor must drive away wolves or depose princes hurtful to the church . but the straining of such metaphorical expressions ( as an excellent person * saith ) proves only that they want better proofs . and , by a like way of interpretation , from the same text it might be concluded that all christians are fools , because sheep are silly creatures . no expositions are more besides the sense of the text , or more ridiculous , then some of those which may be found in the authentick books of the roman church . and those who composed them appear to have looked asquint on the scriptures . for whilst they looked on them , they seem to have looked another way . i will instance only in a few of those many absurd expositions , with which the roman breviary abounds . the words of the angel to the holy virgin [ a sword shall go through thine own soul also ] are (a) interpreted of that word of god which is quick and powerful , and sharper then any two-edged sword. and this sense is designed as an evasion of their reasoning , who from that text , conclude concerning the blessed virgin , that she died , and was not miraculously assumed . the ascension of elias is thus expounded . (b) he was taken up into the aerial , not the aetherial , heavens ; from whence he was dropped in an obscure place on earth , there to remain to the end of the world , and then to expire with it . they say † of job , that when he spake of a bird , and of her path in the air , he , by a figure , called christ a bird , and , by the motion of it in the air , figured also our lords ascension . we may perceive , by these few instances , what an entrance into the sense of scripture is like to be given , whilst a pope has the key of knowledge in his keeping . thirdly , if men would use the church as their ministerial guide , and admit of the scripture as the only rule by which all matters of faith are to be measured , they would agree in the proper means to the blessed end of unity in the faith. this was the perswasion of st. austin who thus applieth himself to maximinus * ; neither ought i at this time to alledge the council of nice , nor you that of ariminum : for neither am i bound to the authority of the one , nor you to that of the other . let us both dispute with the authorities of scripture which are witnesses common to both of us . whilst the romanists ascribe the differences which arise amongst the reformed to their want of an infallible guide , and to their different interpretations of the scriptures , they unskilfully derive effects from causes which are not the natural parents of them . there is ( saith st. austine ) one mother of all strifes , and she is pride . neither doth the scripture divide us , nor does the infallibility of their judge unite them . their union ( such as it is ) ariseth from the mighty force of their external polity ; and they speak not differently because they dare not ; and the strength of that polity arose at first from rome , not as the chair of st. peter but as the seat of the empire . our divisions like theirs , arise ( as all wars do , be they ecclesiastical or civil ) from the unruly lusts and passions of men. and from these likewise , arise generally the misinterpretations of plain laws , and rules ; the sense of which must be made to chime according to the interest of prejudiced men , or else they will not give attention to them . if the lusts and passions of men were mortified ; all christians agreeing in the certainty of the scriptures , though not of any living guide ; and the words of the one being as intelligible as those of the other : all might agree in one creed , and put an end to those unnecessary controversies which entangle truth , and extinguish charity . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64357-e1630 the question . the moment of ●his question . the temptations to believe the affirmative part of this question . the true resolution of the query . prop. i. * nisi una est fides , non est . l. m.ser . 23. † see ferrand . l. 1. c. 1. sect. 4. disquis . relig. * acts 4.19 , 20. * s. mat. 28.20 . prop. ii. * jo● . 15.22 , 24. prop. iii. * to the reader of the dis. of govern. of church●s . * r. h. guide in controv. in pref. p. 3. prop. iv. consid. i. * isai. 56.10 . jez . 2.8 . ez. 7.26 . c. 22.26 . † m●l . 2.7 , 8. * deut. 17.8 . to 12. see levit. 4.13 . consid. ii. * s. mat. 16.18 . † s. mat. 28.20 . revel . 3.1 , 2 , 3. * s. luke 10.16 . † s. luke 10.1 , 9. * ver. 12. 1 tim. 3.15 . † ryc . of the greek ch. p. 44. * revel . 3.12 . † in 1 cor. 9.2 . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. * s. mat. 18.15 , 16 , 17. see deut. 17.6 . * launoy in epist . ad carol. magistrum ad jacob. bevil . ad . guil. voell . ad raim . formentinum in 5. par . epist. consid. iii. * joh. 20.21 . † s. mat. 9.36 . c. 10.6 . 2. pet. 5.2 . * s. mat. 28.16 , 17 , 18 , 19. † s. chrys. in 1 cor. 9.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. † see r. h. guide in controv . dis. 1. p. 5. and socin . in loc. * s. hil. de trin. l. 6. dixit petrus , tu es filius dei , &c. super hanc igitur confessionis petram ecclesiae edificatio est v. launoy in epist ad voellum . † revel . 21.14 . ephes. 2.20 . * act. 2.14 , 41 , 47. iv. consid. † euseb. l. 3. vit . const. c. 7. ▪ 8. p. 487. socrat. e. h. l. c. 8. p. 19. * v. concil . lab● . tom. 2. p. 50 , &c. † socr. eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 6. p. 9. * from a. 1545. to a. 1563. † v. council . const. sess . 39. * v. greg. magn . ep. 6.31 . leo. 1. ep. 53. gelas . 1. ep. 13. † concil . labb . tom. 10. p. 23 , 379. & pontific . roman . (a) a. d. 1542. in coll. sorb . see richer . h. conc. general . vol. 4. p. 162 , 163 , &c. object . * r.h. annot. on d. still . answer . p. 82 , 83. † art. 31. ch. 5. du consistoire . si un ou plusieurs , &c. * syn. dord . sess . 138. answer . (a) see artic. 20 , 21 , 22. (b) camp. rat. 3. p. 180. rat. 5. p. 185. * lib. diurn . pontif. p. 35. etenim hujus apostolicae traditionis normam quam venerandam sanctorum 318. patrum con●ilium quod in nicaea , &c. & p. 43. hujusmodi evangelicam traditionem . † ant. dezallier in histor. monoth . p. 123. * conc. trid. sess. 4. decr . 1. † v. constit . apost . can . apost . conc . laod. conc . nic. 1. s. hieron . prolog . &c. euseb . e. h. l. 4. c. 26. p. 149. cron. l. 2. &c. * v. blondelli pseudo-isodorum . † v. s. hieron . in isai. c. 6.8 . * gratian in de consecr . dist . 2. cap. 2. (a) s. aug. tract . 30. in job . & tract . 50. (b) brev. rom. dom. infra . oct . asc. 3. noct . lect . 7. p. 440. (c) innoc. 3. myst. miss . l. 4. p. 196. * h. conc. trid. l. 2. arg. i. † see the index of onuphrii , vit . pontif. ed. colon. 1610. * steph. baluz . in miscellan . l. 3. p. 471. to 514. † s. bern. ep. 219. * baluz . ibid. p. 514. difficile tum erat , &c. arg. ii. * lib. diurn . pontif. 2. professio fidei . p. 43. — vndè & districti anathematis interdictioni subjicimus , si quis unquam , se● n●s , sive est al●us , qui novum aliquid praesumat contra bujusin●di evangel●cam traditionem , & orthodox●efid●i , christianaeque religionis integritatem , &c. arg. iii. arg. iv. * mat. par . a. 1217. stupor mundi . † ezra . 8.20 . * innoc. 3. myst. missae l. 1. c. 2. fol. 158. † innoc. 3. ibid. c. 62. fol. 165. * ibid. l. 2. c. 24. fol. 170. (a) ibid. c. 29. fol. 171. (b) ibid. c. 58. fol. 177. (c) ibid. l. 4. c. 13. fol. 189. (d) ibid. c. 16. fol. 190. (e) ibid. c. 19. (a) epist. zach. p. ad bonifac. inter op . m. velseri . in l. 5. rer. boic . p. 148. de perversa autem [ virgilii ] doctrinâ , quam contra dominum & animam suam locmutus est , quod scil . alius mundus & alii homines sub terrâ sint , ali●squesol & luna , si convictus fuerit ita consiteri , hunc accito concilio ab ecclesiâ pelle sacerdotii honore privatum . (b) velser . op . ibid. p. 147. (c) vels . ibid. p. 149. † baron . annal . a. 553. n. 48. ed. colon. p. 486. * id. ibid. n. 218. p. 419. * id. an. 553. n. 192. p. 511. (a) conc. constant . 2. collat . 6. (b) defin. conc. col . 8. (c) baron . annal . 553. n. 212. p. 417. — act. mque est ( ut apparet ) adversus vigihi constitutum , licet pre reverentà ipsum non nominaverint . * dezall . hist. mon. scrut . 5. p. 192 , 193. altera phrasis honoriana longè dificilior , munimè tamen dissimulanda , ea est , quod dicat apertè . unde & unam voluntatem fatemur dom . nostri jesu christi . † syn. 6. act . 13. see richer . hist. conc. general . vol. 1. p. 569. &c. * syn. 7. act. ult . p. 886. con. in labb . richer . h. conc. gen. vol. 1. p. 658. ad calc . ejusd . act. 7. in ●mn . editionibus concil . legitur epist. synod . quam tarasius , &c. — et diserte narrat cunctos patres — honorium damnasse . (a) lib. diurn . pontif. conf. fid . 2. p. 41. autores verò novi haeretici dogmatis , sergion , pyrrhum , paulum , & petrum episcopos , unà cum honorio ( qui pravis corum assertionibus fomentum impendit ) pariterque & theodorum pharamitanum , & cyrum alexandrinum , cum eorum imitatoribus , &c. (b) melch. can. loci com . l. 6. c. ult . p. 242 , 243. &c. (c) anton. dezallier . hist. mon. par. 1678. (a) id. ib. p. 224 , 225 , 226. † 218. * id. p. 220. (b) p. 207 , 208. (c) id. p. 122. profanâ proditione immaculatam fidem subvertere conatus est . — flammam confovit , p. 123. (d) socr. 〈◊〉 . p. 4●0 . c●●●id . v. * r. h. annot. on d. st. answ. p. 81. prop. v. * hist. fran. a. 1530. (a,) mez. hist. a. 1548. (b.) id. ib. a. 1603. (c) see i. racsters 7 motives of w. a. p. 11 , 12. (d) confer . avec m. claude . p. 110. (d) r. h. annot . on d. st. answ. p. 84. art. 20. * mr. selden in his colloquies ; a ms. in the word church . sect. 5. † doctr. & polit . eccl. ang● . a. 1617. p. 129. * artic. 19. (a) s. aug. d● verb. dom. super mat. ser. 16. (b.) art. 20. (c.) can. 5. (d) 1 eliz. 1. sect. 36. (e) art. 21. * ep. 118. concil . in eccl. dei saluberrimam esse authoritatem . (a) greg. naz. ep. 42 , ad procopium . (a) see d. dennisons white wolf . * conc. lat. sess . 11. a. 1516. inter labb . conc. max. p. 291. caeterùm si quibusdam eorum dominus futura quaedam in dei ecclesia inspiratione quapiam revelaverit , ut per amos prophetam ipse promittit , & paulus ap. praedicatorum princeps spiritum , inquit , nolite extinguere , prophetas nolite spernere , hos aliorum fabulosorum & mendaciumgregi connumerari vel aliter impediri minime , volumus . † syn. nic. 2. art. 7. sec. vers . anastasii . licet enim honorio post mortem anathema sit dictum ab orientalibus , sciendum tamen est quia fuerat super haeresi accusatus , propter quam solam licitum est minoribus majorum suorum moribus resistendi , vel pravos sensus liberè respuendi , &c. prop. vi. (a) cl. alex. strom. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. & strom. 7. — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (b) v. davenant . de judice & norm● fidei . c. 12. p. 53. &c. d. till . rule of faith. part . 4. sect . 2. p. 320. &c. assert . i. (a) gen. 3.15 . assert . ii. * see s. joh. 20.30 , 31. c. 21.25 . (b) 2 tim. 3.15 , 16 , 17. * iren. l. 3. c. 1. † eus. hist. eccl. l. 2. c. 14. * iren. l. 2. c. 47. s. aug. de doct . christ. l. 2. c. 9. (a.) v. p. s. p. hist. critique . p. — mais elle est 583. plus ample & plus commode ; &c. † see hook. eccl. pol. book fifth . sect. 19. * mr. hs. peaceable design renewed . p. 14. (a;) a. s. reconciler of religions , printed 1663. c. 11. p. 38 , 39. (a,) histoire critique . ch. 25. p. 392 , 393. (a,) s. hieron . in prf . ad comment . in epist. ad galat. — vt sentirem me non tam discipulam habere quam judicem . v. psal. 119.99 . * s. hieron . in ep. ad paulin. ad sensum suum incongrua aptant testimonia — et ad voluntatem suam s. scripturam repugnantem trabunt . (a) r. h. guide , &c. disc. 4. p. 375 , 376 , 377 , 378 , &c. * v. confess . fid . christ. ed. nom . eccles. polon . &c. (a) v. innoc. 3. in decret . greg. l. 1. tit . 33. c. 6. greg. 7. ep. l. 8. ep. 21. extrav . de major & obed. c 1. p. pi. 5. in bull● cont. r. eliz. in camd. annal . a. 1570. (b) jerem. 1.10 . * d. falkner in christ. loy . p. 315. (a) domin . infrâ octav. nativ . in 2. nocturno lect 8. p. 175. (b) dom. infrâ oct. asc. in 3. noct. p. 443. † infra . oct. asc. 3. noct. lect. 8. p. 447. assert . iii. * s. aug. cont. max. l. 3. the ceremonies of the vacant see, or, a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly. ceremoniale historico e politico. part 5. english leti, gregorio, 1630-1701. 1671 approx. 120 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31475 wing c1677 estc r17737 11741020 ocm 11741020 48490 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31475) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48490) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 486:1) the ceremonies of the vacant see, or, a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death with the proceedings in the conclave, for the election of a new pope, according to the constitutions and ceremonials, as also the coronation and cavalcade / out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly. ceremoniale historico e politico. part 5. english leti, gregorio, 1630-1701. davies, john, 1625-1693. [6], 102 p. : ill. printed by h.l. and r.b. for tho. basset, london : 1671. epistle dedicatory dated: jan 7, 1671, j. davies. 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reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ceremonies of the vacant see. the ceremonies of the vacant see . or a true relation of what passes at rome upon the pope's death . with the proceedings in the conclave , for the election of a new pope ; according to the constitutions and ceremonials . as also the coronation and cavalcade . out of the french by j. davies of kidwelly . london , printed by h. l. and r. b. for tho. basset at the george in fleetstreet , near cliffords inn. 1671. to my worthy and much honoured friend , mr. michael hall of durham . sir , the obligations i had to your worthy brother john hall , somtime of grey's inne esquire , are no less present to my thoughts , when i am at the greatest distance from his relations , then they are during my long residences at london , where i frequently converse with those , who , knowing his worth , take occasion to celebrate it , upon the least mention of his name . but the account i receiv'd from you of him not long since , and what you design'd to have done thereupon , rais'd in me a general reflection on the excellencies of that person , at least what was within the reach of my happy knowledge of him . of this i gave the world what satisfaction i could , before his translation of hierocles upon the golden verses of the pythagoreans ; that is , a short collection of my own observations , without communicating my design to any of his friends . what overtures you have made in order to the compleating of it , i shall not here insist upon , further then to assure you , that my prosecution of it , shall , what lies in my power , be answerable to your desires . as to what is at present usher'd to you by this dedicatory , be pleas'd , sir , to take this short character of it ; that it is a particular account of that action , which being of highest importance in the concerns of christianity , occasions the discourse of all persons , during the process of it , as well of these , whose principles induce them to a belief , as those , who stand upon the denial of a supream pastorship of the christian flock upon earth . whence rome derives the priviledge of being the scene of this great transaction , is not my business to enquire : yet i think it not amiss , to bring in here two distichs of that worthy author , sir r. stapylton , comprehending , first , the metropolism of that city , upon the gentile account , and then its loss of that super-intendency , and afterwards its retrival thereof upon the christian score ! roma fuit quondam terrae regina marisque ; at nunc nec terras , nec mare roma regit . roma fuit quondam terrae regina marisque . nunc mare , nunc terras , amplius illa regit . thus as to the subject of the ensuing treatise . the further business of this address , is , to acquaint you , that the manuscript left in my hands by one nearly related to you , concerning your ancient cathedral , will ere long appear in publick . what else i have to adde , is only the usual complement made in the infancy of the year ; that is , my wishes to you , of health , prosperity , in friends and affairs ; and , the greatest transient happinesse , all the endearing enjoyments of a conjugal life ; and all this , without any other design , but that of assuring you , how much , and how truly i am , sir , your most affectionate and most humble servant , j. davies . jan. 7. 1671. an historical account of the ceremonies at the election of a pope . rome , having heretofore rais'd it self to that greatness as to become the seat of the world's empire , continu'd its possession thereof for many after-ages . during that vast interval of time its councils had an influence over the affairs and concerns of most nations : the changes and revolutions of states were regulated by its policies ; and its judgments were legislative to all places over which the roman-eagles had spread their victorious wings : in a word , the general emergencies of the universe are the ordinary discourse of the inhabitants of this great city : and on the contrary , what is done in it employs the reflections of all those who have heard of its name . but as it hapned heretofore at the death of any of its emperours , all eyes were upon it , to observe the management of an election , which they thought contributory to their happiness or unhappiness , though as yet the jurisdiction related only to temporal concerns : so is it since it became the seat of a spiritual monarchy and hierarchy . for upon every vacancy in this , the whole christian world is inquisitive to know what passes in a conjuncture of so great importance , to the tranquillity and advantage of christendom , and wholly taken up with a consideration how worthy or how happy that subject ought to be , who is to fill a chair exalted above all the thrones upon earth . as therefore every one thinks himself concern'd in this exaltation to the papal dignity , so does every one imagine he hath a right and freedom to speak , and give his judgment of it . accordingly hath it hapned , that all the circumstances of so celebrious and sacred an action have been so well observ'd , and thought of such consequence , that the memorials thereof have been transmitted to after-ages ; to the end it should be known , with what extraordinary precautions they were to proceed upon the like occasions , in order to the prevention of those misfortunes and disturbances , which the long continuance of a vacancy hath many times occasion'd in the church . but what occasions long vacancies , and how far they are to be imputed to the interfering interests of those temporal princes , who think themselves more nearly concern'd in the election , is no● our business here to determine : onl● this seems rationally deducible from their proceedings therein , that they would demean themselves with a greater indifference , as to the election , were they less perswaded , that the person once elected must be acknowledg'd supreme pastor of the catholick church . but in process of time , through the prudent provisions , which the popes have made by their constitutions : things are reduc'd to a certain order , so as that there is the less ground of fearing those fatal accidents , wherewith the church hath been but too much afflicted by so many schismes , most of which have deriv'd their birth or growth from the long continuance of conclaves . and the city of rome seems from that time to have attain'd a better constitution , so as not to be subject to any disturbance during that interregnum ; of which it is the design of this discourse to give a particular account , by discovering what is done , not only within the walls of rome , but also those of the conclave it self , upon the occasion of a vacancy in the see apostolick , and representing the ceremonies observed at the exaltation of a person to a spiritual jurisdiction and supremacy . as soon as the pope hath submitted to the laws of mortality by resigning up his last breath , or seems past all hopes of recovery , the cardinal patrone , who is ordinarily the nephew , and entrusted with the management of state-affairs , sends an account of his condition to the several cardinals and embassadors : by the prelates he dispatches to them , and orders all the considerable prisoners to be remov'd out of the ordinary prisons to the castle st. angelo , in regard that immediately upon the pope's death the senate and people of rome set open the prison-doors , and give liberty to all those whom they there find in restraint . soon after the cardinals and embassadors make their visits to the cardinal patrone , condoling the loss he hath received by the pope's death ; and if it happen that any of them be in the pope's antichamber , when he is ready to expire , they are admitted into his chamber to see his departure , and to address their prayers to god for him . assoon as he is given over for dead the cardinal 's , and all the officers , who had lodgings assign'd them in the palace , dislodge themselves and go to their houses in the city , save only the cardinal , who has the title of chamberlain , whose priviledge it is to continue still in the pope's appartment . there are in the sacred colledge of cardinals , ( whose number is by the constitution of sixtus quintus limited to seventy ) three principal charges , which admit not of any vacancy upon the pope's death , but only upon theirs who were possest thereof . those are that of chancellour , ( who yet assumes only the title and quality of vice-chancellour , though there be not any other person above him ) that of the grand penitentiary , and that of chamberlain . the functions of the two former charges are sufficiently known by their nam●s ; but the third is in its greatest lustre during the vacancy of the see , though the person who is possest of it be at all other times chief of the chamber of accompts and the finances of the holy see. but when , and as long as there is no pope , he commands the swisses of the guard , who had belong'd to the deceas'd , and they keep guard about his palace , and follow him up and down the city . he orders the coynage of money , on which there are engraven his own armes under those of the vacant see , which are two keys crossing one the other under a canopy . he has this further priviledge , to be present with the three chiefs of the order of the cardinals , ( that is to say , the dean of the sacred colledge , the first cardinal-priest , and the first cardinal-deacon ) in all the assemblies they shall hold during the vacancy of the see , to advise with them about the affairs of the church . it belongs also to the cardinal-chamberlain to see all things ordered relating to the conclave , which he disposes to whom he thinks fit after the election of a pope . the chief officer of the datary , the secretaries , and all others who are intrusted with seals of any kind , which they had had from the deceas'd pope , bring them immediately upon the first news of his death to the cardinal chamberlain , who , in the presence of the auditor , and the clerks of the chamber ( who are the masters of accompts ) and of the grand treasurer ( who is surintendant of the finances or revenues ) orders them to be broken , that no foul play or forgerie be done with them ; and the ring of the fisher , which is of gold , and valu'd at about a hundred crowns , after it is broken , belongs to the masters of the ceremonies . it is also incumbent on the said cardinal to send notice at the same time to all the cardinals , the senate , and people of rome , of the pope's death , and the three chiefs in point of denomination ( there being three different classes of cardinals , according to the difference of their titles ; to wit , six titles of episcopal cardinals , fifty of priesthood , and fourteen deacon-cardinals ) send the like notice to all the other cardinals , to make their appearance in the hall of the consistory that very evening ; or if that cannot be done with convenience the next morning to take order for all the charges which shall be vacant upon the pope's death , and to appoint a governour of the conclave , and of st. peter's , which is the most fortify'd quarter of rome , and wherein lie the castle of st. angelo , the church of st. peter , and the vatican palace , and where the conclave is ordinarily kept ; and they all go with the roquet uncover'd , as a mark that the sovereign spiritual authority is devolv'd into their hands , as having then no superiours over them . those who are creatures of the deceas'd pope are clad in violet , as are also the other cardinals , but with this distinction , that the borders and ornaments of their garments are red . in the mean time the pope's almoners , after they have washt the corps , cloath it with his cassock , his roquet , his camad , and his caloth , and by a secret pair of stairs convey it to the chapel of sixtus , which is in the palace . there it is received by the penitentiaries of st. peter , who vest him so as if he were going to celebrate mass , setting on his head a mitre of cloth of gold , with all the other ornaments peculiar to this ceremony ; and among others the pallium and pannona , which none is to wear but only the pope in his pontifical habiliments . being thus habited , they lay him on a couch in the midst of the chappel , with a silver cross upon his breast , and two cardinals hats at his feet , representing his spiritual and temporal authority . ordinarily , there are but a dozen torches set about the corps , and no canopy . the congregation of cardinals being risen , the creatures of the deceas'd and his particular servants come into the chapel ; where , after they have said certain prayers for his soul , the canons of st. peter make their entrance with their crosses , with every one a wax candle in his hand , and taking the corps they carry it into one of the chapels of their church , where it lies expos'd for the space of three days to the sight of all the people , who are admitted to kiss his feet and hands . after the expiration of those three days , the same canons , accompany'd by the relations of the deceas'd ( the church-doors being shut ) dispose the body into his sepulchre , in case he had ordered any to be made in his life-time ; but if not , they cover it with plaister in some part of their said church , till his sepulchre be made ready , which the succeeding pope , if he be a creature of the deceas'd , does ordinarily cause to be made at his own charge , together with one for himself , in such church as he shall think fit to make choice of : yet is it to be observed , that the body is to continue a whole year deposited in the said church of st. peter ; after which it may be buried any where else , and the translation of it is celebrated with great pomp aud magnificence ; and they use in that ceremony a particular herse-cloth embroidered , which the clergy of st. peter are oblig'd to get made for every pope immediately after his eelection , which cloth is carefully laid up , during the life of the said pope . the first day after the departure of any pope being over , the cardinals employ the mornings of the nine subsequent days in having dirges sung for the repose of the soul of the deceas'd ; and on the ninth the funeral-oration is made ; after which all the cardinals come about the quire beset all with lights , under which there is a bed of state , and five among them ( of which number the cardinal , who says mass is one ) with black . on , having given holy-water and incense , say the suffrages and accustomed prayers . all the days next following the said dirges of the said cardinals meet in the sacristy of st. peter , to name the officers of the conclave , and to settle other affairs of the ecclesiastical state. the embassadors make them proffers of the assistance of their masters , in order to the security and freedom of the conclave . at their coming in , they make a genuflexion , and speak standing and cover'd ; and at their departure thence they make the like genuflexion . the house of the ursini , and that of the colonni , as being the chiefest houses of rome , are also receiv'd into it , but kneeling and bare-headed . they pretend that they have a priviledge to offer with their own service , that , of all the other roman princes and lords . these latter on the contrary , ( whose body is called the baronage ) are not willing to acknowledge any dependence on the former two houses , and ordinarily make choice of the most ancient person of their body to make their harangue . this contest upon the death of urban the eighth , occasion'd the ursini and the colonni to forbear going at all , and yet the baronage was admitted to make proffers of their service . the ten days above-mentioned being expired , on the eleventh the cardinals have a dirge sung at st. peters , one of them celebrating mass in honour of the holy ghost , after which there is a sermon preach'd , wherein they are exhorted to divest themselves of all passion and self-interest in the election they are to make of a good common father of the church . after which they make their entrance by way of procession into the conclave , the musick singing the veni creator , and lay their crosses in the chapel paulina . the dean being come up to the altar says the prayer , deus qui corda fidelium : which ended , the cardinals take the oath appointed for the observance of the constitutions of former popes concerning the election of the new one . that done , every one goes to dinner in his own apartment , which had been assign'd them in the palace , for the preparing of their sustenance during their abode in the conclave , they being not permitted to come out of the palace till they have chosen a pope . all that day the conclave lies open , to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who are permitted during that time to visit it ; and towards the evening every one withdraws into his cell , and about three or four hours after , the cursors or heralds put out the multitude , crying aloud extra omnes . but the embassadors , who had spent the eleven days aforesaid in visiting all the cardinals at their several lodgings , come to see them once more in the conclave ; and as soon as they are come out thence , ( which they commonly do last of any ) the chief person of the house of the savelli , as hereditary marshal of the holy church , locks the door of the conclave , sets a guard at it , and hath an apartment adjoyning thereto , out of which he is not to stir either night or day till there be a pope chosen . at the last conclave , there arose a contest between him and the governour of the said conclave about the keys of it ; but they were adjudg'd to the prince savelli , as'having been in former times in the possession of his predecessors . the keeping of the keys within the conclave belongs to the cardinal-chamberlian and the master of the ceremonies . in the door of the conclave there is a little square window , which may be shut on both sides within and without , and is not open'd , but only when embassadors or some other person of quality brings some very important advertisement or intelligence to the sacred colledge , and then they direct their speech through the said window . according to the constitution of pius the fourth every cardinal may have two men with him to wait upon him in the conclave ; but princes and the more ancient cardinals may have three and no more : and these persons are called conclavists , who all joyning together oblige all the cardinals to take an oath for the observance of their priviledges . nor can any of the cardinals balk the taking of the said oath , out of a fear of the reproach which might be made him of his desire to be pope . their priviledges consist in having ten thousand crowns out of the chamber , to be divided among them , and all the vacant benefices , not exceeding two thousand crowns revenue . moreover , it is further requisite , according to the foresaid constitution of pius the fourth , that the conclavists , be actually menial servants to the said cardinals at the vacancy of the holy see , and that they had been in their service for the space of a year before . with this further proviso , that the ministers of princes , persons possessd of in for , ost . temporal seigneuries , having the rights of the administration of justice annex'd thereto , as also persons employ'd in traffick and commerce ; and lastly , the brothers or nephews of cardinals , cannot be chosen by them for their conclavists , though they were their domesticks , and receiv'd wages or salaries from them . to this kind of persons there are added also two others , one for the service of the two masters of ceremonies , and the other , for the secretary of the sacred colledge . with this reservation nevertheless , that the servant of of the masters of the ceremonies ought to be actually a domestick of one of them , and have been such for the space of six months before : which condition is in like manner requisite in the servant to the secretary of the colledge of cardinals . besides the cardinals and their conclavists , the two masters of ceremonies , the secretary of the colledge , and their servants there are also shut up in the conclave a penitentiary , to receive confessions , and resolve such cases of conscience as may be propos'd to him ; as also a sacristan , with a chaplain to assist him in the service of the sacristy , a physician , an apothecary , and a chyrurgeon , with one or two servants , and the drugs and medicines requisite for the relief and accommodation of the indispos'd ; a carpenter , a mason , and about twenty porters or servants of the meanest sort , to be employed in the carrying of wood , sweeping the chambers and the streets of the conclave , and to what other services may be necessary within . all these officers and servants are chosen by the cardinals by plurality of voices , and are not to be taken out of the houses of any of the said cardinals , and their salaries are paid out of the chamber . assoon as they have clear'd the conclave of all those persons , whom either their curiosity or some other occasion had brought thither , the embassador's also being retir'd , and the door lockt on the out-side by the marshal of the conclave , who has the keys of it , and is to see it guarded , the three cardinals , chiefs of the three different classes , accompany'd by the cardinal-chamberlain , and one of the masters of ceremonies , who have the custody of the keyes within , ( as hath been observ'd already ) go with torches all about the conclave , visiting all parts of it , to see if there be any there who ought not to be , and whether the shutting up of the conclave be performed according to the constitutions . and the next day , immediately after dinner , there is a review taken of all the conclavists and servants in the chapel , out of which they are ordered to go one after another , to be examin'd , whether they have the qualifications requisite for their admission , as also whether they exceed not the number appointed by the said constitutions . but , before we come to a particular account of what passes among the cardinals in the conclave , it will not be amiss to say somewhat of what is done in the mean time , in reference to the government of the city . upon the news spread abroad of the pope's death , the senate and people of rome , ( that is to say , the consuls of the city ) being assembled in the capital , cause it to be publish'd through all the streets by beat of drum , order the prison-doors to be open'd , and set at liberty all they find in restraint , thereby signifying that the jurisdiction of rome during the vacancy of the holy see , is devoted to them . they order all the inhabitants to keep a candle lighted at their window during all that night , and enjoyn the captains of the several wards or quarters , ( whose companies consist of men , whom the inhabitants of all ranks and orders , ( excepting only both the roman and foreign nobility ) are oblig'd to furnish them withal , to the number of one for every house with their armes ) to keep strict guards day and night , every one in their lodgings , and to take their several rounds and patrouilles , to prevent the disorders which are many times very great , proceeding hence , that such as have been hardly or injuriously dealt with , during the precedent papacies , do for the most part defer their resentments thereof to the next vacant see ; so that it happens many murthers and assassinations may be committed . not but that justice is very severely administred at that time , and with greater expedition , then at any other ; but if the murtherers and other mischievous persons be not surpriz'd in the very facts , and can make a shift to abscond themselves and keep out of the way till the creation of a new pope , they return to their habitations as if they had committed those crimes in some other countrey . all the cardinals , embassadors , princes and lords about rome raise souldiers for the guarding of their palaces and their houses , and they among the cardinals who have any pretensions to the papacy are more careful in this particular then the others , by reason of the priviledge the people assume to themselves of pillaging them assoon as they are chosen . there passes not a day without some processions , which from all churches and monasteries take their way to st. peter's , and about the conclave , singing as they go the hymn veni creator , to implore the assistance of the holy ghost and its inspirations upon the cardinals . the conclave consists ordinarily of three galleries , aud twenty five or thirty withdrawing-rooms or chambers , all of a floor , from the vatican-palace of equal height with the gallerie which is over the portal of st. peter's , which is the ordinary place of the benediction given by the pope to the people after his coronation , and upon the great festivals of the year : which gallery makes also part of the conclave . in all which galleries , rooms and chambers , they make partitions of boards for so many cells as there are cardinals . every cardinal hath a cell assign'd him about five paces in length , and about four in bredth , with a little wardrobe proportionable thereto . the cells are taken by lot , and every cardinal is to take that the number whereof he finds in his lot : and whereas it happens that the cardinals are not all of them , during the whole time , confin'd within the conclave , either upon the account of sickness or absence , the cells which are not taken up are divided among the next neighbors , who make this advantage only of the absence or indisposition of others , that their rooms are somwhat enlarg'd therby ; but the absent or sick cardinals , returning into the conclave , reassume their cells , and so oblige those who had made use of them to content themselves with their own divisions . they among the cardinals , who were creatures of the deceas'd pope , hang their cells within and without with cloth or serge of a violet colour , and the others with green serge , all setting up their armes over their doors , which they make fast only with two staves crossing one the other after the form of a st. andrews cross . the officers and servants of the conclave have their quarters assign'd them in some remote part . at three or four avenues of the said conclave , there are turning-boxes , like those in the monasteries of nuns , through which the meat sent in to the cardinals and their conclavists is received . their partizans and servants attend their meat as they were wont to do their persons when they were at liberty . before the entrance of the cardinals into the conclave , there is a list taken of all the prelates then about the court of rome , and the governour of it appoints every day , two in the morning , and as many in the afternoon , every one in his rank , to be present at the said turning-boxes , to visit and observe whatever is sent in to the cardinals , to prevent the sending in of letters or notes with the meat . they are also to hinder all persons from speaking to them or their conclavists at the said boxes , unless they speak aloud , and in the italian or latin tongue , that every one may understand what is said ; inasmuch as by the constitutions , it is matter of excommunication to talk of , or to enquire what is done within the conclave . but notwithstanding all the caution and vigilance us'd as to this particular , yet cannot some abuses be prevented ; and people come to know what passes there . this happens sometimes by the way of notes or advertisements in writing , which they find means to get in , either by the connivance of some prelates , who are unwilling to disoblige the crowns and princes , whose patrizans they are , as they think they should do , by obstructing their having intelligence of what passes . sometimes also this is attributed to the cardinals themselves , who do it to promote their different engagements and affections , or to prevent prejudicing their hopes , or that their precautions are really eluded . another way yet , where there may be a discovery made of proceedings in the conclave , is , a secret kind of language before-hand , studied and agreed upon between the conclavists , and their correspondents , whereof they make their advantages when occasion serves , comprehending under the supposititious termes of houshold-stuffe , relations , or domestick affairs , concerning which they enquire news , the names of such cardinals as are propos'd , or excluded , or that stand fair for the papal dignity ; and so by disguiz'd discourses , and an affected jargon applicable to divers senses , disclosing what is most secretly carried on in the conclave . yet is there not any thing to be objected against the shutting up of the conclave , since it is done with all the exactness imaginable . for the chimneys are close done up at the tops , and the windows of all the rooms and galleries are in like manner stop'd to within a foot of the upper part , which small distance is clos'd with course linen cloth , whereby a little light comes in ; but so that if the cardinals have any occasion to write or read , they must always have a wax-candle standing by them . and thence it proceeds , that not receiving any supplies of fresh air from without , and that within being many times infected and corrupted , they are apt to fall sick , especially when the conclaves are of long continuance . the twelfth day after the pope's death ( the first , as hath bin already observ'd being spent in conveying the body into one of the chapels of st. peter's church , and the nine subsequent days in celebrating obsequies and singing dirges for the soul of the deceas'd , and holding the ordinary congregations at the end of the said dirges ; and the eleventh , in the cardinals taking possession of the conclave , which for all that day lies open to satisfie the curiosity of the people , who come not out of it till three or four houres after night ) all the cardinals resident about the court of rome , having shut themselves up in the conclave , ina much as by the constitution of gregory xv. there can be no warrantable proceeding to the election , till the shutting up of the conclave be compleated , and acknowledg'd such by a publick act , which is made thereof at the request of the master of the ceremonies : all these things being thus order'd in the morning of the said twelfth day , before they apply themselves to any thing concerning the election , the three cardinals , chiefs of the several orders , and the cardinal chamberlain give a commission to some within , to take an exact survey of all parts of the conclave , to see that it is close and well shut up of all sides . which if they find accordingly , after they have made their report thereof to the company , it is form●d into an authentick act , the substance whereof amounts to this , that the conclave is close and shut up , as it is requir'd it should be by the constitutions , and accounted and reputed such by the sacred colledge of cardinals . and this ceremony is so essential , and of so absolute necessity , that there would be a nullity in the election , which should be made without this precedent act. and as long as there is no declaration contrary to that of the shutting up of the conclave , that is , till such time as it shall have been declared by the suffrages of two thirds of the cardinals , that there is an overture of the said conclave , it is always accounted and reputed duly shut up ; and the election which might be made after the publication of the closure , cannot be disputed as to nullity , under pretence of any overture hapning afterwards , if the declaration of the overture had not been made with the advice of two thirds of the colledge of cardinals . the cardinals are permitted to hold their capitulary assemblies or congregations , to agree among themselves upon certain articles , before they engage npon the business of the election . these articles are to be sign'd by all , even those which concern the privileges of the conclavists heretofore mentioned , before or after their entrance into the conclave , provided always that the election be not retarded thereby . there is also a further examination made , before they fall upon any thing touching the election , whether among the cardinals there be any one that hath not receiv'd the order of deacon , to the end he might not be admitted to give his voice , inasmuch as he is excluded by the constitution of pius iv. unless he had obtain'd permission in writing from the deceas'd pope to do it . nay , it hath sometimes heretofore come into debate , whether a cardinal , on whom silence had been impos'd before the pope's death , could give his suffrage for the election of another pope ? but this question was decided by pius v. who , by the decretal of january 26. 1571. declar'd , that that imposition of silence was only a ceremony introduc'd only to keep the cardinals in a certain advertency ( before they were admitted to give their voices and suffrages , as the consistories and congregations wherein they were to assist ) of that modesty and reservedness , which they were oblig'd to express in those and all other acts , but not to deprive them of their power and principal function , which consists in the election of a pope . and this constitution hath ever since been inviolably observ'd . the shutting up of the conclave introduc'd at the council of lyons , by the constitution of greg. x. 1274. having therfore bin duly acknowledg'd and verifi'd , the cardinals ( being advertis'd by the ringing of a bell to resort to the chapel paulina , which is within the compass of the conclave , if not diverted by sickness ) on the very morning of the twelfth day , go to hear mass , and communicate , as they are oblig'd to do , and immediately after ought to proceed to the election . which election , at the present , by the constitution of gregory xv. confirmed by another since of urban viii . cannot be made , otherwise then by one of these three formes and manners following ; to wit , either by way of inspiration , or by compromise ; or lastly , by scrutiny and access ; all which it is but requisite that we expicate , and make as intelligible as may be , that it may be the more easily comprehensible , with what extraordinary circumspection and wise precautions they are guided , in an affair of so high consequence . the first means or method of choosing the pope , which they call the way of inspiration ; or as it is exprest by the sacred canons as-it-were-by-inspiration , is , when all the cardinals in general , and every one in particular , with a common voice , as being inspir'd by the holy ghost , are unanimously agreed , without any one contradicting it , and without any precedent particular treaty , and do freely concur to the acknowledging and proclaiming of such a person pope . concerning which manner of election we are to observe the following circumstances , which are necessarily requisite by the gregorian constitution , which is a perfect directory , as to the ways of proceeding at elections , and observ'd at present without any contradiction . the first circumstance is , that this kind of election cannot be allowably made any where but in the conclave , and that after the publication of its being duly shut up . the second is , that this election is to be made by all in general , by every one of the cardinals in particular , who are present in the conclave , by a common suffrage , and without contradiction from any one . the third circumstance is , that there must not have been any precedent proposal , or particular treaty , in reference to a choice to be made by this kin● of way , which ought to be clearly ●●…prest by this word eligo , i chuse , pronounc'd with a loud and intelligible voice , or , for want of pronunciation , to be expresly set down in writing . the roman ceremonial gives an instance of an election , which might be allowably made by this kind of way , which brought in hither will render the business more cle●… . it is said in the forementiond ceremonial , that if any one of the cardinals , after publication of the shutting of the conclave , ( there having not been any precedent particular treaty about the person whom he would propose ) should say , for example , in a full chapel , addressing his speech to the whole sacred colledge , my lords , having always observ'd the rare and excellent qualifications and vertues of my lord the cardinal n. and having an esteem for his remarkable integrity , it is my judgement that we cannot make choice of a worthier subject to be pope , and thereupon i from this present give him my suffrage , and chuse him for pope . and that afterwards all the cardinals , with one voice , without excepting any one , being of the same opinion , and all of them intelligibly pronouncing one after another the same word , i chuse him ; or not being able to pronounce it , setting it down in writing , that person would be canonically chosen , and acknowledg'd for a true and legitimate pope , by that way which they call of inspiration , or as-it-were-by-inspiration ; which in regard it is immediately attended by adoration , is thence commonly called the way of adoration . the second manner of proceeding in the election of the pope , is the way of compromi'se , which is , when the cardinals , either immediately after their entrance into the conclave , or wearied out with its long continuance , refer themselves to one or more among them , whom they empower to make provision , in the name of all , of a common father to the catholick church . and this kind of election is practis'd conformably to the gregorian bull , and the conditions and provisions contain'd therein , which may also be reduced to three . the first is , that all the cardinals in general , and every one in particular , who are present in the conclave , not one contradicting or opposing it , ought to make a compromise in writing , whereby they invest those persons whom they take for compromissaries with an absolute power and faculty to make provision of a pastor for the holy roman church , yet with an observance of the forme , as also the clauses and conditions inserted and express'd in the compromise , and to do it within the time prescrib'd thereby : the said cardinals , promising to acknowledge and account the person , whom the compromissaries shall have thus chosen , according to the extent of that power which had been granted them by the compromise , the true and lawful pope . the second circumstance is , that it is not permitted any one of the compromissaries should give himself his own voice , otherwise his election should be null . the third condition is , that the compromissaries are oblig'd twice every day to assemble , in order to their conferring together , and promoting the execution of the compromise ; in the morning immediately after the hearing of mass , and in the evening after the recitation of the hymn veni creator spiritus , and the prayer of the holy ghost , to implore its illuminations upon them . but before they fall upon any thing of business , they are wont to make this protestation precedent thereto , that they would not be understood to give their consent by all sorts of words or expressions which might fall from them in the heat of the debate , if they do not expresly set it down in writing . when they have absolutely agreed upon the choice of any person , and have prpos'd him as such to the sacred college , he it to be immediately acknowledg'd as true pope , and canonically elected . these two ways of inspiration and compromise are not now much in use ; but the way of scrutiny , or of scrutiny and access joyned together , is the most ordinarily practis'd , wherein there are many ceremonies to be observed . for the election of a pope by this last way , it is requisite , according to the constitution of alexander the third , in the year of our lord mclxxx . made at the council of lateran , that there should be two thirds of the voices of the cardinals ; which hath been confirm'd by subsequent bulls , and in our age by those of gregory xv. and urban viii . and it is further requiste , that in the two thirds of the voices , that of the cardianl chosen , be not included , inasmuch as there is a prohibition upon pain of nullity of election for any one to chuse himself , or give himselfe his own voice . they are oblig'd twice every day to take the scrutiny and the access ; in the morning , after mass ; and in the evening , after the hymn veni creator spiritus , and the prayer of the holy ghost which are said in the chapel paulina at which the cardinals are oblig'd to be present , if not detain'd by indisposition , immediately , after the third ringing of the bell. there is a great secrecy to be observ'd in the scrutiny and access , and the manner of proceeding therein may be reduc'd to three principal actions . the first is the previous or fore-scrutiny ; the second , that of scrutiny and access ; and the third , that of the post-scrutiny , or what follows the scrutiny and access assoon as they are compleated . the particular explication of these three different actions will give us a fuller comprehension of this way of scrutiny and access , and give us to understand what it is , by distinguishing them as they are found explicated in the roman ceremonial . the fore-scrutiny may be distinguish'd into five principal acts : the preparation of the billets for the scrutiny and access ; the taking out by lots , the names of the scrutators and deputies , who are to collect the suffrages of such as are indispos'd ; that of writing them in the billets of access , that of folding them , and that of sealing them . the masters of the ceremonies are the persons who take care for the preparation of the billets , which they cause to be printed according to the forme hereafter set down , as well for the scrutiny as access . they put them into two basins upon a table before the altar ; those of the scrutiny by themselves in one of the basins , and those of the access in the other ; in number so many as there are cardinals . the figure of the billet of the scrutiny is such , that the length exceeds the bredth . it is about a hands bredth in length , and about half as broad . the outside of the billet comprehends three things ; in the upper part of it are written these words , ego cardinalis , with as much distance between the one and the other , as may be requisite for the setting down of the cardinal's name who gives his voice , and a little lower there are two little circles denoting the places where the seal is to be set . in the midst of the billet are imprinted these words , eligo in summum pontificem reverendissimum d. meum , d. cardinalem — i chuse for supream bishop the most reverend lord , my lord cardinal . — in the third and lowest part of the billet are in like manner imprinted two little circles , denoting also the places of the seal , and all the rest is blank . the form and figure of the billets for the access , is in all respects like that of the billets of the scrutiny , save only that in the midst of them , in stead of these words [ eligo in summum pontificem reverendissimum d. meum , d. cardinalem ] these are inserted , accedo reverendissimo d. meo , d. cardinali , that is to say , i give again my voice to my most reverend lord my lord cardinal . but these things will be more easily comprehended by exhibiting here the figures of the billets . the figure of the out-side of the billet of the scrutiny . fgo cird . eligo in summum pontificem rm. d. meum d. cardin. the figure of the out-side of the billet of access . ego card. ac●ed● rev●rendiss . d. m●o card. upon the other side of the billets , as well those of the scrutiny , as those of the access , there are imprinted certain bordures , or flourishes , one about the midst of the upper part of the billet , upon which is written the word nomen , and the other in like manner in the midst of the lower part , upon which is also written the word signa . the flourishes were invented purposely to render the paper the more obseure , and that the names and signes of the cardinals electors might not be perceiv'd through it : which will also be more easily understood by an inspection of the figure here annexed . the figure of the other side of the billets of the scrutiny and access . nomen . signa . the second act of the fore-scrutiny is , that of drawing by lot , the names of the scrutators and the infirmaries , who are the cardinals appointed to go to the cells of such as are indispos'd ▪ and there to take their suffrages , which is done in this manner . there are put into a purse as many little bullets or balls , hol'd through the middle , about the bigness of beads , as there are cardinals in the conclave , with their names written in little snips of parchment roll'd up , and thrust through the holes in the little bullets , which the masters of the ceremonies take care to provide , as they do the billets . as they are put into the purse they are counted all one after another , in the presence of the cardinals , and then after they have been well shaken together , the last of the deacon-cardinals draws three out of the purse , and they whose names are found in them are chosen for scrutators , according to the order wherein they are drawn out of the purse . then they draw out three others for the infirmaries or deputies , who are to go to such as are sick . and that done , the little bullets are return'd into the purse . twice a day , that is , in the morning and afternoon before the scrutiny , there is an election made of the said officers . but if it happen that they draw the names of any of the cardinals that are sick , or cannot by reason of some other impediment acquit themselves of the function of the said charges of scrutators and infirmaries , there are others drawn in their stead . the third act of the fore-scrutiny consists in setting down what is to be written in the billets , and in the filling of them by the cardinals with their own names , and the name of the cardinal to whom they give their suffrages , and their signets . to do this , every cardinal , according to his rank , beginning with the dean or most ancient , goes and takes out of the basin wherein the billets of the scrutiny are standing upon the altar one billet , and thereupon retiring into one of the two or three little desks or seats prepared for that purpose , and furnished with pen and ink in the middest of it , or to some other part of the chapel , so expos'd to the sight of all , that they may easily see him writing , but not discern what is written ; and taking his seat prepar'd also near the desk , he fills up his billet thus ; in the upper part he writes between these words [ ego cardinalis ] his own name ; in the midst of it he inserts the name of him to whom he gives his voice , with some difference and disguise of character as much as he can , according to the bull of gregory xv. that it may not be known by the writing : and in the lower part of the billet is written some certain number in figures , according to his own phansie , with some sentence out of the holy scripture , or somewhat of that nature . the figure of a billet fill'd up will render what we have said more manifest to the eye . the figure of the out-side of the billet of the scrutiny . ego fra. card. barb. eligo in summum pontificem rm. d. meum d. card ca pineum . 10. in manibus tuis sortes meae . the folding of the billets is the fourth act of the fore-scrutiny : it is no hard matter to comprehend how it is done . by the fold which is made of the billet , in the upper part of it , the corners whereof are to be turn'd down upon the marks of the seal , the name of the cardinal elector is cover'd . in like manner , by the folding which is made of the lower part of the billet , the corners whereof are also to be laid over the marks of the seal , the signes are likewise cover'd . after these two foldings , they fold it so often as is requisite to reduce it to the bredth of an inch or thereabouts . there remains yet the last act of the fore-scrutiny , which consists in sealing the billets , the form whereof is as easily conceivable , as that of the precedent folding . every cardinal before his entrance into the conclave , must have furnisht himself with a seal , unknown to the others , purposely grav'd for this occasion , containing some fancy or character , or simple-figure , the impression whereof may be easily perceiv'd . with this seal the cardinal makes an impression on the back of the billet , at the places design'd by the little circles , on which the masters of the ceremonies , before the putting of the billets into the basins , had claqt little bits of red wax . these things thus perform'd , the cardinals proceed to the second principal action called the scrutiny , which the ceremonial hath distinguish'd into eight particular acts. these are , the carrying of the billets to the altar ; the taking of the oath ; the putting of the billets into the chalice prepar'd for the reception of them ; the mixture which is thereupon made thereof ; the numbring of the billets ; the publication of the scrutiny ; the filing of the billets ; and the laving of them aside , either upon some part of the altar , or upon the desks of the scrutators , or in an empty chalice . the carrying of the billets to the altar , the taking of the oath , and the putting of the billets into the chalice , are three acts , so consequent one to the other , that it is no hard matter to make a joynt imagination of them . and to that end , presupposing that every cardinal hath at the desk ( as aforesaid ) fill'd up the billet of the scrutiny with his own name , the name of him , to whom he gives his voice , and the ordinary signes , that he hath folded it , and seal'd it , according to the precedent explication , he takes the said billet with the two fore-fingers of the right hand , he carries it openly up to the altar , where the scrutators are standing at the desk , which had been there prepar'd for them ; and being come thither , he falls down on his knees , and makes a short prayer ; after which , rising up , with a loud and intelligible voice , he takes the oath according to the forme , wherein it is transcrib'd in a table upon the altar , in these termes , testor christum dominum , qui me judicaturus est , me eligere , quem , secundum deum , judico eligi debere , et quod idem in accessu praestabo . that is to say , i attest jesus christ my lord , who is to be my judge , that i chuse him , whom according to god's will i think fittest to be chosen ; and that i will do the like in the access . having thus taken the oath , he lays his billet upon the cover of the chalice , and with the cover he puts it into the chalice , and thereupon making an obeisance to the altar , he retires to his place . this ceremony is observ'd by all the cardinals , who are able to come up to the altar . for if it happen , that any one of the cardinals then present in the chapel is not able , by reason of infirmity , to come up to the altar , the junior of the scrutators takes the basin , wherein the billets of the scrutiny are , and carries it to him , out of which the indispos'd cardinal having taken a billet , he secretly fills it up , at his own desk , folds it , and seals it , as is before-mentioned ; and after he hath taken the foresaid oath in the place where he is , he delivers his said billet to the scrutator , who openly carries it up to the altar , and without any prayer or oath lays it on the cover , and with the cover conveys it into the chalice . the same thing is done towards all the indispos'd cardinals who are in the chapel . but as to those cardinals , who , by reason of sickness are not able to stir out of their cells , the infirmary-cardinals chosen by lot to go and receive their voices , go to the desk of the scrutators , and take from their hands a box with a hole in the upper side of it , having a lock and key to it about a hands bredth high . this box is publickly opened by the scrutators , before the delivery of it to the infirmaries , to the end that every one of the cardinals may see it is empty , and that done they lock it up with the key , which they lay upon the altar , and then give the box to the infirmaries , who , having taken a little basin , with as many billets therein as there are cardinals sick in their cells , go to them . the indispos'd cardinals having taken their billets out of the basin , secretly fill them up , fold them , and seal them , and after they have made the ordinary oath , put them into the hole of the box. if the cardinal's sickness be such as that he is not able to write , he makes choice of such person as he thinks fit to fill up his billet . but the said person so appointed to fill it up , is oblig'd to make oath before the infirmary-cardinals , that he will not reveal the secret then entrusted to him : and this he is bound to do , not only upon the obligation of the said oath , but also upon pain of incurring excommunication ipso facto . the suffrages of the indispos'd cardinals being thus collected by the infirmaries , they return to the chapel , deliver the box to the scrutators , who opening it , take out the billets , which after they have been numbred , they lay , one after another upon the cover of the chalices , and with the cover convey them into the chalice . but to the end the scrutiny may not hold too long , and that it may be carry'd on without any interruption , ( as it is requir'd by the balls ) the infirmary-cardinals , before they go to the indispos'd , may fill the billets with their voices immediately after the dean-cardinal ; and then , while the others make the scrutiny , address themselves to the sick to collect their suffrages . the mixture of the billets makes the fourth act of the scrutiny , and consists in the shaking of them well in the chalice with its cover on ; which is performed by the chiefest of the scrutators , who , to that end , takes the chalice from the altar , and holding with one hand by the foot , and having the other upon the cover , shakes the billets so as that it may not be discover'd which were put in first , which last . the numbring of the billets is the fifth act , immediately following the mixture thereof , and is performed by the junior of the scrutators , who takes them one after another out of the chalice , and counts them , and puts them into another empty chalice prepar'd for that purpose . if the number of the billets be not equal to that of the cardinals , they are all burnt , and without removing out of the place they renew the scrutiny . but if the number be equal they proceed to the other subsequent acts of the scrutiny . the publication , which is the sixth act , and ought to be done by the scrutators sitting at their desk placed before the altar , is thus performed . the chief scrutator takes a billet out of the chalice , which he unfolds , without breaking the seals of it , and having discover'd and seen the name of him to whom the suffrage is given by the billet , he delivers it to the second scrutator , who having also seen the same name puts the billet into the hands of the third scrutator , who reads it with a loud and intelligible voice , so as that all the cardinals present in the chapel may hear it , who having before them their names set down in a printed sheer of paper , wherein opposite to every name there are lines drawn to the right hand and to the left , upon which they make as many dashes as a cardinal hath voices . upon 〈◊〉 line on the right hand they are to mark the votes of the scrutiny , and on that to the left those of the access . and this ceremony is observ'd in the publication of all the billets from the first to the last . here place the catalogue . a figure of the printed sheet which every cardinal hath lying before him , where upon to mark the suffrages of the scrutiny and access . accesse day suffrages month   accesse day suffrages , 1667. — r. fran barberin —   — ● dono — — r. ginetti —   — r. barbarigo — — r. ant. barberin —   — r. arragon — — r. palotta —   — r. boncompagno — — r. branciacco —   — r. litta — — r. carpegna —   — r. corsino — — r. harach —   — r. bonelli — — r. durazzo —   — r. picolomini — — r. cabrielli —   — r. caraffa — — r. ursino —   — r. palutio — — r. fachinetti —   — r. rasponi — — r. grimaldi —   — r. de comitibus — — r. rosetti —   — r. nini — — r. ludovisio —   — r. roberti — — r. cybo —   — r. spinola — — r. sfortia —   — r. visconti — — r. odcscalchi —   — r. caraccioli — — r. raggi —   — r. delphini — — r. ●e retz —   — r. de thun . — — p. homodei —   — r. d'est — — r. otthobono —   — r. donghi — — r. imperiale —   — r. rondanini — — r. borrhomaeo —   — r. maldachini — — r. santa-croce —   — r. de assia — — r. spada —   — r. carl. barbarino — — r. albici —   — r. pio — — r. aquauiua —   — r. gualtieri — — r. chisi —   — r. azzolini — — r. ilcio —   — r. vecchiarelli — — r. farneze —   — r. franconi — — r. rospigliosi —   — r. manchini — — r. bonvili —   — r. celsi — — r. bichi —   — r. perretti — — r. palavicini —   — r. vendosme — — r. bandinelli —   — r. moncada . — present in the conclaue — absent upon sicknesse , from the scrutiny-palavicini . absent from coart-arragon . the number is 70. if it should happen in the publication , that the scrutators found two billets so folded together , to any ones thinking , as if they were brought in by one and the same person ; if in both these billets there should be found one and the same thing , and one and the same cardinal named , they shall be counted but for one ; but if there be a diversity of suffrages , neither is worth any thing , yet shall not there be any defect in the scrutiny upon thar score . moreover , the publication being compleated , they set down in two or three sheets of paper the names of all the cardinals who have had voices , with the number of the voices ; to the end , that when there is any occasion , they should not be oblig'd to make any new enumeration of the suffrages , which the cardinals might have mark'd and cross'd on the side of their names upon the lines of the printed sheet , of which we spoke before . the two last acts of the scrutiny , which are the filing and laying aside of the billets , are performed by the junior of the scrutators , who , after he hath with a loud voice publish'd the name of the cardinal who hath the suffrage by a billet , files the said billet with a needle provided for that purpose , at the place where the word eligo is written . and after he hath so filed all the billets immediately after his publishing them , he tyes a knot on the thing , and then lays them aside , either on some part of the altar , or on the desk of the scrutators , or in an empty chalice . the third and last principal action perform'd at the election of a pope , by way of scrutiny is , in the ceremonial called the post-scrutiny ; which , if the election be compleated by the scrutiny , ( which very seldom happens by reason of the different factions in the conclave ) comprehends three acts or circumstances only , to wit , the numbring of the billets , taking a review of the suffrages , and burning the said billets . bnt if the pope be not chosen by the scrutiny , there are seven remarkable circumstances in the post-scrutiny ; to wit , the access , the opening of the seals and signs , the remarks made thereof upon the printed sheet , the examination or confrontation of suffrages , the review of the billets , and the destroying of them by fire . the access therefore , which is the first act or circumstance of the post-scrutiny , immediately follows the deposition or laying aside of the billets of the scrutiny in some part of the altar or elsewhere , when the election is not compleated by the scrutiny ; otherwise , if the pope were once chosen , there would be no place for the way of access , inasmuch as it were of no advantage , as being introduc'd to supply the defect of the scrutiny , whereby , as hath been observ'd , we seldom find the election compleated , by reason of the diversity of the factions . there are observed in the access the same things as in the scrutiny , as well in reference to the manner of filling the billets , folding them , sealing them , carrying them to the altar , and putting of them into the chalice , as to that of numbring them , and making publicatiou of them , noting the suffrages , filing and depositing the said billets aside , save only that there is an observance of these circumstances following . the first is , that the cardinals go and take their billets in the basin of the billets prepar'd for the access , which stands upon the altar , as does that of the billets for the scrutiny . the second is , that if a cardinal be unwilling to give his voice to any one , ( which he is at liberty to do ) he must remember , in the midst of the billet , in stead of the cardinal's name , to whom he should have given his suffrage , to write down the word ( nemini ) to no body . now it is to be observ'd , that the billet of access is to be fill'd with the same signes ; and seal'd with the same seals , and as the billet of the scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the suffrage of access . the third is , that one cannot make access , ( that is , give his voice a second time ) to the person of a cardinal , who had not had at the least one voice by the scrutiny ; nor yet to the same person to whom he had given his voice by the scrutiny . the fourth is , that though a cardinal is not permitted to nominate several persons in the access , as he is not permitted to choose divers by the scrutiny , upon pain of nullity of the suffrage as well of the access as the scrutiny ; yet is it lawful for him , to give his voice by access to one of many who had been nam'd in the scrutiny , though with nullity of suffrage , provided he had elsewhere procured of some other a suffrage , which was not null . the fifth is , that there is no taking of the oath anew in the access , in regard it had been done before , for the scrutiny and access . the sixth and last circumstance is , that the infirmaries are oblig'd to carry to the sick cardinals , with the billets of access , one of the sheets upon which they had marked the number of the voices which every cardinal had in the scrutiny , publickly and duly verify'd . the second , third , and fourth acts of the post-scrutiny are , the opening of the seals and signs of the billets of access , the marking of it upon the sheet , and the examination or confrontation of the suffrages , which are practised only when the election is compleated by the scrutiny and access , and thus put in execution . the chief scrutator takes the billets of access filed , as they were upon the publication of them , and opens only those which contain voices in favour of the elect , in the lower part of them which comprehends the signes ; then after he hath exactly consider'd the seals and the said signes , he presents the said billets as they are filed to the second scrutator , who also takes a view of them , and then delivers them to the third , who having made the same observation thereof , does , with a loud and intelligible voice , make publication of the seals and signes of the said billets . that done , he marks down the seals and signes on the left side of a sheet of paper ; where these words are imprinted , and under the said words ( sigilla et signa accessuum , that is to say , the seals and signes of the accesses ) which remark may also be made by all the cardinals , if they think fit so to do , upon the like sheets which they have lying before them , upon their desks . this done , the said chief scrutator takes the billets of the scrutiny from the place where they had been deposited , in order to the making of an examination or confrontation of the suffrages which they contain , with those which are brought in by the billets of access . and beginning the examination at one of the ends of the string , on which the billets are filed , he with the two other scrutators , views the seal of the first billet of the scrutiny , and then seeks it out in the sheet , upon which the seals and signes of the billets of access were marked . if he find it not there , leaving that first billet of the scrutiny , he proceeds to the examination of the second , taking a view again with the other scrutators of the seal , and then seeks it upon the same sheet , where not finding any thing like it , he quits the said billet , to pass on to the examination of the third , and so of all the other billets , till he meet with the seal of some one of the billets of the scrutiny , mark'd on the said sheet . but having found it , he opens the said billet at the lower part where the signes are written , to see whether the signes of the said billet are answerable to the signes marked upon the said sheet : which if they are not , he there quits the billet , and proceeds to the examination of the next , and if he find the signes to be answerable and correspondent to those of the access , marked upon the said sheet , he shews them to the second and third scrutators , who all together , after they have maturely considered the correspondence there is between the seals and signs of the billets of the scrutiny and access , observe whether in both the billets there be a nomination of one and the same cardinal , or of divers cardinals ; for if the same cardinal be named in both the billets , the suffrage of the access is null , in regard that ( as hath been already observ'd ) it is not lawful for any one to give his voice in both the scrutiny and access to one and the same person . but if there be a nomination of different persons , the suffrage of the access being good , then the third scrutator does with a loud and intelligible voice publish the seal , the signes , and the name of the person elected by the billet of the scrutiny , and makes a mark thereof upon his sheet under those imprinted words ( sigilla et signa scrutinii respondentia accessibus , that is to say , the seals and signes of the scrutiny answerable to those of the accesses ) opposite , and on the side of the seals and signes of the billet of access , whereto they are answerable , which note and mark all the cardinals may also make upon their sheets . but these acts , which are more hard to be explicated , then to be put in execution , are always best understood by figures thereof . a figure of the printed sheet upon which they note and mark the seals and signes of the access and scrutiny , which are answerable one to the other . seals and signs of the accesses . seals and signes of the scrutiny answerable to those of the access . cardinals named in the scrutiny . acd 50 deus . brf 35 bonitas roi 44 beatitudo . nsp 26 gl●ria . brf 35 bonitas . rgi 44 beatitudo card carpegna . card s. clement . note that the letters of the alphabet represent the seal of the billets . if it happen , in this examination and confrontation of the suffrages , that two , three , or some greater number of the billets of the scrutiny , be found to have the same seals and signes with some billet of the access , as it may come to pass , if the person who is chosen be named in one of the said billets of the scrutiny , and another cardinal be named in another of the said billets , then the scrutator ( his colleagues observing what he does ) is to open the billet of the said scrutiny , wherin the said elected person is named , together with that of the access , at the very place where the name of the elector is set down , to the end a judgement may be made , according to the gregorian constitution , of the validity or invalidity of the access . for if it be discover'd , that one and the same cardinal hath given his voice to the elected in the billet of the surutiny , and by that of the access there will be an invalidity in the suffrage of access , as hath been observed before . but as to the billet of the scrutiny , wherein he who is elected is not named , it shall not be opened , and the scrutators shall proceed to the examination and confrontation of the other suffrages . the fifth act of the post-scrutiny is , the enumeration of the suffrages either of the scrutiny alone , or of the scrutiny and access together , which is made by the scrutators , whether the election ensue thereupon or not ; if it do not ensue , it is done , to the end it may be known in that very scrutiny , or in the scrutiny and access together , whether the pope be not chosen ; and if the election do ensue , that it may appear , whether the pope be canonically chosen or not . now the enumeration of the suffrages is perform'd in this mann●r . the scrutators reduce into one summe all the suffrages which they have obtain'd , who were named either in the scrutiny alone , or in the scrutiny and access jointly ; and if they siad , that not any one of the persons named , hath got two thirds of the suffrages of the cardinals , there is no election at that time . but if , on the contrary , they discover that any one of the said nominated persons hath got just the two thirds and no more of the suffrages , they , in that case , open the billet of him who is chosen , at the part where his name stands ; which is the upper part of the billet , to see whether he hath given himself his own suffrage , which if he hath , the election is null'd , according to the gregorian constitution , by reason of the want of one suffrage , it being not in his power to give himself his own upon pain of invalidity ; but if he hath given it to another , and that he have two thirds of the suffrages the election is compleated . moreover , if it should happen , that several persons had obtain'd the two thirds of the suffrages , or possibly some number exceeding the two thirds ; in such case , through the parity and concurrence of the suffrages , the election would be null ; but , if there be an inequality , he who surpasses the other in number , though it were but by one voice , is accounted and acknowledg'd for a true and canonically elected pope . the fixth act of the post-scrutiny is the review which is made , whether there be any election or not , by the commissaries , drawn out by lot , to the number of three cardinals , whom the bulls call recognitors , who take cognizance of , and look over , as well the billets of the scrutiny and access , as the notes and marks of the suffrages made by the scrutators , to verifie and confirm what they have done , if they have acquitted themselves of their functions , with all the sincerity and fidelity whereto they were oblig'd . the said commissaries are drawn by lot after the same manner , as the scrutators and infirmaries had been ; but still , after the compleating of the scrutiny , if the election be made thereby ; if not , after the scrutiny and access , as soon as the scrutators have finished the numbring of the suffrages . the seventh and last act of the post-scrutiny consists in the burning of all the billets , which belongs to the function of the scrutators , who cast them into the fire in the presence of the whole colledge , immediately after the review made by the said commissionated recognitors , whether there have been any election , or not . all the things before-mentioned ought to be observ'd twice every day ; in the morning , after mass ; and in the evening after the hymn of the holy ghost ; and this , till such time as the church is provided of a head and lawful pastor , which custom hath been introduc'd , to prevent the long continuance of conclaves . those persons who pretend to make assured judgments of elections , are many times mistaken in their conjectures , not only upon account of the diversity and clashing of interests , but also by reason of the ordinary alterations hapning in the colledge of cardinals , by frequent promotions , which strangely invert the course of all proceedings in the conclave , and destroys all the former measure which might have been taken of an election . let not therefore any be over-positive as to what they assert , in a matter so uncertain , and which finds so much exercise for the wits of the citizens of rome , whom the air of the countrey ordinarily entertains in a certain languishment , whence it comes that they spend the best part of their time in speculative discourse , and political divinations . they for the most part ground their reasonings on certain considerations of the time , when the vacancy of the see happens , and then from the quiet or disturb'd posture of affairs , draw their consequences in favour of a person to be exalted into the pontifical chair in one season rather then another , according to the difference of the humours , and the vigour and force of the person . some again reflecting on the length of the precedent papacies , do commonly make their conclusions in favour of those cardinals who are well advanc'd in years . for the sacred colledge being wearied out with a long-continu'd subjection to the government of the same person , takes resolutions many times to exercise a right which makes them considerable every where , and causes them to be courted by crowns and scepters , and the princes , in that case pitching their choice upon ancient cardinals . on the other side again , when it happens that , by reason of the great age of popes , the see comes to be too frequently vacant , they endeavour to exalt into the pontifical chair a person , who likely to reign some years , may re-establish and settle the affairs of the church , which might have receiv'd some prejudice by the frequency of mutations , and so prevent the troubles it would be to the cardinals to remove themselves from the remote parts of europe , once every year or two , to be shut up in the conclave . moreover , as to the persons whose pretensions are considerable to the pontifical chair , there is a consideration had of their engagement to the kingdoms and provinces , where they had their birth or extraction . whence it is affirmed by some , that the chiefest persons among the italians , nor the tramontanes , ought not to be advanc'd to the papacy , not only in order to the avoiding of partialities , but also by reason of the possession , or rather usurpation , which the italians , from the time of hadrian vi. are chargeable with , in having not rais'd to the papal dignity , but such as have been of their own countrey , there having been from his time eighteen or nineteen popes of the several provinces of italy , who have successively fill'd the chair of st. peter . it is by some insisted on further , that , to be a subject fit for this elevation , he have not many relations and friends , that he may make the greater communications of his grandeur , and that his benefits being not wholly exhausted upon his own relations , he may exercise greater liberalities towards many others . there are yet some among the romans guilty of a superstition , which argues them not fully clear'd from the augural humour of their ancestors . these discover such an excess of weakness , as , by a kind of onomancy , to search out of the names of the cardinals some conjectures of their elevation ; and this out of a persuasion , that a subject , who shall not have in the name of his house the letter r. when the deceas'd pope had not the said letter in the name of his house , will hardly be chosen pope ; and on the other side , that if the said deceas'd pope had the said letter in the name of his house , the cardinal who shall in like manner have it in his , can hardly be advanc'd to the papacy ; by reason of an alternate succession of the names of families , having , and not having the said letter r. which hath been observ'd to have happen'd without interruption during about fourteen exaltations to the papal chair . there are yet others so weak , as not to content themselves with this kind of superstition , but they must go and pick matter of divination , out of the brazen gates of st. peter's church , which they consult as oracles , by the over-curious re-searches they make , amongst the diversity of figures , whereof they are full , for the armes of those cardinals who aspire to the papacy . and so their presages are in his favour , whose chance it is to have his armes graven in some part thereof , and this upon no other account then that those of the last deceas'd popes have been found there , which the people immediately after their election have made the more remarkable by their polishing and clensing . true it is , that there are many of the colledge of cardinals , whose armes may partly be found amongst the numerous multitude of figures in the said gates , but without any design of the artist by whom they were cast . but quitting these vain superstitions , we affirm further , that how strong and considerable soever their reasons may be for the judgment they make of an election , it happens that they are for the most part mistaken . this disappointment proceeds from the changes hapning in the conclaves , where parties and factions are made , for the exclusion or inclusion of subjects , according to the variety of humours , affections and engagements . and as it is the design of every faction to oppose the elevation of a subject contrary thereto , so is it the business of it to be assur'd of a third part of the voices in order to the framing of exclusions , wherein it is no hard matter to have their desire , by reason there is not any cardinal that aspires to the papacy , and hath the qualifications before requir'd , but will readily joyn with all those who would exclude a subject , who might contest with him for the dignity . and thence it for the most part comes to pass , that they who are thought to stand fairest for the chair , are always most easily excluded . the factions most ordinarily fram'd in the conclaves , are commonly reducible to two or three principal ones , all the rest joyning with the former , according to the different interests which they may have in the inclusion or exclusion of the subjects proposed . the nephews of the deceas'd popes are the ordinary heads of factions , upon whom the creatures of their uncles have a certain dependence , and concur with them for the exaltation of those whom they are inclin'd to , and the exclusion of all others , not creatures of their deceas'd uncles , especially when by reason of their long sitting in the chair , they had the opportunity to make a great number of promotions . and this is done , to avoid the reproach of not having made choice of creatures worthy to be advanc'd to so high a dignity , and of being expos'd to the inquisitions and inspections which a pope , not being of their creatures , might make into their administration of affairs . the cardinals protectors of crowns are also heads of factions , to prevent the elevation of a subject , whom they suspect , or to promote to the papacy some cardinal well-affected to their interests . those sovereigns whose intentions incline most to justice and moderation , wish only a common father ; and yet all many times under that pretence prosecute their own particular advantages . there are also brigues and factions upon a national account , as that of the roman for instance , so as not to consent to the election of any one to be pope , unless he be a roman . thus it happen'd at the conclave upon the death of pope urban viii . at which the lately deceas'd innocent x. a roman born was chosen . nay , there are some factions which carry on their designes with that subtilty and independency on the other factions , that they make no publick profession of their declaring themselves for any in particular ; and to follow their own inspirations for the advancement of such as are propos'd to the papacy ; and so vote for those whom they in their consciences think worthy of that dignity . these are easily induc'd to joyn with any of the others , either for the exclusion of those whom they think unworthy of that elevation , or to give their suffrages with those whom they think ably qualify'd to maintain with reputation the dignity of head of the catholick church . this diversity of factions when they are of equal strength , so as the voices are equally parted , is ordinarily the cause of the long continuance of conclaves . for being equally in a capacity of excluding the subjects propos'd of either side , and each of them promoting the elevation of those whom they are inclin'd to , the heads of the said factions make it their only business to hinder the cardinals of their party , of whose voices they think themselves assur'd from ever giving their said voices in the scrutiny , to any of the subjects propos'd whom they would exclude . and the design in this is , that the said propos'd subjects wanting still above a third part of the suffrages cannot be chosen popes against their consent , as it might happen by the access , if any of the said cardinals of the contrary party had given them their voices in the scrutiny . and hence it comes , that there are very few instances of any pope chosen by the way of the scrutiny alone . but whereas none of the said head-factions can be fully assur'd of the voice of a cardinal , by reason of the secret of the scrutiny , which hinders the discovery of those who may change parties , and that whatever engagement any cardinal may have made to the said head factions , either by word , oath , promise , or upon the score of gratitude , affection , or otherwise : he is dispenc'd from it by the late bulls of gregory xv. and urban viii . besides the precautions there are , that he be not suspected of having been wanting to his engagement , whereof he may avoid the blame and reproach by means of the secret of the scrutiny , it happens many times ; that the said leading factions are mistaken in the computation of their suffrages , and they want voices , yet cannot discover whence that want proceeds and when they think themselves the most assur'd of an exclusion , one or two of their own partizans having chang'd their humour or inclination , oither upon some disgust receiv'd , or greater hopes of establishment elsewhere , or other private considerations , and transferring their suffrages to another party , some other is chosen pope , who 't was imagin'd would never have attain'd that dignity . and whereas many among them , to prevent the elevation of such as they suspect , bestow their suffrages , as it were , at random on some other cardinals , whom they presume not fit to be advanc'd to the pontifical chair , it happens sometimes that some one is chosen pope , who had not been thought of before ; so that what may be most securely affirm'd of these matters is , that we cannot make any certain judgment of elections ; and that , through ways wholly opposite to those which humane policy had contriv'd , a more transcendent wisdom presiding over these great dispensations , disposes of them quite otherwise , and turns and winds the spirits of those concern'd therein correspondently to those designes which it hath from all eternity over the conduct of the church . assoon as any one is chosen pope , the two principal deacon-cardinals conduct him from the place where they find him behind the altar , where they vest him with the black cassock , the roquet , the camail , and the red or white calotte or cap , according to the season , and put on his slippers or pantofles with the gilt cross on them ; they then bring him before the altar , and set him in a chair , where all the cardinals come to adore him , that is to say , kiss his feet , hands and cheek . thence he is carried to st. peter's church , where he is seated on the high altar , and the cardinals render him again the same homage : then the canons of the said church come up to kiss his feet : and then he is carried to the ordinary apartment of the popes , and the cardinals retire to their palaces . the first thing that is broken about the conclave is that part of the walls which shuts up the lodg of the benediction over the portal of the church ; there the principal deacon-cardinal goes and places the cross , and cries out to the people vivat n. who is made pope , and hath assum'd the name of n. some days after the pope is crown'd in st. peter's church . to that end , the cardinals , the embassadors of princes , and the principal lords about the court wait on him at his apartment , whence they accompany him to the church , and even into the sacristy , whether he is carried in a chair . there he is clad in his pontifical habit , and at his coming out thence , he ascends a portable theatre , upon which stands his pontifical chair , and is so carried up to the altar , cross the church , then ordinarily full of people assembled to see that ceremony . nay , in some parts of the church , there are scaffolds set up for the principal lords and ladies of eminent quality , who are desirous to be spectators of that celebrious action . he is preceded by the cardinals and embassadors , while all the people kneeling echo out their acclamations of long live pope n. just at his coming out of the sacristy , and his going up the said theatre , is performed the ceremony of setting fire to flax fastned at the end of a stick , and held up as high as his person , with these words , sancte pater , sic transit gloria mundi ; holy father , thus does the glory of the world pass away , as an advertisement to him , that he suffer not his heart to be surpriz'd with vanity , at that elevation , while he sees all the people under his feet . in the midst of the church the same ceremony is reiterated , and is again performed a third time , when he is come up to the altar . being come down from the theatre , he says a pontifical mass , whereat the most eminent amongst the embassadors or princes , who had accompany'd him , minister to him at the washing and presenting the towel . at which mass there are some extraordinary prayers said , as we find them in the ceremonial . the mass ended , he is carried to the lodge of benediction , where in the presence of all the people then assembled , in the spacious place of s. peters , the chief deacon-cardinal takes off his mitre , and sets on his head the three crowns , or triple-crown , telling him , that he is to consider himself from thenceforward as the common father of kings and princes , for the maintenance of peace amongst them . that done , he gives the benediction , and is afterwards carried back to his apartment . there is yet another thing he is to do after his coronation , which is to go and take possession of his bishoprick , which is st. john's of lateran . to do that , he appoints what day he thinks fit . the streets through which he is to pass are hung with tapistry , and there are some triumphal arches erected , representing the most remarkable actions of his holiness's life . and this is the order of the cavalcade and procession . four light horsemen of the guard go first to clear the way , then come the carriers of the valises and mails belonging to the cardinals , then the judges and fiscalls of the covernour of rome , the gentlemen of the retinue of the cardinals ; then all the princes and roman lords , who ordinarily go confusedly , to avoid contesting about precedence , and have belonging to them a great number of pages and halberdiers sumptuously cloath'd . then follow the ordinary gentlemen of the pope's house in scarlet robes . then the white gennets presented every year by the king of spain , by way of homage for the kingdoms of naples and sicily , are led one after another , having their harness of crimson-velvet , with fringes of gold , and bosses of silver ; then come the white mules , and three litters , one of scarlet , and the others of crimson-velvet both within and without , and gold fringes . then the pope's trumpeters ; his taylor carrying his valise ; and the ten officers of the palace ; the consistorial advocates in garments of a violet-colour , furr'd with ermine about the neck : all the honorary camerarii in violet cassocks and scarlet cloaks , four of whom carry at the end of a staffe , every one of them , a hat of the pope of crimson velvet , with fringes of gold . then follow several roman gentlemen , who have been conservators ( that is to say , consuls ) in their garments and caps of black velvet , and after them the apostolical prelates in black garments . the auditors of the rota in their ordinary habit , the master of the sacred palace , who is always a jacobin-frier , the embassador of bologna and ferrara , the captains of the several quarters of rome , richly clad , and the principal of them , whom they call their prior , is in a garment of cloth of gold , marching between the two chancellors of the roman people ; then the three conservators of rome in vests of cloth of gold , and caps of black velvet , and their horse-cloathes with fringes of gold ; on their left hand do ordinarily march the chiefs of the houses of the ursini's and the col●●●…i's , or one of them , when they cannot agree about precedence ; then come the embassadors , and after them the cross-bearer , and with the cross of his holiness , the four masters of the ceremonies , with red cassocks and violet cloaks ; fourscore estaffiers of the pope's , for he is oblig'd at his coming to the papacy to take all the most ancient standers among the estaffiers of the cardinals and embassadors of crowns , whom they call palfreniers , to distinguish them from the estaffiers of persons of a lower rank , ( as in france , they who are called lacqueys , when related to persons of of ordinary quality , are named valets de pied , when they belong to royal persons and princes : ) then follows the governour of rome , and after him the pope's pages , when he has any , follow afoot , and bare-headed . next them immediately is conducted the pope himself in a close litter , having on each side of him the two grand overseers of the high-ways , clad in black , on horseback , and bare-headed , and all those who march between the pope's cross and his holiness , what condition or quality soever they be of , are oblig'd to be uncover'd . after his holiness follow all the cardinals mounted on their mules , the patriarchs , arch-bishops , bishops and other prelates , two and two , every one according to their quality : and the whole pomp is brought up and clos'd by the two companies of the light horsemen of his holiness's guard , armed cap-a-pied . being come to st. john of lateran's , the pope puts off his ordinary habit , and puts on the mitre and hood , and takes up his seat in a throne which is prepar'd for him in the entrance of the church , where the canons of it come and kiss his feet . then he goes to the church-door , which he finds shut ; they give him the key to open it ; te deum is sung , after which the pope ascends into the place of benediction , whence he gives it to all the people assembled below . as all the pope's tribunals cease during the vacancy of the see , so they begin not their functions again till after the pope's coronation , upon which all affairs reassume their ordinary course . finis . a catalogue of the names ; surnames and dignities of the cardinals at the elections of clement ix . may 1667. names and dignities . countrys . crtations cardinals bishops .     1. francis bishop of ostium , d●a● , or the must ancient cardinal of the sacred colledge , cardinal barberin vice-chancellor of the roman church and summiste , arch-priest of the church of st. peter . aflorentine . urban viii . oct. 2. 1623. 2. martio bishop of porto cardinal ginetti , vicar to his h●liness . of velitra urb. viij . aug. 30. 1627. 3. anthony barberin b. of palestrina cardinal antonio , chamberlain of the roman church , pref●ct of the signature of fa●our and briefs , arch-priest of st. mary major . a roman . urb. viij . aug. 30. 1627. 4. iohn baptist b. of frascati , cardinal palotta . dela marche d' ancona . urban viij . no. 29. 1629. 5. francis maria b. of sabina , cardinal brancaccio , b. of viterbo . a neapolitane . urb. viij . no. 28. 1663. 6. ulderic b. of albano , cardinal carpegna . of urbin urb. viij . no. 28. 1633. cardinal priests     7. ernest adelbert of the title of s. praxeda , chiefest of the priests , cardinal of h●rrach , archbishop of prague . a germane . urb. viij . jan 19. 1626. 8. stephen of the title of s. laurence in lucina , cardinal durazzo . a genoese . urb. viij . no. 23. 1633. 9. julius of the title of s prisca , cardinal gabrielli bishop of ascoli . a roman urb. viij . dec. 16. 1641. 10. virg●nio , of the title of s. mary of the angels , cardinal u●fino . a roman urb. viij . dec. 16. 1641. 11. caesar of the title of the four crowns . cardinal faceh netti , b. ●f spoletum . a bolonian . urb. 8. july 13. 1643. 12. hierome of the title of the holy trinity in monte pencio , cardinal grimaldi arch-b . of aix . a genoese . urb. viij . july 13. 1643. 13. charles of the title of s. silvester in capite card. rosetti , b. of faenza . of ferrara urb. viij . july 13. 1643. 14. nicholas , of the title of st. marytrans tiberim , card. ludovisio grand penitentiary . a bolonian innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 15. alderan , of the title of s. pudentiana , card. cybo , b. axinus , or axinas . of masle innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 16. frederic , of the title of s. peter ad vincula , card. sfortia . a romane innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 17. benedict , of the title of s. onuphrius , card. odescalchi . of come . innoc. x. mar. 6. 1645. 18. laurence , of the title of ss . quiricia and julitta , card. raggi . a genoese . innoc. x. oct. 7. 1647. 19. john-francis-paul , de gondy , of the title of st. mary super minervam , card. de retz . a frenchman . innoc. x. feb. 19. 1652. 20. louis of the title of s. alexis , card. homodei . a milaness . inn. x. feb. 19. 1652. 21. peter , of the title of s. mark , card. otthobono . a venetian inn. x. feb. 19. 1652. 22. laurence of th● title of s. chrysogon , cardin●l imperiale . a genoese . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 23. gilbert , of th● title of ss john and paul , cardi●al borromeo . a milaness . innoe . x. febr. 19. 1652. 24. marcel , of the title of s stephen in monte celio card. sainte croix b. of tivoli . a romane . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 25 jo. baptist , of the title of s. marcel , cardinal spada . of lucca . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 26. francis , of the title of s. mary in via , cardinal albici . a florentine . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 27. octavius , of the title of s. cecily , card. aquaviva . a neapolitan . innoc. x. mar. 2. 1654. 28. flavius , of the title of s. mary del populo , card. ghisi , arch-priest of the church of s. john lateran , library-keeper of the roman church , and legat of avignon , prefect of the signature of justice . of sienna alex. vij . apr. 9. 1657. 29. scipio , of the title of s. sabina , card ilcio . of sienna . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 30. hierom , of the title of s agnes , card. farneze . a romane . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 31. julius , of the title of s. sixtus , card. rospigliosi . of pistoya . al. vij . ap. 9. 1657. 32. hierom of the title of s. hierom of the illyrians , card. bonvisi b. of lucc . of lucca . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 33. anthony , of the title of s. augustine , card. bichi b. of osimo . of sienna . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 34. sforza , of the society of jesus , of the title of s. saviours in lauro , cardinal palavicini . a roman . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1657. 35. volumnio , of the title of s. martin , in montibus , card. bandinelli . of sienna . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1658. 36. peter , of the title of s. calixtus , card. vidoni b. of lodi . of cremona . alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 37. gregory , of the title of s. thomas in parione , card. barbarigo b. of pavia . a venetian alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 38. paschal , of the title of s. balbina , card of aragon , arch-bishop of toledo : a spaniard alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660. 39. hierom , of the title of ss . peter and marcellin , card. boncompagno , arch-bishop of bolonian a bolonia . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 40. alphonsus , of the title of the holy cross in jerusalem , card. litta arch-bishop of milan . a milaness . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. al. vii . jan. 41. nerio , of the title of ss . a florentine . 14. 1664. nereus and aquileius , card. corsino , legat of ferrara .     42. charles , of the title of s. anastafia , card. bonelli . a roman . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 43. caelio , of the title of s. peter in monte aureo , card. piccolomini . of sienna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 44. charles , of the title of s. susan , card. caraffa , legat of bolonia . a neapoitane . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 45. palutio palutio albertonio , of the title of the church of the 12 apostles , card. palutio , b. of montefiascone . a romane . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 46. caesar , of the title of s. john ad portam latinam , card. rasponi legat of urbin . of ravenna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 47. john nicholas , of the title of s. mary trans pontem , card. de comitibus b of ancona . a roman . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 48. james , of the title of s. mary of peace , card. nini . of sienna . alex. vii . jan. 14. 1664. 49. charles , of the title of — card. roberti . a roman . al. vii . feb. 15. 1666. 50. julius , of the title of — card. spinola . a genoese . al. vii . fe. 15. 1666. 51. vitalian , of the title of — card. visconti . a milanes● . al. vii . fe. 15. 1666. 55. innico , of the title of — card. caracciola , arch b. of naples . a neapolitane . alex. vii . feb. 19. 1666. 53. john , of the title of — card. delphini , patriarch of aquileia . avenetian alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 54. guibald , of the title of — card. de thun , arch-b . of salsbourg . cardinal deacons . a german alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 55. raynald , of the title of st. nicholas in carcere tulliano , principal deacon , card. d' est . a modenese . urban viii . dec. 16. 1641. 56. john stephen , of the title of s. agatha , card. donghi , b. of ferrara . a genoese . urban viii . july . 13. 1643. 57. paulus emilius , of the title of s. mary in cosmedin , card , rondanini b. of assisium . a roman . urban viii . jul. 16. 1643. 58. francis , of the title of s. mary in via lata , card. maldachini . of viterbo innoc. x. oct. 7. 1647. 59. frederic , of the title of s. caesarius , card. of affia . a german . innoc. x. febr. 19. 1652. 60. charles barberin , of the title of s. angelo , in foro piscium , card. carlo . a roman . innoc. x. jun. 13. 1653. 61. charles , of the title of s. eustace , card. pio. of ferrara . in. x. mar. 2. 1654. 62. charles , of the title of of orvieto in. x. ma. 2. 1654. s. pancrace , card. gualtieri , arch-b . of ferme .     63. decio , of the title of s. adrian , card. azzolini . of ferme . innoc. x , mar. 2 , 1654. 64. odoard , of the title of ss . cosmus and damianus , card. vecchiarelli , b. of reate . of reate . alex. vii . apr. 9. 1658. 65. james of the title of s. mary in aquino , card. franconi . a genoese . alex. vii . ap. 9. 1658. 66. francis maria , of the title of ss . vitus & modostus , card. mancini . a. roman . alex. vii . apr. 5. 1660 67. angelus , of the title of s. george , card. celsi . a. roman . al. vii . ja. 14. 1664. 68. paul , of the title of s. mary de scala , card. sabelli perretti , legat of romaniola . a. roman . al. vii . ja. 14. 1664. 69. lewis — card. of vendosme . a frenchman . alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. 70. lewis — card. of moncada . a sicilian . alex. vii . mar. 7. 1667. in all lxx . whereof urban viii . created vi. bishops , vii . priests , and iii. deacons . innocent x. created xiv priests and vi. deacons . and alexander vii . created xxvii . priests , and vii . deacons . finis . the present state of the princes and republicks of italy with observations on them / written originally in english by j. gailhard ... gailhard, j. (jean) 1671 approx. 304 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 136 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41525 wing g125 estc r40437 19320043 ocm 19320043 108607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41525) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108607) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1670:29) the present state of the princes and republicks of italy with observations on them / written originally in english by j. gailhard ... gailhard, j. (jean) the second edition corrected and enlarged [24], 240 p. printed for john starkey ..., london : 1671. "licensed, roger l'estrange" --p. [24]. pages 170 and 174 misnumbered as 136 and 474, respectively. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng popes -election. italy -history -1559-1789. italy -kings and rulers. spain -social life and customs. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the princes and republicks of italy , vvith observations on them . the second edition corrected and enlarged , with the mamnner of the election of popes , and a character of spain . written originally in english by j. gailhard , gent. london , printed for john starkey , at the miter near temple-bar in fleet-street , 1671. to the right honourable , robert , earl of sunderland , baron spencer of wormleighton . my lord. 't is usual with some when they publish any of their works , to pretend they were forced to it by the importunity of friends , which is often true , and sometimes it is allowable ; but 't is no great modesty to boast of it upon every occasion . others do prefix to their books , to give them credit , the name of some considerable person ; this is well done , if the worth of the piece be any wayes suitable to the qualifications of that person ; else ( to speak in solomons words ) it will be as a jewel of gold in a swines snout . i hope , my lord , i have at present in some measure hit upon that necessary proportion ; your lordship is in every account one of the most eminent noblemen of the kingdome , and my subject ( though i handle it with several defects and imperfections ) is of potent princes and republicks , a hard task indeed it is ; for when a private man is to speak of the persons and actions of kings and princes , specially of so many as i have occasion to mention , he walks upon the edge of rocks and precipices ; for of one side princes are jealous of their authority , and the people of their liberty ; on the other , if he gives monarchies such commendations as that manner of government deserves , he must be careful to say nothing to the disparagement of republicks : every one of these governments is good in it's kind , yet not in every countrey , only as it sutes the temper and constitution of the people ; but i cannot forbear to say , that monarchy hath of all governments most conformity to the pattern of all , or to the empire which god hath over the world. 't is not an easie matter to speak of a subject which hath been treated of by several others , however there are different wayes to do it , and new observations may produce new notions . sometimes one hath occasion to tell his opinion of things , and herein he is himself liable to the censure of thousands of different judgement and affections ; but as these things are unavoidable to those who appear in publick ; so they ought to be resolved to undergo any thing of that kind : the approbation of such persons as your lordship , is that which writers should mind most of all , and use their utmost care to obtain . 't is a known truth , and i declare it , my lord , that your natural parts , joyned to the experience you have gained by your travels , have fitted your lordship to pass a judicious sentence upon any thing that deserves it . i say nothing in this relation , but what your lordship hath more accurately by far , & more exactly observed : you have been , my lord , upon the places highly esteemed by some princes who knew your worth and quality , and where to my own knowledge ( if i may so say ) you omitted nothing that might conduce to the improvement of your self , as a person who by vertue of your birth , parts and merits , will find no imployment in your countrey too high for you , when some occasion shall be offered for your prince to do you that favour and justice ; to the end , the nation may have some benefit of that treasure of wisdome and experience which is in you ; and i in particular the satisfaction to see your lordship as great as you deserve ; which is the earnest desire of my lord , your lordships most humble and devoted servant , gailhard . to the reader . wonderfull and much to be admired is the goodnesse and wisdome of god , in that various distribution he hath made of his favours to nations and countries , for the benefit of humane society , that men seeing every where some tokens of his goodnesse , after a serious reflection on the same , they should reduce all to that ultimate end , which is to give him glory and praises for it . non omnis fert omnia tellus , so that one country lies under a kind of necessity of keeping correspondency with another , either for necessary or for delightfull things , if not for the being , yet for the well-being ; for this end hath the art of navigation been discovered , trade ( which makes countries so flourishing ) settled , and all manner of correspondency kept between those who live at a distance . i do not deny but that it is convenient to have things brought home to us out of forreign parts , without taking any pains , or running any hazzard , yet to have things right , we must go to fetch them upon the places where they are produced ; 't is best to have things at the first hand , and to have pure water , we must go to the spring , if it can conveniently be done , for it looses something of it's worth , either through the defect of the vessell , or some other accident , if it be brought to us : we observe in vegetables , if they be transplanted , after a while they degenerate , and loose part of their vertue , the climate and the soyle are not so sutable to their nature as that wherein they grew ; no balm was so good as that which was in gilead ; that vine-tree which in one place doth produce good grapes , in another will yield nothing but wild grapes . experience also doth demonstrate this in sensitive creatures , horses and dogs , when carried from their own climate , loose their good qualities , at the furthest at the second or third breed . this holds in rational creatures ; we know there are nations which for the generality have quicker apprehension , and sharper wit than others , yet let a man remove from his native countrey , when he hath been any considerable while in another , his temper will be like that of those amongst whom he lives , imperceptibly such an alteration is wrought , so that he will grow dull and flegmatick if the climate bears it ; this may be caused by a constant conversation with people of that constitution ; by the very diet , for those aliments which are course , make gross and thick bloud , which doth not breed quick and lively spirits ; and a man by the change of air , will find a great alteration in himself ; the breathing of a pure air refreshes the lungs , chears up the heart , and upon a suddain inspires an inward joy , which can hardly be expressed : in this i speak after my own experience , i specially took notice of it when i came to puzzuolo and baya in italy , neither was i alone to make that observation , which obliged me to think that there had been a particular reason of this nature , why some roman emperours , and others of the greatest persons amongst them , took such a delight to be there . 't was in such places as this , and tivoly , with the like , that cicero , virgil , and other eminent men for learning , composed the greatest part of those works which to this day we have amongst us . that which i have said of low and mechanicall things , will hold in those of a more noble and higher nature . what merchants do for their profit , gentlemen ought to do for their honour ; the one brings riches into his countrey , the other ought to bring good observations and maximes that may contribute to the good order and right government of his nation , if by his quality or abilities he comes to be called to havè a share in it . the great law givers in greece , sent into several parts of the world those who gathered for them the quintessence of those laws which other nations enjoyed . the romans in the times of the decemvirs did the same , and others have followed their example ; 't is true , one must be very judicious and skilful in the application of the same ; for every law doth not suite every nation ; but i say , that mutatis mutandis , there is never a monarchy , aristocracy , or democracy , but they may make an exchange of some of their laws and customes : monarchy may afford democracy some beneficial statutes , so may well regulated democracy to monarchy ; for all governments , by what name soever distinguished , have or ought to have , but one and the same end , which is self preservation first , and then the promoting of publick good , every one in his station and calling , although these different governments use different means and waies to come to that end . out of this i suppose 't will appear to any rational man how necessary and beneficial travelling is to the compleating of a gentleman , if it be well directed and improved ; and as nations are obliged to those merchants , who through many and great hazzards do bring home the best of other countries to inrich their own , certainly they must needs be much beholden to those patriots , who have been at charges and pains to collect and bring them those wholesome counsels , by the right use of which they may secure themselves in the enjoyment of their plenty , riches and happiness , to the preventing of disturbances which might happen to arise against it : it ought therefore to be the endeavours , as it is the duty , of every one to fit himself as much as he can for the service of his king and countrey . i said just now , how beneficial travelling is , if one hath good directions ; this lays an engagement upon me to say something to that effect for the satisfaction of those who stay at home , and for the instruction of them who go abroad ; not that i think my self wise enough to advise others ; only i say my naturall propensity joyned to that manner of life i have led hitherto , hath much inclined me to travel into most parts of europe , wherein i have spent most of my time ; but whether this hath fitted me to give my opinion upon this subject , i am not to be the judge : however i dare say 't is difficult for a gentleman , let him have never so good parts , to get any considerable benefit by his travels upon his first going abroad , except he hath along with him the advice of one who knows countries and fashions ; for the time allowed him to stay abroad is almost expired , before he can recover himself of the surprizal and astonishment which daily difficulties and inconveniences have cast him into : but when he is to act according to advice , and this advice is grounded upon knowledge and experience , he will find his task more easie , more pleasant and more profitable . and here i must say something in general of those who undertake to be such directors , which may well be applyed to all sorts of persons . god , whom men pray ( or ought to pray ) every day to give them their daily bread , hath commanded them to work for it , and he who doth not work , ought not to eat , as the apostle saith . as the difference of faces , and the diversity of tempers in men do express the wisdome of god , so doth that variety of employments which he calls them to , according to their genius , inclination and abilities in some measure to perform their undertakings : let every one abide in that whereunto he is called , saith st. paul. ; so that men ought to follow it after they have imbraced it , either out of choice or by necessity , especially if besides the benefit they reap by it , they are any wayes usefull to others knowing we are born not so much for our selves , as for others ; and though a constant kind of employment be necessary for one , yet this doth not exclude the use of that capacity he may have to several sorts of calling , it being well for those who have many strings to their bow , that if one breaks the other may be useful . men must ever be doing something , if it were for nothing else but to keep themselves from idleness , which is the mother of vice. but to come to that kind of employment which gives occasion to this discourse , 't is usually attended with great and many difficulties , besides the hazzards which one runs in forreign countries ; for if dangers come often to men when they are at home , what will it be when they go as it were to meet with them , when almost every day they see men of all nations , and of all sorts of tempers : certainly one must very much excercise his prudence in avoiding the perils he meets withall , and must have much courage to come off when they be unavoidable , but above all , an extraordinary protecting providence of god is absolutely necessary : yet there are more uncomfortable difficulties to struggle withal , than are the fore-expressed . the extravagancy of a young man , who will not be advised by a governour , nor ruled by a father ; this governour is to please a father who loves to spare , and a son who delights to spend , a father who would have him to learn and improve himself , and a son who in his travels hath no other end but to take his pleasure ; and after he hath fenced a long while against the wild nature , the vicious inclination and unreasonableness of a son , he is also exposed to the hardness and unthankfulness of parents . i have wondred at many who take this charge upon themselves , and consider not whether they be qualified for it , when no honest man will undertake any thing , except he knows himself in some measure able to perform it : 't is enough for them to know they shall thereby get a competent allowance , to run headlong upon any employment that lies in their way ; how can they expect in conscience or reason , that a young gentleman can improve under their conduct , that his relations can have any satisfaction , or themselves get thereby any credit or reputation , if they have no capacity somewhat suitable to their undertakings ? for how can such a one be able to direct another how to benefit himself , and to travel in forreign parts , except he hath some knowledge of the language of the countrey , and fashions ? every nation hath some particular vices and virtues , the one to be avoided , and the other learned ; what these things are i must be told , and how can be that knows it not tell me of it ? this ignorance will make him contemptible to me , and he must learn it himselfe before he can teach it me ; so that for the whole time allowed to travel , he is onely a learner who should have been a teacher . i am a bashful english man , i will learn confidence , and a handsome carriage in france , so riding the great horse , fencing , dancing , and other bodily exercises which contribute to compleat a gentleman , thence if i pass into italy , that air will fix the french quick-silver , there i will learn sobriety , frugality , and to be circumspect in words and actions , so musick picture drawing , architecture , &c. yet i must have some knowledge of persons and places , of whom and where these things may be learned best of all ; i must know also how to benefit my self in going by , or staying at a place . 't is not enough for a gentleman to say , in such a city there is a stately church , a fine palace , and the ruines of a most antient amphitheater ; this i confess ought to be taken notice of : but further , i must observe the quality of the climate , and of the soyle , the scituation of the countrey , and ( if i understand fortifications . ) the strength and the weakness of the cities and countries i go through , and take notice of the advantage or disadvantage of rivers , ways , and grounds ; so i must be acquainted with their manners , forces , riches , and wherein they consist , to see whether any thing out of it may be useful to my countrey ; but above all i must observe their government , and if it be possible their mysteries of state , so i must endeavour to know the persons and qualifications of princes and ministers of state , and any thing else that may be both for my own benefit , and the service of my countrey ; so at length my travels having ripened my judgement , quickned my apprehension , and sharpned my wit , i shall not be unprofitable , nor of the number of those the poet speaks of , nos numerus sumus fruges consumere nati . this i do insist upon , not to boast of any abilities of my own , for i ingeniously confess my weakness in this , yet i profess a desire to learn it , though it was for no other end than to impart it to others , that with me they may reap some benefit of it ; this i say still , that another cannot teach me that which he knows not , but his knowledge , experience and practice of any thing enables him to infuse it into me ; and indeed 't is a fault i have accidently observed in some when they be in a strange countrey , they keep company with none but the masters of their exercises , they ought indeed constantly to follow these exercises , but if they see no body else , at last they will learn to dance , to fence , &c. and nothing else ; they ought to make acquaintance with men of quality , and frequent their company ; of them a handsome carriage and good fashions are to be learned , they must also take care to finde themselves company for their honest pleasures , and lawful recreations ; but a hateful thing it is to see one brought up in a timorous and pendantical way , which makes a gentleman unfit for any thing of concernment ; a gentleman must be taught as to do no wrong , so to suffer no wrong as long as his honour is concerned in it , for he is not worthy to live who prefers his life to his honour ; not that imaginary honour as 't is conceived in these dayes , but that honour which is really so , not contrary to our duty to god , or obedience to superiours ; therefore a great wisdome is required in the use of a bridle or of a spur to work upon youth , to infuse courage into them , so as not to make them rash , and so to curb them , as not to dishearten them . but i am carried further than i intended upon this subject , 't is time to speak directly to my present design ; i give thee reader , the present state of the princes , and republicks of italy : 't is a worthy subject , if we consider their number , jealousies , and policy ; 't is certainly one of the most politick nations of the world , and i doubt very much whether any other can compare to it . what i express is gotten not so much by reading , as by travelling upon the places , seeing and conversing for a competent time with those who were able to instruct me : some things also are of my own particular observation . in the following discourse , i do not speak of the scituation , or of the boot-like shape of italy , which any ordinary mappe can shew ; to mention the quality of the climate , or of the soyle of every part of that garden of europe , 't would prove tedious , and contrary to the narrow bounds i doe here prescribe my self . the manners of the inhabitants , their outward form of government , their riches , force and religion , are matters for historians ; hence it is that i do not insist upon descriptions , however that which i thought fit to be known upon the matter in hand i express ; i think ( i know not whether i am mistaken ) that the variety i use in it will please thee , for in some parts i insist upon the person of the prince , in others upon the manners of the inhabitants , and in some others i briefly mention what is particular in their government ; so that i have not a constant or affected method ; contrariwise i endeavour some time to conceal it : upon every particular , i speak , either that onely which i thought necessary to be known , and so i passed by some things i could have told , or i speak according to the degree of knowledge i had of the thing ; and if amongst a thousand things unprofitable , there be but one useful , i will not grudge my time nor my pains . j. g. licensed roger l'estrange . the present state of italy . that must needs be a rare countrey which is pleasant and plentiful , watered with many rivers ; at the season adorned with corn in the fields , and grass in the meddows , with delightful land-skips , that in most parts hath a wholesome air , that abounds in strong and stately cities , where the eye is delighted with most sumptuous buildings , recreated with variety of pictures and statues , the ear pleased with as great a variety of harmonious musick as can be upon earth ; where the palate is satisfied with the best fruits , and other delicacies , and the rarest wines of europe ; where in a certain season , the nose enjoyes the sweet smell of orange and jasmin flowers , which lay over head or under feet ; and at the same time , and in the same place to behold fine perspectives , and hear the murmur of several fountain waters : in a word , that countrey which produces plenty , and variety to please all the senses , and which hath the alpes of one side for walls , and the sea on the other for bounds , must needs be an excellent country ; such is italy . the length of it , is a thousand miles , or thereabouts ; beginning from susa , a town cited at the foot of the alpes , at the coming into piemont , and ending at reggio , in the furthest parts of calabri , in the kingdom of naples . as to the breadth , 't is more or less , according to the places , it being not full four hundred any where , nor less than sixteen . parts of france and savoy lay on the west of it , parts of germany , namely , tyrot and swisserland on the north , and the mediteranian sea on the east and south , though for distinction , some call the one jonian , and adriatick ; and the other tirrenean : most passages into italy , are hard and difficult . the whole country which we call italy , is , by the italians themselves , divided into italy , the kingdom , and lombardy ; italy comprehends the dominions of the pope , of the grand duke , and of luca. naples is that which they call the kingdom , and lombardy contains great part of the state of venice , the dukedoms of milan , mantua , parma , monferrat , piemont , and the state of genoa . but to make use of the ancient division , and to descend to particulars ; i say , that in italy some are great princes , considering the extend of their dominions ; and others of an inferiour orb , may be called petty princes : the former sort come to the number of seven , and with the four republicks , to eleven . the pope , king of spain , dukes of savoy , tuscany , mantoa , parma , modena ; for though some do reckon the bishop of trent , which stands between the venetians and tyrol , yet being a prince of the empire , having a perpetual alliance with the house of austria , and often of the same family , he may be taken for a german more than for an italian prince ; and seeing little can be said concerning him , we shall pass it by to come to the republicks ; which are venice , genoa , luca , and san marino : for the order of precedency , venice hath place after spain , genoa after tuscany , though they pretend to be used as crowned heads , being masters of corcica , formerly a kingdom ; the other two republicks take place after all the forenamed princes , who also do not agree amongst themselves about precedency ; tuscany pretends it from savoy , though he be much inferiour in antiquity , and extent of dominions ; and mantoa from tuscany , neither will modena yield it to some named before him . i should also say , that france having acquired pignorolo , a door into italy , and a strong place , from the duke of savoy , that king having an interest in italy , is to be reckoned amongst the princes of it . the state of rome . the pope hath great dominions conveniently seated to disturb others , specially , naples ; for all from ostia , upon the coasts of the mediterranean sea , to loretto , ancona , &c. is his : all the lands together are called , lo stato della chiesa , in particular , old latium , now campagna romana , il patrimonio , di san pietro , of which the chief city is viterbo , part of ancient tuscany , terra sabina , umbria , ducato di spoletto , la marca di ancona , la romagna , il ducato di urbino , ducato di ferrara , perugia , orvieto , and bolognese ; he is soveraign of naples , and sicily , which he gives the investiture of , and receives homage for , as he doth for the dukedoms of parma and piacenza , pretending the same over the islands of sardegna and corcica : he is in possession of the dukedom and city of benevento in the kingdom of naples , and he pretends that in time of minority of the kings of spain , he hath right to govern that kingdom by a legat : he also enjoyes the county of avignon in france , and ceneda within the state of venice . these countries , ( i mean those who are united together ) especially from ancona to ravenna and ferrara all along the coasts of the gulfe of venice , do afford good souldiers , which upon case of an urging necessity may be gathered to about the number of 60000 , though 20000 foot and 3000 horse , as had clement the 8th . in the war of ferrara , were much to be kept on foot any long while : urban the 8th . in the war of parma had 30000 , but if the whole countrey was in armes , then 't would be upon 400000. the pope indeed may be accounted , as he is really , a strong prince , which strength consists in the extent of his territories , in their scituation , being all united , and there being no safe nor convenient places towards the mediterranean , to make any landing ; and towards the gulf they trust to the venetians , who are to keep it clear ; upon which condition they are acknowledged to be the lords of these seas ; further all along the coasts of the mediterranean , and the whole campagna romana , there is a bad air , which would soon work upon any army , either in spring , summer , or autumn : this strength further consists in the temper of his subjects and soldiers , who are esteemed to be the best foot in italy : the italian proverb calls them , the best of soldiers , but the worst of subjects : so this strength consists in his strong holds , as ferrara , bologna , fortezza urbana , &c. in his arsenals , or magazeens of arms ; the vatican or st. peter hath for 5000 men , in the castle st. angelo for 15000 , in ancona for 10000 , in ravenna for 5000 , in ferrara 25000 , and bologna for 10000 , and a new one a making at tivoly , by the late don morto's order , for 16000 men , with 80. pieces of ordnance , where he employed continually above 300 men , so that they are spread up and down the countrey to arme the people upon occasion to the number of 100000 men . upon the mediterranean he keeps five gallies , which harbour in civita vecchia , they are not handsome , nor very good , but are well maned . but that which another way strengthens much the pope , is , that respect and devotion which popish princes and states bear him , acknowledging him ( though falsly ) to be the vicary of christ , god on earth , and the head of their religion ; so that if a prince had seized upon any of his dominions , the pope who had provoked him to make war being dead , it would be restored to the new elected , all of them being perswaded , that it were a sacriledge , to detain from that church , that which did belong to it ; besides that every prince of that religion intending any such thing , would find it to be a hard work ; for the pope hath ever an army quartered upon their land , which are that vast number of secular priests , and regular friars , who depend on the pope upon several accounts , who having all sworn an obedience to their generals , who usually kept at rome , they would act according to the orders sent them from thence . so that having their pulpits , confessions , and introduction into houses of all ranks , they could make strange worke ; hence to me doth appear the happiness of those princes , who having shaken off that roman yoke , and turned out those emissaries , are freed of those dangers , which those of that religion are exposed to , though often they are liable to their private attempts . another politick strength of popes , consists in the colledge of cardinals , who are most of them chosen , either to gratifie princes , or who depend upon princes , ( without whose knowledge princes hardly resolve any thing of importance about popes ) or else are relations to princes ; and it is certain , when these princes interests come to be in competition with the pope's and churches , this last swayes with them above all , because every one of these cardinals is not without hope of being chosen pope one time or other . now i say , that popes , as they are temporal princes , though they be elective , ought to have that respect which deserveth the character which god hath set upon the forehead of soveraigns ; but as he is a tyrant over the church , and an usurper over the heritage of the lord ; all good christians and reasonable men ought to abhor him , not his person , but that tyranny , usurpation , and unlawful actions of his . i said , that 25000 or 30000 men , is a great number to be kept on foot by popes any long while ; not for want of monies , for as sixtus quartus used to say , the church can never want money in her purse , as long as the pope doth hold a pen in his hand . indeed , besides the ordinary income to the camera , for the occasions of the church ( so they call that state ) the office of the diataria , brings to popes for their own use , exceeding great treasures out of all parts , which own his religion ; besides the private wayes they have to get monies , of which i shall speak ; some reckon that popes have 6000 l. sterling a day , besides the casual incomes , which are very great : every time a legat a latere is sent abroad , he is allowed 250 l. sterling a day : for proof of this vast revenues , sixtus the 5th , who reigned but five years of a poor countrey family peretti , yet he builded the palace of st. john of lateran , began that of monte-cavallo , fortified civita vecchia , built many colledges , made chargeable aqueducts ; did many other costly works and reparations , wherein 't is thought he spent a matter of 15 millions of crowns , or upon 4 millions of english pounds , and left f●ve millions of crowns in the castle of st. angelo , and did not charge his people with heavy taxes ; and then the popes had not the dukedom of urbino , nor that of ferrara , and in a time that reformation was carried on in a great measure in these three kingdoms , france , holland , switzerland , germany , sweden , denmark , and other parts of the north. and paul the 5th . who indeed reigned longer , left to the prince of salmona , one of his nephews , 1000 crowns a day , besides what he gave to several others of his relations . and gregory the 15th . of the family of ludovisio , reigned only one year and a 11 moneths , and left to his family 250000 crowns a year , or 62000 and 500 l. besides . thus as popes are temporal princes , so they lay taxes upon their subjects , and heavy ones too . the late popes , since his falling out with france , within the space of two years , laid gables or taxes upon 16 sorts of commodities , which were free before : so 't was done upon the soldiers , kept within the state , for every common soldier was taxed one crown of his yearly pay , which came to between 5 and 6000 crowns , according to their number ; and the whole people in the city and country were exceedingly oppressed : the selling of offices is now a setled custom in the court of rome , which is very beneficial to popes : i shall give but an instance of the camera apostolica , or the apostolick chamber ; the places of the treasurer general , and of the auditor , are sold for 80000 crowns a piece . there are twelve places of chierici , clarks worth 42000 a piece ; the presidents is 30000 , and so of others : the two forenamed offices are the next step to the cardinal ; so that if the pope will have 160000 crowns he makes cardinals those who have them , and from others he finds ready money for the places . and what shall we say to that vast treasure of loretto , which is inesteemable : every week , nay , almost every day , one gift or other is brought to it from kings , queens , princes , and other great persons , cities , and particular men ; they have whole chambers full of gold and silver plate ; but this is nothing to that vast number of diamonds , and other precious stones , which they keep in a place made a purpose : in the castle of st. angelo , are ever 5 millions of gold , and one and a half in jewels . were it not for want of exercise of the protestant religion , rome is as fit a place to lead a quiet and a contented life , as any is in the world , a man may live there as he pleases ; and no body meddle with him ; offend no body , and no body will offend you ; and though the inquisition be there , strangers are not troubled with it , except they speak against their religion , which it were a great imprudence to do ; 't were a madness for a man to go tell the pope he is antichrist , this were to tempt god , and contrary to the wisdom of the serpent , which is commanded us . 't is an old and common saying ; cum fueris romae , romano vivito more , &c. a stranger and a traveller must be all eyes , and all ears , but hardly any tongue at all , he must hear , he must see , and hold his peace . i say , at rome there is a very great liberty ; if a protestant pleases , all lent he may eat flesh , by the means of a license , which he may get for two shillings ; you are not obliged to go to mass , to confession , nor to any of their superstitious wayes . one thing there is , which a stranger may do to satisfie his curiosity , which is , to go to their stationi , as they call it , that is , their devotions to certain churches , which happens in one or other every week , where is a great concourse of people of all sorts , and constantly excellent good musick ; so every saturday at the cardinal padrone's , the popes nephew , lodging at monte-cavallo , all men of good fashion use to meet , to tell and hear news ; so one day or other in the week , people use to meet at the pallace of the preferto of the church , which is either the popes brother or nephew . so at monte-cavallo , the popes palace ; when the consistory of cardinals is kept . so one may have the company one time or other of their academists or virtuosi , which in rome are of three sorts , humoristi , lincei , eantastici . one thing more is , to follow the corteggio of some cardinal and ambassadour first for protection ; for if any mischance should befall a man , when 't is known such a gentleman is of the corteggio of such a cardinal , he is respected , and no harm done to him without the leave of such a protecture , into whose house one may fly for sanctuary . secondly , going with them ( after the warning you have of it at your lodging ) when they receive or make visits , or go to their audience , one may see their formalities and ceremonies which are very great ; they never visit one another but they send before , one to know whether such a one be disposed to receive the visit of another at such an hour , and as italians , give high names to things ; they call this ambassage . further , they receive not at the same time visits from two persons ; it must be known also , whether such a person intends to come incognito , or whether he will be known , which only consists in the putting on or off of a superfluous garment , and the loops which are about the horses heads , which are of gold , if the cardinal be a prince , a roman baron , or of the family of a duke and peer of france , or other kingdoms ; so that according as they come , they are received nearer the stairs , and with more ceremonies , for every step they are to make is regulated , and they would not go an inch further ; so that all that passes between them , is more belle parole then realities ; i say , belle parole , not onely because they be complements , but also they are accurate expressions , well pronounced , according to their proverb , lingua toscana in bocca romana . one thing i must needs observe of their civility to strangers who are of their own corteggio , that although they know them to be protestants , yet they never trouble them with any discourse of religion . 't is certain , that this court is as politick as any in the world , and where by a reflection you may know all what passes in europe : for no prince in the world hath better intelligencies then the ' pope , who hath legates or nuncio's in most courts , and spies every where . cardinals do receive their letters from the courts of the princes whose interests they own ; and the general of every regular order being usually at rome , and receiving a constant weekly intelligence out of all those parts where are any of his order ; and sometimes from the confessors to kings , queens , and other high persons , do signifie what things they hear , to the pope . one may judge of this by what they do at home ; that which is to be admired at rome , is that exceeding great number of spies under pay , which are there up and down in all houses , publick places , and at every corner , the pope hath his ; every cardinal , and princes ( i put them before , for they take place of them ) have theirs ; one cardinal and prince will have his spie in the house of another , though some of them go like gentlemen of good fashion ; and others who are of a higher form keep their coaches ; some of them have keys to come in at any hour by the back door to the persons whose spies they are . some as staffieri , or footmen , serve strangers ; others are masters of excercises , nay , several cortegiane or prostitute women are under pay ; so that by these means , no particular business comes to pass , but 't is presently known . one day i had occasion to enquire for a mean person about an ordinary business , very far from my lodging , and from that of a third person concerned in 't , in a corner of a street , one that was with me inquiring for such a one , in came to us an unknown man , who stood by , i admired to hear him say , what , you look for him about such a thing , he is gone to such a place : every one of their great men who know this custome , do suspect every new servant they take . i have been told by a person who stood by , that the late duke cezarini , sent one day for a notaro ( or one of those scriveners , who kept the list of some spies ) whom he trusted , and haveing shewed him the names of all his domesticks , how doth it go said he ? the other answered , well ; then said he , 't is a wonder , i am here the only man ; this language is obscure , but he who stood by , knew the meaning of it . as to strangers , none come to rome , but 't is presently known who it is , whence he comes , what company he frequents , and the like . not long since i hapned to be at rome , at the same time that there was a considerable number of english-men ; the late pope told an english priest , and an english gentleman , who being a papist , went thither for devotion sake , that he wondered , that some of the english men that were then in town , did not come to his palace upon the dayes he gave audience , though it was but for curiosity ; but said he , i know they are so taken up to drink , that they have no time to spare : he was well informed , yet this did not proceed from any contempt he had for the nation ; contrariwise he used to speak with respect of england , calling it the land of wonders : though this may be ambiguous , yet i believe he took it in a good sence , and he hath expressed the desire he had to have come to see it when he was nuncio in germany , if he could have done it with safety . in rome are to be seen several ancient and modern curiosities ; there are particular guides for antiquities , the modern do consist in churches , palaces , houses of pleasure , called villa , where you may see the utmost of art in architecture , pictures , statues , gardens , water-works ; so there are libraries , as that of the vatican , enriched with a number of excellent books , and rare manuscripts in several tongues , and increased with the ruines of that of heildelberg , and with that of urbino : this library can be compared to none but that of oxford , yet with some difference : there are also private libraries and cabinets , of all , which as of the curiosities of tivoly and frescati , places 12. and 18. miles from the city , there are exact relations in their language , so that it were needless for me to name or to describe any . therefore i come to speak how popes stand affected to their neighbours ; some grounds of this might have been laid formerly , when the apostolick chamber had the direction of affairs : but since popes are come to be so absolute , that the chamber must do almost all what they please , now their interest , natural in●●ination , fancy or capricio , as they call it ; and sometimes the suggestions of a kinsman and favourite , such as was don mario , though 't was a woman , as don olympia , are the rule of it . some popes have had fallings out with the venetians , as had paul the 5th . concerning ecclesiastical jurisdiction , and other things ; clement the 8th . with the dukes of modena about ferrara ; urban the 8th . with the duke of parma about castro ; and so of late cardinal franciotti , bishop of luca , was like to be the occasion of a great falling out between the pope and that republick . urban the 8th . was a great friend to france , but not to spain , nor to the grand duke . innocent the 10th . the half of his reign was for spain , and then he turned to the french ; and the late alexander 7th . was all along an enemy to france , chiefly upon the account of mazarini , whom he hated with all his heart ; but the present pope carries himself even between all , although before his election he were suspected to be partial for spain , but upon no sollid grounds ; for those who pretend to the popedome stand neutrals , and declare themselves of no party the maximes of pope's are different , according to their interest and temper ; so that this being an elective dignity , no general rule but this can be given , that all endeavour to raise their families to honour and riches ; however their raggioni di stato are , to hinder naples from falling into the emperours hands : for clement the 7th . made penance for the fault which leon the 10th . had committed to favour charles the 5th . a second maxime is , still to give hopes of being promoted , to the dignity of a cardinal to those potent prelates that are at rome , and elsewhere , to keep them in dependency , and from discontents and disturbances . another is to confine the number of cardinals to 70. which was an invention of sixtus quintus , to avoid the importunities of several princes , who solicited him to confer that dignity upon some whom he would not bring into the colledge . of the same nature as this is , another arcano di stato , concerning the examen of bishops , which was ordered by clement the 8th . to stop the designes of princes , who intended to promote to prelacy many of their creatures : for then they had been ashamed to present those who had no learning , nor other qualifications fit for the place . a further secret of state is , that of the bull of residency , whereby bishops are obliged to reside in their bishopricks ; by the means of this , popes do remove from their court those cardinals and others whom they dislike : by these means urban the 8th . kept out of rome cardinal borgia , and others of the spanish faction , who spoke too boldly to him : so did alexander the 7th . keep away cardinal rossetti , who stifly opposed his election . a further maxime of theirs is , to refer to congregations , the demands of princes about ecclesiastical laws , jurisdiction , and other things which popes are not willing to grant , for so they lay the denial upon others . another raggioni di stato , is , that cardinals may not go out of the state of the church without leave from the pope , for so they prevent those counsels and assemblies before the which formerly they have at several times been summoned to appear . further , as former popes have humbled and brought down those noble and potent families that were in rome , which had given a great deal of trouble to their predecessors ; so at present popes keep them low ; by which means , they have so degenerated , that instead of those great and brave captains , now out of these families come out idle , vicious , and effeminate persons . lastly , t is a very politick maxime of popes , to send their legate to princes , to pacifie the quarrels arising between them , although they know 't will effect nothing at all ; and that sometimes 't is their interest that such quarrels should last , for hereby they shew themselves to be zealous of the publick good and peace ; and thus they maintain themselves the arbiters of princes . the cardinals nephews have also their particular maximes , namely to keep from preferment , and to remove from the pope's person those whom they do not affect : on the contrary , to raise to dignities , and to procure places of trust to their friends and creatures . publick ministers at that court know so well the jealousie of nephews , who will have nothing communicated to popes , but by their means , that usually they impart first to them , that which they are to speak of to the pope , and commonly they give them an account of what answer they had , taking cardinal padrons lodging from the popes in their way homewards . a policy of the cardinals , who are contrary to the court , is to get some eminent one disaffected as they are , to be their head ; and now 't is a custome passed as it were into a law , to choose none but italians to be popes . before the late election , the colledge of cardinals was divided into the ghigian party , which were all the creatures or friends of alexander the 7th . six of them are of siena , the city he was born in , the squadra volante , the flying squadron composed of the creatures of innocent the 10th who having left no cardinal of his name or family , cardinal imperiale was look't upon as the head of them , and most part of these were brought in to this present pope by azzolino , one of their chief members ; but the 3d. party was that of barbirini francesco the dean of the colledge being the head , and several of urbans creatures the members with some others , who being poor , received pensions from francesco ; now a fourth part is rising , which is that of the present pope . before i leave this subject , i must say something of him ; he is called clemene the 9th . which name he took , as he assured the princess of rossano , out of respect he doth bear to the memory of clement the 8th . aldobrandin ; his name is giulio rospigliosi of pistoia , an indifferent good city , about 20 miles from florence , and in the grand dukes dominions . this man was chosen the last year , in the 71. of his age ; he was employed as nuncio in spain , and then by the late pope was chosen secretary of state ; he had a very sore fit of sickness a little while afore the pope died ; he was once given over by physicians , and when he came to recover , and before the popes death , he had thoughts to leave his place . he is a man of a middle stature , and very gray ; being a cardinal , he was accounted a wise statesman , and of great parts ; i say he was , for i cannot tell whether he doth or will continue so , for often have we seen in that place that honours have changed manners ; as it was well observed of the late pope alexander , of whom it was said , as of galba , he had been worthy of reigning , if he had not reigned ; dignus imperio , sinon imperasset ; and of all other sayings , this most of all was fastned upon him ; he was maximus in minimis , and minimus in maximis . this pope , since his election to that dignity , hath made a judicious creation of cardinals ; he hath chosen his own nephew to express his affection to him ; the late pope's nephew , don sigismond , to express his thankfulness for the obligations he had to that family ; and herein he hath given an example contrary to that so much blamed of innocent the 10th . who did so bitterly persecute the relations of his predecessor . the third cardinal created , is leopold , of the family medici : thus he hath repaired the fault of alexander , acknowledged the kindness he received from the grand duke in the late conclave , and shews that he remembers he hath been his subject : further , this pope hath done two things contrary to the practices of his predecessor , who , at the beginning , would own none of his relations , nor have them about his person , or raise them to preferments , till he seemed to be forced to it by the earnest solicitations , and constant importunities of cardinals , and publick ministers ; yet it is well known how indulgent to them he hath been all along ; therefore , said the romans , alexander was as good as his word , that he would not receive his relations at rome , for he went to do it at castle gandolfo , a house of pleasure 12. miles from it : but the present pope sent for his immediately after his election , and would make no new creation ( as they call it ) of cardinals , nor distribute several favours till his nephew was come back to rome , that others might have to him the obligation of it : the other thing he hath done is , that he hath suppressed in part those heavy taxes which his predecessour , or don mario , hath laid on the people ; this hath much gotten him the love of his subjects . should i now go about to give a character of don camillo his brother , his nephews , and other relations , it would be too much like a relation , therefore i forbear it ; and indeed i have been so long upon this particular , that i must be shorter in what follows . in rome are still some noble and ancient families , as colonna , which do possess three principalities , ursini hath two more . savelli , whereof the chief is perpetual marshal of the church , and prince of la rizza , bought by the late pope , and of albano . muti , duke of that name , and prince of rignano , cezarini , prince of jansano and ardea . conti , of which is the present duke pauli . caetanis of which is the prince of caserta , son to the duke of sermonetta . frangipani , which is extinct , for the late marquess left out one daughter , who hath been married to one of the name , who lives in hungary . the others are bentivogli , baglioni , peppuli , vitelli , &c. the new families , to begin with that which now rules , are , rospigliosi , ghigi , pansilio , barberini , ludovisio , borghese , altemps , cezi , farneze , aldobrandini , buoncompagnio , &c. raised by popes of th●ir family , as now rospigliosi of clement the 9th . ghigi of alexander the 7th &c. matthei also , and lanti both dukes in rome , are both of good famiies . but now clement the 9th . is dead , after somewhat above two years reign ; he was old and weak , but the loss of candia , hath probably hastened his death : his relations had no time to rise very high , and they must leave the place to his kinsman , who is now to be chosen pope : about whose election the conclave is now much divided ; the factions being great and stiff , every one driving on her interest and advantage . the cardinals amongst themselves being divided into four parties , because they are all the creatures of so many popes , urban the 8th . innocent the 10th . alexander the 7th . and clement the 9th . besides the grand dukes interest is great in the conclave : the spanish is considerable in number , by reason of many of his subjects in 't ; but as cardinals mind themselves more than the crowns ; and as spain is not mony'd , very probably many will fall off : on the other side , the french having some of the best head-pieces in the conclave , and ready monys , will go very far ; and because the last time they were disappointed , and could not raise farnese to the popedome , they will strive very hard for it . the emperour , and king of poland have also their parties among the cardinals , but not considerable in themselves , only they may joyn with others . these princes , as the french and spanish crowns interests , are managed by those cardinals who are their protectors , and the ambassadours who are at rome : of late the crown of portugal is also come in . there are also those cardinals called neutrals , of those , who pretending to the popedome , declare themselves ( at least , not openly ) for no party . cardinals first of all were called roman priests , sent by popes , to preach and do other offices in the churches , who owned their authorities : there were but six upon their first institution . calpurnius poncinus , in the year 231. raised their number to 10 , so by degrees they were 70. but as popes may alter the orders of their predecessors , so they have lessened , or increased this number . they were very inferiour in dignity to bishops , to whom , and to the people the election belonged formerly ; but innocent the 2d . gave it wholly , and only to cardinals , in the year 1135. yet left it at their liberty to choose one of their number , or another prelate . but in the year 1464. paul the 2d . ordered that none but a cardinal should be chosen pope . innocent the 4th . was the man , who in the year , 1242. altered the precedency between bishops and cardinals , to the advantage of the last : the same gave them the red hat : bonifacius the 9th . the habite : and paul the 2d . the cap of scarlet : to shew , ( as they say ) how ready they are to shed their blood for the service of the church ; though i think , that this colour and purple which they use too , are to set forth their pomp and magnificence . these cardinals are chosen by the pope , according to his intimation , and some few upon the commendation of the emperour , and the king of france , spain , and poland , out of the german , french , &c. nations ; according to the choice of those princes , who have liberty to commend , one two , or three , of what nation they please : all these cardinals are divided into three orders , six bishops , 50 priests , fourteen deacons : every one of them takes place of all embassadours whatsoever , and pretend the hand from all princes , except crowned heads . thus much i thought fit to speak of cardinals , especially now upon the occasion of the sede vacante , for they are met to make a new election , of which 't is necessary to say something . the pope being dead , nine days are employed towards his funeral , and other formalities depending thereupon : on the ninth day after , mass is said , a speech is made in commendation of the deceased , the cardinal padrone , that is master , ( a title introduced by paul the 5th . but fully confirmed by urban the 8th . ) who is a nigh relation of the late pope , acqaints all cardinals abroad with his ●eath , who thereupon make all possible haste to come to rome . on the 10th day after the popes death all the cardinals who are able , meet at st. peters church , where the mass of the holy ghost , as they call it , is sung by the dean of cardinals , he who is of a longest standing , or the next to him , if he be not well ; there is also made a speech upon the subject of the election of a new pope , with a great concourse of people to hear it ; after this , all the cardinals go in a procession towards the conclave , following a priest who carries the cross , the musicians singing their veni creator spiritus . this conclave is a place in the vatican near st. peters church , all made a new by order of the cardinal chamberlain , or chamerlengho , all of wood , which after the election , is disposed of by the said chamberlain , where a small lodging is made for every cardinal , and every one hath his by lot . the cardinals , some prelates , and volaries go in then , whereof one reads with a loud voice the bulls concerning the election of popes , which being done , all cardinals take an oath to observe what is therein contained , in the hands of the dean , and of prince savelli , who upon this action hath leave to enter into the conclave , of which he is keeper , and perpetual marshal of the church , for himself , and successors : after this ceremony every one goes to his dinner , and hitherto the doors are shut up , but after dinner all ambassadors and roman princes have liberty to go in , and for the space of four or five hours they treat and negotiate with cardinals , within their private lodgings , which time being past , they ring a little bell , whereupon every one is to go away , excepting the cardinals , and the deputies or deputati of the conclave , to wit , two servants are allowed to every cardinal , who chooses whom he likes , the old and weak ones are allowed three ; for publick use , are one sagrista , and oschaltarra ; and solo sagrista , who take care of things relating to their devotions , and belonging to the altar ; five masters of ceremonies , the secre●ary of the conclave , a confessor , two physicians , an apothecary , and two to help him ; a surgeon , two barbers , two masons , two carpenters , and sixteen porters . assoon as all others are gone , and these are within , the conclave is walled in and out , after which , the cardinals , dean , and chamberlain , go about it to see whether it be well : it hath formerly been ordered by some popes , that after this , no cardinal should be admitted , but 't is not strictly observed , if they come soon after , and if the election is like not to be ended so soon : before they are shut up , orders are issued by them , for the peace and quiet government of the city , it being very necessary so to do , upon such a conjuncture , to prevent great and many mischiefs ; now all that time the city officers have a great power , so that if a malefactor be taken , he is soon made away . 't is not usual with the cardinals to discharge the officers entrusted by the late pope , but 't is necessary they should be confirmed by them . within the conclave , is kept an exact guard , under the command of the high marshal ; first at the ruota , seven in number , which are some holes left unwalled , to take in the victuals which are brought in to every cardinal ; these ruota's are used at rome , in every monastery and nunnery ; the use whereof is to receive what things are brought from without , and given from within : for at the inside of the wall are some few boards joyned together , of five or six foot high , and three or thereabouts in breadth , some more , some less ; but being all of an equal bigness ; and this is so suspended , that it turns about like a wheel , which in italian is called ruota ; 't is hollow within , so that it is capacious of receiving great dishes , baskets , and some can hold a child of twelve yeares old ; then upon the staires in the courts , and at all passages , guards also are set with four great corps de guard in the great place before st. peters church ; every time dinner is sent in to a cardinal , 't is attended by some of his servants , and a mace-bearer , with a silver mace , with the cloth and other things used at table ; this is done twice a day , and besides the soldiers , four prelates stand at every ruota , to search strictly every thing which is sent in , the very bread is all cut in small pieces for fear their should be any bills in 't , and those four prelates are changed every day by the marshal , to whom these bills shall be given , in case any be intercepted , which he will keep till the election be over ; but this is searched , not only without , but also within , by the masters of ceremonies ; who have taken an oath of fidelity , and after the meat is in , these ruota's are sealed with paper , both at the in and out-sides : at every one of these holes , twelve soldiers are of guard in the day , and twenty five in the night time . every cadinal eats and drinks alone with his domesticks , and all their victuals are dressed by order of the martial , but the church pays for 't , and one buyeth as much as the other ; there is also an allowance for others , who are shut up , some more or less according to their quality , but usually the cardinals servants have the rest of their masters , and the guards every where are mounted every day according to the marshals order , who also according to the bulls doth lessen the victuals of cardinals , when ten days are over , since they , being shut up , in case the election be not made , and this is to force them to hasten it , and to come to an agreement about it ; which to effect , once a day they meet at the chappel of the conclave , and he who at last is chosen , ought to have two parts of three of the votes , so that if of sixty he had but thirty nine , it would not be a right election . the cardinal dean , hath the command of cardinals , as the camerlengo of others who are shut up , and and at last they must agree about him who is to be chosen , and all this while , all within the conclave are ignorant of what passes in the city . assoon as 't is known within the conclave who is the pope , the cardinal decano desireth him to approve of the choice which the colledge hath made of him , which he consents to , and takes what name he likes , as innocent , clement , alexander , or the like : then standing between the two chief cardinals , he is led behind the altar , where they take off his cardinals clothes , and give him the habit of a pope ; immediately after is sung the te deum : then all the cardinals one after another , falling upon their knees , do ( to use their words ) adore him , kissing his foot , then the right hand , and then he gives them osculum pacis , upon both cheeks , so they give him signs of submission , which is meant by kissing of the feet , they expect from him protection , in kissing his hand , and they receive from him a sign of affection , being kissed on the lips or cheeks . these things being performed , one of the masters of ceremonies , takes the cross , and carries it before him , whilst the ecce sacerdos magnus is sung , and they go towards the balcone which looks upon the great place before st. peters church , called la loggia della benedictione ; and the masons beat down the wall of partition , and there the pope being between two cardinals , they shew him to the people , who stand below in the great place , one of the cardinals with a loud voice pronouncing these latin words , annuntio vobis gaudium magnum , habemus papam eminentissimum & reverendissimum n. n. qui sibi nomen imposuit , n. n. hereupon , the people cries out , god save the new pope , god bless the family , n. n. and at the same time , one can hear the artillerie of the castel san. angela go off , there being constantly some to observe the pulling down of the wall ; then all the soldiers give their vollies ; the drums beat , the trumpets sound , and all the bells in town ring . assoon as the people hear who is chosen , they run to his palace and plunder it , it being the custom so to do ; but those cardinals who are likely to be chosen before they go to the conclave , have removed the best things they have . the ceremony at the window of the balcone being ended , all the cardinals wait upon the new pope to his palace in the vatican , whence every one goes home : in the mean time , the pope receives no publick visits , only private ones from his relations , if they be at rome , and those who have been his friends in the conclave , who come to receive the effects of the promises he made to them to get their assistance , for usually they engage upon such conditions of interest and preferment : about a fortnight's time is allowed to prepare things , in order of his being carried in a chair on mens shoulders to st. peters church , to take possession of the popedom , which is done with much pompe and magnificence ; and about a fortnight after he goes in a cavalcata to do the same at the church of st. john of lateran : but from the first day of his election , he begins to give his orders about the goverment of all his dominions . 't is usual with every pope to take an oath before the cardinals , about several things , the chief whereof are , 1. to labour to keep peace between all christian princes . 2ly . they will promote to the dignity of cardinals , none but those who are worthy of it . 3ly . to call to an account all the officers of the state , of the church , when their time is expired . 4ly . they will not make two brothers cardinals , which was the decree of julius the second . 5ly . not to alienate any thing belonging to the church , which things all the world knows how well they are observed , but if popes may ( as they think ) dispence others from their oathes , why not themselves too ? so that after this principle of the popes infallibility , men who believe it , must not complain against him , for if he be infallible , he can do nothing amiss ; these were the words of the late duke cezarini to two jesuits , who complained to him , that the pope alexander the 7th . had perswaded father oliva their general , to fell to him land for 100000 crowns . i thought it would not be amiss to mention so much about the election of a pope , it being seasonable now , in the time of a conclave , for those who have a mind to be informed of their wayes about it , for as to many other practices of that court , i wholly wave it off , as are their formalities in visits , their change of cloths , creation of cardinals , and things depending therefrom ; of their jubilees , indulgences , blessing ofswords , agnus dei's , and roses , cavalcataes , and processions , washing of the feet , beatification , canonization , and so many other things which we account to be vain or superstitious . i judge it unnecessary to mention the order setled in the popes court and family , but withal think it not amiss to say few words about their great courts and offices , which i will only mention , they being not material for any protestant state who have nothing to do there , by way of publick ministers . all businesses there are managed by certain councels or commitees , which they call congregationi , to the number of sixteen . the first , is that del sant officio , or inquisition , which as all the rest hath a secretary , by whom are given all dispatches , which he seals also with the seal of the cardinal , who is the president of it ; in it are treated matters of religion , conducing to what they call heresie , prophanation , blasphemy , &c. this ever is governed by the dominicans , and meets three times a week , on monday at the palace del sant officio , on wednesday , at the dominicans church , called , la minerva ; and the thursday , before the pope . the 2d . is that which takes cognizance of affaires concerning bishops and regular priests , or other of their diocess's , of this , as of all the rest a cardinal is the head ; into it enter 24 cardinals , which is the greatest number of any , yet never under six in any other ; whensoever friars have any falling out with bishops , they presently threaten to bring them before this congregation , which meets every friday in the house of the cardinal , president of it . the 3d. is del concilio , the jurisdiction of which , is to give interpretation to the text of the council of trent , it meets every sunday in the house of the cardinal president of it , or a thursday if he hath a mind to it . the 4th . is della immunita ecclesiastica , instituted by urban the 8th . to judge of ecclesiastical priviledges , which is kept every thursday , at one of the popes palaces , a cardinal being the head of it , for which the camera allowes him 1000 crowns a year . the 5th . is di stato , which handles matters of state ; all the cardinals , who have been nuncios and ambassadours , come in to it , and the secretary of state : there is no prefixed day , but it depends upon the pleasure of the pope , or his nephew cardinal , in whose presence it meets . the 6th . is de propaganda fide instituted by gregory the 15th . it consults about all manner of wayes , how to promote the roman faith throughout all parts of the world ; all their emissaries depend upon this , so that what jesuits and priests soever we have here , have their mission from this congregation , whereof cardinal francesco barberini is president ▪ it meets usually once a moneth upon a munday , either in the presence of the pope , or in the colledge called de propaganda fide , which is , in piazza d' ispagna . the 7th . is de' riti which judges of all differences about ceremonies , formalities , places , canonizations , &c. it sits once a month , and more if needs be , in the house of the cardinal president of it ; who is ever the senior of the deputies , who is to summon it , as do all other cardinals , presidents of other congregations . the 8th . is del acqua wherein are treated matters concerning rivers , channels , bridges , and the like ; there is no certain day to meet , but when occasion requires it , the cardinal who is the head of it , sends out his summons about it . the 9th . is ; delle strade , whereof the camerlengo is the chief , all things relating to the necessaries and ornament of streets , is treated of in 't , under its jurisdiction are matters of aqueducts and fountains ; the distribution , whereof is made by this congregation as they think fit and convenient : and meet only upon occasion . the 10th . is della consulta per governo , dello stato di s. chiesa , is of a great concernment , it takes cognizance of any thing relating to the government of the whole state of the church ; all legats , governours of cities and provinces give an account of what things of concernment happens in their government to this congregation , who orders them to act as they think fit : yet by especial priviledge , the legats of avignon , ceneda , benevento , and the governor of fermo , and spoleti are free from her jurisdiction . the cardinal padron , for the time , who is ever a nigh relation of the pope , and who rules all under him is the head of it , at whose pleasure it usually meets in his lodgings . the 11th . is dell , indice , into it are brought matters of books , printed , or to be printed , to be examined , corrected , and licensed ; it usually meets once a month or seldomer , as the cardinal president of it is pleased to order . the 12th . is degli syravii , or grievances , otherwise , de buono regimine , 't is a court of redress and equity , this , particular subjects , and whole corporations apply themselves to , when they are wronged , or oppressed by their governours ; this cardinal padron , is the head of , who orders it to meet at his house when he hath a mind to 't . the 13th , is soprale zecche , about the mint ; sees all monies to be coyned , and sets the price of forreign coyns , and all currrent moneys . this congregation upon occasion , meets at the house of the cardinal , head of it . the 14th . is dell , essame . all they who are to be promoted to any bishopricks in italy , and not one of it , are to be examined by these ; it is usually done in the popes presence , and at his pleasure , for the time , he who is examined kneeling all the while upon a stool opposite to the pope ; the cardinals only are free from this examen . the 15th . is de negotii consistoriali , about consistorial affairs ; of which the cardinal docano , senior , or eldest as to election , is the head : at whose house 't is kept but very seldome , because it treats only about matters referred to it by the pope , as are resigning of bishopricks , abbeys , ecclesiastical taxes and impositions . having already mentioned consistorial affairs ; one is to know that the consistory is the assembly of all cardinals then at rome , whereat the pope is ever present : it being kept at monte cavallo on mundays , wednesdays or frydays ; where more general and serious affairs are treated of : and what things the pope is pleased to lay to their consideration , upon a consistory day , no congregation is kept except it had been summoned before the pope had intimated the consistory ; and in such a case the congregation is put off till the afternoon ; for consistories are ever held betimes in the morning . of consistories , some are publick ; when by example , hats are bestowed upon cardinals after a publick cavalcata , or when audience is given to ambassadors , and forraign ministers ; or else private , according to the affairs they are to treat of ; and this last sort are kept more often than the former . that which they call collegio , is the whole body of cardinals ; among whom ever is one camerlengo of the sacro collegio , to distinguish it from the popes chamberlain , and is but for a year : there is also a secretary , a clerk , and controller● the secretary is ever an italian ; but the clerk is one year a german , another a french man , and then a spaniard . but there is the 16th . and last congregation , della visita apostolica , whose care it is to see all churches , chappels , and places of devotion in and about rome , that nothing be wanting in 't , tending to the necessaries , ornaments and decorum thereof ; and to cause every thing to be duely and orderly performed in 't . besides all these courts , there is a considerable one called la ruota , composed of twelve prelates ; whereof there is one german , one french-man , two spaniards ; one of bologna , one of ferrara , one venetian , one toscan , one milanese , and three romans . they judge of all causes about benefices , whether they be in those countries which own the popes authority , or else-where . about which they use to meet in the apostolical palace twice a week , on mondayes and fridayes ; and although the place of auditori di ruota be not very beneficial in it self , it being not worth much above one thousand crowns by the year , yet the pope , bestowing upon them other ecclesiastical preserments , it makes it very considerable , the more as to honour , that sometimes some of the auditory are made cardinals . there is also the camera apostolica , or apostolick-chamber , consisting of the cardinal-chamberlain , the governor of rome in quality of vice-chamberlain , the treasurer-general , the auditor and the president of the chamber , the advocate of the poor , the solicitor-general , and attorney-general , the commissary & o twelve chierici or clerks ; whereof four ever are over-seers or prefetti , the one dell annona of all manner of corn , and price the other della grajua over the price of all sorts of flesh and fish ; the third over all the prisons which he visits , with others , every thursday ; and the fourth is to oversee the streets . the jurisdiction of this court is extended upon every thing relating to the church , in the way of bonds , leases , in-comes , expences , matters of rights , customes , impositions , and all rights , possessions and priviledges ; in a word , when popes were not so absolute , as they are now , these camera , was as the guardian of the state of the church , to see that it should not be imbeciled , wronged or a lienated ; so that 't is indeed the true treasury of the church , all tributes due to it being paid here . there is also another office called diataria , which is administred usually by a cardinal , who hath one under him called sotto datario , throughout whose hands pass the vacancies of all benefices , which bring yearly very great in-comes to the pope , who allows 2000 crowns to the datario , and 1000 to the sotto datario . this office is not the same as that of the secretary of the pope , as some do imagine ; for he who is properly the secretary of state is the popes nephew , or nephews sometimes , who hath several under him : to him all ambassadors , & publick ministers make their addresses . this writes and subscribes by the popes orders , all letters to kings , princes , nuncioes , and others , and signs the patents of several governours , and other officers of the state of the church ; yet the patents and commissions of legats , vice-legats , governors of great cities &c. are signed by the pope himself , and sealed sub annalo piscatoris . but there are other great offices granted for life . first , the popes vicar , now cardinal gimetti above 84 years of age , a coveteous man , who hath many kinsmen , which two things have made him lose the hopes of ever being chosen pope . his jurisdiction is extended upon regular priests & nunneries : the jews , and deboist women which in rome are publickly allowed , for which toleration , 't is the common opinion , they pay a tribute , and certainly there is more than opinion in 't , because every one who is a house-keeper , & a known whore must have her name registred at the office of the vice-gerent , who is one of the chief officers of the vicario , who is also the judge of them as such : so that all the year long they enjoy the liberty of their licentious life , except at certain times which they call uacanze , as about christmass and easter , for then the sbirri or bayliffs go to search their houses , and if they find any there , they may if they will carry them and her to prison ; therefore to prevent this inconveniency , these women send to the office , and by the means of some moneys , obtain a defence to those officers to come to their houses , and to molest them . and in the dayes of alexander the 7th . there was a talk of suppressing these infamous houses ; a sign of the popes protection , which gave occasion to this impious pasquinata , laudata dominum pueri . another great office is that of the sommo penitentiere , at present cardinal ludovicio , a person of mean parts ; his jurisdiction is about penances , absolutions , and confessions ; for he having many under him in great and weighty cases , they acquaint him with the faults , though not with the name of the party , to know of the penance to be said upon . the vice-cancelliere , or vice-chancellor so called , because the pope reserves to himself the title of chancell or of the universal church , hath the whole ordering of the chancery . the camerlengo , now cardinal antonio barberini , hath a very honourable and beneficial place , for the chamberlain takes cognizance of every thing belonging to the camera , and in the time of sede vacante , or when there is no pope , he takes the popes lodgings , is attended with his guard , and causes money to be coyned in his name : this place is worth 15000 crowns by the year ; besides of three keys of the treasure of the castle saint angelo , he hath one , the pope having the other , and the cardinal decano the third . the prefetto della signatura di giustitia , must see all petitions about matters of justice , and answers them , ordering what he thinks fit to be done about it . the like is done in matters of grace , pardon , &c. by the prefetto della signatura di gratia . the prefetto de brevi peruses and signs all the apostolical writs and orders . the bibliothecario is over-seer of the presses and of the library in the vatican , and commands those who have any thing to do in it . these four last offices i mentioned only because they are in the hands of cardinals as well as the four former , though lesse honorable and beneficial . so are the three following bestowed upon cardinalls , and all is for life , to wit , the three arch-priests ; of st john of lateran , now cardinal ghigi ; of st. peter in vatican , at present cardinal francesco barberini ; & of santa maria maggiore , now cardinal rospigliosi , by the late resigning of it up by cardinal antonio barberini , who received some satisfaction for it . now these three arch-priests have an absolute power over all the canons , priests , curats , and beneficiaries of their churches ; which benefices they may bestow upon whom they please when they are vacant ; besides this , he of lateran hath the administration of justice in civils and criminals over all persons within the jurisdiction of his church , having already insisted so long upon this subject , i must forbear speakingof othergreat charges , whether they belong to the court , as the master of ceremonies , master of the s. palace , secretaries , steward , &c. or be military , as general of the galleys of the popes guards of the church , who hath four under him , to wit , of avignon & ferrara , and the generals of the horse , and of the artillery . this great place is ever given to a nigh relation of the pope ; and he , with him of the galleys , and the governour of the castle saint angelo , are answerable of their actions to the pope alone ; or whether they be ecclesiastical , as almoners , chaplains , &c. or at last , whether they be civil , as governour of rome , divided into 14 rioni or quarters ; namely , monte , colonna , st. eustacio , ponte , regota , ripa , trastevere , trivio , campidelli parione , pigna , campo marzo , st. angelo , borgo ; but this last is actually depending upon the governour of st angelo , and also senator , and conservatours of rome , &c. the king of spain comes next to the pope in italy ; he hath naples , and the islands of sicily and sardegna upon the coasts , with milan in lombardy , and finale the head of a marquisate upon the coasts of genoa , and nearer to tuscany , he hath portolongone , and orbitello . the state of naples . naples containes twelve provinces which are a division of the three ancient , their names are terra di lavora principato citra , principato ultra , basilicata , calabria citra , calabria ultra , terra d'otranta , terra di bari , capitanata , contato di molisse , abruzzo citra , and abruzzo ultra . ; most of these parts are inhabited by very dangerous people , the more by reason of the abundance of woods which do shelter those rogues , whom the crimes they have committed have driven from the cities , whither they are not safe to return ; whence they have the name of banditi , and whom the protection of great men to make use of them one against another , by reason of their animosities , keeps there : those of calabria , specially along the coasts , have the name of being the worst of all , so ha t 't is turned into a proverb , he is as wicked as a calabrese . the best part of the kingdom is , terra di lavoro , which is all the countrey about capua and naples : there are but three good havens able to receive at fleet , brundisi , taranto , and trani ; for gaeta , napoli , puzzuolo , bari and otranto , are neither safe nor great enough . 't is said , that the cities , lands , or castles in the king dome come to 2573 , the least of which will make 500 souls , or there abouts : they have good souldiers , but proud , treacherous and inconstant for the generality ; yet there are brave men amongst the nobility , i mean for civility , courage and valour . the chief strong holds of the kingdom have garrisons of natural spaniards , by whom they are strangely oppressed , as by them they were conquered . they are governed by a spanish vice-king , to whom this people is given as a prey , that he may make himself amends for the expences he hath been at in some chargeable embassage , or a reward for some service he hath done to the crown ; so that in three years , which is the usual prefixed time for the exercise of that authority ( because the court of spain would not have subjects to grow too potent in those parts ) they squeeze and oppress that people with an infinite number of taxes , and other heavy burthens ; the nation being look't upon by them as factious , seditious , reckoned and desirous of novelties ; there being 30 notable rebellions within the space of 500 years : so that the vice-kings rule with a despotick authority ; and let him do what he pleases in this kind , people must never look for redress , he not being accountable for things of this nature ; besides that , the city , or any part of the kingdom may not send upon any occasion an agent or deputy into spain without a special license from the vice-king , which he grants very seldome : neither are the nobility free from oppressions , being dragg'd into prisons , or driven into exile upon the least suspicion that they grow too potent , or are any ways disaffected . the insolencies of the spanish souldiers , and others of that nation are not at all punished ; the very high-way-men , and other rogues , who are as thorns in the sides of the people , and who vex , disturb , and plague them , are winked at , except it be upon a jealousie of state : so that , that formerly flourishing kingdom , and full of all manner of necessary and delightful things , is at this day brought to an utmost misery ; that nation not being allowed so much as liberty of trading with strangers , on selling their inland commodities , but upon certain conditions , and a licence well paid for ▪ and all the gold which can be gathered there , is sent into spain , which doth amount to vast sums . the duke medina delas torres los volez , told one day the cavaliero damenico zane , then embassadour at the spanish court from venice , that in six years of his government of that kingdome , he raised 44 millions of crowns to supply the occasions of the dukedome of milan , and of flanders , moneys are drawn from thence , with a number of souldiers to serve in the wars that are made in the forenamed countteys : these and many other intollerable oppressions caused the great and many insurrections that have been there , which cost so much blood , not only in the times of troubles , but long after , it being the custome of spaniards to punish to the tenth generation those faults which have been committed against the state. for all this , the nobility of that kingdom triumphing over their miseries , and boasting of their slavery , are high and proud , and yet gentle and courteous in their carriage , though they insult over the common people , they spend beyond their estates , are splendid in an outward shew , but frugal at home , loyal to the king , enemies to the people , slaves of royal ministers , and very hard to their vassals , whom they pinch to the very bones : with all this they hate the spanish nation . out of this , one may judge of that enmity which is between the napolitans , specially the people and the spaniards ; there is never a year but hundreds of these last are killed by others , either at night in the streets of naples , or in the fields , when fruits and grapes grow ripe ; this people , and so those of milan , are grieved to see how those same spaniards who come to them in a low and poor condition , and with capatos de cuerda , within a year or two do live very high , out of the blood and substance of the countrey . so that the spaniards being so hard masters , they keep what they have in this kingdom only , by the means of the division which is in it ; so they keep all what they have in italy , only because the italians suffer them to enjoy it for fear of falling into the hands of worse masters , not that they can have worse , but because they are not so sensible at injuries received from spaniards , as those which they have suffered from some other nations , not as to the things , but as to the manner of doing them ; the spaniard layes heavy burthens and impoverishes them , and upon suspicions and jealousies of state takes away mens lives ; nay , he attempts upon the honor of families , but he carries it with more secresie and circumspection than other lighter nations , whose manner of proceeding seems more insolent ; besides that , the spanish haughtiness and gravity is more sutable to the italian temper . further , spain and other dominions belonging to it , being remote from italy ; the italians do not account them altogether so dangerous , as other martial nations who are at hand . however , if the late duke of guise had play'd his game well in massanillo's time , and well used that conjuncture , he could have given them a great check in that kingdom , but unadvisedly he left the city , which was at his devotion , and he kept a number of insolent persons about him , which ever undid the french affairs in italy . there goes a story of this duke , that several persons of quality and interest , to the number of 2000 , appointed a marquess to go in their name , and tell him , they were unanimously resolved to stand by him , and settle the crown upon his head , if he would come to them ; but he was fast asleep when that person came to his palace ; who said , he had matters of great concernment to impart to him ; but his people being loath to awaken him , he was forced to stay a long while ; at last being awaken'd , the other was called in , but before he was come to the chamber , the duke had began to dance a courante ▪ and would not speak with him till he had danced ; which the other being arnazed at and offended , said to him afterwards in few words , i was come to you upon such an errand ; but said he , by my so long waiting here , the time and opportunity are lost , therefore know that , co'l balare non se quadagnano li regni , kingdoms are not gotten by dancing : so he went to those who sent him , and told them what he had seen ; so that every one went home , and this person soon after forsook the kingdom to avoid the punishment which the spaniard would have inflicted upon him : if this be true , how did he strangely miscarry in 't , for so he lost all the nobility , who afterwards closed with the spaniard . the city of naples is great and populous , they reckon , that with the late plague 200000 died in it . churches there are a sanctuary to malefactors , which hath been often an occasion of falling out between the vice-kings and card. filomarini late arch-bishop , for some of those having upon occasion caused these malefactors to be taken by force out of ; these churches ; he threatned , and did actually excommunicate some for breaking , as he pretended , the priviledges of those churches , as if the house of god ( if such a name may be given to such places ) was to be a sanctuary to , and a den of thieves . there are three castles in this city , one is st. elme upon a mountain , built by king robert the first ; the other is castel novo , in the port which keeps communication with the palace of the vice-kings nigh to it , this was built by charles , brother to lewis the 9th . of france ; the third is , dell-ovo , which is upon a rock in the sea , william the third of normandy built it . there are also several fair churches embelished with rare pictures , and other ornaments , so ther are two cabinets worth seeing . at the end of one of the suburbs , in the way to puzzuola , is , la grotta di lucullo ; a way made through the rock of almost a mile in lenth , and broad enough for three coaches when they are gotten in 't : i shall not mention all the relicks of antiquity which are seen in the way to puzzuola , when one is at it , and at baya , as the elysian fields , and those other things so often mentioned in the poets ; nor the mount vesuvius , now la montagne di somma , these things are out of my purpose . i return to naples , and say , that the virtuosi there are called some ardenni , others intronati ; and 't is to be observed , that when these societies take a name , 't is either a title of imperfection , which betokens a privation , or of a moral virtue , or of some habit of the intellect , and all this to shew that they esteem and study the perfection , contrary to the defect signified by the name . their great offices of the kingdome are either given or sold according to the kings pleasure , but the last rather than the first ; and this for life : they are the high-constable now a rom an prince , of the family colonna , the high judge , high admiral , high-chamberlain , gran pronotario , a kind of a principal secretary , gran sinisculco , or high-steward , and high-chancellour , all which are given some to italians , some to spaniards . all the high-courts do sit in the city of naples , for there are the seggi , which are the assemblies of the nobility of the whole kingdom , divided into five classes : the first is seggio capoano . the second , di nido ; the third , di montagna ; the fourth , di porta : and the fifth , di porta nuova , so that except one be admitted into one of those seats , he cannot pass for a nobleman or gentleman ; the nobility and gentry there differing only in degree , and not in order ; now some enter into several seggi , so that to be admited in , he must be past 20 years of age , and have the greater part of the votes of all the nobles of the seggio . out of these 3 seggi are chosen 3 gentlemen , who with one chosen by the people , make up the body , called the magistrate of the city , through whose hands do pass all manner of taxes and impositions which the vice-roy hath a mind to lay upon city and whole kingdom : they also finde out means how to bring it about . there is also in naples that tribunal so much talked of , called , la vicaria , which matters of the greatest importance are brought unto , and receive ; appeals from all parts of the kingdom . the greatest of all is also kept there , called it collaterale , whereof the consigliere , or counsellors have the title of regenti , and for distinction-sake , they wear a long gown , this under the king is the supreme court of justice , treating of several important matters ; these regenti are chosen by the king , part napolitans , and part spaniards , and 't is for life . it also hath a councel of state , which judges of things concerning war composed , of six persons , whereof three are spaniards , and three italians , half souldiers , and half gown-men , chosen by the king ; over this as all the rest is the vice-king , whose authority is very great , and the profit arbitrary . i am loath to omit speaking of a custome of the napolitans , for all their reserved temper once a year , at vintage-time , they allow themselves a very great liberty of jesting one with another ; the meanest person is then allowed to jear the noblest man of the land , who use to begin with them : they give one another all the bad names which their language doth afford , whereof the least at another time would cause murthers and stabbings . this calls to my mind a singular custome they have at rome , when there is fallen some snow , at which time the most reserved and vertuous men and women throw balls one at another ; the princes and their wives practise it one with another within their palaces : neighbours throw it through the windows into the chambers one of another ; if one hath any kindness for another , 't is the fashion to go under the window , and throw in some , as they receive some , if they go by the door of any of their acquaintances ; and this is amongst them a token of civility and favour , and so much observed , that if any gentleman or friend of mine comes to me , the most vertuous woman that happens to be my neighbour , can shew me no greater respect nor kindness , than to throw at him snow balls . before i speak of the secrets of state , which the spaniards have in relation to this kingdom , 't will not be amiss to speak few words of some maximes they have in general ; relating to the rest of their state-dominions in italy . at madrid for the affairs of italy , there is a particular council consisting of six counsellours , whereof two are napolitans , two sicilians , and two of milan , besides the president , who ever is a spaniard , and now the marquess of vellada by name ; this council was instituted by philip the second , no other affairs but those of italy are treated of in it , which formerly belonged to the congnizance of the council of aragon . when first of all the spaniards came to italy , and had gotten footing in it , they went about by fair means to insinuate themselves into the affection of the nation , to turn it upon occasion to their own advantage ; but the italians , who , as they say of themselves , dormono co'll occhio aperto , who are constantly awake , stood upon their guards , and observed the spanish motion , which being taken notice of by the house of austria , charls the 5th , & then the council i spake of just now under his son philip the second , took another course , and went about to terrifie them with their arms , to draw some to them with fair promises , to threaten others , to sow divisions amongst them , but above all they lookt upon the republick of venice as a great let to their designs , having ever appeared to be the champion of the liberties of italy ; the troubles which this raised in those parts sometimes against mantoa , other times , against savoy , &c. are well known ; but now a constant maxime they hold , is , to get at rome as many cardinals as they can to be their friends , that if possible they may every time have a friend of theirs chosen pope , the truth is , they are potent in the conclave , because of several napolitans , and milaneses who are in it , the several means they have to gratifie church-men , by conferring benefices on them within their dominions in italy , and by selling lands and states to others within the same , besides the many pensions which they allow to several of them : so that whilst the french hath but eight or ten of his side , namely , d' este , ursini , antonio , grimaldi , mancini , maldachini , de rets , bouillon , the greater number of them are for the spaniard ; 't is true , 't is very chargeable for them to keep this party , and a spanish states-man had reason to say , it were better for his king to buy popes ready made , than to make them . but now in few words , spaniards do govern naples with these few rules ; the first is , to hold good correspondencie with the pope , not only because they do him homage for it , but because he is a next neighbour , much able to trouble it , and to foment and assist insurrections in it . the second is , to foment divisions between the nobility and the people , and between the nobility themselves who being all together united , could for certain drive them out ; and though the napolitans horse's back be much gall'd , if he could gather his strength together , he would be able to shake off the rider . the third maxime is , as much as they can doe to make great states fall into the hands of women , whom they marry afterwards to spanish noble-men . the chief families of that kingdom are at present caraccioli , where of the duke of auelina is the head ; caraffa , of which family is the duke matalone ; pignatelle , who had the title of duke of monteleone , monaldesqui , aquaviva , brancaccio , and several others who have the name of princes , as , marana , &c. the antient family of the princes of salerno is extinct as to the name , and their palace at naples ; which was very stately , hath these several years been possessed by the jesuites . i shall not say much of sicily , 't is governed by a vice-king at present ; the duke of albuquerque , as don pedro d' arragon is he of naples : this island is known to be plentiful ; and as formerly it was the granary of italy , so 't is still of part of it , but specially of maltha , for the gallies of the order come almost every week to transport corn cut of it . messina drives a great trade of silks ; the inhabitants have still their est & non est , that is , when any thing is proposed by the vice-king or his order , after a debate had thereupon to satisfie the people , they cry out non est , if it be not contrary to their priviledges ; if it be , they say , est , then every one gets to his arms. this city hath several priviledges , but cannot get them confirmed at madrid ; neither do the vice-kings dare to trust themselves amongst them ; therefore they reside at palermo , which was the landing place of don pedro d' arragon , when the moneys he had received from lewis the 9th of france , to make war against the infidels in affrica , he went to drive charles d' anjou , lewis's brother , out of the kingdome whereof he was lawful sovereign . the peoople of this island speak a very corrupt italian language , mixed with some words of corrupt greek ; & as their luanguage is , so are their manners , and nature , which how treacherous it is let the sicilian vesspers bear witness ; by which action they are become not only odious , but also a proverb to italy , having thereby been the author of all the disturbances where-with the spanish nation have since afflicted those parts of the world ; it had been something in withdrawing from the subjection of one ( who though he was their lawful prince , yet he was of a forein nation ) they had gotten their liberty ; yet princes may see of how dangerous a consequence is this president : but to leave the bad for the worse , 't is to find a pain , wherein they look't for a pleasure , that is , to be no more reasonable than were the frogs , who rejected the reed , to have the stork to rule over them ; they should have learned of the fish , how it is better to keep in the pan , though amidst boyling water , than to leap out and fall into the burning flames and fire . mount aetna , now gibello , with some of his flames , is still to be seen ; its horrid late casting up stones , flames , cinders , as far as catania , and the running of rivers as it were of fire and brimstone , are known to all europe ; such as we cannot read ever there was the like . syracusa is not very far from it , which is much decay'd , they shew some old standing ruines of a castle , as they say of dyonisius ; they affirm 't was in the shape of a shell ; in the centre of which was the tyrants closet , whence by the means of some pipes , which conveyed the voice , he heard ( if we believe the tradition ) every word spoken by the prisoners ; 't is probable that such a thing may be , there being things of that nature in several parts ; though these prisoners were at a great distance from the closet . the spaniards govern this land almost by the same maximes which they use in naples , only they let them have some few priviledges , in consideration of their withdrawing from the french , and giving themselves up to them ; nevertheless , the spaniards are much odious to them by reason of the great and many oppressions they suffer from them , for the which no body pities them , since they brought it upon themselves ; however , 't is the division of the two chief cities messina and palermo about precedencie and other things , which upholds the spaniards authority in the island ; for when one of these cities stands up , the other stoops , and they do every thing in opposition one to another ; the spaniard therefore knoweth how much it imports to his interest to see these differences continue , he foments it with the best of his skill , and to the utmost of his power . it were in vain to speak of sardegna , seeing the people in it are become spaniards in every thing . there hapned in it not long since a great division caused by falling out between two of the chief persons of the island , but having been both transported into spain , the factions were dispersed , and gave way to a general tranquility . this is a kingdome , and therefore is governed by a vice-king , who was lately prince ludovisio . of late they have stirred very much , having killed a vice-roy ; for which act some have been executed , which their friends and relations highly rescenting , are causing new disturbances ; so that the present vice-king not thinking himself strong enough , hath desired more forces out of spain , specially his enemies being potent in cagliari , hereby are laid the foundations of an eternal hatred , for their children inherit of the quarrels , and desire of vengeance , as of the states of their parents , this had been a fair occasion for any forrein enemy of the spaniard . this island , as that of sicily and naples , maintain a number of gallies , which of late is much diminished , for put them altogether with the squadron of the duke of tursi , they do not come to above twenty . the state of milan . vvesterly it borders with piemont and monferrat , sur southerly with the republick of genoa , westerly with the duke of parma , with the republick of venice and the duke of mantoa , and northerly with the valtoline . the dukedome of milan is as good and as plentiful a countrey as any in italy , full 300 miles about , plain and even ground ; in it are many lakes full of fish , and is watered by considerable rivers , which make it pleasant , plentiful and strong ; po runs by cremona , the tanaro by alessandria , and the bormia , which is a little one not far off . adda , nigh to lodi and ticcino by the walls of pavia , by milan run two channels , one of which is of great use ( and this goes through it ) and both for watering of grounds , whence it is that they have so good pastures ; hence it is that this dukedom doth furnish with cheese all italy , and other places ; the best sort of that which goes under the name of parmesan is made at lodi , one of the cities of the dukedome , and its territory . this countrey doth also produce abundance of all manner of corn , good fruits , and good wines ; this goodness of the soyle , joyned to the industry of the people , makes it very rich ; it contains many cities , as milano , pavia , tortona , alessandria , della paglia , novarra , mortara , vigevana cremona , lodi , como and lomellina , every one strong , and except mortara , the head of a territory , which borrows its name from the town . this dukedome is governed by one sent from spain , and hath the name of governour , who was don lewis de gusman ponce de leon : and now the marquess de los balbases : these governours improve well their time , which , as i said in the case of naples , is for three years , or thereabouts , except they be confirmed ; and this makes part of the misery of that people , that every three years they have new and greedy ministers , who make haste to be rich , and when they begin to be full , they are gone to give place to one who is as hungry as they were . the king of spain raises here one millions ofcrowns a year , but it goes all for the necessities of the state. in time of peace there are kept 5000 men ; there was a strong hold , called the fort sandoval , which commanded the way into one of the gates of vercelli , which is but a cannon-shot off , and 't was raised to bridle that place ; but the spaniards after the taking of vercelli demolished it not long since as a thing chargeable , and nor necessary ; but by the late treaty of peace with france , they restored vercelli to the duke of savoy . the city of milan is called the great , for 't is of a large circumference , full of people , to the number of about 300000 , and of handy-craft-men , almost of all fort , in so good repute amongst the italians , that when any sumptuous clothes or furnitures are to be bought , or any considerable equipage is to be made , to the very liveries , they send thither to have it done : they work much in silks , gold and silver thread , and make admirable good gun-barils ; all this maintains abundance of weak and poor people . in this place is a castle , esteemed one of the strongest in europe , well provided with ammunition and artillery ; there is a particular governour of it , who doth not depend upon the governor of the dukedome , but hath his orders immediately from spain . in this city is a very great number of stately churches , specially the domo , all built with white marble ; they say , about it are 600 statues , which cost 1000 crowns a piece : if this church be once finished according to the design ; none but st. peter in rome will be able to compare to it ; till then , this last will be the fairest in europe , and i believe , of the world , for all the great commendations given to that of santa sophia in constantinople . i returnto milan , and say , not only there are in 't fair churches , but also sumptuous cloysters , hospitals , palaces , and other noble buildings : a church-man there hath a fine cabinet full of rarities , most of his own invention and making . virtuosi in milan have the name of nascosti ; but i must not omit to say that the house which the cartusians have fifteen miles from milan , and five from pavia , is the best of their order . notwithstanding the proverb tha● the king of spain governs sicily in meekness , or dolcezza naples by fraud , or con inganno , and milan by authority , con authorita ( which may be understood in relation to the strong holds he hath in it : ) 't is his maxime of state , to rule this dukedome with more gentleness , than the rest of his dominions in italy ; this practice is inforced by the temper of the people , who are nor so willing nor so apt as others to suffer abuses , burthens exceedingly heavy , nor other great opresfions , their spirits can hardly bear it ; they are of an humour free , open , plain , and as they call it , rozzo , being usually called the lombarad's temper : that which makes further the spaniards more circumspect in this , is that many neighbour princes would willingly receive and assist them , if they came to have a pull for their liberty , for they joyn with the duke , of mantoa , the venetians , with parma , genoa , piemont , and with the grisons , by the ualteline ; therefore the spaniards , who knew the importance of that passage to them , struggled so hard for it , and set all europe in an uproar about it : yet for all this gentleness of theirs used to the milenesi , that people is not free from grievances and oppressions . that countrey which for a long while together hath been the seat of war , hath been obliged to maintain in a good measure the spanish , germans , french , savoy , modena , and mantoan forces , the perpetual lodging , quartering , and contributing , for the souldiers hath wasted them ; and all this hath been a pretence for the spanish ministers to oppress them : the italian proverb saith , that the spanish ministers in sicily rodono they gnaw , in naples mangiano they eat , but in milan divorano they devour : but they bear it , seeing that excepting the republicks , the subjects of other princes are used no better than they . at first the sforzi got this countrey from the visconti , and the house of austria hath gotten it from these , yet the venetians have of it brescia , bergamo , and crema : i will not shew whose right it is to have it , if the heirs of valentina have it not . the chief families of it are now borromeo , trivultio , stampa , trotti , sforza , homodei , litta , &c. finale is a town well fortisied , of great concernment to the spaniard , for 't is the only door they have to get into milan from spain , naples , sicily , &c. it is also a bridle to the genoesi . portolongone and orbitelle are also upon the coasts , the one on the continent , the other close by upon a rock in the sea , of great importance to bridle the grand duke , viareggio belonging to luea and the genaesi . the state of the duke of savoy . the duke of savoy is the most considerable prince of italy , after the crowned heads ; he comes from humbert , a younger brother of saxony , and a man of fortune : amede the great , or , le comte verd , or green earl , so called , because usually his clothes were of that colour , as were those of his followers ; by his merits and good fortune raised himself to a great credit ; he did great services against infidels , specially at the taking of rhodes from the infidels , and then he took the motto about the coat of arms which to this day that family retains ; f. e. r. t. signifying , fortitudo , ejus , rhodum tenuit . his history is in fresco at the pleasure-house of the dukes at rivoli . this family was first earls of moriene , then by marriage and favour of some emperour , princes of piemont , and dukes of savoy ; and of late from the duke of mantoa , they have gotten trin and alba in monferr at by the treaty of chierasco , so that besides piemont with its vallies , and savoy , the duke hath upon the sea-coasts , villa franca , oneglia , and nizza di provinza , with as strong a castle as any in europe , his dominions indeed are large , though to speak the truth , savoy is a barren and a mountainous countrey , which defect is somewhat made up by the indefatigable laboriousness of the people , and by the populousness and plenty of piemont . his court is for certain the ornament of italy , not composed of a vast number of persons , nor solitary neither ; there is in it a variety without confusion , well compacted , consisting of choice persons , well qualified for a court in a handsome and orderly way ; in it the french and italian languages are commonly spoken , and the free french manner of life is practised in it . these princes have been , and are still very honourable in europe ; for this long while emperors and kings have given them the title of serenissime , when some other princes of italy did not so much as pretend to it : but it happened in the days of pope urban the 8th , that he ( it may be to please his nephews ) gave a higher title to cardinals than they had before , the title of illustrissime was changed into that of eminentissime ; this obliged some princes to take the title serenissime and of highness ; upon which account still to keep a distinction between them and other princes , the dukes of savoy added reale to altezza to make up royal highness , which they pretend to , as being titular kings of cyprus , and so by vertue of a match with france , the french did not oppose it ; and this duke is now in hopes that the king or prince regent of portugal ( being now himself own'd to be a crowned head ) by reason of the late marriage , or that which is to be made with that prince regent , and the dutchesse's sister , will approve of it , but upon what grounds i dispute not . this duke is vicar of the empire in italy , he could not yet obtain from the emperour the investiture of what he hath in montferrat ; however of late the electoral colledge at the sollicitation of the house of bavaria , whose present elector married his sister , did something on his behalf , to wit , made a decree , that his not being invested by the emperour shall be no prejudice to his right , seeing he had used his diligence to obtain it . 't is a thing which raises much the glory of this prince , that he hath several of his subjects descended from emperours of east and west kings , other sovereign princes , and of the chief families of italy ; in piemont alone are above fifty earles , fifteen marquesses at least ; this makes him the more considerable , and adds something to his strength , which on the other side doth consist in the largeness of his dominions , the number , affection , and fidelity of his subjects ; and in his strong places , of which the castle of montmelian , though taken by the french , is one of the chief in savoy ; they use to say , that their prince hath a city which is 300 miles about , to shew how thick towns are in it , and how populous it is ; in piemont alone are 8 episcopal cities , and 130 very populous places . another thing is , that the duke is as absolute as any prince in europe . 't is said of charles emanuel , this dukes grand-father , that one day discoursing with henry the fourth of france , and the king having asked which of the two pistols ( pieces of gold ) the french or spanish he accounted the heaviest ; his answer was , that which i shall give my grain to , meaning that of the two kings , he whom he would assist should be the strongest . his riches i will not mention , his yearly income is said to amount to one million , and eight hundred thousand crowns , out of which savoy and the vallies yeild him but four hundred thousand , all which is nobly spent . i must say however , that gold and silver are scarce in his dominions , which on the other side afford him a great plenty of all things , whereby all manner of provisions are at a low rate . upon consideration of this , two several proposals were made to the present duke by a judicious person ; the first and less important , was to settle a fixed and a constant office for the conveniencie of travellers , so that giving so much , they should be defrayed for their diet , and should be provided with horses ; to this effect a correspondencie was to be setled at lyon , as this had been convenient for strangers and safe , so it had made the moneys of all those who enter italy that ways to pass through the hands of the dukes officers ; and these sums had been very considerable , seeing all those , who go by land into italy out of spain , in time of peace out of france , and pats of germany , come by the way of lyon , this would have encouraged many to go that way who do not , helpt the sale of provisions , and brought moneys into the countrey : but this proposal , though approved , yet wanting a further encouragement came to nothing . the second is to make nizza , or villa franca a free port , any of these lies convenient for ships , this would bring in trade , and consequently moneys , and would help the sale of the lands commodities : but i omit the reasons which are given to inforce this proposal , for i must come to other things . turin is the metropolis of piemont , and the ordinary place of the dukes residence , when he is not at his houses of pleasure , of which he hath as great a number of fine and convenient ones , as any other prince : this city is well seated in a plain , the rivers po and doire running not far from it ; in the court is an office of the admiralty , as they call it of the po , which is more for formality-sake , than for any benefit . in turin are to be seen the old and new palaces , with the garden , from the place to the new palace to that of st. garloe , is on both sides a row of fine houses all uniform . i shall say nothing of churches there , nor of the countrey-houses , as rivoli , moncallier , le valentin , millefleur , and la venerea , which is the present dukes delight : but i must take notice that there is as good a citadel as any in europe , in which there is a well , into which one may go down to water a horse , and at the same time , one can come up thence and not see one another . there are also armes for 40000 men . many things i omit here to tell , that carlo emanuele , the present duke , is a prince well made of his person , of a middle stature , full face , with that natural red , which only doth embelish it ; his sight is none of the best , as may be observed when he eats or reads ; he loves hunting with some kinde of excess , the scorching heat , nor the foulness of weather , being not able to divert him from it : and by this constant course he hath brought himself into a capacity to endure any hardship ; yet this passion doth not take him off his important businesses , which he is vigorous in , and follows it very close : he hath set days to give publick audience , at which time the least of his subjects may speak to him without any disturbance at all , and he hears them very patiently , as he is an active man , so he takes cognizance of every thing , and imparts all to his lady , who being a judicious princess , and exceedingly complying with his highness , she ever hath a place in his closet , as in his bed. he is a prince very civil to strangers , and now frugal at home , for he finds his ancestors have been too free so he hath been himself , but now says for a reason of his alteration , that as to frugality he cannot imitate a greater monarch than the , king of france , with whom he hath a conformity of temper , joyned to a natural affection . his inclination to women hath been discovered by his actings with the marchioness of cahours , and is daily observed by those who follow his court. his first minister of state is the marquess of pianezza , of the family d' allie , and brother to count philip ; a great polititian he is , and a greater enemy to the protestants of the vallies of piemont : his son the marquess of livorno , kept the place when he was lately retired for some distasts , though under pretence of devotion . the marquess san germano governour of turin , is of the same family ; the marquess palavesin ( successor to the marquess de fleury , who was turned out for his privacies with the marchioness de cabours ) captain of the guards , is also much in favour ; so is the old marquess of voghera , whose lady hath the oversight of the maids of honour , but none can boast of being his special favourite . the princes of the blood are few , the young prince of piemont , son to the duke by this wife , and prince philibert , with the earl of soissons , sons to the late prince thomas . there is at court a princess , the dukes sister unmarried : there is a natural uncle of the dukes , don antonio , governour of villa franca , and a natural son of the late victor amedeo , who lives privately in france . this princes countrey is much exposed to the french power , whereby they have been stript twice , and therefore his interest is to agree with france , for fear of bringing himself into the sad condition which the duke of lorrain is in , for the 18 or 20000 men , which without any great inconveniencie he can keep on foot , could hardly save him ; he is withal as handsomely as he can to prevent the french from setling in milan , for then he would be shut up by them every way . the state of the grand duke . the family of medici , of which are the grand dukes of toscany , hath not been very long possessed of that dignity , neither is it so antient as are many others in italy ; when florence was a republick , 't was one of the chief , but no more than the strozzi , pitty , and some others were . alexander began the work , but was quickly dispatched by his cousin lorenzo : then came cosmo , who was the first named & crowned grand duke by pope pio quinto of his family , ferdinand who left off the cardinals cap after the death of his elder brother , cosmo 2d . and ferdinand 2d . who is the present grand duke , who married donna vittoria della rovere , last heir of the late duke of urbino . some say a physician was the first who raised that family , and that in token of it , they took the pile ( but 't is the balls or globes ) for their armes ; they were raised by charles the 5th . the emperor , who gave margarita his natural daughter to alessandro , and so forced the florentines to submit to him . the grand dukes are creatures of clement the 7th . and of charles the 5th . emperour , with whose arms and countenancing , they became masters of florence ; at present they are in possession of three formerly potent republicks , to wit , florence , pisa , and siena ; they have all antient toscany , except luca and sarzana ; hence is the proverb , which saith , if the grand duke had luca , and sarzana , sarebbe , re di toscana , for he hath also the cities of pistoias volterra , cortona , arezzo , montepulciano , and several other lands and castles of a lesser importance , besides part of the island alba , where is cosmopoli , and porto ferrario . when the dukes came to the government , the florentines had subdued pisa , wherefore the condition of that city is the worst of the three , for being a conquer'd countrey they are under the jurisdiction of florence ; but siena is governed in the same way , as when it was a republick , owning none but the grand duke , or the governour sent by him ; thus they have nothing to do at florence , even they are used better than the florentines , who being look't upon at sactiout men , and desirous of liberty , are not only disarmed , as all other subjects are , but are more bridled too : a further reason is , that the duke doth homage for it to the crown of spain ( as he doth for radicofany to the pope ) therefore he dares not take altogether the same liberty there , which he uses in other places . pisa is void of inhabitants , but well seated , and hath in it several things worthy to be seen ; the grand duke delights to be in 't , therefore he comes to it , having the conveniencie of a forrest , which lies not far from it . siena is a finecity , in a good air , with good store of people in it , the italian tongue is well spoken , the virtuosi that are there , are called intronati . florence , the place of the courts ordinary residence , is a stately city , and very populous , there being accounted to be 100000 souls in it ; the gentry in it doth not think it below themselves to follow trade , which is specially of silks , so that it may pass for a rich town ; there are in it 10 or 12 families , accounted to be worth one million of crowns . there are three castles , fine churches , specially the domo , which on the outside is all of white and black marble , and that incomparable chapel of san lorenzo , for the which marble is not rich enough to enter , as one of the materials , but jasper , agatha , porphiry , &c. there are further rare palaces , and the dukes galleries exceedingly rich , the river arno runs through it , there is that learned society , called la crusca . the grand duke trading much underhand , as its thought , and being very frugal , must be very rich ; not to mention those rich galleries of his esteemed worth above three millions , but he draws to himself the best of his dominion , there being hardly in the world a countrey more oppressed with customes and taxes than this is ; hence it is , that except florence , where trade doth flourish , and siena , where is still some rest of liberty the whole country is the grand dukes , very little inhabited , and full of poverty , and this for fear those toscan active wits should cause some disturbance ; therefore he hath several strong holds , with a 1000 horse commanded by strangers , and about 4000 foot , besides the militia's , which upon occasion ought to be ready . 't is a priviledge of the horse-men , that they may not be arrested for any debt whatsoever ; so that any one that 's affraid and in danger of it , uses all possible means to get in amongst them . this prince for his person is a judicious man , and upon all occasions carries himself very politickly , besides the general genius of the nation , the particular one of the florentines , which goes beyond others , and his own natural parts ; having ruled these many years , he hath gotten a great deal of experience ; therefore he knows admirably well how to far fatti suoi , to mind and do his businesses , whereat he is as a cervellone , italiians call it . he carries his whole council along with him , for he hath no constant nor fixed councellours , but upon occasson he sends for whom he pleases to have their advice , but all resolutions do absolutely depend upon him ; so that the whole manner of his government is to be attributed to him alone . he is extraordinary civil to strangers , specially if they be persons of quality , and after they have had the honour of waiting on him , he sends them a regale , or a present of fruits , wines , &c. but of all nations , germans are those who have the greatest priviledges about his person , and in his dominions , strangers of other nations having any thing to do with his searchers , and the like officers , do free themselves of toyl and trouble , by saying they are germans ; and at present , amongst those many of that nation who are at his service , there is one who is much in favour with him . he is very careful to know the affairs of other states , to be able the better to rule his own , to that end he spares no charges that he may be well informed of it , knowing it is the deepest policie of princes to dive into the affairs of others : so every year he spends great sums of moneys to maintain the spies he keeps abroad , there being no court , and hardly any considerable city , but he hath some to give him intelligences of what passes in 't . he will have an exact knowledge of the state of every thing within his dominions , therefore in 1645 , having a mind to know the yearly income of his clergy , he caused an account to be made of it ; 't was found to amount to 765000 crowns , whence one may guess he doth not neglect to know his own , which is thought to be of half a million of english pounds , besides casualities , of which he hardly spends the half ; so that he must needs have many a million in his coffer ; indeed legorn alone is worth a treasure to him , it being the most noted store-house of all the mediterranean , there being at it an extraordinary concourse of ships from all parts , and 't is a place well fortified ; there is in it the statue of ferdinand the first , with four slaves in brass , then the which nothing better can be seen in that kind . but to return to the grand dukes riches , he daily improves them with his frugality , for to save charges he hath lessened the number of his gallies , having now but four , two of which are unfit for service ; and to get monies he hires the others to merchants to transport their wares ; formerly his gallies lay along the coasts to secure them from pyrates ; now they have towers along the sea shore , where they use tolight fires when any enemies or pyrates appear , which gives a warning where the danger is . this prince gathers monies on all hands , for at florenee , legorn , and other places , he receives contribution from the cortegiane , or prostitute women , for the tolleration and protection he gives them ; so that an injury done to any of those infamous persons shall be punished , as if it had been done to the most virtuous in the world . but the grand duke is not satisfied to be frugal himself , he hath often exhorted the grand prince his son to the practice of it ; son , saith he , non spender ' quell ' che tu hai perche , chi non ha none ; do not spend what thou hast , for he who hath nothing , is nothing . another way of this grand duke to get monies , and wherein lies his great maxime of policy at home , is to keep his subjects low ; no people in the world lye under heavier taxes and burthens than this doth ; every house that is let out , payes him the tenth part of the rent ; every contract of marriage , eight by the hundred of the portion ; and every one who will goe to law , afore he begins must pay two for the hundred , out of this one may judge of the rest ; this usage makes that prince to mistrust his subjects , who are active , stirring , and men of pregnant parts , exceedingly desirous of , and breathing after liberty , for 't is very hard for a people who lived a long while in a way of republick , to bring themselves to live under a monarch , so absolute and so hard as this is ; so that upon this account the grand dukes strong places are all well furnished with armes , ammunition , and provision , not only to resist a forreign enemy upon occasion , but to bridle his own subjects ; which is indeed a sad case , when a prince hath as many enemies as he hath subjects ; how can he think himself sure with those who hate and fear fear him , seeing any one who out of despair caresnot for his life , is ever the master of anothers , specially in those parts where 't is so much used , and where men are so skill'd at it ; and the devil who is a murtherer from the beginning , omits no occasion to infuse bloody motions into his hirelings . happy is that prince whose strongest fortress consists in the love of his subjects , who hath not only their hands but their hearts along with him ; 't is certain that of all enemies the domestick is the most dangerous , and the most to be feared . oderint dum metuant , was a fit expression for such a man as tyberius . yet though the grand duke keeps his people so low , he hath left them a shaddow of liberty , whereat they be somewhat satisfied , it consists in the use of those common laws of justice which they had in the time of the republick . now to the maximes of state of this prince in relation to his neighbours , the first is apparently to be united with spain , yet in private to keep friendship and correspondency with france , which the spaniards often times have been much displeased at , and had some thoughts to resent it , but fearing least the remedy might prove worse than the disease , they have chosen to sit still . what he doth in france , the same he practises with the republick of venice : but that which he minds most of all , is to have a good number of cardinals , and other useful persons of quality his pentioners at rome , to have none but those who be his friends chosen popes , for the great'st stormes he is afraid of are from thence , for knowing how matter is combustible at home , he fears least popes would encourage and assist his people to recover that liberty which they are so much longing after ; and there hath been some popes who were born his subjects , as one of the clements , and lately urban the 8th . who have given him or his ancestours trouble enough . of his family , prince matthias his brother died lately , governour of siena , and now prince leopold is created cardinal , his son the grand prince his heir apparent is called cosmo , who hath married the princess of voalis , of the french royal blood : for a long while there hath been an unhappy falling out between them , but now all differences are composed ; by some the fault was laid upon one , and by others upon the other ; 't is not fit for men to search into the causes of falling out between husband and wife , specially when they are princes ; some particular ones i heard , which i doe not minde , onely one may say that the retired manner of life practised in florence differs very much from that which is lead at paris , so that an italian may happen to require a thing which a french woman will have no mind to grant : i know in toscany there are still some noble and ancient families , but as the grand dukes have been very jealous of their aurhority , they have either rooted out , or brought very low the chief , and those of whom they were the most jealous . the state of mantoa . the family gonzaga hath possessed the state of mantoa since the year 1328. at which time roberto gonzaga having expelled some petty usurpers , he made himself master of it ; they enjoyed it without any title till the year 1432. when the emperour sigismond created giovanni francesco marquesse , and charles the 5th . in the year 1530. made federico duke of it ; this married margarita paleologa heir to the marquesate of monferrat . the titles of this prince are these , duke of mantoa , marquess of monferrat , prince , and perpetual vicar of the empire in italy , marquess of gonzaga , viadane , gozzolo , dozzolo , earle of rodiga , and lord of luzara . these dukes could formerly live in as great a splendour as any prince in italy , their equal , specially since monferrat was united to their state , but since the late warre made against the duke charles the first , in the year 1630. by the house of austria , under pretence that he had not done homage to the emperour , nor acknowledged him for his soveraign , though the true reason was , because being born in france , he was by them suspected to be wholly inclined that way , and by the duke of savoy , who would have stript him of monferrat , which is joyning to piemont : their strength is so weakned , and their revenue , and yearly income so lessened , that without the help of other princes they cannot maintain their garisons , as it is in the case of cazal that strong place , so that from above 300000 crowns they had a year , they are brought to 80000. which yet are not clear . mantoa , formerly a most flourishing and very populous city , hath at present but few inhabitants , and is full of misery , not caused by their princes who have been the meekest of all italy , but they could not rise up again since they were taken and plundered by the imperial army . the best ornament of that city was , and is , still the dukes palace , where they reckon at least 550. chambers very richly furnished with hangings and bedding , there are 1000. beds , and many rich statues ; but before the taking of the city , 't was as they say , more stately and rich , then the mills only of the city were worth 10000. sterling a year . upon occasion this duke can raise 10000. foot , but not to keep them very long , and 800. horse : now the mantoan horse is esteemed the best of italy . there are more sovereign princes of this family , than of any other in italy , because duke alfonso having many sons , would make every one of them a sovereign ; therefore by the emperours consent , some lands he separated from the jurisdiction of mantoa , and others he bought ; so that the eldest sonne was duke of mantoa , another prince of bozzolo , a third prince of sabionetta , another duke di guastalda , a fifth duke of novellara , and a sixth marquesse of castiglione della stivere : but now sabionetta as a doury hath been alienated by a marriage to the house caraffa in naples , and since , the princess of stigliano of this last family being married to the duke medina de las torres los velez , brought this state into his family . the late duke charles the 2d . to unite himself the more to the house of austria , ( for the late emperour had already married a princess of his family ) took one of the princesses of insprack to his wife , but for all this he neither was much trusted to , or rewarded ; the truth is , he was affected to france , whose interests he would not have separated from , if he had not thought himselfe slighted at paris , and less respected then was the duke francis of modena . this duke of mantoa died not long since in the flower of his age , leaving only a son of 12 , or 13. years old , who hath succeeded him . he was generally inclined to women , but in particular to the countess margarita di cazale : he was a great gamester , and lost much money at venice : upon all occasions he was supplyed by a jew of mantua , who almost ruled the dukes affairs to his own advantage , and to the princ's loss . jews are tollerated in mantoa to the number of above 5000. for which they pay 20000. crowns , or 5000. sterling a year , the more willingly because they are obliged to no marks of distinction , as they are in all other places . the city of mantoa , as all others that are consideralile in italy hath some virtuosi called invaghiti , it hath been a maxime of state of these princes to be united to france , where they had the dukedoms of nevers , rethel , and mayene which cardinal mazarine bought , the last for himself , the other two for one of his nepews , and also to be united to the venetians ; to the first , because that king could fall heavy upon the duke of savoy , the perpetual and unreconcileable enemy of his family ; to the last , because being his next neighbours , they could assist him upon any occasion . the friendship which seems to be between this duke and those of parma and modena is not real , by reason some state-differences which happened formerly between them : with the grand duke he hath had fallings out about the precedency of their ministers : though the grand duke hath larger dominions , the others family hath been more noble , and is more antient ; besides the other reason of the enmity is , that the grand duke hath several goods of his for the portion of the princess catharina di medici , married to duke ferdinando . but the greatest enmity of this house , is , against that of savoy about monferrat , and other things ; their differences are so great , that no means can be found out to compose them : and here i must not omit to speak of the treaty of chierasco in reference to these differences : thereby the duke of savoy is put in possession of two good cities of monferrat , but some satisfaction is to be given for them to the duke of mantoa , therefore the french doth oblige himself to pay the duke of mantoa 494000. crowns of gold pretended by that house from savoy for portions ; but for the forenamed summe , the french is put in possession of pinarolo , and yet the duke of mantoa never asked those monies , protesting against that treaty ; so that upon occasion this may happen to be a ground of troubles in italy . the state of the duke of parma . the dukedoms of parma and piacenze , two of the best cities of italy , have been possessed by the family farneze above these 122. years , after several revolutions they fell to the church , and were at last by pope paolo tertio , given to pietro luigi farneze his son born afore he was a church-man . charles the 5th emperour opposed it at first , but after the marriage of ottavio 2d duke with his natural daughter he approved of it ; besides the dukedoms of parma and piacenza in lombardy , he hath the dukedome of castro , and county of roncigliont within the sate of the church , which the first was pawned to , and for want of paying the monies in the prefixed time , it was united and entailed to the church , which is the worst that a turk or a jew can do a christian : yet notwithstanding the sufficient reasons to the contrary given by the duke , that pretended father of christians played this unmerciful trick ; and though of late by the means of the french king , this entail was cut off , as yet they could not bring the pope to part with it , as he is obliged by the treaty of pisa ; so well these popes agree , the one to get , and the other to keep . besides this the duke of parma hath some lands in the kingdome of naples for the doury of margarita of austria married to prince ottavio . this prince is perpetual standard bearer of the church , to which his state is to fall incase he should die without male issue . although he doth homage to the church for the whole , he is nevertheless absolute for that ; after the homage received , popes having nothing to do in his dominions . urban the 8th was a great enemy to this family ; he took castro , and had it demolished ; he would have ruinated odoardo then duke , and father to this present , who was a wise and a valiant prince ; but italian princes expressing to be dissatisfied at it , he was obliged to be quiet , having raised upon the frontires of parma , that strong place called la fortezza urbana . this family hath given the world some men of great repute , specially him who was governour of the low-countries ; the loss of castro hath been a great prejudice to the duke , yet he hath still a matter of 400000. crowns a year : the apennini are as a wall to his state , which joyned to many rivers , and some strong holds , makes his countrey considerable ; he keeps nigh upon 5000. men , but in case of necessity he could bring into the field 20000. foot , and 1000. horse , the half he can bring forth without inconveniency ; he hath much nobility in his dominions , and he is very jealous of them , specially of those of piacenza , because the first duke was kill'd there . what manner of cities are parma and piacenza i will not describe , nor the curiosities to be seen in them ; i name nothing , only let this general rule be taken ; in every good city of italy , one is to see the churches wherein consists their glory , their palaces , gardens . houses of pleasure , cabinets , &c. all which are embelished with statues , pictures in oleo , in fresco , and mosaick works , wherein porphiry , marble , and such rich materials are often used ; this i say to free my self from making descriptions which might make up a great volume , i only take notice that in parma are some academists , called innominati . the present duke ranuccio , a man of a fat complexion , as yet hath no children , his first wife being-dead , he is again married to the sister of the late duke of modena , he hath prince alessandro farnese his brother , who hath been in the service of the venetians , and came off with some discontent ; at present he serves in spain . there is now at rome cardinal farneze , but he is not very nigh kinsman , i am sure he did not act the part of a good kinsman , when he found out some ways to sell his principality of farneze to the pope for don mario for 80000 crowns , and a cardinals cap , excluding thereby the duke of parma from that succession , in case the branch should fail ; but an entail having afterwards been found out , the pope called for his monies , and restored the principality , however he is cardinal by the bargain ; the best palace in rome is farneze , built after the direction of michel angelo buonarotta ; and one of the best countrey-pleasure-houses of italy , is caprarola in the county of ronciglione , belonging to the duke of parma . till of late , since the dayes of charles the 5th , 't was a constant maxime of state of these princes to keep close to the house of austria ; but odoardo the late duke being unsatisfied with the earl and duke of olivares , he left that union , and they have since sided with france , as the fittest power to uphold them in their quarrels against the pope , which will be a continual ground of troubles in italy , and an occasion of bringing the french into it . one thing more is , that these dukes do more willingly make use of strangers to be their ministers when they find them qualified for it , than of their own subjects . the state of the duke of modena . the family d'este , though we put it here last , is much more antient and richer than the two former , yet according to that period which is set to families of princes , and their dominions , this hath lost something of its antient greatness . they derive their pedigree from atto marquess of este , who took the surname , which now his family keeps , from the city este , which doth still belong to it : this married alda , daughter to the emperour othon the first , in the year , 1000. and had with her , modena and reggio . theobaldo d' este othon's grand-child , had in the year 1055. ferrara from pope john the 12th , which was in the year , 1598. taken from them by clement the 8th , after the death of alfonso the 2d , for want of lawful heirs males : yet there was cesare d' este whom alfonso had from laura ferrarese who would have proved that his father had married his mother , and so that he was a lawful heir , but the proofs of the pope who had already taken possession of the place , were the strongest : yet that family still pretends to it , affirming they come from a lawful heir , though popes will have him to have been a natural son ; and this as to precedency wrongs that family , for other princes will not grant them as dukes of modena only , what they had as dukes of ferrara , although their standing dukes of modena be from barso d' este , who had the title given him by frederick the 3d emperour in the year 1460. the city hath been a great looser by this change , for instead of the seat of a court , 't is now made a city of war , and of 80000. soules that were in it under the dukes , there 's now hardly 20000. however this duke is still in possession of the dukedomes of modena and reggio , the principalities of carpi and correggio , the earldome of roli , and the lordships of sassevil , garfagna and frignano , by the late treaty of pisa ; his dispute with the pope about the vallies of gommachio was decided , being to receive as he did 400000. crowns for them , 40000. more of damages , and some other advantagious , conditions : all these lands with others which he hath still in the dukedom of ferrara , yield him every year full 500000. crowns ; all his dominions joyning one to another , makes him the more considerable ; his strength therefore consists in the number of his people ; the only province carfagnana is said to contain 80. places walled about ; he hath also several strong holds ; upon extraordinary occasions he is able to bring into the field 20000. foot , and 1000. horse , and he can without inconveniency keep the halfe of the number , however his country lies somewhat open to several neighbouring princes , not for want of good places , of which he hath many , seated at a proportionable and convenient distance one from another , but because that country lies upon an even ground ; in his citadel of modena , are as they say , armes for 40000. men ; this city is not in repute with other italians , who call it modena la pazza . these princes observe the general maximes of their neighbours , to have a good correspondency with venice , which was ever lookt upon as the protectour of the liberties of italy : since the loss of ferrara they kept close to the spaniards , but of late their interest made them change their affections , for duke francis was in the late italian war , made general of the french , and mazarine's neece married to prince almerigo his son , who hath left a young prince to succeed him . at present all things are done after the advice of cardinal d'este , protector of the french interest at rome , and the promoter of the late union of his family to france ; he is a prince very active and stirring , who lives at rome , when he comes there , with greater pomp , and more splendour then any other cardinal whatsoever ; he is zealous for the french , by whose friendship his family is much better with monies , being enriched with the late generalship : so is the country , for in winter the head quarters were in modena , whereto resorted all the great officers , and a great number of inferiour ones ; this somwhat helped the poor people to pay those taxes that are laid so heavy upon them ; at present there is one of their name , and kinsman afar of , don carlo d'este , if i mistake not , a subject born to the duke of savoy , who is a knight of the order of the fleece , whom i have seen attending on the empress at alexandria , pavio , &c. the duke of modena hath this advantage above most princes in italy , that he hath some of his subjects who have feudi fiefs of the empire ; we find many great families in his dominions , as the rich earls , di san paolo , the bentivogli-ragoni , buoncompagni , the marquesses spilimbergo , peppoli ; gualengo , di vignola and gualteri . the earls caprari , san martino , di molsa , di maluisia , montecuculi , tassoni ferrarese di conoscia , and few others ; the present duke being very young , we have nothing to say as to his person ; and though he were older , we could say of him that which must be spoken of some others , they are reserved , and live retiredly ; so that strangers , for any long while have not free excess to their courts and persons . the state of venice . now to go on , i must say something of the republicks . i do confess i am much at a stand when i see my self obliged to speak of venice ; the abundance of matter is often to a man a greater hindrance then help , when he must pick out that which is onely fit for his purpose ; to speak well of a republick esteemed a miracle of nature , and a prodigy of art , the tongue of an angel is necessary : 't were too trivial to say , that this republick was founded above 1246 years ago , by those who from aqueleia , padoa , &c. fled from the cruelty of attila : they were governed by tribunes till the year , 697. at which time they made a head called doge , and they chose san marco to be their protectour ; wherefore a lyon holding a book , is their arms , with this motto , pax tibi marce evangelista . the government was part aristocracy , and part democracy , but at the time when pietro gradenigo was doge in the year , 1280. it was resolved in the senate , that the government should hereafter belong to the nobility alone ; and to avoid oppositions , all the families that were in some esteem amongst the people , were declared nobles , as it hath been practised afterwards upon urging occasions , as in the wars against genoa , and lately in the wars against the turk , 100000. crowns being paid by every one who is made such , besides that he must be otherwise qualified for it . in the majesty and perpetuity of the duke , there is a shadow of monarchy , but the strength and the authority resides in the senate ; their dominion is of a great extent . in terra ferma they have dogado , la marca trevigiana , padoano , vicentino , veronese , feltrino , bellunese , bresciano , beragamasco , cremasco , &c. there is further il fruili , with many considerable cities in it , as udine , palma , and that strong hold palma nova . istria with four good cities , and many lands and places . out of italy they have dalmatia , with the islands thereto belonging , and the chief cities of zara , clissa : cataro , and few other places in albania ; in the levante , corfu , cefalonia , cerigo , zante , and some other islands in the arcipelago ; and the sovereignty of all the golfo from venice to otranto , and to la vallona , which is seven hundred miles in length ; of the kingdom of candia , they have nothing but the city . it would require whole volumes , if one would insist upon the manner of their government in general , seeing they have been curious to gather the quintessence of all the good laws and statutes which antient and modern republicks had , which they make use of upon occasion : they have above 60. courts of judicature , such a diversity being necessary for them to employ so many noblemen they have . i will hardly mention the gran ' consiglio , wherein are usually 1500. votes , besides other 500. nobles who are in offices else-where , either by land or sea ; nor the pregadi composed of ' 200. or thereabouts , or the collegio , or the consiglio di dieci , nor what manner of bus●inesses they treat of : why should i tell who are the procuratori di san marco , sesteri , tre capi di quaranta savi di mare , savi di terra , savi grandi , and so many officers ; this with an exact description of that republick , and of all her dependencies i could undertake , if i saw occasion , but 't is a thing that deserves to be by it self , as well as the account of the forces , and riches of the republick , and wherein they consist ; i shall not speak of the city which is full of wonders with antient and modern curiosities , only i shall name the arsenal , which is certainly the best in europe , and the treasure hath many rich and precious stones , however i will not omit to say , that in the city are two sorts of virtuosi , one is called discordanti , and the other gussoni . i must come to something of the political part of that government , but before , i must name some of the chief families of that republick . i believe the number of the nobles exceeds that of 3500. though 40. or 50. families with their friends and relations , whose leaders they are do govern the whole , the most considerable of these are contarini , now doge , sagredo , corraro , capello , moccenigo morosini , cornaro , gradenigo , grimani , querini , loredano , marcello , pesaro , giustiniano , foscari , bembo , delfini , &c. now i proceed , the venetians take a great care to have their young men instructed in those things which concern their republick ; in part to this effect they have found out such a variety of employments , to the end that applying themselves to these , they may in time be fitter to administer those of a higher nature , so that there is hardly any one without some employment suitable to his genius and capacity ; they also have an usual way to speak familiarly of policy , so that after a long use , and earnest application , and an often hearing of those who understand things well , they must needs make improvement in it . the venetians also most of any italians do travel abroad , and hardly an ambassadour ever goes to any place , but he is attended by some of the young nobles , who go to learn the politick part of the government of the countrey which the ambassadour is sent to ; and that which is the chief , to the end that the senate may be instructed of the present state of affairs of any court , we may observe that almost everywhere they have ambassadours ( not mattering what charges they come to ) who all the time of their residence , by a constant intelligence do acquaint the council with every particular thing that falls out in the court they live at ; who not only leave instructions to those who succeed them in the place , but who also when they come home , are obliged to make in pregadi , a full relation of the state wherein stands the court whence they come . one thing above all , which i find extraordinary , is that secresie so inviolably observed amongst them , that amongst so many heads there should be no tongue , nay there have been those who were present at the council , when violent resolutions were taken against some friend or relation of theirs ; they have conversed with them after that , and yet never discovered any thing . publick ministers of princes who reside there , do confess it is more difficult to penetrate into those results made sometimes by above 1500. men , than into those which are made by three or four : 't is true , this is look't upon as a part of their wisdome , that publick affairs are communicated to all , for then when the resolutions they have taken , require secresie , they think themselves obliged to observe it , though it were only upon this account that they are true and faithful to themselves . thus their general aime is , or at least their laws tend to maintain peace , union , and liberty . we must not wonder therefore if this republick is come to such a height , and maintains herself in it , with the excellency of her counsil , the observation of the laws , the gravity of manners and customes , and the common desire of maintaining liberty with a severe punishment of all innovations which could disturb the publick peace . laws ought not to be despotick or arbitrary , nor after the suggestions of sycophants , and the byassed parasites , but inconformity to those of the great law giver ( who though he have an absolute and unlimitable right and power over all , yet he is often times graciously pleased to give reasons of what he doth ) they ought to be grounded upon justice , reason , and equity , and to tend to the publick good , which should be the end of all civil and municipal laws , and not to be turned into private channels , to run to particular ends , which hapning , let him look to 't who bears not the sword without cause , for all private ends ought to be subservient to the publick interest : to this effect , when first all men contracted societies , and united themselves in corporations , they knew well they could not subsist without order , which can never be observed without laws , tending to protect the good in the enjoyment of that peace and quietness they desire , & to terrifie the evil with those punishments threatned them , in case the , go about to disturb it . and the truth is , that such laws being enacted , they look to future ages more than to that time wherein they are made , because those who made them being free agents , and entring willingly ; and with their own accord into such societies as every one of them had a hand in the passing of the laws , if not in the framing , at least in the approving and confirming of the same ; for that which is to be above all , as laws are , is to be made by the consent of all ; so 't is to be supposed they would not break the lawes which they made themselves , upon grounds of reason and justice ; hence it is , that as they have made use of the legislative power they had , and that they have bound themselves to the execution of them , which being once done , the bond cannot be loose or untied but by the general consent , and in such a case it may be done according to the maxime , that he who makes the law , can disanul it ; ( but it must be the whole legislative power ) for as grounds and reasons sometimes do alter , so may the laws accordingly , because as a law doth not sute in all places , so neither at all times , neither may they be allowed , but as much as they conduce to the publick good , which as i said , before is the end for the which they were roade ; but if they turn to be destructive to these ends for the which they were made , they ought certainly to be abrogated and made void ; and this shews that every law is not of the nature of those of the persisians and medians , which might not be altered ; but because the life of the law doth not so much consist in the legislative act , but specially in the executive part , not only in wisdome , but also in powers therefore they who made the lawe do appoint those who are to see them executed ; and because at first law-givers could not foresee all cases and accidents which might fall out , there is a certain power reserved to interpret , to explain and to amplifie those laws , yet upon this condition that sense shall be given to the words of the law which is most conducing to the end of the law , that is , to the publick good : for those rules that are imposed by conquerours as such , and do deserve the name of laws , but are only despotick orders and commands ; the conquerour after his victory imposes what he pleaseth upon the conquered ; sometimes nothing but martial and arbitrary laws , as it is this day practised in the turkish empire , for as he hath gotten it , so he must keep it either by force or fraud ; this is by virtue of a right used between wild beasts , who will tear or spare those that are weaker than themselves . the laws of venice , which are the occasion of this discourse , abhor these last , and are of the nature of the former , the happiness which they have enjoyn'd under them , do highly declare the wisdome of their law-givers . i believe it were of no little use , if every countrey were acquainted with the same ; i altogether for bear speaking of them that are common and ordinary , one kind excepted , which is very beneficial , and might prove so to other countries , being introduced therein , i mean the sumptuary laws against excess in clothes , jewels , equipage , &c. which though vain and superficial things do consume & wast the state & substance of many ; the servant is not to be known by his cloaths from his master ; and of these how many have we who are more sollicitous of getting perriwigs , gaudy cloathes , and the like , than careful to acquire knowledge , virtue and experience , not knowing that those things are borrowed , and not their own , which make no difference between an honest man and the vilest wretch in the world , however they are satisfi'd with the shew , and are like those apples that grow about the lake of sodom , which have a fair shew , but have nothing within , blow upon them and they fly into dust and ashes . as there is a difference of quality in persons , so there should be some distinction in cloathes , or the like ; the very stars shew greater brightness some than others . men should strive to goe one beyond another , not in clothes but in virtue , and good quality . but i 'le leave this discourse , not for want of matter , one who hath but common sense and reason could have much to say upon 't , but because i avoid to be accounted too censorious and critical , and that some times every truth must not be spoken , or when it is odium parit : but to come to my subject , i say , 't is not so in venice , they minde more solid and substantial things than these , and they practise certain refined maximes , which i have observed . first , their doges may not ally themselves to any forreign princes , to preveni receiving from abroad councils tending to the destruction of liberty at home . neither is it lawful for any of the nobles to converse with any forreign ministers , or any one that hath any relation to them , or to keep communication with them by way of letters , or any other direct or indirect way , to remove all occasions of being bribed , and so of betraying the state or their councils ; for this cause 12. or 13. years agoe was put to death one of the family of carnaro , it being found out that he had been several times at the lodging of the spanish ambassadour . further , as they know that the greatness of the republick comes from their power upon the seas ; so all the nobles apply themselves specially to sea affairs : as for land service they usually take strangers of known valour and experience out of germany , italy , and other places . to preserve union between the nobles and the people , and that these may have where to apply themselves ; the noble ; do not roeddle with publick schools , or ruling of parochial churches , or the like ; and more than this , the direction of the chancery of the republick , which is a high dignity that hath the ordering of all publick expeditions , and the secretaries places are ever given to some of the people , to whom also they allow liberty of fishing , coursing , shooting , and the like , there being no propriety in things of this nature , and that they may yet the more get the love and affection of the people , they converse together in walks , play-houses , gaming-places , and upon all occasions and meetings ; so also they take citizens daughters to be their wives : yet for all this the nobles are so far from hindring , that rather they encourage the divisions which are in the city of venice of one part against another , that is , between the castellani and nicolotti , who use to meet specially in the month of september , upon the bridge of st. barnabas , which they flock to in great numbers , and the nobles who happen to be there do encourage every one of those of his side ; there they kick and cuff one another , but have no armes : this to some is an eff●ct of animosity , to others ' a sport , to others a shew , and to all a diversion from other things . upon this account , they suffer the insolencies of scholars at padoa with their chi va li at night to keep a division between them and the citizens , who also are looked upon as a factious people . another maxime which they have , is to keep the scales even between warring princes , specially in italy , as they have done in the wars of milan , to preserve the publick liberty , that one prince do not grow too potent by the loss of another ; but a thing which they study most of all , is , to know the genius , customes , strength , and to find out the designes of all princes and republicks , by which diligence many a time they have found out and avoided great dangers impending over themselves and others . but a very useful maxime they have , and which is very wise , it is ever to hearken after peace , and fit themselves constantly for war : afore they were involved in this last with the turk , their policicy was by all means to avoid a falling out with so dreadful an enemy ; but it seems at this time providence hath made use of the perfidiousness of those of candia , and of the turks ambition , to make this maxime to be null and void . but to withdraw from this ocean , i will say , that out of policy they suffer the delayes of doing justice , and the tedious proceedings at law , to keep people in exercise , and the courts of justice in credit : by the same reason they are so severe in punishing faults against the state upon all sorts of persons ; and to avoid innovations and disorders ; contrariwise , they be very remiss to those which proceed from humane frailty : so 't is to punish more rigourously the faults of the nobles , than those of the people , to the end that the former do not grow insolent , nor these last discontented . further they are careful to maintain their priviledges to provinces and cities , that they may continue in their loyalty and affection . lastly , 't is a part of their justice , as of their policy , not to punish the crime of the fathers upon the children , nor e converso , the person only which is guilty suffering . i have one thing more to say before i leave it : of all states in italy this of venice hangs loose from the pope most of all , therefore they meddle not in the court of rome , neither do they care to bestow pensions upon cardinals to have a favourable election , & indeed 't is not much material to them , seeing they extend their jurisdiction upon all regular & ecclesiastical persons within their dominions , notwithstanding the endeavours of several popes to the contrary : and they have good laws to bridle the power of popes within their state , as i will instance only in two cases ; the first is , though the inquisition be amongst them , yet they have taken away its sting , there being constantly three of the wisest and more moderate senators named to be present at their consultations ; and it is further ordered , that nothing shall be resolved in it , except there be present one of these senators , who qualifies things , reduces them to moderation , and in case of extremity telling , the senate must be acquainted with such and such things . the second case is , the nomination which popes make , of whom they think fit to some , church-livings and benefices within their state , the pope pretends he hath right so to do , which they deny ; however because they will not openly cross him , they have found out an indirect way , which is this , there is an order , that no man whosoever shall be put in possession of any benefice by virtue of any grant or nomination from the pope , except the same be first approved of by the council , so that the patent being brought to the council , there it lies till either the person who had it , or the pope who granted it , be dead , which maxime now being known , none of their subjects will be at the charges and trouble to sue at rone for any such thing . the wisest amongst them laugh at the pretended authority and jurisdiction which popes arrogate to themselves within the limits of their republick : he may ( say they ) play rex at rome , and have his patriarchal churches , namely st. peter representing the patriarch of constantinople ; st. paul of alexandria , st. mary the greater of antiochia , st. laurance without the walls of jerusalem , and set over these four , st. john of lateran , representing the pope , who is over all ; but say they , such liberty is not allowed him in the states of other princes . from time to time there hath been quarrels between popes and this republick ; paul the fifth's excommunication is not yet forgotten there , nor the principles of padre paolo , and padre fulgentio rooted out ; though the gospel be not taught there in publick , one may hear it sometimes in private . 't is true , of late the jesuites were re-admitted there , but meer necessity of state obliged them to it , though their re-admission was carried on but by few balls or votes , the late popes letter earnestly entreating them to do it , and saying , that if he could have gone in person to ask it , he would have done it , was not so efficacious as the promise of keeping 3000 men at his own charges in dalmatia , for theservice of the republick ; and upon occasion the use of his gallies , with some other advantages : however , they are still odious in that city to all sorts of people , and a small matter will send them out again : in a private conversation between the late popes and a venetian ambassadour then at rome , upon the question moved by the pope , where was their title to the soveraignty of the gulf ? the other answered him smartly , 't is upon the back of constamines donation ; this shews somthing in the bottom of the venetian hearts not favourable to rome , whence they have received so many grounds of displeasure ; we have seen of late how much trouble a nuncio of the popes at venice was like to have raised between the duke and senate about the barigello , who had seized certain of the nuncio's servants when they had done some insolencies , though he said he knew not they were his servants , and though things had been composed so , that the barigello should not appear in the church of st. mary , where the nuncio was to be till the last holy day of christmass , yet upon that very day against the agreement , within the church the nuncio prevailed with the duke to order him to go out , whereat the whole senate were highly incensed that the duke would do such a thing without their advice : and now the late grudge about the turning of the channel of the po another way , might produce somthing , were it not for the war of candia , however there remains a cause of falling out hereafter . the state of genoa . but 't is time to speak of genoa , formerly the dangerous rivall of veuice ; history shews us the several & great revolutions of government in this city ; it was by charles the great made an earldom , and under one of their earls won the island corfica from the saracens ' , afterwards they became a republick , they asked the protection of charles the sixth king of france , and having rejected this , they submitted to the duke of millan , and then would have withdrawn from his obedience , but he being too hard for them , they were kept under till the days of andrea doria , who having pacified the intestine divisions , instead of making himself prince of it , as some think he might have done , he got them the liberty wherein they stand at present : this republick is no more now what it hath been , that genoa which hath formerly been so potent at sea , as to beat the venetians , take one of their dukes prisoners , as they did in 1258. run victorious up and down , taking several cities belonging to them , and block up venice it self . furthermore , in the year 1337. they conquered the kingdome of cyprus , took the king and queen prisoners , but restored them upon certain conditions ; the reason is , because though the countrey be the same , yet that people hath exceedingly degenerated ; in those days every one minded the publick good , and the honour of the nation , but now every one seeks his private ends and interests , let what will become of the publick , which is a meer folly , for when the publick goes to wrack , particular men cannot thrive very long ; but if all particular men strive together to promote the publick , as they are members of that body , so they will find the benefit of it ; when we have seen in the roman commonwealth men sacirfice states , friends , relations and lives for the republick , when nothing was so dear to them , but they could part with it for the good and safety of the republick , then were all things in a flourishing condition , but when they began to seek their own , and every one to set up for himself , all things began to totter : how can the parts be saved , if the whole perish ? the bees and the ants natural instinct goes beyond some mens reason , they may be hyerogliphicks to us , and their example teach us to be publick spirited men , but it seems the genoesi are not so . this republick is in possession of what was formerly called liguria , now 't is riviera di genoa , from the city of genoa to porto di luna , is called , la riviera di levante , or of the east , and from genoa to monaco 't is rivieradiponente of the west , which makes 150. miles in length , though the breadth is hardly above 25. in any place : 't is true , that upon the ponente is finale belonging to the spaniarols , and three places to savoy , but withal beyond monaco it hath st. remy and ventimiglia ; towards milan they have gavi with a strong castle , and novi not so good as the other ; they have also the island corsiea : formerly trade did much flourish in genoa , but now legorn hath spoiled it , as genoa had spoiled that of savona , they suffered extreamly by the late great plague that was there ; so that to make themselves amends , and to keep up trade , they have thought fit to bring in the jews , by whose means they hope in time to bring trading back again from legorn ; but others are in expectation to hear how they will agree , for between a jew and a genoese ( setting aside baptism ) there 's no difference ; and if they do 't will pass for a wonder . but not to be tedious upon this , i say , that although the city be very fair , and the palaces stately , it is inhabited by men , then whom ( few excepted ) there cannot be worse , this is the opinion which all other italians have of them : there goes a story , ( which how true 't is i will not dispute ) that when the grand duke first of all made livorno a free port , he gave leave of trading in 't to all nations , as english , french , and to all merchants , even out of turkey , anch ' ai genoesi , having named several nations , amongst whom there were infidels ; those of genoa are put the last , as being the worst of all . indeed they are proud , revengeful in an extraordinary way , and enemies to strangers , though out of that city they goe almost into all parts . i do not think there is a city in italy where more mischief is done than in this , one hears of it almost every day : in the way of trade they are very skilful , yet so interessed , that there are those in it who could prefer one 5 s. to twenty lives ; their temper is such , that they cannot agree with any sort of people , nay , not so much as amongst themselves ; their unsettledness appears in this : from earles they came to consuli , from these to potesta , then to capitani , to governatori , luoghitenenti rettori di populo , abbati di populo , reformatori , protectori , duchi nobili , and duchi popolari . civil divisions ever regarded amongst them , for they are no sooner come under one sort of government , but they wished for another . when francis the first heard they would desire his protection ; let them go to hell , said he , for i am not willing to needdle with such people . the italian proverb of them is , mare senzapesci , they have seas without fish , montagne senzalegno , mountains and no woods , huomini senza fede , men without faith , and donne senza vergogna , women without shame ; yet some brave men are come out of it . the government is aristocratical , with a doge , only for two years , who with the 8 governatori , is called the signoria , then the little council of 100 men , and the great of 400. they have also the sindici over-seers of the actions of governours , as censors were at rome : the doge hath a guard , which he of venice hath not ; their forces are much decayed from what they were , when they reduced venice to an extremity ; still they continue to be good sea-souldiers , and keep eight gallies , which do dispute the hand with those of maltha , but they are not esteemed by land. 't is a thing which will seem an extravagancy , yet 't is a truth , that there hath been persons , and there are now families in genoa , more esteemed abroad than is the republick it self , and some are as rich , if not richer , who keep gallies of their own . the republick hath not above 200000 crowns a year , because part of the dominion , and of the revenue , doth belong to the company of st. george , which is , as it were another republick within that ; yet some make the yearly income greater ; but confess that it doth not exceed the charges . silks are the staple commodity , which they work very well in velvet , plush , satin , taby , taffitie , and the like silk-works , which they send into all the northern parts of europe . st. george is their champion , and the red cross is their coat of armes . the city as 't is usual with republicks , draws the best of the land to it self , and hath destroyed the trading of other places , as savona to advance its own ; in it are a sort of virtuosi , who call themselves addormentatis the city is not strong . the great secret of state of this republick hath been to keep herself united to , and depend upon spain since charles the fifth ; and philip the 2d of spain to keep them to her self , hath borrowed vast sums of monies , and assigned lands in naples and milan for the payment ; so that they must keep fair with the spaniard , for fear of loosing the principal ; on the other side , as the king of spain hath occasion of them , in relation to finale and milan not to loose them , he allows very great use for this money , so that they are even , and think to have over-reached one another ; most of the monies which are currant being spanish coine , it shews there hath been very great dealings between them . however now the spaniard hath much lost the great authority he had first amongst them , for formerly they so far depended upon him , that they might not receive within their city the embassadour of any prince but his own , who might come as he did often into the consultations of the senate ; but now there is no such matter ; they being exposed to so many alterations , there are no fixed nor constant maximes of policy among them . i think 't is a republick great by name , but small in srtength , despised by her superiors , hated of her equals , and envied by her inferiors , which doth subsist only because one neighbour would not have another to get it , the interest of every one being to have it remain in a third hand ; genoa is very jealous of two of her neighbours , savoy and toscany , of the former , who hath aimed and attempted to bring her under his yoake ; of the latter , by reason of his pretentions to sarzana , which formerly belonged to florence , and of both , because she is odious to both , and that upon the account of state , and of private interest , they wish to see her brooght low . in it are many noble and rich families , as doria , of which are the marquess of toreglia , prince of melfy , of the branch of andre doria , and the duke of tursi ; spinola the marquess , and de duke of sestri , marquess de los balbases , a spanish title , because a grandee of spain ; other families are fieschi , grimaldi , giustiniani , pallavicini , cibo , carrieri , imperiale , and some others . now the marquess hyppolito centurione with his ships and gallies , is entred into the french service . of the state of luca. i see i do fall from an ocean into rivers , yet there is water enough for me to swim in , in some places , if not every where . you will not be troubled with hearing a long enumeration of places and dominions ; yet 't is to be admired of the places i am now to speak of , not how they can preserve themselves ; this the jealousie between , and the interest of their neighbours , joyned with watchfulness on their side , doth for them ; but how formerly in times of conquest they could free their necks from the yoke of their potent neighbours . luca is one of these places which hath sometimes been possessed by the goths , the emperours of constantinople , the faseoli , castrucci , spinoli , by the family della scala , by the fiorentini , pisani , and by one carlo of bohemia , who having made a bishop governour of it , this bishop received 25000 crowns , and left them the liberty they are now in , their dominion is extended upon few mountains , not much inhabited , upon the top of which they have some strong holds , as monte ignoso , castiglione , minuoiano , with camagiore and via reggio upon the sea ; but the best they have is the city well seated , people'd , and fortified with the territory belonging to it , which produces abundance of olives , the best of italy ; and the industry of the inha bitants about silk-works makes the city flourish and grow rich , every one in it hath something to live upon ; there are in it a matter of 10 families esteemed at least worth 20000 crowns a year ; others to the number of 30 have some 15000 , some 10000 a year , and above 60 have been between 4 and 5000 ; the yearly income of the commonwealth comes to not much above 100000 crowns , with a treasure they have esteemed a million , with certain plate and jewels , which upon occasion might bring in some monies . they are governed by a council of 150 of the chief citizens , the city is divided into three parts , which they call tertieri , out of every one of which the general council doth elect three men , in all , nine , called senators , who joyned with the gonfaloniero their head are called la signoria : the senators do command by turns every three dayes , the gonfaloniero hath a bare title , and nothing but the precedency above the rest , he is himself commanded by the senators ; he keeps his place but two months , then another is chosen , but within that time he may not go out of the palace under pain of death : as for warlike affairs they are in a good condition upon the defensive , their listed militia's are of 18000 men , besides the city contains 30000 inhabitants , and is constantly guarded by 300 good souldiers , whereof 200 are born in the city , and have the keeping of the gates , walls , and other places , the other 100 are all strangers , born 50 miles at least from the city ; amongst them they admit no florentine ; their captain is a stranger too , the palace is committed to their guard , and under pain of death they may not come nigh the walls . the city keeps a constant provision of mouth , and ammunition of war for whole 7. years ; their few strong holds are well provided , and their souldiers well paid , which is the onely way to keep them upon duty and obedience ; so that their care , and the plenty of their territory about the city do supply the narrowness and littleness of it : in a word , if they come short of other princes and republicks , as to the extent of dominions they have great advantages above them another way . first , they are not revengeful , as all the rest of italians are , they casily forgive offences received , which doth argue the goodness of their nature , upon this account they are a proverb to other italians , riceve gli affronti come un ' lucbese . 2dly , their women are very modest , and inclined to chastity , and their young men sober and temperate , some out of a natural inclination , and others by virtue of the good order kept amongst them : for 24 men , known to be of a good life and conversation are chosen out of the council to be inspectors over the manners of youth , ( this they call consigliodi discoli ) specially of deboist persons , and every time they meet , which happens once a year , every one puts in his bill with the names of those whom he hath found and observed to be unruly ; and if the name of one be put in the little box by the two thirds , that is by sixteen ; herein is his sentence conteined of 3 years banishment , he must go out of the city the next day after he hath had warning , and within 3 dayes after out of the state : so that by the observation of these good orders , god fits them the better for conversion and reformation , after the reading of scriptures , which they are much inclined to : hence it is , that we have seen so many families leave luca and go to geneva to enjoy the liberty of the gospel , and to make an open profession of the truth : after these commendations 't were superfluous to say , they have also amongst them two sorts of virtuosi , the one called oscari and the other freddi . they might boast of the antiquity of their city , which was built by lucamon king of toscany , but they have a greater advantage which they glory in , that this is the first city of toscany , which received the christian faith ; though they be united amongst themselves , they are not sometimes without troubles at home , caused by the pride of their clergy which is so far protected by popes , that urban the 8th for their sake excommunicated the republick . this people is civil to strangers , and very courteous to those who come into the city , yet so watchful over them , that they have the council della vigilanza to know what they come for , whence they come , and whether they go , not allowing them to wear swords in the streets without a special leave , yet they give them liberty to walk upon the moat , by the walls , and to view the same ; in this city , the tongue is spoken in the purity of it . all their maximes of state are onley about the defensive part , and how to preserve themselves from their great neighbour the gran ' duke , who would be glad to bring toscany to her old limits that way , wherefore the republick hath a strict correspondency with genoa , which fears the same ; however as i have observed , one neighbour would cross another , if any thing was design'd against luca : their care hath provided against open attempts , they being in a readiness to oppose them , all what they must do , is to take heed of surprisals . the state of san marino . san marino is , i believe , the least republick of europe , when the empire was transferred out of italy into germany ; this city , with some others made her self a republick ; it lies on the west of the dukedome of urbino , under whose dukes protection it remained , till this state fell to the church , so that now it is shut up within the popes lands , and under their protection , yet some of them , specially the late alexander the 7th , have done what they could by promises and fair means to make their nephews princes of it , but she would not part with her liberty ; and though the pope could easily force them to it , yet he dares not , it being certain that the venetians , and the grand duke would oppose him in it , specially now when italian princes do dislike novelities and innovations : when this republick hath written to venice , she hath called her carissima sorella , very dear sister , a weak one indeed , for having but the city , and two or three villages besides , her strength and riches are but small , which must be supplyed with their care of themselves , and watchfulness over their neighbours . of the petty principalities this is all as i think , that needs be said upon the subject of great princes , and republicks of italy . i must therefore now speak to the petty princes , or rather continue it , for the last republick i have mentioned may have her place amongst these , rather than amongst the great ones : but i desire not to be mistaken , when i call some petty princes , 't is not to be understood , as if they depended from others , and were not sovereignes , for every way they act as such : in their lands there is no appeal from their sentence , they dispose of life and death , as well as the greatest princes , they coyn , or may coyn monies , elect officers , make laws , and when there is occasion for it , they treat of peace and warre . i call them petty princes , because their states are but small in comparison of those whom i call great ones . 't is true , that there are very many who have the name of princes , who are not sovereigns , but are subjects to others ; the number of these all italy over is between 75 and 80 ; between 90 and 100 have the titles of dukes , and of marquesses and earls , there are above 500 ; but i speak onely of sovereigns . the duke of della mirandola is one of this sort ; the city la mirandola is seated upon the confines of modena towards the river po ; the family pico , one of the most antient and famous of italy , have been lords of it , and of concordia since the year , 1110 till now ; that line failed in the year , 1637 , and therefore another was invested of it by the emperour . of this sort are also the princes of bozzolo , and of sabionetta , the dukes of guastalda , and of novellara , and the marquess of castiglione ; all within the state of mantoa , as we said before , they have been such for these 100 years past , and are all of the family gonzaga , he of sahionetta excepted , which in the year 1540 was given with a daughter , and heir to general caraffa , and now in the hands of a spaniard . the principality of monaco is another , this is a strong city by nature , seated upon the mediterranean , between nizzadi , provenza and genoa , this makes the prince more considerable than any other of his sort ; there is an indifferent harbour ; the way up to it is very steep and difficult , and several guards to speak with , before one can get to it . at the comming in there is a broad place with a prospect as pleasant as can be ; within few miles from it , is another place , good enough , called menton , depending from the said principality : there was in monaco a spanish garrison , but the late prince having partly by a stratagem , and partly with help from the french driven it out , he desired the french protection , and now there is in it a french garrison , he is duke de valentionis , and peer of france , whose coin is currant in that kingdom . this princes family is grimaldi , who derive their pedegree from grimald , son of pipin king of austrasia , and brother to charles martel : this pipin as they say , gave the lordship to grimald , in the year 713. but they were declared princes in the year , 1411. cardinal grimaldi yet living , and brother to the late duke , was in great part the occasion of the admitting in of the french , induced to it by the persecution which the barberini suffered from the pope at the secret instigations of spain , and by the protection which the french gave to that family , whose passionate creature this grimaldi is , and also by the interest he hath gotten in france , to be arch-bishop of aix , and other good benefices he enjoys : he is of an active spirit , therefore he hath been much spoken of at rome ; their family , or a branch of it is named amongst the greatest in genoa , where some of the name are admitted to the highest charges : the present prince of monaco is not much passed twenty five , he hath married marshall grammonts daughter , who prefers the pleasure of paris , to the soveraignty of monaco . massa is in toscany , seated part ' of it at the bottom of a great mountain , part upon the mountain , and highest of all is the princes castle , yet he is a building a palace in the lower town , and 't is almost finished ; this is but a post from sarzana : the family malaspina possessed it along while , till by the marriage of ricarda malaspina , with lorenzo cibo , it came to this family , because she was the heir of it : they were marquesses till the year , 1499. at which time innocent the 8th of the same family being pope , alberico cibo , was by the emperour maximilian made prince of the empire . bonifacius the 9th was of the same family , which coming from grecia , where they had possessed some islands , principalities , and other territories , they seated in genoa , there is a cardinal of the name and family . massarana is in monferrat , not far from veroelli , this principality hath been in the hands of the family scala , but in the 1568. 't was bought from them by the ferreri , who are at present in possession of it . upon 15 miles from genoa is another sovereignty , the marquesate of torreglia , it was given by charles the 5th to andrea doria , who had left the service of frances the first king of france , and done many eminent services to the emperour ; the same family doth also enjoy the principality of melfey in the kingdom of naples , but not in sovereignty : this family doria hath for 500 years been esteerned in genoa , one of the most noble , if not the first of that republick : the head of the family is young at present there are two branches of it flourishing in genoa , who hath each of them a stately palace , though one is more antient and more sumptuous than the other . another principality is , piombine , in the island alba , whereof part belongs to the grand duke , as cosmopoli , &c. prince ludoviso hath it now , it was bought for his father by his uncle gregory the 15th of the same family ; not long since the princes father died in sardegna , where he was vice-king for spain , having layed before noble and stately foundations of a palace in piazza colonna at rome . this prince underwent his fathers displeasure unto the time of his death by reason of a strong passion he had for a mean person in the island : at present there is cardinal ludoviso great penitentiere of the roman church , which is one of the most eminent dignities of it : he is of bologna of this family by the side of late prince ludovisio's mother ; he is a man of no considerable parts . speaking of this sort of princes , i say nothing of strength , riches and policy , things so inconsiderable with them , that they are to be not so much as mentioned ; all are under the protection of those within whose dominions their principalities stand , or of some other ; the inconsiderableness of others , and the affection of their few subjects are a security to them , and happy are they if satisfied with their condition ; they are free of fears and of ambition ; as they have little , so they have little to care and to answer for ; they have the satisfaction to command , and not be commanded , and enjoy what sweetness there is , giving law , without being exposed to the inconveniencies of it . but now we must come to those principalities which are seated within the state of the church , and first to those which belong to the family colonna , now divided into two branches , one of which hath the principality of carbognana , whose eldest son hath married his sister , who is at present the head of the other branch , whereof however the late cardinal colonna , who died at finale , attending on the empress , and who was protector of the empire , was the chief , and with his frugality acquitted the debts , and cleared the state of his family : his nephew don lorenzo colonna ( who hath married the mancini , one of mazarins neeces ) commonly called contestabila colonna , because he is high constable of the kingdome of naples , is now the head of that branch , a man whose inclination agrees better with the french than with the spanish temper ; yet he must keep fair with these by reason of his place , and of the land he hath in naples : his free and frequent conversation with the duke of crequi ambassadour to rome , gave the spaniards much jealousie , some think he left rome in part upon this account but the aversion he had for the late popes family by reason of some discontents he had received from them , was a sufficient ground to oblige him to leave rome for two years time , as he did lately ; he is a man who lives in his pleasure , yet he hath so high and so noble a spirit , that he could not stoop to the popes kinsmen , as few others did ; he hath a brother called don domenico colonna , and is sovereign of pagliano and prince of marini , the antiquity of his family is well known : their arms are a colonna , or a pillar , crowned because stefano colonna the roman senator did crown lewis of bavaria emperour , in the year 1260. they say they come from columnius an antient roman . the rival , and antient enemy of this family hath been casa ursini , most noble and very antient , of which was that proud nicholas the 3 d ; this family hath been much decayed in her state , though of late 't was somewhat restored by the means of some rich matches made with other families , which yet for want of children may at last prove disadvantagious : their palace at rome in monte jordano is very antient : the eldest of the family is now cardinal ursini protector of poland , portugal , and com-protector of the french interest at the court of rome ; a man of no extraordinary parts , who not long since was obliged to take a journey to paris to pacifie that court , angry with him for not acting according to directions in the business of crequi at rome ; and therefore had taken from him his pension of 5000 crowns a year , and bestowed it upon cardinal aldobrandini , who being dead , ursini posts away to paris , and obtains his desire , the head of this family is now the duke of bracciano , who is also conte di petiglione , two soveraignties belonging to the family by an antient gift of some popes for services done to the church ; this duke is the head of the antient nobility of rome , as all other roman princes do , he stands much upon the points or punctillio's of ceremonies ; hence it is , that lately he had a kind of a broglio , or falling out with cadinal sforza , though some think it was not so much his fault as the cardinals ; he hath a younger brother , called don lelio ursini prince of vic●varo . another antient family is that of cezarini duke of the name , and prince of fansano , and of ardea he derives his pedigree from the cezars , the family , as to a male issue , is like to be extinct : the late duke , a man of 50000 crowns a year could afford his cook 4giulius , two shillings for his dinner , and no more . he appeared so high for the french in the business of crequi , out of an enmity he had for the popes relations , that he was obliged to retire into the kingdom of naples till the peace was made ; he was one of those whom italians call matti porta a casa , he died lately , and left three or four daughters in monasteries , who had made no profession ; his brother the abbot cezarini hath succeeded him , a man of a most loose and dissolute life ; when i came from rome he was upon marrying a lady of milan , without hopes on his side , by reason of his former deboistness of having any children ; yet with what he had before he is worth 60000 crowns a year . rignano is a principality belonging to the duke muti , of a very antient family , for they derive themselves from mutius scevola , and a proof of it is the possession of campi mutii , wherein porsenna was encamped , given by the senate to mutius and his posterity : the present duke is not married , though he begins to be antient , he hath much squandered his state with gaming and women , he hath a brother a prelate , and another called marquess muti , a very ingenious person to my knowledge , and of good parts , their palace as that of the forenamed family is in rome . i will make no further mention of the sovereignty of farneze , i said what was fit to be known of it speaking of the duke of parma , the cardinal of that name is prince of it . i will only name the marquess di monte another sovereign , and the noble family of caetani who have a stately palace at rome . of this family is the prince of caserta , who for an unhappy business was obliged to fly from rome , where he was lookt upon as the best qualified of all other princes , as to his personal worth . pope clement the 8th a florentine , in the year , 1595 , bought the marquesate of meldola , and gave it to his nephew ottavio aldobrandini , which is a sovereignty ; this family hath lived at rome with great pomp , and much splendour , where they have three or four fair palaces : now there being no males , the great heir of that family is the princess of rossano married first to the late prince borghese his father that now is , and after to prince panfilio , nephew to innocent the 10th , of which she is now a widow ; this match with those two families is like in time to cause great clashings between them , about a clause in the contract of marriage with the former ; both are very potent , for borghese hath 300000 crowns a year , and pansilio little less : so we are now come to late families raised at rome by popes . urbanus the 8th , subject born to the grand duke , by the means of his long reign : had time enough to settle his family barberini ; he had three nephews , francesco , whom he made cardinal padrone , that is master , antonio who for a while was the head of the family , but desired at last to be made a cardinal , and don thaddeo : francesco was made arciprete of st. peters church . antonio of st. mary the greater , and high chamberlain , and don thaddeo prefetto , or general of the church ; this last being made the head of the family , they bought him the principality of palestrina , formerly praeneste , which is now in the hands of his younger son , the eldest having voluntarily resigned his birth right to his brother to be made a cardinal , who at present is called cardinal carlo barberini , he is the third of the family who hath that dignity , which is very rare at the same time ; and that which is the more to be admired is , that he was elected by innocent the 10th , who made it his task to persecute and destroy this family ; but this was the work of donna olympia , who recollecting her self , and being affraid least the next pope might prove a friend of the barbarines , whose faction was then potent , and so retaliate the panfilio's what they had done to the barbarines , she thought it fit to reconcile both families , and this cardinals cap was the seal of that reconciliation ; though this family was persecuted by innocent , it is still flourishing ; the prince of palestrina being already in possession of a vast estate , and in expectation of a great addition to it , after the death of his uncle francesco , who is very rich , and at present the dean of the colledge of cardinals , and titular protectour of the english interest at rome ; but how much more would he get if he were made a pope , as he pretends to it in case of a sede vacante : this princes palace is in as good air , and as pleasant a seat as any in rome nigh to monte cavallo , which innocent was upon taking from them , had not cardinal grimaldi prevented it by setting the armes of france over the gate . but we must come to the late reignning family of the ghigi's , that pope at first was seemingly unwilling to do any thing for his relations , but at last he was as busie as any of his predecessours had been , to raise them up ; to this purpose he bought , as we said before , the principality farneze , but afterwards he parted with it for the reasons before expressed . he perswaded father oliva , the general of the jesuites , to enduce those of their colledge who had authority to sell him the best land belonging to it , to the summ of 100000 crowns , under pretence of getting monies to pay their debts ; and this was bought for don augustino , whereat the jesuites were much grieved , when they saw their fault at a distance ; then did he secretly tamper to get those of san marino to receive a prince over them ; then did he proffer to duke muti for his principality of rignano a cardinals cap , and a great summe of money ; and after the death of duke cezarini , he offered the cardinals cap to his brother and heir with 200000 crown , if he would give one of his neeces that are in the cloister to don sigismond the youngest of his nephews , and resign the principality , but he not willing to marry , nothing of this could take effect ; however the head of his family is provided for , because the noble family of prince savelli being exceedingly decayed , want of monies obliged him , who now is to hearken after the proposals , made by the popes agents , to sell his principality of la rizza and albano , which he did not absolutely , reserving for many years to come for himself and his heirs ( having already a fine young son ) to enter again into his right and possession , paying the summe received , which there is no great probability as yet to effect , except in case of some very great match , or of a popedom in their family , which yet is not very probable , though at present there be a cardinal of the family , who had some things left him by cardinal mont ' alto : however the pope is dead , and don maria , who at rome ruled the rost , hath soon followed him , and a spend-thrist of no parts is left after them ; the prsent pope as yet hath gotten no principality for his nephews , and he hath hardly had time to do it ; what he will do hereafter time will reveal . all princes and republicks in italy do homage , or pay tribute either to the pope or to the emperour , except the venetians , who yet for some islands pay a tribute to the turk . namely , first , the king of spain is feudatario of the pope for the kingdom of naples , and of the emperour for the dukedom of milan . the duke of savoy depends from the emperour of piemont and monferrat , by virtue of which last he is vicar of the empire . the grand duke acknowledges the pope for radicosans , the king of spain ; for siena , and the emperour for florence , and the rest . the republick of genoa doth homage to the emperour for her whole state ; the duke of mantoa , who is also vicar of the empire , by reason of monferrat to the emperour , for what he hath of moferrat , and for the mantoan . the duke of parma to the pope for parmas piacenza , castro and riociglione . the duke of modena to the emperour for his whole state ; so doth the republick of luca. the prince of monaco doth homage to the french king for what he hath in fance . the duke della mirandola , the princes di piorulino , and all those of the family gonzaga , with the marquesses di massa and torreglia , depend from the empire , as due from the pope , the republick of san marino , the prince di massarano , the duke di itracciano , and earl di petigliano , the marquesses di moldota and di monte , and the princes di palestrina , di pagliano , and di farneze . now the difference of those papal and imperial fiefs or feudi , consists in this chiefly , that most of the last pass by succession from the line male , to the female , but 't is not so off the others , for the lawful masculine line hapning to faile , 't is presently devolved to the church , as in cases of ferrara and urbino . thus far have we spoken in particular of the several princes and republicks of italy ; now i have some few things to observe in general , relating to the whole nation : first , their language , which is a corruption of the latin , caused by the irruption of the goths , huns , vandals and lombards , who setling in it for a while , and using their own languages , the countrey tongue , which was in latin , came to grow corrupt by degres , and to be somewhat forgotten , and which is a mixture of the french , and some of the spanish , because these nations have been there with their armies , and have ruled over parts of it for a long while ; hence it is , that about piemont , milan , and genoa , they speak a corrupt italian , which hath most of the provenzal in it , and except in part the state of the pope , in toscany and at leuca , the right italian is spoken no where else ; i do not speak as to the pronunciation , which is very different , at genoa 't is pronounced much with the lips , in naples with the teeth , in venice with the palat ; and the florentine pronunciation is well enough known , how ever the right italian language , or toscan , as they usually call it , is very sententious , and full of judicious and significative proverbs ; 't is very sweet , and doth abound in fine and civil expressions , as for instance , if i desire to speak with one , the first words he will say to me will be these , che commanda us , what are you pleased to command me ; if they answer to a question , 't is in these words , daservitore non lo so , as i am your servant i cannot tell ; if i desire one to do any thing for me , he will say , sara servito , i will do it ; or if i buy any thing , and we cannot ag●ee about the price , the parting words will be to me , mispiace di non poter servirla , i am sorry i cannot afford it , and the like ; all which expressions in their original , have more of civility then in any other language . i need not to penetrate into the sincerity of their discourses , which is not material to the purpose . i know the saying , the french do not speak as they write , nor the italians as they think : i speak only as to the sweetness of the language , whereupon one said , if i was to speak to senators or ambassadors , i would do it in spanish , if to souldiers in high dutch , to courtiers in french , but to ladies in italian . there is indeed a kind of excess in their civil expressions , for they use to say , schiavo di v. sigria , i am your slave instead of your servant ; and the word vosignoria , your lordship is ordinary with them ; so is the title of molto magnifico given to inferiour persons , as that of illustrissimo to those of a higher quality , yet 't is given to many who are no great matter : a stranger with them is presently sigre conte , or barone , or at least sigre cavaliere ; they call men by the christian name , sigre francesco , giouanni , francis , john , when they speak to them , onely adding the word don , to those of the highest quality , as don domenico , don lelio , yet they speak in the third person , when 't is with one whom they will shew respect to , thus , dove vanno loro sigri , but in naples 't is usual with men of the highest quality to do 't in the second person of the singular , thou , as che fai , sei tu stato , which with other nations is a sign either of great familiarity , or of much contempt . neither must i omit here how fit and proper epithets they give to things and places , as in the case of every one of their chief cities , so they call roma la santa , the holy , according to their opinion , venice , la ricca the rich , padoa , la dotta the learned , ravenna , l' anticha the antient , fiorenzala bella , the fair , milan la grande the great , genoa la superba the proud or stately , bologna la grassa the fat , naples , la gentile the gentile , capua la deliciosa , the delicious , &c. i will not insist upon their customes , which is a subject of which many have treated , however by the by let me say in few words , that in their division of the artificial day , they differ from the general practice of europe , excepting only ( as far as i could observe ) prague in bohemia , instead of our reckoning from 12 to 12 hours , they reckon from 24 till 24 , and their first hour begins at night an hour after sun setting , wherein they imitate the jews , who after the method of the creation reckoned the night afore the day , for saith scripture , the evening and the morning was the first day , the second day , &c. another custome of italians wherein they differ from us , is in the sign we use to make with the hand to those whom we call , for here we do it with our fingers upwards , but there it would be taken for an affront , my hand must be downwards , and move gently when i make a sign with it ; here we take that to be the upperhand which is next to the wall , but there they judge of it by the hand it self , the right hand though next to the chanel is with them the upper hand ; and in the case of riding in a coach , a place in the boot in their way , is before one in riding backwards , but in venice the left hand in the gondola is the upper hand ; but when three walk together , the middle is the most honourable , hence it is , that when they walk upon a place to and fro , they are careful to let every one take his turn in the middle : a strange way they have to retort affronts upon others , which is , to break a bottle of ink upon one , specially women , or else over the door of the house , so that it remains spotted with it , 't is the greatest note of infamy that can be laid upon any one . italians , both men and women , have a general and a natural inclination to play upon the gittar ; and i admired sometimes to hear those play who never learned at all ; the very inferiour sort of people without any direction , only with a constant application do get it , and they are so taken with it , that as they travel upon the high way from town to town , they play upon it ; and at the same time to play , to sing and to dance , is usual with them . i cannot well omit to speak some few words about their temper and manners , but before i do 't , some passage i observed somwhere there ( for in things of this nature i name no places nor persons ) which gave occasion to my following reflection , how fit it is for princes to be careful what manner of men they bring about their persons in private . when a prince comes into a place of retirement , he puts off that majesty and gravity which he hath when he appears abroad ; they are but men , and so they must allow ' themselves some liberty in ther chambers when they are withdrawn from the croud of men and business . now if when they are thus retired to be private , every action of theirs , and every word they speak be vented abroad by those who are present , in this the condition of princes of all men in the world were the most miserable , quisque suos patitur naevos , every one hath his failings , and the feailties of humane nature , so that wisdom consists in the concealing of it , and not in the not having of it , besides that nemo sapit omnibus horis : so that if standers by who see things , spread them abroad , then additions and glosses are made upon 't , and as the actions and words of princes are exactly taken notice of , so every one passes his judgment upon them . how necessary is it then for princes to have no rash or giddy , but wise , sober and discreet men to wait on them in their retirements , who without being told , may know what 's fit to be spoken , and what to be concealed , those things which may give a good opinion of a prince must be published , but not the contrary , or else i say , that those who have the honour to be admitted into the presence of princes , so as to be private to their retirement from the croud of affairs , to ease , chear up , and refresh their spirits , if they allow their tongue as much liberty as they do to their ears and eyes , they are very unfaithful or very imprudent , and so not fit to be in such places . certainly domitian himself never told , that when he was in his closet , he was busie about killing of flies ; the first report of it came undoubtedly from some other hands , which brought a great deal of disparagement upon him ; i know in this he took his pleasure , as nero , and other emperours took it , in the company of buffoons , and things of that nature ; but they forgot that their honour was to have been to them dearer then their pleasure . i do not deny however , but that one friend may sometimes whisper in the ear of another private things of this nature , and impart in secret some such things to them as they have seen , for this manner of reposing confidence in the discreetness of another is a strict bond of friendship : i disapprove here those who speak at random , before those whom they scarce ever saw , whom they do not know well , or when they speak it unseasonably , for there is a time for all things , and to know it is not the least part of wisdom . but upon the subject of the nature of italians , i must observe that the people of those parts which are on this side the appennini mountains , as piemont , monferrat ; all lombardy , part of the state of venice , and la romagna , have some things of the french humour , but on the other side , as the gonoeses , toscans , romans and napolitans , they have much of the spanish temper , however they are all in general , dextrous , subtil and prudent , those who are good , know all the tricks that are put upon men ; there is no leading of them by the nose , neither will they be easily cheated , but they who are bad apply their whole wit to hide it ; so that one is easily mistaken in them , and 't is very difficult to know them well , but after a long dealing and conversing with them . italy the mother of arts and sciences , i look upon as a nurse , who hath vertue in one breast , and vice in another , and as ever one extream joyns with another , so best and worst are to be learned there ; this is according to the constitution of the people , who when they be good they are very good , when bad extraordinarily bad , corruptio optimi est pessima ; however a judicious man will benefit himself by the good which there he will meet withall , but also like an experienc'd artist he will extract wholesome cordials out of the worst of poisons ; though the corruption of humane nature is so strong , that it inclines and draws us to evil , rather then to good , but the beams of grace , the light of nature , and the testimony of ones conscience , may teach us the right way . however , to speak first of the best , i say the conversation of italians is not easie to be had , but when it is , 't will be found sweet , civil and obliging , very circumspect not to give offences to any one in the company , or any one else that hath a relation to it , ever respectful one to another ; the greatest familiarity doth not make them recede from a courteous carriage , so that such persons have one of the best qualifications to make friends , for friendship without respect is not to be cared for : furthermore a thing very commendable in point of conversation is , that though they be many in company , they never speak together , which is the vice of some other nations , and fit only for children ; let a man make a discourse never so long ; they will hear him quietly , and not interrupt him , as they will not be interrupted when it is their turn to speak ; 't is true , that most of them speak rationally and juditiously ; and as they are a people who love exceedingly their liberty , for which cause their princes , to keep them under , have built so many strong holds and castles , so the ordinary subject of their discourses are affairs of state , which by a constant custome of speaking and hearing of , they have brought themselves to an ordinary knowledge in , as the example of that poor fisherman at naples , mas ' anello so cunningly blowing up the fire of that insurrection , which made so much noise in the world , doth demonstrate ; upon this account , books treating of any state revolutions are so strictly forbidden them , knowing that this is to add fewell to the fire ; and in some places , where most of all princes are jealous of their authority , as in naples , discourses of this nature , if known , are severely punished . but there are two extremities upon this subject , some princes of the east and north east parts of the world , namely the tartars and muscovites , keep their people in a beastly ignorance , and have exiled all manner of arts and sciences out of their dominions , and this under pretence , that hereby having not so much the use of reason , they are not apt to cavil at , or to disobey the orders of their superiours , as do other nations , who have more knowledge and understanding ; but this hath no more consequence , then if one should say , meat and drink are not to be used , because there are gluttons and drunkards ; because there are somtimes knowing and judicious subjects , who are disobedient , 't is not to be concluded , that knowledge and judiciousness are the cause of disobedience , so far from it , that these letting a man know of his duty , do fence against any thing that goes about to withdraw him from it : pride , ambition , discontents , covet ousness , cruelty and the like , are the caufes of risings against lawful authority , and not wisdom and understanding , so far from it , that where they are not , the use of reason is suspended , and men act onely out of a natural impetuosity , and out of a sensitive principle , wherein they differ nothing from beasts ; so that the same ignorance and violent motion which leads them to obedience upon the lesse shadow and fancy , will spur them to disobedience ; and one alone , if not quickly taken off , is enough to turn away whole thousands , for who can more easily be mislead , then he who receives falsehoods for truths , and who hath not a spirit to discern good from evil ; these are mules , which will as soon kick their master as a stranger ; or like those elephants , who having once felt the smart of a wound , in spite of their rider turned from upon the enemyes , and fell foul upon their own army : i am further of the mind , that ignorance is the great prop of rebellion ; for as there is nothing so natural to men as the desire of liberty , and that there is nothing in men to oppose the motions and desires of it ; and seeing they obey onely out of fear of punishment , upon all occasions , they will embrace any means let them be never so wrong , to attain it : like lyons and tygers used to be chained up , when they break loose they tear and devour any thing that lies in their way , and like violent torrents they over-flow all ; from the fury of such people , libera nos domine . as to those barbarous countries where they have such erronious principles , contrary not only to reason , but also to common sense , they bear the punishment of this fault , for all their subjects are generally incapable to do them service , having neither parts nor abilities to effect it ; and in the managing of their warres , which is the chief thing they minde , they are obliged , specially in muscovite , to get officers of other nations to carry it on , their own subjects , few excepted , wanting knowledge and experience in it . arts and sciences , not only make a kingdom flourishing , but also do fit subjects to obey and to command ; over-rules with the use of reason , that bruitish impetuosity which is in some men , not only teaching them their duty , but also strengthning it in them with reasons & examples . but 't is not enough to disapprove this singular errour , for there is another extream to be condemned ; 't is the too great curiosity of private men . i know particular persons are concern'd in publick transactions , as being members of that politick body , which can never fare well or suffer , but they must be sensible of it : yet some more and some less , according as they are eminent in their places , and called to it by the favour of their prince , for every one must know his station , and act within that sphear , ne ultra crepidem ; for if every one were his own carver , and had that share which he wishes in the government , then all would command , and there would be none to obey , so that all would degenerate into a confusion and anarchy . men ought to refer themselves to their rulers , for the direction and steering of publick affairs , knowing that god who hath called them to it , hath not been wanting to endue them with necessary abilities : therefore those subjects are to be blamed , who would penetrate into the secrets of princes , and dive into their coucils , and consequently cavil at their actions , and censure their proceedings : they see indeed the effects , but know not the causes , which if they knew , they would be satisfied and approve of them , if they were capable to understand them , but oftentimes they will judge of an undertaking by the event , which is a great mistake ; as we could give examples of designs , which were as rationally grounded as could be , carried on with all imaginable dexterity and secresie , yet miscarried upon the point of execution ; on the other side , rash attempts managed with the greatest imprudence in the world have proved successful : what then ? were the former to be blamed , or the latter commended ? no , we must look upon men to be no more than instruments , if according to the reason they have , they make use of the means afforded them , 't is all that may justly be required from them , for success of things depends upon the over-ruling hand of providence , which disposes of all things as it seems good unto her : it is true , 't is said a successful man was never a fool , nor an unfortunate a wise man ; but this is a vulgar errour as well as this other , the strongest is never the traytour . out of this i deduce , that for the most part 't is beyond the sphear and capacity of subjects , specially those of an inferiour orb , to judge aright of the actions of princes ; they have certaine motions whereby they act , which are invisible to particular men , they are acted by an intelligence which is hidden from the eyes of the commonalty ; and as they stand nearer to god , so they receive more of his influences : but some sort of people do proceed to an excess of unreasonableness , in that as much as in them lies , they will not give princes that liberty which they allow themselves , as if they were servants more then masters of the sate ; 't is true , certain faults of princes are more unexcusable than those of private men , because by these last , none but themselves or few else do suffer , but by the former , whole nations are sometimes the worse , and share not only in the disgrace before men , but also in the punishment from god ; however a distinction is to be made ; some failings are natural to them as men , and others as they are princes , and neither are to be examined by subjects , for to their great master they must fall or stand . now i must return to my principal subject , to some other virtues practised by italians , which are sobriety , and frugality ; i will joyn them together , for they have a great dependancy one upon another , only the latter is of a larger extent : sobriety is a thing so much in request amongst them , that with them 't is accounted to be , as indeed it is , a great shame to practise any thing contary to it , specially in point of drinking ; so that to call one there imbrioco , a drunkard , 't is to give him one of the greatest affronts he can receive ; and 't is a certain truth , that they are very temperate in their meat and drink , and whole diet , as i will give some particulars by and by upon the point of their frugality ; in the mean while some make a doubt , whether their sobriety bean effect of their temper , or of the climate : i confess in hot countries , such as this is , men have no such stomack to their meat , as they have in those which are colder , and though they had , the stomack could not have the facility to digest much of their aliments , which are very nourishing , and some of a hard concoction ; however this argues nothing at all against italians sobriety in matter of drink , for the hotter the climate is , the more apt men are to drink , and no nation hath more enticements to it than they , if by nature they were inclined to it , they having as rare and excellent wines as europe can afford ; but since they forbear , i will not deprive them of that praise which they deserve for this virtue ; as for eating , they have as delicious meats as can be wished for , which are both pleasant to the palate , and light to the stomack , in the use of which they forbear all excesses . this will better appear by their frugality , which yet some who are used to misname every thing , and give the worst construction to all , do call covetousness , when 't is known , that in certain things no nation is more noble and more splendid than they are ; this frugality is extended to their cloaths and diet , they go very plain , men of vast estates , yea , their very princes , except upon extraordinary occasions , very seldom exceed 10. ponunds in a sute of clothes . i know princes and cardinals , who when they have received a present of sweet meats , fowls and the like , send it to their confectioners , poulterers , &c. who by it of them ; this here would be look't upon as the effect of a miserable and covetous nature , but there 't is their way ; from the highest to the lowest they are very private in their diet , there is no coming to them at such hours , and the meanest of the people would not be interrupted by the best man in the land : the most part of noblemens servants do not diet in their houses , but are allowed bord wages instead of it . but italians delight in rich and fine coaches drawn by stately horses , and to be attended by a number of staffieri , or men in liveries ; coaches of 800 or 1000 pounds are not rare there , and there is never a king in europe that hath coaches so rich as hath the grand duke , and the duke of parma , the formers coat of armes , which are the six balls , are set over head in his coach , for every ball a precious stone , valued at 10000 l. sterl . and if we will believe them , the whole coach comes to 40000 l. further they delight in buildings , and stately palaces built up after the symmetry , and exact architecture ; so in gardens and water houses , ornaments and furnitures of houses , as statues and pictures ; hence it is that they are so passionately in love with pictures , that they will give any thing for one when they like it , 4 or 500 l for one picture is no extraordinary rate amongst them ; there hath been some princes who have offered in siver the weight of some statues , and could not have them ; in a word , italians delight in those things which make a shew . 't is not to be admired that in italy they are such lovers of pictures , for that art is there brought to the height of its perfection , and that country is absolutely the best , if not the only shcool of it , where within this age or thereabouts , have flourished those eminent picture-drawers who have filled europe with their names , but most of their works are safely and dearly kept there , whether they be in fresco or in oleo : what excellent artists have been bassano , ticiano , michel angelo , rafaele di urbino , tintoretto , all the caracci , coregio , paola veronese , dominichino , lan franco guarcini , guido reny , and a great number of others , who excelled , almost every one in something ; some in invention , others in the mixture of colours , in the proportions , exactness of features , and after the natural ; and in designing , drawing and touching or perfecting : in great or short , in mignatura with the pen or pencil , or otherwise , fights , land-skips , flowers , perspectives , sea-prospects , great and small figures , and in other wayes and things depending upon that curious profession ; in this , for certain italy goes beyond all the world. now we will come to what is worst in them , but we must premise this , that their youth is very fiery , which is the cause of murthers and other mischiefs committed in those parts ; however this heat doth not last usually after they are passed 25 years of age , or a little more : as for the meanest sort of people , they are generally civil in their carriage , if one be so to them , but if a stranger speaks a hard word to them , they take fire and grow very insolent , yet so , that if they see themselves the weaker , and not in a place convenient for them , they hold their peace and for bear till they have opportunity of time and place ; but let 's come to their vices . as the natural propension of men is to evil more than good , so many who travel into italy do quickly take notice of their vices , but do not minde their virtues ; so when they come from thence , all that they can say for it is , they are given to such and such evil courses , and are so and so qualified , but virtue and vice with nations are as corn and tares in the field , and like wheat and chaff in the barn , one must have skill to pick out the right and leave the wrong : some vices as the apostle speaks , are not so much as to be named , and as he saith in another place , it is even a shame to speak of those things which are done of them in secret ; a certain modesty in speaking is required , which if a man doth not observe , i judge him to be disposed to evil doing ; some vices there are so odious in themselves , that they defile the tongue of the speaker , the ear of the hearer , the pen of the writer , and the eye of the reader , yea , the very thoughts ; this consideration obliges me to pass by some things to come to others . some will tell me , 't were well also to omit speaking of jealousie , which both sexes there are subject unto , though that of the men , as being the strongest , doth produce the saddest effects ; i confess 't is a very unpleasant subject , which i leave after few words speaking ; this extravagant passion which is caused by love , but destroys it , and which as solomon saith , the rage of a man , doth so blind , possess and alter men in italy , that from husbands it turns them into goalers and tyrants , and murtherers of their wives , who become thereby their prisoners and slaves upon this consideration , ariosto one of their most eminent poets , hath the expressions here inserted : che dolce piu , che piu giocondo stato saria di quel ' d'un amoroso cuore ? che viver ' più felice , e più beato che ritrovarsi in servitu d' amore . se non fosse l' huomo sempre stimolato da quel ' sospetto rio , da quel ' timore , da qvel ' furor ' , da quella frenesia , da quella rabia detta gelosia . another vice of italians which i am more free to speak of , is that desire of revenge , which is so strongly seated in them ; they are certainly of a most revengeful nature , and therefore 't is very dangerous to offend them , they profanely say , that vengeance is so sweet a thing , and so great a good , that upon that account god doth reserve it to himself , as a thing wherein he will not have men to share with him ; and as italians to attain it , use all possible means , let them be lawful or unlawful , and as it carries them to the utmost extremities ; so i am of opinion , that there is a cruelty in that nature which is so bent to the execution of it ; out of this principle , i mean of cruelty , pope sixtus quintus used to say , upon the occasion of a great princess , who in his dayes was brought upon the scaffold , che gusto , said he , di tagliar teste coronate what a pleasure is it to cut off crowned heads ! northerly people do blame the wayes which they use to be avenged , as poysoning , stabbing and the like ; but they and the spaniards too laugh at us , and call germans , french and other nations , fools , who use to challenge and fight duels one with another , for so doing ; for say they , if one hath been offended , is he not a fool to take the way , perhaps of receiving a greater offence , instead of a satisfaction , and to venture his life upon such an account , but men ought to take their advantage : the truth is , the italian is a dangerous person upon this account , for he appears cold in his anger , constantly thinking upon the means how to be avenged , he keeps the injury in the bottom of his heart , and the worst is , that he dissembles and conceals his desire of revenge , which aims at no less than the death of the offendor , by the means of poison , dagger , or any other way , leaving nothing unattempted to bring his design to pass . neither will they hearken sincerely after a reconciliation ; for their proverb , saith , amicitie reconciliate , eminestre riscaldate non furono mai grate , there was never any pleasure in reconciled friendships , nor in warmed pottage ; and this is so deeply fixed in their hearts , that many die obstinate in that resolution . upon this subject there is a very notable passage of an italian gentleman , who being strongly exhorted by a franciscan fryar , to be reconciled to his enemy , answered him in these words , you exhort me to forgive as a christian , and i cannot do 't being a gentleman ; i was born a gentleman before i was a christian , for i am the one by nature , and the other by virtue of my baptisme ; therefore i will first be avenged as a gentleman , before i forgive as a christian. from what hath been said , we make some few general observations , namely that the italian nation is not only fallen from that great power it had formerly , but also it hath much degenerated from that heroick virtue and martial spirit it had before ; for a thousand eminent men it produced formerly , there is hardly one now ; and that generosity of the lion which they had heretofore , is turned into the cunning of the fox ; so their businesses are mannaged with dexterity , ( not to speak worst , ) more than with strength : hence it may be concluded , that virtues , though but moral ones , make glorious states , kingdomes and republicks , and vices are the cause of their decay , as it hath happened to the roman empire ; virtue gets honour , strength and riches ; and as the best things are apt to be corrupted in their use , so these produce pride , ambition , idleness , covetousness , and other vices , which causes destruction one time or other . it appears also from hence , how unfortunate the condition of those petty princes are , who depend upon others , for their preservation , their protectors do often turn to be their oppressors , and yet they dare not camplain of it ; how watchful must those be who have ambitious , and much more potent neighbours than themselves , 't is a sad case to think what straights they are sometimes brought to , to provide for their safety , and how many real evils they are exposed unto , to maintain that vain shadow of liberty which they are so taken with , and that dream of a sovereign authority , of which they be so fond of ; they waste and consume themselves in charges for their preservation , and are besides obliged to observe the humours of friends and foes ; and what is this to the odium and disaffectedness of their subjects which they often bring upon themselves , who must bear the burthens , and be at the charges of upholding this authority , which makes also the condition unhappy of the people who lives under such princes as have no power to protect them ; and as the right use of these two princely virtues , valour and prudence , do consist in these two things , to free his states from forreign , and to avoid civil wars ; certainly if they can prevent neither , but with much difficulty , by reason of weakness and discontents , they must needs be constantly offended with dangers and fears , which makes to them their life uncomfortable ; and let things fall out how they will , if ever they be engaged in any troubles at home or abroad , what success and advantage can they get either from those who are much more potent then they , or from those in whom their strength ought to lie ; by this last they act against their own interest , and do as it were tear themselves in pieces , for 't is not enough for a war to be just , 't is necessary it should also be beneficial and advantagious . i must make one observation more , that the number of petty princes ( such are all italian ones , in comparison of potent kings and kingdoms , as england , france and spain ) doth much contribute to their common safety and preservation , for every prince watches constantly the design of another , not only upon his own states , but upon that also of his neighbour , for he is much concerned that the dominions of one of his neighbours should not fall into the hands of another , who would thereby grow too potent for him , and one time or other bring him upon the stage ; and 't is a necessary maxime , not only to remove the will and inclination he hath to do him hurt , but also to hinder and prevent his being able to do it ; so then , that mutual jealousie which they have one of another , keeps the scales even between them ; and if a single one would attempt something upon him who is weaker , then the others whuld not fail directly or indirectly to assist the weakest ; and if the prince should happen to be stronger than all the other together , rather than be made a prey to such a one , they would call in a forreign power to ballance him , as it hath been of late done in germany , for princes there being grown very jealous , and not without cause , much affraid of the emperours power , they brought in the french and the swedes , who having gotten an interest in the empire , the one in alsatia , the others in pomerania and bremen , and are now concern'd to curb the imperial authority if it would over-flow the banks of its just and limited power : this is also the case of italy , where the french and the spaniard have each some interest , though the former not comparable to the latter , as to possession of lands , but when he pleases he can pour thousands of his subjects into it , having in his hand a door into it , then the differences between the houses of savoy and mantoa , and of parma and modena with the pope , will be now and then an occasion for the french to meddle in italy . and although the princes of italy care neither for french nor spaniard , yet they care for their interest , which is ever to make use of one to oppose the designs of the other . so that publick persons , as well as private men , may learn from italians , the rules and practise of oeconomy and policy ; the greatest of princes , as the meanest of subjects , need to be frugal and saving , for let their incomes be never so great , the charges of the state , and their own , are sometimes greater : often there happens extraordinary , and undispensible occasions and necessities to be supplyed , or else the state will run into a palpable danger . men from the highest to the lowest , have nothing but what they save and spare , and let them receive never so much , they will not want unnecessary occasions of laying out more then that comes to . monies are the sinews , not only of war , but really there cannot be any politick motion without it , wherefore we use to see that of princes , he is the strongest who is the richest , if he knows how to make use of that advantage : by these means he will draw the greatest and the best armies into the field , and will keep them upon duty and in obedience , and so in a fit posture for service ; the best experienced officers , and the stoutest and most undaunted souldiers , will ever follow an exact and a good pay ; he will not only secure his own places , but also work within the garisons of his neighbours , and even have influences upon their very councils ; the rich prince will tire out and consume him who is poor ; how much then are they concerned , when present occasions of state allow it , to lay up in their coffers that which may serve for the future necessities of it ; that prince who is in this condition , is feared , respected , and admired at home and abroad , if he hath learned well how to improve this advantage . as to that part of a princes policy , which consists in this , not to discover the bottom of his heart , nor the utmost of his power ; we have it from italians , not the former , for when the inclinations of a prince come to be found out , and his heart can be known , then all his neighbor princes will work upon him that way ; they will give him monies if he be covetous , praises and flatteries if he be proud and vain ; they will go about to strike fear into him if he be umorous , or in a contrary way to please him in that passion , which they know to be predominant in him ; and hereby many a time he will be drawn to act or comply in those things which are contrary to his honour and interest : at home he is also exposed to the attempts of parasites and flatterers who for their own ends ; ever study to please him in that which they know him to be most of all prone and given to , by which , compliance with him , he becomes a prey unto them : the latter part of this policy , for a prince not to discover the utmost of his power , is to be learned from italians , as well as the former . some princes and states do subsist and are upheld by credit and reputation more then by a real strength ; 't is more by the opinion which others have of them , then by any true cause in themselves ; and 't is well for one never to do so much , but to give others to think that he can do more , for when 't is once found out how far one may go , others will be more apt to cross him , and will take courses sutable to their designs against him ; so that in this a prince lies open to the attempts of others . another thing neecssary for publick and private persons to be learned from italians , as much as from any other nation , is , not to discover the utmost reach of ones capacity , and of that faculty of the soul , called understanding or intellect : this learned men do so observe , that in the solution of questions , though sometimes they have said as much as they are able , yet they will tell one , that much more might be said to that purpose , and the like ; for above all things they would avoid to be suspected of ignorance by others , seeing they make an open profession of learning . so 't is a matter of high concernment to princes to be accounted to be men of parts , judicious and understanding , which are qualifications necessary to those who rule kingdomes and nations , therefore they are so careful not to give the least grounds to make people suspect they want , abilities to govern , seeing nothing can be so injurious and prejudicial to them , as to be accounted soft and shallow heads . solomon the wisest of kings , pronounces a woe to that land whose princes are children , not so much in years as in wisdom and understanding , as was his son rehoboam , who was said to be young at 40 years of age , for want of knowledge and experience : a wise prince therefore will chuse not to speak at all , rather then not to speak to the purpose upon a subject : hence it is also that he sits in council , not only to hear the several advices given him there , but also to judge of them himself , and having digested it in his mind , to give them a form , chuse the best , and be himself the author of his resolutions in consequence of councils given him , which thus he makes to be his own . it is then a great part of wisdom to conceal his ignorance , and in capacity of any things , specially of those which ought to be known , and to give as good opinion as one can of his abilities , and rather forbear speaking of a thing then not to do it well , or instead of praises which every one is desirous of , one brings himself into slight and contempt , for i think that one of the greatest discommendations of a man is this , he was so put to it , that he knew not what to say . silence also , and secreste , which are qualities so essentially necessary to all sorts of persons , are to be learned from the same nation ; as nothing makes a man so vile and so contemptible , as not to be able to hold his peace ( an imperfection and defect to be excused only in children , fools and drunken persons ) so nothing argues so much the infidelity and rashness of a publick person , as the revealing of secrets ; as i am the master of my own secret , i may declare it to a friend ; but my friends secret i may not tell it to another , because 't is not my own ; much less may a publick minister betray his masters secret , wherein not only one or few persons , but whole nations for the most part are concerned . many great designes have been obstructed , and many great evils caused or prevented , either by an yntimely discovery of resolutions , or by some few words spoken unadvisedly ; one word dropt from a mans mouth is sufficient at least to breed a suspition , which usually puts men upon further inquiries and discoveries ; therefore want of secresie is a great breach of prudence , which is the salt , the spirit and the life of moral and politick vertues . one thing more to be learned is , constancy and settleness of mind , so necessary to private men , in both fortunes , and to publick persons in times of troubles and difficulties . a skilful pilot is not moved so , as to despair amidst the roaring of the winds , the tossing and tumbling of the waves , and the raging of the storm ; contrariwise he sticks the closer to his work , grows more careful , and minds the more the safety of the ship , wherein his own and all others in it are included : so an experienced minister of state , amidst all troubles , crosses and conspiracies against the state , doth retain that soundness of mind , and tranquility of soul , which at last may bring him out of all dangers , instead of falling into confusion and disorder , or yielding to fear , he uses those means which are lawful , possible , and likely to quiet and pacifie things ; he is not moved at different reports , he is neither incredulous nor over credulous , but hears every thing , examines and weighs all , receives that which to him appears to be the truest , and resolves upon that which he thinks to be the best . that italians have known and practised these things , the history of antient rome , and the experience of these last times do justifie it , and some able states-men , and great polititians , whom that nation hath afforded germany , france , spain , and other countries , do clearly convince of this truth , and are presidents of it , and one single proverb of theirs ( to shew how solid and substantial they are ) doth teach us all the vertues aforesaid in these words , non spendor ' cio che tu hoi , non far ' cio che tu puoi , non creder ' cio che tu udi ; that is , one must not spend all that he hath , nor do all that he can , nor tell all that he knows , nor believe all that he hears . the character of spain . in the south-west parts of europe , between the 37. and 42. degrees of latitude , lies a potent kingdome , named spain , or spains in the plural number , for so philip ii. called himself , rex hispaniarum , after the acquisition he made of portugal , in the year 1550. it fell into the hands of the house of austria by the match of philip the xi . first son to maximilian of austria , with the daughter of ferdinand of aragon , and isabella of castilla , heir of those countries , united by the marriage of the said ferdinand and isabella . these dominions have in time been so enlarged by marriages and conquests , as to reach some things in africa , a great part of europe , and almost all america , which hath given occasion to say , that the sun never shines out of the spanish dominions . the struglings of this nation after an universal monarchy , have proved so lusty and so hard , that at one time or other , whole europe hath been shaken with it : whereby the spanish name is become so famous , that 't is not to be admired at , if curiosity of seeing a countrey where so great designs were continued , hath put several men upon travelling into it . i confess , with many others , i have been taken with that itching desire , in hope of seeing an extraordinary land , peopled with none but heroes , but with what successe , the following discourse shall witnesse , being sure that no curiosity was ever more severely punished then mine , nor pleasure more constantly attended with pain : if this be a sin , i vow never again to fall into it , and herein i ought not to be accounted singular , for i protest i found all those whom i conversed with , and who have been there , to be of my opinion ; but patience . in this world one must see not only good but evil also , things better judged of by their contraries , yet to go thorough , one must be stored with monies and patience . let a man begin this journey which way he pleases , he will find it very tedious , and must resolve to suffer many inconveniences : whither he goes from bayone to yrun , san sebastian , and thence the straight way to victoria , puerto de sant adrian , or on the left , to pamplona in navarra by estella de navarra ( where is an university ) la puente de la reyna and viana passing by logrono , whence some go to santo domingo de la calcada , in the church whereof are seen a cock and a hen of the breed ( as 't is reported ) of those which ( if you will believe it ) came to life again after they had been roasted ; and to be short , thence to burgos valladolid , medina del campo , salamanco scyonia , el puerto de guadarrama , iscuriale el pardo and madrid , alcula de trenares , aranjues , toledo , &c. or whether a man goes into spain by catalonia , valenza murcia , grenada : one shall be ill horsed , hardly used , and have bad accommodation ; of which three things , one alone is enough to vex a traveller . although spanish horses be very good , there are so few , that they are not employed in ordinary uses , mules must doe the worke , which are very slow creatures , very ill harnessed , and very dangerous for biting kicking ; to these inconveniencies , let a spaniard be joyned as a guide , who as well as the mule , keeps to his slow pace , caused not only by his natural gravity , but also ( when they walk as many do ) by shooes made of little cords , which the generality of them doth wear , so that the sand and drye ground they walk upon being already much heated by the sun , must needs gall and burn their feet , let them be never so used to 't , this must needs be very tedious to those who are used to ride good horses . but there are other difficulties caused by the rudeness and barbarity of men , all rational people will shew themselves civil to strangers who pass thorough their , countrey , to give them cause to commend the inhabitants when they are out of it ; but here no such thing is thought upon , they are called by the nick-name gavachos , and assoon as a man comes into spain he must shew all the moneys he hath about him , and every thing else , and must pay for 't according as he is taxed by those unreasonable men , whether it be a silver sword , a watch , a ring , silver buttons and the like , so that nothing goes free ; and then if any thing lyes in the way of these searchers , they will make conscience to take it as dexterously as they can , and though one should take notice of it , yet he dares hardly say any thing for fear of the worst , because sometimes they send one or other upon the passage to rob or kill as they have a minde to . after this they give a note , which some call albaran , and others aluala , to certifie to other searchers that the things have been payed for ; yet for all this , others if they please ( and they do 't very often except monies be given them ) they cause one to open all again , they search all , and make pay for all ; and the worst is , that this sort of men ever lies at the coming in and going out of every province , which in those parts ( for greatness sake ) they call kingdomes , so that after this rate one is to pass thorough several kingdoms before he can come to madrid . at the coming out of spain one meets with the like ( or worse usage if it be possible ) as he found at the going into 't . but after all , the worst is , that one hath no accommodation by the way , for sometimes you shall ride 30. miles and not see a house , nor meet with a man , so that in some places one must carry for himself something to eat , and oats for the mule , and so lie sometimes under a tree : how uncomfortable this is in winter , and the heat of summer , i leave every one to judge . and the misery is , that when one comes to an inn , he is hardly the better for 't , for excepting some alcoues which are used onely by persons of quality , all the bed you can get , is some formes or few boards lay'd close , with straw or wooll at the most , within a matteress upon 't , without bed-steads or curtains , for they know not what such things mean , and if one will have clean sheets , the surest way is to carry some along with him . yet this is but beginning of trouble , for these inns ( if i may so call it ) afford nothing to eat , and if you will have bread , you must send for 't out of the house into one place , for wine into another , for meat into another , for one can hardly find two such different things in one place ; after all , if you will have it well dressed , i advise you to have a cook of your own . now see whether or not i have reason to wish my self out of this countrey , but i must go throughout , seeing i am so far engaged in 't , and give some observations i made of their nature , and of some manners and customes of theirs . though the spaniard be not very sociable , yet'tis easy for a man to know his natural genius and inclination as to the generality : i confess amongst the true castillans , some generous and gallant men are to be found , but these are so scarce , that we may say of it , as of bread , the countrey affords it very good , but so little of it , that though the countrey ( catalonia excepted ) be very void of inhabitants , there is hardly enough of it to serve 3. months in the year , so of 10000. men , hardly one will be found to have a right principle of honesty . if at any time a man hath offended them , though it be an offence taken rather than given , they will seem not to take notice of it , but they will watch one so long , and so well , that at last he must fall into their clutches ; then they give no quarter , but one night or other as a man is going to his lodging , they will shoot him dead in a treacherous way , and when he is not aware of them . their pride is known by the contempt they have for all other nations , therefore they say their king alone is el roy de los hombres ; the same they affirme of their language , but most of all 't is known by their carriage ; they have an affected gravity which goes beyond the natural , and make themselves valiant with oftentation . they walk up and down the streets like peacocks and turkies with a great deal of pride , staring upon others , and looking on themselves from top to toe with a losty , scornful and braving courtenance ; and yet when there is occasion to go to it , except there be three or four against one , toman las oulcas de villa diego , as they say , that is in plain english , they run away , till they have an opportunity of being avenged ; and this is most of all practised in valenza , arragona , catalonia , &c. in castilla , and some other places , there being more generosity than in others . in summer , they wear long cloakes of black london serge , specially those who are of any fashion , but i have seen some of cloth and very heavy , for they say , that which keeps from cold , preserves also from the heat ; their shooes for the most part have no heele , or a very little one ; the clock of their stockings comes up to the fat of their legg . it were needless for me to make an exact description of their cloathes , seeing they often have been seen in england , specially in eighty eight . i shall not dispute whether they are becoming or not , much of it depending upon custome and fancy , yet they are so taken with it , that still they keep to their fashion in most countries where they live , and very hardly can resolve upon changing in some courts where they have ambassadours , for else they have so good opinion of their countries that they scorn almost all others , and account them not worthy to be seen , except the low countries , naples , sicily , milan , the west-indies , &c. where they goe to feather their nest and to grow rich , and often they take such courses , as makes them speed well in 't in a very short time . they use to wear sword and dagger , and though their cloak be new , very often they make a hole in it , that the dagger may be seen ; the lowest sort of tradesmen , as carpenters , shooe-makers , &c. never sit at their work without a dagger by their sides . thus the commonally is possessed with pride , witness the story of the woman , who being a begger , yet would not have her son to serve an ambassadour ; i will not said she ( being spoken to about it ) undervalue my son so much , who knows whether one day he shall not be king of spain . hence it is that we do not see spaniards to be servants of men of other nations , nor to travel but upon the account of necessity . now this vanity follows them to their grave , as we hear of the cobler , who being upon his death-bed , having called his children to him , said to them , take heede you do nothing to disparage your selves , or to dishonour your family . to see the meanest of them in their cloathes , and to act their gravity , is a thing to make any sranger mistake their quality , insomuch , that one day in their late kings time , a foreign minister being private in his lodging , took one of them for a grandee , who ( as he thought ) came to give him a visit incognito , as 't is usual in those parts , and received him with a great civility , but at last this proved to be a glasier , who went to mend a window : and they so much affect gravity in their march , that one of them being once whipped at paris , ( you may conceive not for any good he had done ) and being told by some spectators who pittyed him , to mend his pace , that he might sooner come out of his pains , he turned about , and with much gravity , told them , that he would not go an inch the faster , though all the hangmen of france were at his heels . but to goe on in telling of their good qualities , i must not omit to say that idleness , and lasiness are some of those which most of all they are subject to : i cannot tell whether it be meerly an effect of their natural disposition , or a trust they put to the harvest they receive from the indies ; or , as i believe , of both ; but the matter is such , that their land which in many places is good , and could be made fruitful , nor only in fruites and good wines , but also in other necessaries , for want of being manured , is barren and useless . now the ground doth not produce without the care of man ; at present god doth not shew us such miracles , as he hath done sometimes in the dayes of old . if tradsemen amongst them , do work 2 or 3 hours in the day , they will think themselves the greatest workmen in the world ; and they who set them at work , must pay as dear , as if they had been a whole day at it : when this is done , they go to play or iport themselves one way or other , but those that live in sea-towns never fail to walk by the sea-side , to see ships coming in , to enquire what parts of the world they come from , and what news they bring : and here passenger : do find some office of the inquisition summoning them to go and give an account of their faith to the office , but their chief end is to get a piece of money , and then they let people alone . others there are in these sea-towns , who drive another sort of trade , they come aboard and offer to passengers wine and other provisions at a very low rate , only to oblige them to go to their houses , where they shew them spanish flesh rather than victuals . no nation hath more ceremony , and less reality than the spanish , when they think to cut one's throat , then they make the greatest protestations of love and friendship : they stand so much upon titles and places , that as boccalini saith , it is a particular custome of spaniards , to visit others more to affront , than to honour them . complements also are so mixed with their ordinary discourses , that they wholly take away the pleasure of society , & banish liberty , wherein doth consist the sweetness of conversation : an english nobleman having often been troubled at madrid with such a way of dealing , by one of their great men , resolved one day to be avenged on him , therefore once when the other was come to him , he caused a great fire to be made , and both being drawn near to it , with their backs towards the chimney , the nobleman engaged the spaniard in discourses of civility , who many times bowed towards the fire , which he did so often , that at last feeling the heat , he clapt his hand upon the back side , and found the fire had burned part of it , he was as amazed , as the other who sitting by a fire , and feeling the heat thorough his boots , said , i am a fraid of burning my boots , when another who stood by answered , sir , do not mind your boots , for already they are gone , onely look to the spurs . they profess a new divinity , to allow of a certain evil , that an uncertain may be avoided thereby , that is to practice a peccadillo as they call it , a little sin , to avoid falling into a greater , and for fear of sodomy , to indulge themselves in their leachery ; a thing so generally used amongst them , that he who hath not his love in that kind , is accounted a man without wit and merit ; and the generality of them goes as openly and freely into such places , as here one will goe to a tavern , or an ale-house : they consuetudo peccandi , tollit sensum peccati , the custom of tinning , takes away the sense of sin ; their proverb is , el fatigado con cosas deveres , recreese con donagres , he who is a weary of serious things , must betake himself to his pleasures ; of which , as of wines they allow themselves a calabrada , a mixture and variety , wherein they so much indulge themselves , that rather than be deprived of the least , they will loose any thing ; whereupon they use to say , siempre en las tardangas a'y peligro , y. vale mas paxaro en mano que buy tre volando , a bird in hand is better than two in the bush ; which they mean of their pleasures . sometimes i have seen some of their priests come to strangers lodgings ( provided they be acquainted with the landlord ) to play with them , in a disguise , not out of any shame , but only to have more liberty with those who know them not , except a landlord , or some body else tells them what they are . there be also some priests and fryars carrying up and down the streets , the image of one or other nuestia sennora , as they call it , for whom they beg , & yet the poor lady is never the better for it ; for most part of the time , what they have gotten , they bestow upon their own pleasures , and other uses ; and once i saw at alicant , one of them , who played at cardes what monies he had then about him , and lost it to an english master of a ship : whereby we see now ready they are to sacrifice their shew and pretence of devotion , to their pleasure or covetousness ; and sometimes they dispose of it another way , which is , to make a mock at what they call piety themselves , and which we , with a more proper word , do name superstition . many of these secular , and regular priests , are very offensive to the laity , by reason of the great power theclergy hath in those parts , who assert their priviledges with a great severity , by the means of the inquisition , which is formidable to the greatest men in the land , as to the lowest ; so that under this shelter , they commit many unjust and unlawful things . but in general , to return to the nation , they are very singular in their diet , still making good the proverb which saies , a spaniard is not sober when he lives at the costs of others : but else they are very sparing and i am very much of the opinion of one , who thinks that in london , there is more meat eaten in one month , than in whole spain in one year . they do not roast whole capons , and pullets , but leggs , and wings by themselves , and then spread the feathers before their doors , to make others think thatgood chear is made in that house ; a crust ofbread rubbed with garlick , or an onion , is an ordinary and a good diet for them , which , if a stranger sees them to eat , they presently fall upon commending of sobriety , and how wholsom a thing it is : many a time i have seen numbers of them dine so , close by a wall , to enjoy the heat of the sun , which is their ordinary fire in those parts , so saving they endeavour to be in every thing ; yet if any one will have the pleasure , how well they can eat , or rather devour , let him treat them at his own charges . for certain flesh isvery nourishing there , but this is not the onely reason of their sobriety , 't is also dear , in part , because 't is scarce , and also by reason of a great tax laid upon butchers : fruits , herbs and roots , are things which they feed upon most of all , and in every thing almost , they use much pimiento , a kind of red pepper which grows in the country ; but they are not used to see any quantity of meat upon a table ; this is the reason why gondomour being gone back into spain from his ambassy in england , and being asked by his master about several fashions used here in the court , amongst the rest , being very inquisitive to know what ceremonies were used here when the king was at table ; he answered , for his part , he could not well tell , though he had been in the dining room when his majesty was at dinner , because , said he , he was hidden from him by a great piece of beef which was laid upon the table . they allow not their wives to sit at table with them , those persons of quality are private in a chamber and by themselves , but others of the common sort of people , do usually keep in the same chamber where their husbands dine , at a table with their children , or else there is a place raised half a foot or thereabouts above the flower , with a carpet laid over it , thereupon the wife , and children either kneel or sit without chairs , and eat what the husband is pleased to send them from his table , so that to speak the truth , they are deprived of their liberty and kept in great subjection , little different from slavery . which hard usage they are sensible of , upon occasion doing them all the turns of unfaithfulness which they are able , being naturally by the influences of the climate , the hot things they eat and drink , and out of a desire of the liberty they see themselves abridged off , much inclined to luxury ; they take care to curle their hair , keep their breast naked , yet not so low as the shoulders , they paint much with red their lips and cheeks , a custom so general amongst them , that they hide it not one from another ; they wear above their wast a fardingale , or guarda infanta , as they call it , which is like a circle of a good breadth , and very fit to hide a big belly ; when they go thorough a narrow door they must strike it down of one side ; those of an inferiour quality , when they are abroad , do usually wear a black hood which falls lower then their breast and shoulders , and hides the whole face , except one eye , which is all one is able to see of it , whereby they are so hard to be known , that towards evening a husband going by his wife shall have much ado to know her ; though they be more civil to those strangers or others whom they intend to favour , by uncovering the whole face when they come nigh to them : they improve the few moments they have of liberty , and they endeavour to hazer su agosto , to speak in their own words , or as we say , make hay whilst the sun shines , and they do it de la buena gana , with a good will. men there , are extraordinarily careful of their beards , which are black and thick with mustacchio's 〈◊〉 tusks ; to save them at night , they have las bigotes , that is a kind of a waxed case which they lay upon it , and which to one who knows not what it is , seems very strange in a morning when they appear with it at a window : they also make a beard so essential to a man , that if he be altogether shaven , as now we are in england , they will doubt whether or not he be an eunuch : and in the streets of madrid , i have seen an outlandish man of about 30 years of age , taken by the arme by a woman who never saw him before . and asked him very boldly , tien los cojones voste , sir , are you a whole man , because he was wholly shaven . a thing which most of all seemed strange to me in spain , is the custome of some to walk in the streets with spectacles on their noses , which with a little thread they tye to both ears , and there is a two-fold reason for it ; the one is the scorching heat of the sun which heats so much the ground , that the reverberation of it is hurtful to the eye , but as in winter the sun is not so hot as in summer , so methinks the use of these spectacles should cease ; therefore besides the former there is an inward reason , arising from the immoderate luxury which they are given to , for by reason of the strict communication there is between those parts and the head , specially the opticks , the organ is much offended , and consequently weakned , so that this people becomes short sighted ; and i think that the fresh waters with ice , which they so much drink of in summer , are used to cool their lust more then to quench their thirst . the extraordinry long swords they have must needs be very inconvenient , specially by reason of the long cloaks they wear them under , insomuch that most part of time they must turn up their cloaks of one side when they walk , and the other hand they must lay upon the hilt of the sword , that thereby the point of it be lifted up , otherwise it would constantly trail upon the ground , and often the crosse above the hilt being of one side turned upwards , and downwards on the other , seems at the same time threatning heaven and earth . formerly they used to wear ruffs about their necks , which were forbidden , because in arragon a great man was strangled with it , so that since that time they have been lookt upon as a halter about ones neck , and instead of it , they use a little band stretched and stiffned with a little wire . in their discourses they would be taken for senators , for upon every occasion they play the statesmen , they dispose of crowns scepters and kingdoms , just as if they were of gods council , they decide the fortune of princes , censure the actions and carriage of ministers of state , and when they are three or four together , one would think that like so many gods they sit in council to resolve upon the fare , and dispose of all states and empires of the world , and this not by conjectures , but out of a certain and infallible knowledge , and whilest they fancy mountains of gold , and think how to dispossesse other nations of their country , they take no notice how void of people their own is , by reason of their driving the moores out of granada , of their plantations in the indies , their wars in flanders and italy , and of the many garrisons they must keep in sundry places ; thus they make good their proverb , cada loco con su tema , every fool hath his fancies . benefit and pleasure are the two great ends of travellers , but in spain neither is to be had , the people of it not being sociable , and there is hardly any thing worthy of a mans curiosity , or at least the pains to go to see it ; all spain doth not afford one noble and stately city . pamplona in navarra is noted for the citadel in 't , burgos the metropolis of castilla the old for the great church , and an inconsiderable castle ; valladolid where formerly the court hath resided for a considerable time , is a proverb , villa per villa , valladolid en castilla , but there are not so much as walls about it . salamanca hath the famous university of spain , their is the bridge built by the romans , and the bull at one end of it ; segovia hath without the monasterie , called parral , the mint , a palace and the aqueducts , & the fine cloth made there : toledo the chief arch-bishoprick of spain hath a great church & a thing called the treasure within it , & water-works ; so at granada is the palace of the palace of the kings of the moors , the altrambra : cordova hath the mosquea or church of the moors , sarragossa is a good place , and to be short , their sevile the chief of andaluzia , of which their proverb says , el que non ha vista sevilla , non ha vista maravilla : indeed about it grow good fruits , the river guadulquivin , runs by , and after falls into the sea by san iuan de burrameda , but certainly in other places are much better churches , palaces . bridges , universities , &c. and i say that all these things together are not worth the pains and the charges of going so far to see them , except a man hath absolutely a mind to be able to say , i have seen ; neither is a good breeding to be gotten there . indeed there are in spain two things worth seeing , and no more , one is a work of nature , the river guadiana in estramudara , sinking under ground beyond placio del rey , and then raising about miajada nigh upon 14 short leagues off ; upon this account 't is said they have the best bridge of europe : the other is the escurial , the master-piece of the great and wise king philip 11. though 't was no part of wisdome in him to have at once 3 such great designs , to conquer england , uphold the league in france , and to recover the low-countries , all which came to nothing , because as the italian saith , chi troppo abraccia nulla stringe ; however he built the iscuriale where the courts , the kings and queens lodgings , the fryars cloysters , the water , the gardens , the library , the chappel , in a word , the whole is a rare thing , but not so miraculous to those who have seen other parts of the world ; the pardo , buen retiro and aranjuez , i will hardly mention , those forenamed are the best things in spain , but he who hath a mind to suffer so many inconveniences before he comes thither must do it by way of penance ; as for cities , barcelona is certainly the most populous of any in spain . the rest of these towns are full of pride , idleness , misery , cheats , treachery murthers and other oppressions , caused by their ambition , animosities , covetousness , desire of revenge , luxury and jealousies about wives , concubines , daughters , sisters , neeces , and what other relations they have of that sex , they account themselves obliged to be watchful over : yet for all their poverty they are taken with the vanity which is too common in other places , nor to observe a distinction of cloaths according to the quality of persons , for i have seen carpenters and shooemakers in silver cloath doublets , and in extraordinary fine cloath ; but i know it to be their humour , that the poorer they are , the more they indeavour to hide it , the best countenance they put on , and the greatest shew they make : their very alguazils or bailies , who are the vilest sort of people , think themselves as good as the best in the land , and to see them walk with a switch lifted up in their hand , one would perceive in them as much lostiness , as if they were high stewards , or high chamberlains of the kingdome . but to speak of somthing which is or ought to be the best in spain , we must come to madrid , the ordinary place of the courts residence , which is far from being numerous , and their way is particular and different from others ; the generality of women about it , are antient and tanned , but they use painting very much as a remedy to it : yet i confess i have seen in spain some with a very white skin , ( but these are scarce ) a brown hair , and a lively black eye , but there is not that honest society of both sexes which is found in other places : and great men do so affect gravity , and stand so much upon their formalities and points of honour , that amongst them there can be no sincerity nor satisfaction . coaches in madrid are drawn by mules , in them ladies sit in the same gravity which men do affect , they are almost like statues without motion , and when they think fit to move the head , 't is done in so slowand so lingring a way , that one who is not used to it , would admire to see it ; for all this i believe if they had the liberty which others enjoy in other places , some of them would prove the wittiest and most gallant women in the world , even as were the moors in granada , but as things stand they must live a very retired manner of life . on the other side , no greater prostitution in the world then there is in that town , for the generality of women : mothers make no difficulties to sell their daughters maidenhèads four or five times , and as often as they can to cheat men ; young girles begin to keep mens company when they are but ten , eleven , or at the most twelve years old , this is the cause of so much infection there in that kind , that it is a lamentable thing for any one who hath the curiosity to see their hospitals of incurables , besides that horrid sin which to punish sufficiently no pain was found upon earth , but god was pleased to pour down , as it were , hell from heaven , causing fire and brimstone to rain and shower down upon earth ; about this horrid sin they have this proverb in their language , en spania los cavalleros , en francia los pedantos , en italia todos . a thing observable in the court is the way of their grandees , who sit down and put on their hats in the kings presence ; of these men there are three sorts , some have it by a personal priviledge and special favour of the king , others have it as an hereditary right and propriety derived from their parents , and others in the third place , have it by a right of their charge and place , as namely the president of the council of castilla , who though he be not a grandee , yet enjoys the same priviledge as they do . charles the fifth was the author of these grandees , to gratifie the spanish nation , and in some kind make some of them equal with some german princes who followed him in that voyage , and who by their quality and extraction , had the right of sitting and being covered in his presence , a thing which other european kings do not allow of , portugal excepted . again , at madrid is to be seen that cruel bull-fighting , a remainder of those bloody spectacles used by the romans for to give a pleasure to the spectators , men as mad as the bulls they fight against , must encounter those wild creatures , and hazard in a combate which hath proved fatal to the lives of so many . what shall i say of madrid it self , where are neither good streets nor stately buildings , antient or modern , not considerable for the materials or for the rules of architecture ; in winter there is nothing but dirt , and dust in summer , so that if for the space of three or four hours men have been to walk , their cloaths shall be as white for dust , as if they had been at the mill , so that 't is no wonder if their cloaths and taffity hats ( that is overlaid with taffita ) grow greasie so soon . above all , let not one who is there walk abroad late at night , nor very early in the morning , for as they have no houses of office they fling it up and down the streets , and how unpleasant these objects are to the nose , and the eye , let any one judge , yet about 9 or 10 of the clock there is nothing to be seen , but all is dissolved into dust , & as men say , that one stench & poison drives away another , so their use of onions and garlick is by them thought to be a sovereign remedy against these spanish perfumes we are now speaking of ; the air indeed is the only good thing at madrid , for 't is very pure and free from the plague . but if for all this men have a mind to go to see that stinking place , i will say to them in spanish , sea con pie derecho , that is in an english sence , much good may 't do to them . finis . certain general reasons, prouing the lawfulnesse of the oath of allegiance, written by r.s. priest, to his priuat friend. whereunto is added, the treatise of that learned man, m. william barclay, concerning the temporall power of the pope. and with these is ioyned the sermon of m. theophilus higgons, preached at pauls crosse the third of march last, because it containeth something of like argument sheldon, richard, d. 1642? 1611 approx. 511 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68730 stc 22393 estc s117169 99852384 99852384 17700 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68730) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17700) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 694:6, 938:2) certain general reasons, prouing the lawfulnesse of the oath of allegiance, written by r.s. priest, to his priuat friend. whereunto is added, the treatise of that learned man, m. william barclay, concerning the temporall power of the pope. and with these is ioyned the sermon of m. theophilus higgons, preached at pauls crosse the third of march last, because it containeth something of like argument sheldon, richard, d. 1642? barclay, william, 1546 or 7-1608. de potestate papæ. english. higgons, theophilus, 1578?-1659. sermon preached at pauls crosse the third of march, 1610. barclay, john, 1582-1621. [12], 77, [3]; [14], 229, [3]; 60 p. imprinted by felix kyngston [and arnold hatfield], for william aspley, at london : 1611. signed on ¹l3r: richard sheldon. "guil. barclaii i.c. of the authoritie of the pope", an edited translation by john barclay of "de potestate papæ", has separate pagination and title page with imprint ".. imprinted by arnold hatfield ..". kingston printed the first two quires of this part (stc). "a sermon preached at pauls crosse the third of march 1610. by theophilus higgons", reprinted from stc 13456, has separate dated title page and pagination. part 2 identified as stc 1409 on umi microfilm reel 694. reproductions of the originals in cambridge university library. appears at reel 694 and at reel 938. reel 938: lacking ¹c2. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode 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text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. oath of allegiance, 1606 -early works to 1800. popes -temporal power -early works to 1800. sermons, english -17th century. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gvil . barclaii j. c. of the avthoritie of the pope : whether , and how farre forth , he hath power and authoritie ouer temporall kings and princes , liber posthumus . at london imprinted by arnold hatfield , for vvilliam aspley . 1611. to the most holy father and lord , clement the 8. pope : w. barclay wisheth health . if rome , from peter to this day , had seene such bishops as your holinesse is ( most high father and prelate of christians ) there had been no place for this question at this time . your moderation and gentlenesse , answerable to your name , either had not opened any gap to this busines , or had barred the same by some graue prouision , that it should not be opened . i haue here discussed the question , touching the temporall authoritie of your see ouer kings and princes ; which hauing been canuassed with so great troubles , and so much blood , hath as oft afflicted the church , as the princes themselues : i haue also dedicated the same to you , lest i might seeme either to haue shunned your iudgement , or to haue managed rather the cause of the kings , then of the church . if i haue not pleased euery mans taste , i desire them to consider , that no medicine brings health without bitternesse . it is peraduenture an odious argument to such as be scrupulous , or malitious , to peruert my sense and meaning : which not withstanding , most holy father , i haue vndertaken , partly out of the loue of the truth , partly also , for that , i haue been of opinion , that this authoritic is the fountaine of all those tempests , wherewith heresie tosseth your ship at this day . pope iulius the 2. being alienated with a sudden vnkindnes , did not only thunder against lewes the 12. king of france , but also depriued iohn king of nauarre of his kingdome , because hee assisted the french. and out of question lewes his good fortune put by that thunderbolt from france : but the nauarrois hearing the spaniard of one side , and being excluded on the other side by the mountaines of pyrene from the helpe of france , was not able to make his part good against the furie of rome , and the ambition of spaine . being spoiled of the greater part of his kingdome , he retired into france , where he had a large and ancient patrimonie . in the neck of this came the fire which luther kindled , and the heires of iohn , king of nauarre , inflamed with their priuate hatred , did very soone passe to that side , which bandied against the see of rome . therefore came heresie first to be seattered thorow france , by the partialitie of those princes , which through the fiaming fire , and after through warres , hath continued to this day . as for henrie the 8 , king of england , who doubteth , that he departed not so much from the religion as from the pope , out of his hatred against the very same authoritie ? clemens the 7. had denounced henrie depriued of the right and interest of his kingdoms : and he againe conceiued an anger , which peraduenture was not vniust of his part , but blinde and intemperate . he opened england to heretikes by the occasion of this schisme , who afterwards growing strong vnder edward the 6 , destroyed the ancient religion . againe , scotland affected with the neighbourhood and communion of england , hauing held out vnder iames the 5 , at length was attainted in the beginning of maries raigne , and presently after infected , when the poison had gathered further strength . so what heresie or heretiques soeuer are in france and britannie at this day ( which is their onlie strong hold ) was conceiued and hatched by this lamentable warmth of the temporall authothoritie , as a pestilent egge . behold , most holy father , how little good it doth the church to challenge this command , which like scianus his horse hath euer cast his masters to the ground . therefore haue i vndertaken this worke , out of my affection to religion and truth , not to the princes , and of a sincere and humble minde haue presented the same to you the chiefe pastour , to whom it appertaineth to iudge of leper and leper . if there be any thing in these writings , which you shall thinke good and profitable , i shall comfort my old age with the most sweete remembrance of so great a witnesse . but if allowing my affection , yet you shall not allow my iudgement , it shall be to posteritie an argument of your moderation , that vnder you the simple libertie of disputation hath not been preiudiciall to any . let this be an argument of your moderation , but neuer of my obstinacie . for whatsoeuer is in this businesse i leaue it to your censure , that in this booke i may seeme not so much to haue deliuered , what i thinke , as to haue enquired of your holinesse , what i ought to thinke . fare you well . the contents of the seuerall chapters contained in this booke . chap. 1. the author professeth his catholike disposition to the see of rome , and his sinceritie in the handling of this question . the opinion of the diuines and canonists touching the popes authoritie in temporall matters , and particularly touching bozius a canonist . chap. 2. of the different natures of the ecclesiasticall and temporall powers , and a taxation of bozius his sophistrie touching the same . chap. 3. that the apostles practised no temporall iurisdiction , but rather inioyned obedience to be giuen euen to heathen princes ; and a comparison betweene the ambition and vsurpation of the later popes , and humilitie of the ancient . chap. 4. that the later popes serued themselues of two aduantages to draw to themselues this vast authoritie temporall ouer princes : viz. partly through the great reuerence which was borne to the see of rome , partly through the terror of the thunder bolt of excommunication . chap. 5. that it cannot be proued by any authoritie , either diuine or humane , that the pope either directly or indirectly hath any temporall authoritie ouer any christian princes . chap. 6. that no instance can be giuen of any popes of higher times , that any such authoritie was vsurped and practised by them : and a vehement deploration of the miserable condition of these later times , in regard of the modestie and pietie of the former . chap. 7. an answere made to an excuse pretended by bellarmine , that the ancient church could not without much hurt to the people , coerce and chastise the olde emperors and kings , and therefore forbare them more , then now she neede to doe . chap. 8. that the ancient church wanted neither skill nor courage , to execute any lawfull power vpon euill princes , but she forbare to doe it , in regard she knew not any such power ouer them . chap. 9. that it is a false ground laid by bellarmine , that henrie the 4. emperour , and other christian princes , vpon whom the popes haue practised their pretended temporall authoritie , might be dealt withall more securely then the former princes . chap. 10. the censure of the worthie bishop frisingens . vpon the course which gregorie the 7. tooke against henrie the 4. emperour , and the issue thereof how lamentable to the church , and vnfortunate to the pope himselfe . chap. 11. a reason supposed for the tolerancie and conniuencie of the ancient popes , and the vanitie thereof discouered . chap. 12. that the pope hath no authoritie , not so much as indirectly ouer christian princes in temporall matters , proued both by the speciall prerogatiues of an absolute prince , and also by the grounds of the catholikes , and the inconueniencies insuing of the admittance thereof . chap. 13. he vndertakes bellarmine his proofes , propounds his first maine reason , with the media , whereby bellarmine inforceth the same . chap. 14. he taketh away the ground which bellarmine laid for the strengthening of his first proposition , and layeth open the lightnes and vanitie thereof . chap. 15. he amplifieth the answere to the last ground laid by bellarmine , and explaneth in what termes of relation or subordination the powers both ciuill and ecclesiasticall doe stand . secondly , he sheweth that clergie persons , are as well and fully to be reputed the subiects of temporall princes , as lay men are . thirdly , that the clergie first receiued their priuiledges from the fauour of princes , and that the pope himselfe , as successor of peter , must necessarily bee subiect to a temporall prince , but that hee is a temporall prince in italie himselfe , which state also he receiued at the first by the bountie of temporall princes . chap. 16. he detecteth a plaine fallacie in a reason of bellarmines , which in schooles is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , addictum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and sheweth at large , that temporall princes haue submitted themselues to the popes as their spiritual fathers , but not so absolutely , but that they euer reserued their ciuill authoritie firme , and vntouched to themselues . chap. 17. he answereth bellarmines second reason , and prooueth , that this vnlimited power of disposing the temporalties of princes is neither belonging , nor necessarie for the church , and that the church florished more the first three hundred yeeres without the same authoritie , then it hath done since certaine later popes vsurped the same . chap. 18. he discusseth more at large the sense of bellarmine his latter argument to proue the popes soueraigntie ouer kings in temporalties , and bewraies the inconsequence and vanitie thereof . chap. 19. he discusseth a passage in s. bernard , touching the materiall sword , and the words of christ , ecce duo gl●dij : and concludeth that the temporall sword , is neither proper to the pope , nor subiect to the spirituall . chap. 20. he encountreth bellarmine his third reason , and the pro●●es of the same . wherein he excepts especially against this proposition of bellarmine , that it is as dangerous to chuse a heathen prince , as not to depose him that is not a christian : but the elench or fallacie of the whole argument he plainly discouereth . chap. 21. he insisteth further on the point , whether christians ought to suffer ouer them a king that is not a christian. the text of the 1. cor. 6. is discussed , of going to law vnder infidell princes , or iudges : and bellarmine his fraud and captiousnes discouered in abusing that place to serue his turne . secondly , a place of thomas aquinas examined touching the point of taking from heathen princes their right . thirdly , that it was not want of strength , but meere religion and conscience that kept the primitiue church in obedience , by bellarmines own grounds . chap. 22. he answereth bellarmines second maine reason ; taxeth the same both for matter in truth , and forme in logick , and giues a right supplie to the deficiencie of the same , by which the force of the same reason is taken away . chap. 23. he taketh in hand bellarmines third argument , which is drawne from a comparison of the bond of mariage , with the bond of the obedience due from the subiect to the prince ; and both shewes how weake it is in it selfe and how strong against him that brings it . chap. 24. he examineth a fourth reason of bellarmines , taken from the forme of an oath , which princes are supposed to take when they were receiued into the church , and sheweth that nothing can be made thereof , to proue bellarmines assertion for the popes temporall authoritie ouer christian princes . chap. 25. he examineth the last reason of bellarmine , grounded on the words of christ to peter , pasce oues meas : the which reason from these words , if it haue any edge at all , he turneth the same backe vpon bellarmine himselfe . chap. 26. he prooueth that bellarmine is deceiued , or doth deceiue of purpose in his reason drawne from the comparison of the pope as a shepheard , and an heretike prince as a wolfe . 2. what is the dutie of the shepheard , in case the prince doe of a sheepe become a wolfe . chap. 27. he debateth the power of the pope to dispense : what is the nature of those lawes , wherewith the pope may dispense . but that he hath no colour to dispense with the obedience of a subiect to his prince . the madnesse of the canonists that giue too vast a fulnes of power to the pope . chap. 28. the examination of a rescript of pope innocent the third , which hath these words : not man but god doth separate , whom the bishop of rome doth separate . which words many haue laboured to reconcile , but haue missed . chap. 29. but the author giues the resolution , excusing the popes meaning , and blaming the words , to answere the canonists . chap. 30. that the pope , although he might dispense with the oath of a subiect , yet can he not dispense with his obedience to his prince , to which he is bound by the law of god and nature , which are greater then his oath . 2. the dangerous consequence to all christian princes by this power of the pope , called indirect , if he should haue it . 3. what the people ought to answere the pope or his ministers , in case they should bee by them solicited against their lawfull prince . chap. 31. the error of the later popes in taking this high and headlong course to depose princes : what ill blood it hath bred in the church : proued by miserable experience in germanie , france , england , and hath brought the see of rome , both into hatred and contempt with all christian princes . chap. 32. that if the prince play the wilde ramme , the pope may correct him , but as a spirituall pastor , onely by spirituall meanes . 2. that neither the prince can auoide or decline the popes iudgement in cases spirituall , nor any clergie person the kings in cases temporall . 3. that the clergie receiued those exemptions and immunities , which at this day they enioy through all christendome , not from the pope , nor from canons of councels , but by the bountie and indulgencie of secular princes . 4. the explanation of the canons of certaine famous councels , which the aduersaries alleage in their behalfe , and yet vpon the matter make rather against them . 5. the notorious corruption practised by gratianus in peruerting the words of two seuerall canons , flat against the originall , which corruption also bellarmine very strangely followeth , because it seemeth to make to his purpose . chap. 33. he propoundeth and proueth a paradoxe of his owne ; that all the clergie men in the world , of what degree or ranke soeuer , are subiect to the temporall authoritie of secular princes , in those seuerall countries , wherein they liue , and are punishable by the said princes , as well as other lay subiects , in all cases that are not meerclie spirituall . chap. 34. he returnes to the particular answere of bellarmine his argument , and sheweth , that excommunication workes onely so farre , as to exclude from the companie of the faithfull , but not to depriue princes of any temporall estate . chap. 35. he propoundeth certaine reasons of nicholas sanders , which had been omitted by bellarmine , for the establishing of the popes temporall authoritie ouer princes . chap. 36. he answereth the said reasons of sanders touching samuel , and saul . 2. touching ahias the shilonite . 3. touching elias . 4. touching elizeus his sword , as reasons forged either of malice against the prince then , with whom he was angrie , or of affection to the then pope , or some other fume of braine ; they haue so small colour to proue his purpose . chap. 37. he discusseth other examples , alleaged by bellarmine ; and first that of ozias the king of iuda ; and herein he taxeth bellarmine his slight dealing to transcribe out of other mens collections such matters as they haue either negligently or maliciouslie wrested against the direct and pregnant storie of the scriptures , as appeareth in this example . chap. 38. he discusseth another example touching athalia and ioiadas the high priest , which hee sheweth to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and nothing attailing to conclude his purpose . chap. 39. he discusseth a third example from ambrose bishop of millane , and theodosius the emperour , and maketh it plaine how little it makes for the popes authoritie temporall , ouer emperours and kings . chap. 40. hee answereth bellarmines examples of the latter popes , first by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or preuention out of sotus , that the act of popes makes not an article of the faith . secondly , by the testimonie of platina he conuinceth the whole storie related by bellarmine , touching pope gregorie the 2 , and leo the 3 emperour , of vntruth . chap. 41. he answereth another instance of bellarmine touching pope zacharie , and chilperique king of france ; the very explication of which whole businesse , is refutation sufficient , to frustrate bellarmine his purpose in alleaging the same , to winne any temporall authoritie to popes ouer christian princes . gvil . barclaii . i. c. of the authoritie of the pope ; whether , and how farre forth , he hath power and authoritie ouer temporall kings and princes , liber posthumus . many men haue written of this argument , especially in our time , diuersly and for diuers respects : but none more learnedly and cleerely , then the most woorthie cardinall and most learned diuine rob. bellarmine , in those bookes , which he hath written of the chiefe or romane bishop . who as he hath notably prooued the spirituall and ecclesiasticall power of the bishop of rome ; so if he could haue confirmed with more sound weight of authorities and reasons , that temporall power , which hee affirmeth out of the opinion of certaine diuines , that hee hath , there were nothing in that treatise which might iustly be reprehended , or required by any man. if therefore many both diuines and ciuilians , one after another , haue emploied themselues in the discussing of this question , and the iudgement of the former writers thereof hath beene no preiudice to the opinion of them which followed ; why should not i also ( since i haue spent my time in this studie ) challenge after a sort by a peculiar interest some place in the searching of the truth it selfe . but before i beginne to shew what i thinke of this matter , there must some care and diligence be vsed by me , by way of prouision , least either any weak : ones should conceaue any scandall , who esteeme the pope to bee a god , who hath all power in heauen and earth ( that i may vse a gerson● words ) or any aide seeme to come to the calumnies of the nouators , wherewith they prosecute the apostolike sea , that they might depriue the chiefe pastor of souls of all his authoritie . therefore the reader must vnderstand thus much that i doe beare to that sea all reuerence & good will , neither do goe about either here or any where else , to diminish any thing of the power and dignitie due to the vicar of christ , and the successor of the holy apostles peter and paul , by whose patronage i doe piously and plainly perswade my selfe that i am daily assisted : but that i haue this purpose onely to search without all guile & deceit , without loue and hatred , what and how great that power is , which all christians ought to acknowledge in the bishop of rome , that is , in the chiefe bishop and pope as they call him : and without those assertions , which wrest mens mindes to one side or other , that i onely haue god before mine eies , least at the returne of the lord , i be challenged either for the vnprofitable emploiment , or the hiding of my talent . therefore i desire them , who haue written before mee , of a good minde as i suppose , that they take it not in scorne or anger , if i depart from their opinion . b for ( as i may say with s. augustine ) wee ought not to esteeme euery mans disputation , although they bee catholike and praise woorthie , as if they were canonicall scriptures , as though it were not lawfull for vs , sauing the reuerence which is due vnto them , to mislike and refuse some things in their writings , if perhaps wee shall finde , that they thinke otherwise then the truth beares , being by the helpe of god vnderstood by others or by our selues . as i my selfe am in the writings of other men , so would i haue the vnderstanding readers to bee in mine , that they would either curteouslie admit , or with reason reprehend . but to the matter . there is amongst catholikes , ( for what others thinke i force not a whit ) but those too much addicted to the pope , a twofold opinion touching this question : one is of the canonists , who affirme that all rights of heauenly and earthly gouernment are granted by god to the pope , and that , whatsoeuer power is in this world , whether temporall and ciuill , or spirituall and ecclesiasticall is conferred by christ vpon peter and his successors : to which principle they doe easily draw any thing , so often as any disputation ariseth , touching the absolute power , or , as they vse to speake , touching the fulnesse of the power of the pope . the other is the opinion of certaine diuines , who do iustly dislike this ground of the canonists , because it is not cleerely prooued either by authoritie of scripture , nor tradition of apostles , nor practise of the auncient church , nor by the doctrine and testimonies of the auncient fathers . therefore these doe by most sound reasons conuince their opinion , i meane of the canonists : but yet in such manner , as that by the losse of that , the pope looseeth neuer a whit the more of his temporall interest and power , but they see that safely bestowed , and doe preserue it safe and sound for him . for they hold thus . that the pope as pope hath not directly any temporall power , but onely spirituall : but that by reason of the spirituall hee hath at least indirectly a certaine power , and that verie great , to dispose of the temporalities of all christians . and so looke what they doe allow the pope , by a direct course , the same doe these men giue him , by an oblique and indirect meanes , so as the meanes onely is diuers , but the effect is the same . for my part , when i consider of this question , i finde , that neither of their opinions as touching the temporall power , hath any certaine ground : and yet if they be compared together , that the canonistes opinion may more easily be maintained then the diuines : especially seeing it is not contrary to the order of nature , according to which a man by his right exerciseth authoritie granted vnto him ouer others , and therefore , it containes nothing vnpossible . but the opinion of the diuines , as it is propounded by their owne side , ouerturnes the naturall course of things , which willeth , that no man vse any power or authoritie ouer others , which is neither by name granted to him , nor is any whit necessary to the effecting of those things which are committed to his trust . therefore these diuines do indeed very well refute the opinion of the canonists , but for all that , with their leaue , they thinke not a whit the better themselues : whereby a man may see , how much more easie it is to finde an vntruth in other mens writings , then to defend a truth in his owne . there is also euen amongst themselues a contention touching this point . for many of them haue ioined themselues with the canonists , either for that they are deceiued with a shew of truth : or that bearing too much , and that a very blind affection to peters sea , ( which indeed is woorthy all honour ) they would also grace it with this title of power and dignitie : or being obliged by some speciciall fauors of the popes , haue by this endeuor of thankfulnes desired to draw their good opinions close to themselues , i will not say , to gaine them through this vnreasonable flattery of theirs . and amongst these is one , who being lately sprung out of the congregation of the oratrie , hath stept foorth as a * sharpe abettour for the canonists aboue other men . whom therfore a learned man & a famous preacher , as any is amongst the iesu●tes , when i asked him what he thought of this opinion of bozius ; hee called him a popes parasite . for in his books he doth earnestly maintaine , that all kingly power and authoritie , and lordship of al things which are in earth , are giuen to the bishop of rome , by the law of god , and that what power soeuer whersoeuer in the world temporall kings and princes , aswell beleeuing , as vnbeleeuing haue , doth wholly depend of the pope ; and so farre as concernes temporall execution is deriued from him to them : so that he as the lord of the whole world , may giue and take kingdomes and principalities to whom and where he will , although no man knowes why he doth so . and therefore ( saith he ) he might adiudge and bequeath the west indies of castile , and the east indies of portingall , although all men vnderstand not the coherence of the reason , whereby they were disposed as wee said before . and therefore being emboldned with a confidence of maintaining this opinion , he doth greeuously accuse many excellent diuines , amongst whom is that worthy man bellarmine , who can neuer woorthily be commended , & d cals them new diuines , & affirmeth , e that they teach matters , that be notoriously false , and contrarie to all truth : because they say , that christ as man was not a temporall king , neither had any temporall dominion in earth , nor exercised any kingly power , ( for by these assertions the principall foundations of bozius his dotages are ouerthrowen : ) when as these great diuines affirme that they are most true and confirmed by the owne testimonie of our sauiour : the foxes ( saith he ) haue * holes , and the birds of heauen nests , but the sonne of man hath no where to lay his head . where then is his kingdome ? where is his temporall dominion ? who can conceiue and imagine that there is a king or a lord , who hath neither kingdome nor lordship in the vniuersall world . we know that christ as he is the sonne of god , is king of glorie , the king of kings , the lord of heauen and earth , and of all things raigning euerlastingly together with the father & the holy spirit . but what is this to a temporall kingdome ? what is this to a crowne and scepter of a temporall maiestie ? certainly i haue perused all that bozius hath deliuered to this purpose : but i haue not found any sound reason for the confirming of his purpose , nothing that was not corrupted with the mixture of fallaries , and sophistication , nothing grounded vpon ancient and approoued authorities , nothing but depraued with a glosse of a deuised interpretation . before this time henricus segutianus , cardinall of hostia , was intangled with the same errour , whose new and strange opinion at that time , is thought within a while after to haue inflamed beyond all measure , as it were with new firebrands of ambition boniface the 8. a man exceeding desirous of glorie . but the case is at this time very well altered , because that opinion of hostiensis , ( which afterwards the canonists followed , & bozius now embraceth ) is vpon very grounded reason condemned by certaine diuines , and also for that the church of god hath at this day such a chiefe bishop , i meane clement the eight , who sheweth himselfe to the world so excellent and admirable , not onely in pietie & learning , but also in humility , iustice , charitie , and other vertues , worthy so great a pastor : that we need not feare least such a bishop should bee so stirred and infected with a vaine opinion , which is vnderpropped onely with fooleries , and snares of words , that hee should challenge to himselfe any thing , which of due belonged not vnto him . neither had bozius offered so rash assertions to so great a bishop , but that impudencie dare doe anything . it were time ill spent to touch seuerally vpon all his errors and fopperies . onely least i should seeme for mine owne pleasure onely to haue found fault with the man , i will lay before you one instance of his foolish and quirking dealing , that the reader may iudge of the beast by his loose . chap. ii. first of all we must vnderstand , that those two powers , whereby the world is kept in order , i meane , the ecclesiasticall and the ciuill , are so by the law of god distinguished and separated , ( that although they bee both of god ) each of them being included in his bounds , can not by any right enter vpon the borders of the other , and neither haue power ouer the other , as a s. bernard truely and sweetly teacheth in his first booke , de consider . ad eugenium : b and amongst the later diuines , iohn driedo . c and the woorthy hosius bishop of corduba , writing to the emperour constantine , an arrian , doth euidently declare the same difference of these two powers : whose opinion is set downe in this maner , in a letter of s. athanasius , written to them which lead a solitarie life : god hath committed a gouernment to you : to vs he hath entrusted the matters which belong to the church : and as hee who with enuious eies maligneth your gouernment , doth resist the diuine ordinance , so take you heed least by drawing to your selfe those things which belong to the church , you prooue guilty of a great fault : it is written , giue to caesar , those things which be caesars , and to god , which are gods * . therefore neither is it lawfull for vs to exercise an earthly empire , nor you being emperour , haue any power ouer our sacrifices and holy things . from hence it is , i meane from this distinction of powers , that innocentius and panormitanus doe conclude , that d lay-men are not bound to obey the pope in those things which are not spirituall , or which concerne not the soule , as they speake : vnlesse they liue in those territories , which bee subiect to the temporall iurisdiction of the pope . and so ought that oath of the profession of faith in the bull of pius the fourth to be restrained , where it is said , to the bishop of rome , &c. i promise and sweare true obedience , when he is of the laity that sweareth . bozius notwithstanding denieth this distinction of these powers : and affirmeth full vndiscreetly , that the temporall is contained vnder the ecclesiastical , and is directly subiect to it . but hee perceaued that which was pressed with the euident confession of the holy bishop , nicolas 1. who in a letter to michael the emperour , teacheth , that although in times past e heathen emperours were called the chiefe bishops , yet when it came to the true king and bishop , neither did the emperour draw to himselfe the interest of the bishop , nor she bishop vsurped the name of the emperour : because the same mediator of god and men . the man christ iesus , did so by their proper functions , and seuerall priuiledges distinguish the duties of both the powers , willing that his proper offices should be aduanced by a wholesome humilitie , not by humane pride be againe drowned into hell , that both christian emperours might stands in need of bishops for eternall life , and bishops might vse imperiall laws for the course of temporall things onely , &c. therefore when as he saw by the testimony of a chiefe bishop , that both the powers were so disioined and seuered by their proper actes , dignities , and duties , that neither the temporall power might without iniurie vsurpe the rights of the spirituall power , nor contrary : this fine witted gentleman , that he might vnwinde himselfe out of this brake , he slips me into a blinde turning of an interpretation , which was neuer heard of before : wherein hee shewes himselfe very ridiculous , nor so cunning in inuenting , as vnaduised in deliuering the same . * but we must marke , saith he , in these words of nicclaus : first , that he doth not affirme , that the laye power is seuered from the spirituall , that an ecclesiasticall power may not haue it , but that a secular man may not haue an ecclesiasticall power : therefore he saith that these powers are distinguished , not all together , as though one were not subordinate and subiect to the other , but he affirmeth that they are distinguished by their offices , actions and dignitie : and with all when he had said , neither did the emperor draw to himselfe the priueledges of the bishopricke , he said not againe , the bishop drew not to himselfe the priueledges of the emperor . he saith not , the priueledges , or rights , as nauarra , in cap. nouit . hath reported falsly , nor as i thinke , marking what he said : but saith nomen , the name . what should a man doe with such a myching bird-catcher of wordes : who a man would thinke studied to make pope nicolas , not a pastor , but an impostor , and that he should seeme not to instruct , but to mocke the emperour , for what i pray you ? was this conference betweene the pope and the emperour , of wordes , and not of things : of the name , and not of the right and power ? or did the bishop write these letters that by the obscure doubtfulnesse , or change of a word , he might entrap the emperour , and not rather , that hee might instruct him by a plaine discourse of truth ? it is a speech of a good conceipt , i that lawes are imposed by deedes , and not by wordes : and this letter , is in a manner , as an ecclesiasticall law . what then nicolaus saith : neither did the bishop vsurpe the name of the emperour , it is as much as if he had said , he vsurped not the right , or the rights of the emperor , which nauarrus the most learned both canonist and deuine , obseruing , and others of all ages , that were exercised in those knowledges , haue taken nomen and iura for the the same in that epistle ; which notwithstanding either of ignorance or malice are wrested quite from the meaning by this hunter of words this way and that way , as please him . k this is not to know the lawes , to vnderstand their wordes , and not their force and meaning . but this interpretation of bozius is refelled by this , that the pope by these wordes as the pagan emperours were also called the chiefe bishops , that is , ( named ) did not meane an empty and a bare name , as though emperours , were onely named bishops , but the right , and office , because together with the names they retained all the rights , and offices , and dignities that were incident to each power , which seeing it is most true and bozius dare not deny it : it followeth certainly that either no contrary comparison , nor perfect difference between the popes and emperours of these and those times , is in that place designed by nicolaus , or by the name of the emperour , that he vnderstands all the imperiall right : that as after christ acknowledged and receiued , the emperours assumed not to themselues any more the rights of the bishopricke , so neither bishops the rights of emperours . to conclude , if the pope had in this place signified , that hee refused onely the name of the emperour , but retained the right and power : might not the emperour iustly reply , that he stands not so much vpon the name , as vpon the right ? what should he doe with the name , if another carie away his right and power ? hee had certainly said it , neither would he haue put vp so foule an indignitie , if hee had beleeued that any such thing might bee gathered , out of pope nicolas his wordes . but saith bozius , he said not their powers were ( wholy ) distinguished . i confesse , and that not without speciall care , lest hee should giue to the popes flatterers , or any other busie companions an easie occasion of cauill and exception . for bozius would interpret that word , ( call together ) as farre as belonged to execution : therefore hee spake more and more plainly , to wit , that those powers are seuered and parted , in their proper actions , offices and dignities , that he might manifestly shew , that by no meane they are ioyned together , and that one is not subiect to the other , although both of them may concurre in the same person . for the same person may bee both a temporall prince and a bishop : but neither as a pope can hee chalenge to himselfe , the actions , offices , dignities and other rights of temporall things , nor as a prince of spirituall . if therefore these powers be ioyned together , neither in dignities , offices , nor actions , let bozius tell vs wherein they are ioyned ? if he say , in that because one is subordinate and subiect to the other : that is it , which we deny , and which if it were true , it would follow necessarily , that those powers are distinguished neither in dignities , nor offices , but onely in actions , and so this opinion of pope nicolaus should bee false , for dignitie and office , which is in the person subordinated , cannot but be in the person , which doth subordinate , seeing it is deriued from him into the person subordinated . hence it is , that the prince takes himselfe to be wronged , while his ministers are hindred in the execution of their offices ? and the pope thinketh himselfe and his sea apostolike to be contemned , if any contempt be offered to the authoritie of his legate , sent by him . but all things , and persons are proclaimed to be free , and not subiect , vnlesse the contrary be prooued . and if these things be so , it is very ridiculous , and a meere fancie of bozius his braine , that he saies , how it appeares by the former speeches of pope nicolaus . that hee doth not affirme , the lay power to be disioyned from the spirituall so as a person ecclesiasticall may not haue it : but that a temporall person may not haue an ecclesiasticall . for where can this appeare ? seeing in that letter , there is not one word to be seene , whereby that may be gathered in any probabilitie . and hitherto haue i said enough of this bozius his error . and i am perswaded that no man is so madde , that in the determination of this businesse , touching the distinction of these powers , will not giue credit rather to hosius , then to bozius . chap. iii. i would here annex other examples of bozius his error , but that i know that this opinion which he endeuoureth to reuiue being now laid asleep , and almost extinguished , seemeth in these daies to the learned so absurd , and that it is refuted and ouerthrowen , with so many and so cleere reasons , that now a man need not feare least any be inueigled and ouertaken therewith . for first it is certaine , that neither bozius nor al his abetors , although they weare & wrest the sacred writings , and works of the fathers neuer so much , shall euer be able to produce any certaine testimony , whereby that same temporall iurisdiction and power of the pope , which they dreame on , ouer princes and people of the whole world may be plainly confirmed . nay but not so much as any token or print of any such temporall power deliuered by hand from the apostles and their successors can be found , from the passion of christ , for seauen hundred , nay i may say for a thousand yeeres . for which cause , the most learned bellarmine in the refutation of this opinion doth very wittily and shortly vse this strange reason : if it were so saith he ( that * the pope be temporall lord of the whole world , ) that should plainly appeare by the scriptures , or surely out of the tradition of the apostles . out of the scriptures we haue nothing but that the keies of the kingdome of heauen were giuen to the pope , of the keies of the kingdome of the earth , there is no mention , and the aduersaries bring forth no tradition of the apostles . the which matters , and with all , the great diuision about this matter between the diuines and the canonists , and of each of them one with another , maketh that this question of the temporal power of the pope , seemeth very doubtfull and vncertaine , and wholly to consist without any ground , in the opinion and conceipt of men : and therefore , that the truth thereof is to be searched and sisted out by the light of reason , & sharpnesse of arguments : and that it is no matter of faith , as they speake , to thinke of it either one way or other : for that , those things which are matters of faith , are to be held of all men after one manner . but for mine owne part , although i doe with heart , and mouth professe , that the chiefe bishop , and prelate of the city of rome , ( as being the * vicar of christ , & the lawfull successor of s. peter , yea the vniuersall and supreme pastor of the church ) is indued with spirituall power ouer all christian kings , and monarchs , and that he hath , and may exercise ouer them the power to bind , and loose , which the scripture doth witnesse that it was giuen to the apostle peter ouer all soules : yet notwithstanding i am not therefore perswaded that i should alike beleeue , that he comprehendeth secular kings and princes with in his temporall iurisdiction , or when they doe offend against god or men , or otherwise abuse their office , that he may in any sort abrogate their gouernment , and take their scepters away , and bestow them on others : or indeed in a word , that he hath any right or iurisdiction temporall ouer any lay-persons , of what condition or order , and ranke so euer they be : vnlesse he shall purchase the same by ciuill and lawfull meanes : for as much as i haue obserued that the opinion which affirmeth the same , hath beene assaied indeed and attempted by diuers , but hitherto could neuer be prooued of any sufficient and strong reason , and for the contrarie opinion much more weightie and more certaine reasons may be brought . for my part in regard of the zeale i beare to the sea apostolike , i could wish with all my heart , that it might be prooued by certaine and vndoubted arguments that this right belongs vnto it , being very ready to encline to that part , to which the weightier reason , and authority of truth do swaie . but now let vs come nearer to the disputation it selfe . that it is euidently false , that the pope hath authority and rule ouer kings and princes , it is certaine , euen by this ; that it were an absurd thing , and vniust to say that heathen princes are receiued by the church , in harder and worser termes , then other particular men of the commons whosoeuer : or that the pope hath at this day greater power ciuill ouer christian princes , then in times past s. peter & the rest of the apostles , had ouer euery priuate man , that was a child of the church : but they in those times had neuer any right or power temporall ouer christian lay-persons , therefore neither hath the pope now a daies any temporall power ouer secular princes . the assumption is prooned by this : because it is most certaine that in the time of the apostles , the ecclesiasticall power was wholy seuered from the ciuill , ( i doe not hereweigh bozius fooleries ) , and that this ciuill power was wholly in the hands of heathen princes out of the church . in somuch as the apostles themselues , were within the temporall iurisdiction of the heathen , and that both albert pighius and m robert bellarmine and ● other notable diuines doe ingenuously confesse . for christ came not to dissolue the law , but to fulfill it : nor to destroy the lawes of nature and nations , or to exclude any person out of the temporall gouernment of his estate . therefore as before his comming . kings ruled their subiects by a ciuill power , so also after that he was come , and gone againe from vs into heauen , they retained still the selfe same power , confirmed also , neither then any whit diminished by the doctrine of the apostles . if therefore peter and the other apostles , before they followed christ , were subiect to the authority and iurisdiction of heathen princes , ( which can not be denied , ) and the lord hath no where expresly and by name need them from the obligation of the law of nature and of nations , it doth follow necessarily , that euen after the apostleship , they continued vnder the same yoke , seeing it could no way hinder the preaching , and propagation of the gospell . for although , they had been freed by our sauiour his warrant , what i pray you , had this exemption auailed them to the sowing of the gospell ? or what could those few and poore men haue done more , being in conscience loosed from the band of temporal iurisdiction , then if they were left in their first estate of obedience ? seeing that that priuiledge of liberty , ( if they had obtained any such thing , ) had been hindred and frustrated by the seruile and vniust courses of vnbeleeuing princes and people . but it appeareth both by their doctrine and practise , that they themselues were subiect to princes , like other citizens : for that can not be laied in their dish , whereof christ challengeth the scribes and the pharisies , that they did one thing and taught an other . now they taught christians that the subiection and obedience , whereof we speake , is to be giuen to kings and princes * : for which cause paul himselfe appealed to caesar , and willed all christians to be subiect to the temporall power of the heathen , not only because of wrath , but also for conscience sake . now for that some say , that in that place , s. paul doth not speake of the temporall power of secular princes , but of power in generall , that euery one should be subiect to his superior , the ciuill person , to the ciuill , the ecclesiasticall to the ecclesiasticall , it is a mere cauill , and an answer vnworthy of learned men and diuines . seing in that time there was commonly no other iurisdiction acknowledged amongst men then the ciuill and temporall : and the apostle inspired with the spirit of god , so penned his epistles , as that he did not onely instruct them , that were conuerted to the faith , and admonish them of their dutie , least they should thinke that they were so redeemed by christ his bloud , as that they were not bound any longer to yeeld obedience to any ciuill power , ( which conceit was now wrongfully setled in the mindes of certaine persons , relying vpon the honor , and priuiledge of the name of a christian ) but also that hee might giue the heathen and infidels to vnderstand , that christian religion doth take no mans interest from him , neither is it in any manner contrary to the temporall authoritie and power of kings and emperours . therefore it is cleare , that in that place the apostle ought to bee vnderstood , of the temporall power onely , because at that time , as hath beene said , there was no other authoritie acknowledged : and in that sense haue the ancient fathers euer interpreted the apostle in this place : wherupon s. austine in the exposition of that place , confesseth that himselfe and by consequent in his person all the prelates of the church are subiect to the temporall power : whose wordes , because they bring great light to this disputation , i will set downe entier as they lye . now for that he saith , let euery soule bee subiect to the higher powers , for there is no power , but of god : he doth admonish very rightly , lest any because he is called by his lord into libertie , being made a christian , should be lifted vp into pride , and not thinke that in the course of this life that he is to keepe his ranke , neither suppose that hee is not to submit himselfe , to the higher powers , to whom the gouernment is committed for the time in temporall affaires , for seeing we consist of minde and bodie , as long as we are in this temporall life , and vse temporall things for the helping of this life , it behooueth for that part , which belongs to this life to be subiect to powers , that is , to men , who in place and honour doe manage worldly matters . but of that part whereby we beleeue in god , and are called into his kingdome , wee ought not to be subiect to any man , that desires to ouerthrow the same in vs , which god hath vouchsafed to giue vs to eternall life . therefore if any man thinke , because he is a christian , that he ought not to pay custome or tribute , or that hee need not to yeeld honour due to those powers , who haue the charge of these things , he is in a great error . againe , if any man thinke that he is to be subiect so far , as that he supposeth , that hee who excels in authoritie for temporall gouernment , hath power ouer his faith , he falls into a greater error . but a meane must bee obserued , which the lord himselfe prescribeth , that we giue to caesar , those things that are caesars , and to god , which are gods. here austine comprehends many things in few words which support diuers of our assertions , which are here and there set downe in this booke . for both first he teacheth , that which we haue said , that the profession of christian religion exempteth none from the subiection of temporall power : whereof two things necessarily follow ; whereof the one is , that the apostles and all other christians were subiect to the authoritie of heathen princes and magistrates , and therefore that neither s. peter , nor any other apostle , was endued with any temporal power ouer christians , for that it was wholy in the hands of the heathen , as we haue shewed in this chapter . the other , that it was not lawful for those first christians to fall from the obedience of heathen princes , and to appoint other princes and kings ouer themselues , although they had strength to effect it , ( as bellarmine vntruly thinketh ) q because they were not deliuered from the yoke of temporall power , to which they were subiect , before they receiued the faith of christ , which we will declare hereafter chap. 21. in a large discourse . thirdly , seeing he speaketh generally of that subiection , and vseth such a speech , wherein he includeth himselfe , and excepts none , he doth plainly enough declare , that clergie-men as well as lay-men are in this life subiect to temporall power : lastly , he deliuereth vs a notable doctrine , of a twofold dutie of subiects , both toward god and toward the king , or the temporall power , in what manner both of them ought to serue , and yeeld that which is right and due , which learning we haue followed in this booke , and in the bookes de regno . therefore let vs lay this downe as a maine ground , that the place of s. paul , which we spake of before , is ment by him onely of the temporall iurisdiction . and yet wee confesse , that that opinion of performing obedience may very truly bee applied to spirituall iurisdiction also , by reason of the generall similitude , and as they say , of the identitie of reason , which holdes so iustly between them g . if then the apostles in those times had no temporall iurisdiction ouer priuate men , that were regenerate and made the children of the church , how can it be , that the successors of the apostles should obtaine that iurisdiction ouer princes , who come to the church ? seeing it is repugnant of the successors part , that they should haue more interest ouer their spirituall children , by vertue of the power ecclesiasticall , then the apostles had , whom they succeed . but on the princes part , what can be spoken with more indignitie and iniustice , then that they professing the faith of christ , should bee pressed with a harder yoke , then any priuate man among the multitude . but priuate men when they entred into the spirituall power of the church ; lost no inheritance nor any temporall interest , excepting those things , which they offered of their owne accord , and conferred to the common vse , as appeareth in the actes of the apostles , h where ananias his lye cost him his life , being taxed by s. peter , in these wordes , whilest it remained , did it not appertaine to thee ? and after it was sould , was it not in thine owne power ? likewise therefore the princes also after they gaue their name to christ , retained entirely and vntouched all their temporall interest , i meane their ciuill gouernment and authoritie . neither doth it a whit helpe the aduersaries cause , to say that the apostles therefore had no temporall power ouer the princes of their age , because they were not as yet made christians , according to that * for what haue i to doe , to iudge those , which are without ? but that the pope now hath that power , because they are made christians and sonnes of the church , because he is the supreme prince and head in the earth , and the father of all christians and that the right order of nature and reason doth require , that the sonne should bee subiect to the father , not the father to the sonne . this reason is so trifling and meerely nothing , that it is a wonder , that any place hath been giuen to it by learned men , for that spirituall subiection , whereby princes are made sonnes of the pope , is wholy distinguished and seperated from temporall subiection so as one followeth not the other , but as a president or consul in the time while he is in office , may giue himselfe in adoption to another , and so passe into the family of an adoptiue father , and into a fatherly power : whereas notwithstanding by that lawfull act , he transferreth not vpon the adopter , either his consular authoritie , nor any thing else appertaining to him by the right of that office ; so kings and princes , and generally all men , when they enter into the bosome of the church , and yeeld themselues to be adopted by the chiefe bishop , as their father , doe still reserue to themselues whatsoeuer temporall iurisdiction or patrimonie they haue any where , free , entier and vntouched by the same right , which they had before , and so the pope acquires no more temporall power by that spirituall adoption , then he had before , which shall be prooued at large hereafter . * to this i may adde , that when the christian common-weale did exceedingly flourish , both with multitude of beleeuers , and sanctimonie of bishops , and with learning and examples of great clerkes , and in the meane time was vexed and tossed by euill princes , euen such as by baptisme were made sonnes of the church , there was not any i will not say expresse and manifest declaration , but not so much as any light mention made amongst the clergie of this principalitie , and temporall iurisdiction of the pope ouer secular princes , which notwithstanding if it had beene bestowed by the lord vpon peters person , or in any sort had belonged to his successors , although in truth or in deed as they speake , they had not exercised it , it had neuer beene passed ouer in so deepe silence and so long , of so many and so worthy men for holinesse and wisedome , and such as for the cause of god and the church feared nothing in this world . who will beleeue that all the bishops of those times , burning with zeale and affection to gouerne the church , would so neglect this part of this pastorall dutie , if so be they had thought it to be a part , ( wherein certaine of their successors haue placed the greatest defence and protection of the faith ) that vpon so many and so great occasions they would neuer vse it against hereticall emperours ? and yet there was neuer any amongst them , who euer so much as signified by writing or by word , that by the law of god he was superiour to the emperour in temporall matters . nay rather euery one of them as he excelled most in learning and holinesse , so he with much submission obserued the emperor , and sticked not to professe himselfe to bee his vassall and seruant . s. gregorie the great , may stand for many instances , who in a certaine epistle to mauricius the emperor . * and i the vnworthy seruant of your pietie , saith he , and a little after , for therefore , is power giuen from heauen to the pietie of my lords , ouer all men , ( he said lords , that he might comprehend both the emperour and augusta , by whom mauricius had the empire in dowrie . ) marke how this holy bishop , witnesseth that power is giuen from heauen to the emperour ouer the pope ; aboue all men , saith hee , therefore aboue the pope , if the pope be a man. now it matters not much for the minde and sense of the author whether he writ this as a bishop and a pope , or as a priuate person , seeing it is to be beleeued , that in both cases hee both thought and writ it , for our purpose it is enough to know how the bishops of that age did carie themselues toward the emperour , for i feare not , lest any learned man alleadge , that gregorie in that epistle did so in his humilitie exalt the emperour , and submit himselfe to him , by a subiection , which was not due to him . because if any sillie fellow doe thus obiect , i will giue him this answere onely , that he offers so holie a bishop great iniurie , to say that for humilitie sake the lyeth , and that he lyeth to the great preiudice of the church and dignitie of the pope , so as now it is no officious , but a very pernicious lye . let him heare s. austine . 2 when thou lyest for humilities sake , if thou diddest not sinne before thou didst lye , by lying thou hast committed that , which thou diddest shun . now that gregorie spake not faignedly , and court-like , but from his heart , those wordes doe testifie , which he writeth more expresly about the end of that epistle of his necessarie subiection and obedience toward the emperour . mauricius had made a law , which , though it were vniust and preiudiciall to the libertie of the church , yet gregorie , receiuing a commandement from the emperour to publish it , did send it accordingly into diuers countries to be proclaimed . therfore thus he concludes that epistle : i being subiect to the commandement , haue caused the same law to bee sent abroad into diuers parts of the world : and because the same law is no whit pleasing to almightie god , behold i haue signified so much to my honorable lordes by this letter of my suggestion . therefore in both respects i haue discharged my dutie , in that i haue both performed my obedience to the emperour ; and haue not concealed that which i thought on gods behalfe . o diuine prelate , and speech , to be continually remembred to all succeeding bishops of all ages . but ô god! whether is that gentle and humble confession banished out of our world ? to which this threatning and insolent speech against kings and emperors hath by little and little succeeded : we being placed in the supreme throne of iustice , possessing the supreme power ouer all kings , and princes of the vniuersall earth , ouer all peoples , countries , nations , which is committed to vs not by humane but by diuine ordinance , doe declare , will , command : &c. which word it is plaine euen by this , that they are false and vaine , because the pope hath neither spirituall nor temporall power ouer vnbeleeuing princes and people , as bellarmine with very good reason sheweth in his bookes of the bishop of rome b : these , and such like fashions as these , who will they not driue into amazement and wonder at so great a change of the popes state and gouernment ? or doe they not giue to all men iust cause to enquire , wherefore the former popes in the most flowrishing age of the church , acknowledged themselues to be the seruants , subiects , and vassals of princes , and obeied their authority in temporall matters , when as they notwithstanding were ouer them in spirituall : and our later popes professe themselues to be lords of all kings , princes , countries , and nations ? in very truth , this matter doth giue no small occasion to many learned men and good catholikes , to doubt of the iustnesse of this change : yea indeed to beleeue that a temporall gouernement so great and so absolute had his beginning in the persons of popes , not from god omnipotent , but from the impotent ambition of certaine men : and that it was not in the beginning conferred from heauen vpon peter , by the lord christ , but was vsurped by certaine successors of peter , many ages after , according to the fashion of the world : that is , certaine popes , hauing a massed huge store of wealth and riches , and fostering their blind ambition and sury , by little and little challenged that greatnesse to themselues , whereby they laboured and stroue , that it might be lawfull for them to take away and bestow , what soeuer kingdomes and principalities are in the world . sure they were men , and as other men are , sometimes too greedy of vanity : as was he , who only for the malice he bare against philip the faire , king of france , set forth a decretall constitution c which brought foorth so many scandalls , so many dangers , that it deserued foorthwith to be abrogated by boniface his successor d now the admirable and miserable assentation of certaine flatterers , gaue increase and nourishment to that vice in them , who by their fond and foolish assertions , such as now these bozian fancies are , affirmed that all things were lawfull for the pope , and that by gods law all things were subiect to him . whereby we may maruaile the lesse , if many of them did so far forget their bishoplike and apostolike modesty , that through a desire to enlarge their power , they encroched vpon other mens borders . of whom gaguinus a learned man and religious taxing by the way , an authority so far spread , and vsurped , as he calls it . e therefore so great saith he , is their height and state , that making small reckoning of kings , they glory that they may doe all things . neither hath any in my time come to the popedome , who , hauing once got the place , hath not forthwith aduanced his nephewes to great wealth and honor . and long before gaguinus s. bernard : f doth not in these dates ambition , more then deuotion weare the thresholds of the apostles ? f vpon this occasion platina . g in this manner dieth that boniface , who endeuoured to strike terror rather then religion into emperors , kings , princes , nations peoples : who also laboured to giue kingdomes and to take them away , to famish men and to reduce them at his owne pleasure . and the same gaguinus in another place : h such an end of his life had boniface the disdainer of all men , who little remembring the precepts of christ , indeuoured to take away , and to bestow kingdomes at his pleasure : when as he knew well enough , that he stood in his place here in earth , whose kingdome was not of this world , nor of earthly matters , but of heauenly , who also had procured the popedome , by subtelty and wicked practise , and kept caelestinus in prison , while he liued , ( a most holy man ) of whom he receiued honor . chap. iv. now i do chiefly find two things , which seem to haue giuen vnto the popes the opportunity to arrogate so great power to themselues . the one is , the very great honor , which ( as indeed there was reason , ) was giuen to the chiefe pastor of soules , by princes and christian people , and yet ought to be giuen to him : and the forestalled and setled opinion of the sanctity of that sea of the blessed apostles peter and paul , which is conspicuous and excelleth amongst all men in all spirituall honor and authority : and in that respect hath been beyond all other most increased and honored with wealth and riches . by these meanes all men , were very easily perswaded to beleeue , that neither the pope in regard of his holinesse would challenge to himselfe any authority , which did not appertaine vnto him : and also , that it was not lawfull for a christian man in any manner to disobey the popes commandements . whereby it came to passe , that sundry popes , whose mindes were too much addicted to ambition and vaine glory , embouldned and hartned through the confidence of this so great reuerence and affection of men towards them , drew to themselues this power ouer kings , which was vtterly vnknowen to the first successors of peter . the which also passed the more currant by reason of the preoccupate and now engrafted conceipt of the people and ignorant folke , who being possessed of this opinion of holinesse , did verily beleeue that the pope could not erre , either in word or deed : and also , by the writings of certaine cleargy men catholikes , and canonists , who either erring through ignorance of the truth , or wholly resolued into flattery of their prince the pope , of whom they did depend , did heape and lay vpon his only person , all the power , which is in the vniuersall world , with these allurements and inuitations the popes , who of their owne accord ran with speed enough toward honor and greatnesse , were now much more enflamed as it were with certaine new firebrands of ambition and aspiring thoughts . for all , how many soeuer held that sea lawfully , gouerned the church with an authority * equall to peter : but not all of them burning with the zeale of peter , gouerned it with equall disposition to him . nay i can not write it without griefe of heart it is certaine , that many crept into that place by violence and villany , others did breake into it , and defiled the most holy chaire with the filthinesse of their liues and behauiour : others also ; who were aduanced to the height of that dignitie , burned with an ambitious desire of ruling , and out of their emulation and enuie against secular kings and princes , endeuoured by all deuise and cunning to enlarge the bounds of their gouernment , which in the beginning was meerely spirituall , with the encrease of temporall iurisdiction and authoritie . which affectation , although at the first diuers supposed to be a grace and ornament to that great dignitie , which the vicar of christ in earth , and the successor of blessed peter doth hold , yet when some of them grew to that insolencie , that they supposed it lawfull for them not onely to throw downe kings from their thrones , but also to giue away great and goodly kingdomes , for reward , nay for a pray , and to grant them to any that would seaze vpon them , then surely there was no reasonable man , but hee greatly misliked that vnreasonable pride of minde , and either shed teares , or conceiued great anger at the same . who was there at that time that did not either mourne inwardly , or gnash his teeth in his head , when that most proud pope whom we mentioned before , presumed so arrogantly to depriue that most mightie monarch philip the faire of his kingdome , and to bestow it together with the empire vpon albert duke of austria ? and that for no other reason in the world , but because the king had laid his legate by the heeles , for threatning him in so saucie manner as he did , as though by that act , the king of france , ( whom a little before innocent the 3 had ingeniously confessed that he had no superiour in temporall matters ) he had resigned his kingdome to the pope as client and feudaire to him , for so he denoūceth to the king by the archdeacon of narbona , that the kingdome of fraence , was escheted to the church of rome for his contumacie , and violating of the law of nations , which speach of his , what doth it else imply , but that this kingdome , in all mens iudgement the most free and flourishing kingdome of the world , and by example and precedent thereof , all other christian kingdomes , are as benefices and feudes of the church of rome , and euen of the pope himselfe ? seeing they could not otherwise escheate to that church for contumacie & felonie , ( as they tearme it , ) vnlesse the direct temporall dominion and fee of those kingdomes were in the same church . the other occasion of affecting so great a temporall iurisdiction was presented by the sword of excommunication , the principall bulwarke of the spirituall gouernment ; which was so great terror to the world , that the people , durst neither neglect nor contemne the popes curses ; being armed & fortified howsoeuer by right or by wrong , with the thunderbolt of excommunication : and this voice did vsually sound out of pulpits , that euery excommunication , although it were vniust was to be feared , and that it belonged only to the pope to iudge whether it were iust or vniust . besides that also , that a man ought neither to eat , nor to haue any commerce with excommunicate persons k . with which warnings and threatnings the subiects of princes excommunicate being for the most part terrified , did fall from their obedience : and that which in euils of this nature was the worst of all , the pope partly by threatning of the like curses partly by perswasions and gifts , raised other princes against a prince that had been excommunicate by him . for this cause those princes vpon whom this malice of the popes did sit so hard , being wrapped in so many dangers on euery side , and exposed to such a hazard of their estate , made choise rather to pacific an angry pope with the submission of their crowne and scepter , ( and to redeeme their vexations ) then for their owne particular to embroyle all the world , and to set all a fire with sedition and armes . this short and compendious way had popes , to exanimate and daunt kings and princes with feare , and almost to obtaine a victorie without striking stroke . notwithstanding many princes of good resolution withstood such attempts and proffers of popes , and that so stiffely , that the mischiefe which followed thereon turned rather to the popes hinderance then the prince . but in this place the reader may please to be aduertised , that this opinion which was so rife in euery mans mouth , that euery excommunication is to be feared , ought to be vnderstood with this exception , without that it manifestly appeare , that it is vniust , for then it is neither to be regarded , nor feared , so as the partie excommunicate be free from contempt and presumption , for then it workes backwards , and hurts not him against whom it is cast , but him , from whom it is cast . of which sort that excommunication seemeth to be , which is charged vpon subiects because they obey their king or prince being excommunicate in those things which belong to temporall iurisdiction , and doe not repugne the commandements of god , as shall hereafter be declared in a more conuenient place . l besides neither is that alwaies true , that we ought not to haue commerce or eat meate with excommunicate persons , for in this case it is not true , where the danger is apparant , least by such a separation some great mischiefe arise in the church as vsually it doth , when a prince is excommunicate , if his subiects forbeare to communicate with him , for there is neuer any prince so much forlorne , who cannot finde friends and clients , by whose aide and armes hee may maintaine his cause , although it be neuer so vniust , with great hurt both to church and common-weale , whereof both in the memorie of our forefathers and in our owne age , there haue beene lamentable examples in christian countries : where i say any such thing is feared , a separation of bodies is not necessarie , but it is enough to be seuered from such in heart , to be distinguished by life and manners , for the preseruation of peace and unitie , which is to bee preserued for the health of those , which are weake : as s. austine excellently teacheth , m whereby it seemeth to follow , that the pope doth very vnaduisedly , who forbids the subiects communion and societie with their prince so oft as no small both diuision and confusion hangeth ouer church and common-wealth , yea that in such a case the subiects are not bound , to obey the pope commanding the separation of their bodies . but of this matter more in his place . by these and the like , it appeareth , as i said , that the popes in the east times of the church vsurped to themselues this temporall power ouer princes which none of all their ancesters did euer acknowledge neither in the first nor in the middle times . and indeed gregorie the 7. being exasperated partly with the publike offence of henry the 4. the emperour , and partly with a priuate iniurie , did first of all challenge to himselfe , that right and power to giue and take away kingdomes , affirming that christ did giue to peter and his successors , all the kingdomes of the world : in this verse , petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rodolpho . but gregorie raised nothing of that action but bloudy and raging tragedies : and was hindred by force and armes that he could not effect his vnhappy designes . now that the church in her first times had no such power , nay did not so much as suppose that she had any such power , it is clearely prooued out of that epistle of hosius , which wee alleadged to constantius infected with the arrian heresie : and also vexing liberius bishop of rome and other orthodoxall bishops with banishments and sundry other miseries , for in that place , that worthy man speakes , not in the person of a christian man , nor of a simple bishop , but in the name of the whole ecclesiasticke order , and euen of the pope himselfe : and hee saith either true or false : if true , it is euident , that the church at that time conceiued , that they had no temporall iurisdiction ouer kings and christian princes , no not for heresie , which is the most grieuous and pestilent crime that is . if false , wherefore ? that he might flatter the emperour ? very like : how then could he thus say , loquebar de testimonijs tuis in conspectu regum & non confundebar n . or because he knew not the truth of the matter , and the doctrine of the church ? surely i thinke no man will ascribe that to such a man , who did not onely match the most of his age in learning and eloquence , but also by reason of his yeeres exceeded them all in experience , who hauing often been present at councels and assemblies of the holy fathers , and heard their iudgement : of the power and authoritie of the church ; could not be ignorant what was there determined touching 〈◊〉 princes , and the power of the church ouer them . i adde also that , which passeth all the rest that this iudgement of this most noble confessort to constantius is commended by s. athanasius , but neuer misliked by any of the holy fathers either of that time , or of the ages following , that we should iustly conceiue any preiudicate opinion of this iudgement . chap. v. i haue alreadie sufficiently discoursed of the follie of bozius . and the canonists who affirme that the dominion and empire of the whole world is giuen to the pope by the law of god. for i need not spend much paines in resuting the same , since it is long agoe hissed out by the common consent of the diuines . now let vs passe ouer to the other opinion , which the diuines , misliking that of the canonists haue substituted in the place of this reiected fancie , and let vs see whether it agree with the truth . now he hath propounded it thus in the first chap. that the pope hath temporall power indirectly , and after a certaine manner , that is , in respect of his spirituall monarchie : hath i say , the chiefe power euen temporall , to dispose of the temporall estates of all christians . which opinion if it bee true , whatsoeuer is drawen from the bishops by the denial of direct power , the same is largely restored to him by this oblique and indirect way of ruling . but i am afraid it is not true , and that it is assaultable with the same engine wherewith that opinion of the canonists was battered to the ground . for the diuines , and aboue the rest bellarmine learnedly doth for this reason reprooue the canonists opinion , which giues to the pope the dominion of the whole world , and to kings and secular princes the execution onely , and that committed to them by the pope , because the popes themselues doe freely confesse ( as is expressed in diuers of their letters ) that temporall empires and kingdomes are giuen to princes of god : and whatsoeuer either power or execution kings and emperours haue , that they haue it of christ. from whence the same bellarmine concludes that argument very finely against the canonists in a dilemma , or perplexed maner of reasoning . a therefore i aske ( quoth he , ) either the pope can take from kings and emperours this execution , as being himselfe the supreme king and emperour , or he cannot : if he can , therefore he is greater than christ , if he can not , therefore hee hath not truely this kingly power . and why may not wee aswell vse an argument of the same kinde against this other opinion of the diuines ? kingdomes and empires are giuen by god , as many holy popes doe witnesse : for which cause s. gregorie in a certaine epistle to mauricius the emperour b , beginneth in these words : our most sacred lord , and appointed of god : and in another to constantia augusta : therefore your piety , ( saith he ) whom with our soueraigne lord , almightie god hath ordained to gouerne the world , let her by fauouring of iustice returne her seruice to him , of whom she receiued the right of so great authoritie . what should i vse many words ? the scripture it selfe witnesseth , that kings and emperours receiue power from god , whose vice-gerents they are therein , as saith lyranus vpon that of wisedome , 6. power is giuen to you from the lord , and vertue from the highest , who will inquire into your works . why then should not a man vse a dilemma out of bellarmine against bellarmine . the pope can one way or other , that is , directly , or indirectly , take away kingdomes and empires , from kings and emperours , and giue them to others , or he can not : if he can , he is in some manner greater than god , because he takes away that , which god hath giuen : for one that is lesse or equall , cannot take away that , which is granted by his greater or his equall : nay nor the deputie or vicar of him who granted , without the expresse commandement of the lord : least any man should lay in our way , that the pope as christs vicar doth it . whereas it can be no where found , that he hath receiued any warrant touching that matter , either expresly , or by implication , as by those things which follow will easily appeare . if hee can not , then it is false which they say , that he hath supreame power indirectly , to dispose of all the temporalties of christians , and to depose kings and emperours from their thrones , and to suffect others in their places . i would they would consider how their owne argument doth wringe them , and not this onely , but also another of greater force , which we reported aboue out of the same booke and chapter of bellarmine ; the which also in this place we will and that by good right fit to our purpose in this maner . if it be true that the pope hath temporall power indirectly to dispose of the temporalties of all christians , he hath the same either by the law of god or of man. if by the law of god , that should appeare by the scriptures , or surely by the tradition of the apostles . out of the scriptures we haue nothing but that the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were giuen to the pope , of the keies of the kingdome of earth there is no mention : as for tradition of apostles , the aduersaries produce none , neither canonists nor diuines . if by mans law , let them bring foorth their law , that we may be all of the same opinion with them . but if they shall say , that they neede neither expresse word of god , nor tradition of apostles for the confirmation of this power , since it appertameth to the pope onely indirectly and by a kinde of consequence , as a certaine and inseparable accession , and appurtenance of that spirituall power , wherewith the supreme pastor of soules is indued ouer all the sheepe of the christian flocke : we also will require of them some testimonie of this accession and coniunction , either out of scriptures or traditions of apostles : wee doe require i say , that they teach vs either out of scriptures or tradition of apostles , that this is an accession and consequence necessarie and inseparable to that spirituall power which the pope hath , and that it belongeth to the popes office in some manner : that is indirectly , as they speake , to dispose of all temporall matters of christians : seeing it is verie vnlikely , if that belongs to his office , that so great an extent of power , and which there is nothing higher amongst men hath beene omitted in so deepe silence in the church so many ages , both by christ our sauiour , and also by the apostles , and their successors : for if each power may be seuered from other , the spirituall from the temporall , and contiarily , there will be some place for that opinion , which determines that that which is not permitted to be done directly , cannot be done indirectly : for so haue wise men defined , as oft as any thing is forbidden to bee done directly , that the same can neither bee done indirectly or by consequence : vnlesse that which is forbidden doe follow necessarily to another thing lawfully permitted , so as the thing permitted cannot proceed without the thing prohibited , and vnlesse ( as i may speake with the ciuilians ) the cause of both be so commixed , that it cannot be seuered e . whereby it is concluded that hee who is alone cannot alien any thing , cannot yeeld to a sute moued vpon the same thing f , for that by this meane he should obliquely & indirectly alien . therefore if the pope as he is pope hath no temporall power directly ouer christians which they do grant , it seemeth to be proued by the former sentence of the law , that he can haue none not so much as indirectly . therefore that they may perswade men to their opinion , they ought to bring testimonie out of scriptures or traditions of apostles , or at least make plaine that this temporall power whereof they speake , is so ioined with the spirituall , that by no meanes it can be pulled and diuided from it , i meane that the spirituall cannot consist without it . which because they could not performe , they haue followed nothing but vncertaine opinions , and such reasons as seeme not sufficiently to conclude , that which they assume , which we will examine in their order and place . chap. vi. the former opinion of the temporall power , which they say the pope hath indirectly , is vehemently shaken euen by this that neither practise nor example , nor any mention of such a papall power hath been heard of the space of a thousand yeeres in the church , when as in those times many christian princes did abuse their kingdomes and gouernments impiously , cruelly , peruersly , and to the great preiudice and mischeefe of the church : whereof one of the two must needs follow , that either the bishops of those times were wanting to their duties , or that the bishops of the times ensuing did and at this day doe gouerne the church with greater power and command , because these later haue openly challenged to themselues this temporall power , and haue endeuoured to pull the same in and at their pleasure ouer kings and princes : but the former haue not at any time acknowledged that any such right belongeth to them : i am not ignorant , what answers haue been made by diuers to excuse those first pastors : but i know that they are such , that if they be diligently examined they can not be allowed by the opinion of any indifferent iudge . there came foorth a booke printed at rome the yeere of our lord 1588. published vnder a fained name of franciscus romulus , with this title : an answer to certaine heads of an apologie which is falsly intituled catholike , for the succession of henry of nauar into the kingdome of france . the author of which booke , whome bellarmine knowes and loues very well , labours to take away this most important obiection , by the change of the state of the church , and by the diuerse reason and condition of times and persons which oftentime brings in diuersity of law a . for thus he saith . and now where as the aduersarie obiecteth in the fourth place , touching the custome of our ancestors , who endured many hereticall princes , as constantius and valens , arius , anastasius an eutychian , heraclius a monothelite , and others besides , it makes nothing to the matter . for the church ought not rashly and inconsideratly to abuse her power . moreouer it falleth out not very seldome , that the power of certaine kings is so great , being also ioined with wickednesse and cruelty , that the ecclesiasticall censure neither profiteth any thing to restraine them , and doth very much hurt to catholike people , vpon whom these princes prouoked do rage the more . for i pray you , what had it auailed the church in times past if she had assaied to excōmunicate & to depose either the ostrogoth kings in italy , or the visegothes in spain , or the vandales in afrik , although she might haue done it very iustly ? and the very same ought to be vnderstood of constantius and valens , and others aboue named , and indeed then the times were such , as that the bishops ought rather to haue been ready to suffer martirdome , then to punish princes . but when the church perceiued , that now some place was opened to her power , either with the spirituall profit of the princes themselues , or at least without the mischeefe and hurt of the people , she was not wanting to her selfe , as the examples alleadged before doe prooue . for thus the church iudged that leo isaurus was to be depriued of halfe his empire , and henry the fourth of the whole , and childerike of the kingdome of france , and indeed afterward both leo wanted part of his empire , and henry the whole , and childerike his kingdome of france . therefore the church did not therefore tolerate those ancient emperors constantius and valens and the rest , ( as the aduersary dreameth , ) because they succeeded lawfully into the empire , for otherwise she had also borne with leo also and henry , and childerike , who succeeded no lesse lawfully , but because she could not punish them without the hurt of the people , these she might . thus he , in which words he yeeldeth a double reason of the diuersity , wherefore the church endured constantius , iulianus ; valens , valentinianus the yonger , anastasius heraclius , and other hereticall princes , but did not forbeare leo isaurus , henry iv. childerike , and the dangerous princes of the ages ensuing : one forsooth , because then the times were such as the bishops ought to haue been ready rather to suffer martirdome , then to punish princes . the other because the church or the pope , could not without the hurt of the people punish constantius . iulianus , valens , and the rest of that sort aboue mentioned , but as for leo , henry , childerike and the others she could ; therefore them she endured , these she endured not . but let vs see if both the reasons of this diuersity be not false , and grounded vpon mere and strange falshoods , and yet none hath assigned any better , nor as i thinke can assigne any , saue only that , which doth vtterly ouerthrow the cause of the aduersaries , which is that the church did tolerate those former emperors , and princes , because as yet that blind ambition was not crept into her , by which the succeeding popes caried away with greedinesse of glory , vsurped that temporall iurisdiction whereof we speake . therefore that the bishops of that time being contented with their spirituall iurisdiction , which they exercised with indifferency vpon all persons , did wholly forbeare the temporall power , which they did know that it belonged not vnto them : so recommending the cause of the church to the iudgement of god , did with humility and patience expect the conuersion or confusion of wicked princes . but i returne to the reasons giuen by this author , that we may see , how faulty they are . and indeed to deale plainly , his former reason or cause of diuersity seemeth to me very vnworthy and vnfit to be alleadged by any catholike , much lesse by a diuine , which i euen for this cause haue much a doe to read without teares . for what ? are we fallen into those times where in bishops ought rather to be souldiors , then martyrs : or to defend the law of god & the church rather by swords then by sermons ? but he saith not so , may some say . what then ? either he saith nothing , or all together some such thing . for his meaning is , that the difference of these and those former times , as touching the coertion of princes , consisteth in this , that then the bishops ought rather to haue been fit to vndergoe martirdome , then to reduce princes into order . which being so , who can not easily perceiue by his proper iudgement , and naturall logike that either this reason stands not vpon dissimilia , that is termes of vnlikenesse , or that is to be placed in the other part , which we haue set downe . and yet , i dare boldly affirme , that there neuer time fell out since constantine the great more opportune and more necessary for bishops to offer themselues to martirdome . the lion euery where gapeth for his pray , the wolfe stands watching at the sheepfolds ; most mighty kings and princes , many nations and people , buckle themselues and arme against the flocke of christ , and doth this man thinke , that the time doth not require , that the bishops should not expose themselues to martirdome , and lay downe their liues for the sheepe ? what when the church flourished , and was spread , thorough the whole world , the bishops ought to hope and looke for nothing but martirdome : and now , when matters are come to this passe , that the church is grieuously tossed and tumbled , and as it were crouded into a corner of europe , may the bishops bend their mindes without all feare of danger to punish princes and not rather to suffer martirdome ? what , because in these daies , they maintaine great traines and retinues , and troopes of horse and foote , to defend themselues , their liues , and persons , and by force and armes to deliuer the church from the iniurie of so many princes and people that spoile her ? or rather because now adaies , very few vndertake the bishoprickes with that minde and condition that they should be encombred and vexed with those troubles either of minde or bodie , which good pastors ought to suffer * in persecutions and confession of the faith : but that they may passe their life with case and pleasure : and that they may aduance and magnifie their owne house and bloud by the goods of the poore and patrimonie of christ ? or lastly , because that being hirelings and mercenarie pastors , they doe beleeue that it is very lawfull for them , when the wolfe comes and teares the flocke , to take their heeles , and to auoide martirdome ? i doe not bring forth these things to cast iniurie or enuie vpon the ecclesiasticall order , which i euer reuerenced and honoured from a child . neither doe i doubt but there are many who doe keepe most carefully and watchfully the flocke committed to them , being ready vpon all occasions euen with their bodies to defend the sheepe committed to their keeping , and with their bloud to seale the confession of christ. but i speake all this in reproofe of the former answere , and with all to their shame , who now in euery place affect the dignities of the church , without any purpose of life fit for the church , but that they themselues may liue brauely and gallantly , and that they may consume that wealth , which the puritie of an ecclesiasticall life doth well deserue , vpon vses either vnlawfull , or surely not necessarie , very dishonestly and to the great scandall of the church . o the times ! o the manners of men ! the greatest part of the christian common weale , within these hundred yeeres , or there abouts , is vtterly perished . euen by this very meane that many bishops and priests , being more forward to armes then to martirdome , haue vnaduisedly followed the meaning of the former answere : supposing forsooth that which was not so , that heresie might easily bee oppressed by armes , while themselues in the meane time held their owne course of life , that is , cherished their owne former pleasure and slothfulnesse . therefore they saw the wolfe comming and fled away and many of them fled to the wolues themselues . i speake no secrets now , scotland and england are my witnesses , and other countries which are slipped into* heresie , wherein although many resisted manfully , yet the greatest part of the church-men did not endure so much as the first assault , but presently in shamefull manner put in practise their treason and defection , partly that they might enioy the fauour to liue freely which was both promised and permitted vnto them by the nouators , partly , least that , they being depriued of all their present meanes , should fall to beggerie : whereas , if like those first fathers in times past , they had bent themselues to martirdome , they had in the very infancie destroied that most horrible monster . it may bee , that the author of that booke , wrote such things of a good minde , and without any fraud : but surely it cannot bee , that as the state of the church affaires doth now stand , they should be thought to be of any weight or moment . for when as all the world almost , was bound to the catholike church , velut nexu man●ipioque as the ciuilians say , that is , by the straitest bands of seruice and dutie , euen then saith he were those times such , as wherein the bishops ought to haue beene more ready to haue suffered martirdome , then to haue enforced princes to order : and now , when partly infidels , partly heretikes haue spread ouer all asia , afrike , europe , one or two kingdomes onely excepted , and that the church is reduced almost to so great straites as euer it was , he is not of the minde that the bishops are required by the same necessitie to performe this dutie . but surely this is too much either negligence in searching , or indulgence in iudging and aduising ; neither ought a learned man and a diuine as the author seemeth to be , to open to the prelates of the church , who are as it were by a certaine storme caried into the same licence of liuing , i say to open them so easie a way to forsake their dutie , that they may suppose , that they ought not to be so ready in these daies to martirdome , as to raise warre against euill princes , who it is certaine that without warres , they can neuer be reduced into order , and depriued of their kingdomes . how much righter were they ( who whether they were the first of the iesuites , or of some other order , for i haue it onely by report ) presented themselues to the cardinals at rome , and euen as they passed in state according to the manner , did very sharpely reprooue their effeminatenesse , their ryot , & their carelesnesse , because that the most turbulent tempest of the lutherane heresie being risen a little before , that time taught the prelates of the church an other manner of life , and required other fashions at their hands . therefore by these it is plaine , that the author of the answere is much deceiued , in laying the reason of the difference in the dissimilitude of those ancient and these times , as far as concernes the dutie , state and condition of the bishops and prelates of the church . chap. vii . the other reason which he brings in , is nothing better . that the church forsooth did not therefore beare with constantius valens and others , for that they lawfully succeeded in the empire , no more than they did with leo , henrie , and childerike , which no lesse lawfully succeed , but because she could not without hurt of the people correct them , these she could . for this is most false , and i woonder that bellarmine followed this reason elsewhere a . i say , it is most false , that the church could not coerce and chastise them as easily as these , i will not say more easily , and without the hurt of the people , whether she would haue attempted the matter by armes , or vse some policie , and the meane of some deuout person , for at this time the whole world was christian , vnder constantius , ( as is euident by a letter of constantine the great , to the church recorded by eusebius and nicephorus , ) and the greatest part of it orthodoxe : so as they wanted not strength to oppresse the emperour , if they had held it lawfull or godly to take vp armes and contend against a lawfull prince . and truely it is credible that god would honour with a victorie both easily and not very costly for bloud , his owne souldiers who should vndertake such a warre , not of hatred or ambition , but of a meere zeale to preserue the church from ruine . moreouer there was a great multitude of monkes in egypt and lybia , and an innumerable companie of other godly men of all sorts swarmed all ouer asia and europe : amongst whom no doubt there were many of no lesse zeale , then that wretch who murdered henry the 3 king of france , but furnished with more knowledge and grace , whereby they prescribed a meane to inconsiderate , headlong and rash zeale . these men if it had beene lawfull , might easily haue dispatched the emperour , without tumult of warre , and noyse of armes , and if so be the church had had any power ouer him , they might haue put the same in execution , without any harme to the people . what should i speake of iulianus the successor of constantius ? could not the church thinke you chasten him without any harme at all to the people ? when as being a shamefull apostate , and such a one as neuer was found amongst christians , he had his whole armie which he cōmanded consisting of christians , for euen after his death , when iouinianus being by generall consent chosen emperor , had proclaimed that himselfe was a christian , & therfore that he would not cōmand an army of infidels d , the souldiers answered , and generally cried out , neuer feare noble emperour , neither doe you refuse our gouernment , as vnwoorthie : for you are like to be a commander of christians , who are brought vp in the discipline of pietie , for we are christians : and those which be of the elder sort learned constantinus his instruction , & the younger sort of constantius . neither did he that died last rule so long time , as could serue the turne to settle the poison in those few that had been circumuented & abused by him . i could wish that both the author of that booke , & the reader of this , would consider diligently . whether the church seconded with so great power , had not been able with ease to take that emperour away , without any harme of the people : especially seeing the emperors were at that time created by the souldiers alone , who amongst those first times of religion , and hope of martyrdome , esteemed nothing more honorable , then to beleeue and obey their prelates : deliuering to them the law and will of god. now if they had learned in those schooles of the most holy fathers , that it was lawfull for the church to depriue a wicked prince of his gouernment , and that it is lawfull for such subiects to take away and murder such a ruler , either by open force , or secret practise , there was nothing more easie for them then to depriue iulian of his empire , or take away his life , and without any tumult , or danger , or publike losse to suffect an other at their pleasure in his place . for now the right of nominating the emperour , was by long custome supposed to belong to the armie , as also in very deed , iouinianus first , and after valentinianus , both confessors of christ , after the death of of iulianus , were both aduanced to the empire by the same armie . nay what will you say , that although the whole armie would not haue conspired against the enemy of christ : yet those souldiers alone whom we mentioned out of nazianzen in our books de regno * , together with iouinianus the confessor , would with little a doe haue destroied iulianus . whom if you consider their valour and resolution , the vse and experience of armes : if opportunitie , the easie accesse of souldiers to their commanders in those times , if disposition , the feruent heat of their mindes burning with desire of martyrdome , and vndertaking any thing for the defence of the faith , would haue made them much more ready and eager to deliuer the church by some notorious action , from the treacherie and tyrannie of such a villanous person , much more i say , then any precipitate rashnesse could set on a brainsicke and furious monke . what may we thinke ? that the christians of that time did heare the famous trumpets of the gospel , athanasius , basilius , both the gregories , cyrillus , epihanius , hilarius , hosius , and many other bishops excelling in vertue and learning , who by reason of their learning could not be ignorant what interest the church had ouer princes , and if they had knowen and vnderstood the same , by reason of their great sanctitie of life , and constancie in aduersitie , would not haue held their peace , and dissembled the same , in so importunate a businesse to the christian common-weale . what may wee thinke that those diuine prelates taught the people , that there was no remedie against that apostata , but in patience and teares ? for so saith nazianzenus . f these things ( saith he ) did iulianus intend , ( he speaketh of those things which the apostata meditated against the church ) as his minions and witnesnesses of his counsels did publish , notwithstanding he was restrained by the mercy of god , and the teares of the christians , who were in great abundance , and by many powred out , when as they had this onely remedie against the persecutors . i beseech you reader , that you would obserue & consider nazianzenus well in this place . he affirmeth that the christians , that is , the church had no remedie besides teares , against the persecution of iulianus , when as notwithstanding it is certaine , that they had at their seruice the whole armie of iulianus . therefore surely this pope , who for his singular excellencie , was called the diuine , did not thinke that the church hath any power ouer a most vngodly emperour ; to raise the christian army against him : otherwise it were false , that christians or the church had no other remedie but teares against a persecutor : for they had an armie , which being commanded by the church , would easily for the cause of god haue fallen away from iulianus . now that which we said of constantius and iulianus , that without great difficultie they might haue beene brought into order by the church , and depriued of scepters and life , without any harme to the people : the same is much more apparent in valens and valentinianus the yoonger . for the chiefe commanders and captaines of valens his armie were good catholikes , by whom hee managed all his warres , being himselfe an idle and slothfull prince : and those were terentius , traianus , arintheus , uictor and others , who constantly professed the catholike faith , and boldly vpbraided the emperour to his face with his heresie , and impietie against god : but in so religious a libertie they held their hands , neither did their heate and anger proceed beyond the bounds of admonition : because they knew it was their dutie onely to tell the prince his faultes , but not to punish the same . therefore in all matters which belonged to temporall gouernment , they yeelded obedience to this heretike , whom they might easily haue remoued , and to the great good of the afflicted church , haue reduced backe againe the whole monarchie to ualentinianus a catholike prince , from whom it came . could not these commanders of his forces conclude a league amongst themselues , against their prince , being an heretike , if it had beene lawfull for them so to doe ? was it not more profitable for the church that an heretike emperour should not gouerne catholikes ? or did the church all that time want learned and watchfull pastors , and by that meanes either neglected or did not vnderstand her temporall interest ? for what , which onely remaines to bee said , no age did euer beare christians more obedience and dutifull to their prelates , then that did : that if so bee the church had wanted not the power to sway princes in temporall matters , but the execution onely of that power , the people and armie would not haue beene long before they had deliuered her from the tyranny of constatius , iulianus , and valens . to which , the worthy testimonie of s. augustine giues faith , registred among the canōs , h iulianus ( saith he ) was an infidel emperour : was he not an apostata , vniust , an idolater , christian souldiers seruedan infidell emperour : when they came to the cause of christ , they acknowledged none but him that was in heauen : when he would haue them to worship idols , to sacrifice , they preferred god before him . but when he said , draw foorth the companies , get you against that countrey , presently they obeied . for they distinguished their eternall from the temporall lord : and yet for their eternall lord his sake , they were subiect euen to a temporall lord. who doth not see in this place , that it was the easiest matter in the world for the church euery maner of way to chastise iulianus , if the had had any temporall power ouer him ? for then the cause of christ had come in question , in which case the souldiers would preferre christ before the emperour , that is , the eternall lord , before the temporall lord , for the churches cause is the cause of christ. therefore either the bishops of rome , or the popes , and euen the whole church , did then beleeue for certaine that they had no temporall iurisdiction in any sort ouer secular princes , or surely they were wanting to their office , nor did they so carefully prouide for the flock committed to their charge , as now after many ages our last popes haue done , who maintaine very earnestly that it belongeth to a part of their pastorall office , to chastise all princes and monarches , not onely for heresie or schisme , but also for other causes , and that with temporall punishment , and euen to spoile them of their empires and kingdomes , if it shall please them . whereas otherwise neither they are to be compared with those first bishops for holinesse of life and learning , and the christian people in these times is not so obedient , as in those first times they were . wherefore if we loue the truth , we must confesse , that no man can either accuse or excuse the bishops of both times in this point , without preuarication or calumniation , the praise of each will turne to the dispraise of the other . but let vs goe forward . chap. viii . valentinian the yonger , of all who to this day gouerned not onely an empire , but kingdome or any principalitie might most easily haue beene coerced and bridled by the church , for he might haue beene not onely thrust out of his empire at the commandement of the chiefe bishop , that is , the bishop of rome , but euen at the becke and pleasure of a poore bishop of millane , ambrose , be forsaken of his owne souldiers and guard , and be reduced to the state of a priuate man. before day , saith ambrose a , as soone as i set my foote out of dores , the palace was beset round about with souldiers : and it is reported that word was sent the emperour by the souldiers , that if he would come forth he should haue leaue , but yet that they would be ready to attend him , if they saw that he did agree with the catholikes : otherwise that they would passe ouer to the companie that ambrose gathered . not one of the arrians durst come forth , because neither any of them were citizens , a few of them of the princes house , and many of them gothes , who as before they had a carte for their house , so now a carte is their church . and after in the same epistle speaking of himselfe . i am called a tyrant , quoth he , yea and more then a tyrant , for when his friends intreated the emperour , that hee would come out to the church , and told him withall , that they did it at the request of his souldiers , he answered : if ambrose command you i will deliuer my selfe to be bound . what say the aduersaries to this ? is not this one place enough to stop all mens mouthes ? i omit that maximus comes marching into italie with a great armie gathered out of the parts of britaine and france , to prouide , as hee pretended , that catholike religion should receiue no further harme : and that the churches now corrupted by ualentinianus might be restored to their former estate ; the which also he signified by letters to ualentinianus himselfe , which notwithstanding was not his onely end : but ( that which in our age hath beene practised by diuers ) with this colour of pietie he couered his burning desire of raigning , for he was determined hauing now killed gratianus at lyons , to inuade ualentinianus his empire . therefore ualentinianus terrified with his comming fled out of italie into illyrium to theodosius emperour of the east . a matter worth the noting ; an heretike being chased by a catholike flies for succour to a catholike ; of whom he is both rebuked for his heresie , and for the reuerence of his maiestie courteously receiued , and restored to his kingdome . and because the church did not commend rebellion for religion sake against a lawfull prince , maximus was called neither reformer of the empire , nor restorer of the church , but a rebell and a tyrant . seeing these things stand thus , i would now wish the aduersaries that they would forbeare to abuse vs with their deuise and inuention , or at least to tell vs , whence they haue it . haue they read any where in any good author , that the christians did then so much distrust their strength and power , as that they durst not so much as attempt that , which if they had resolutely vndertaken , they had easily effected ? or that they made a proffer at the least , but when they had tryed the fortune of the warre , and all other humane meanes , at last yeelded and lay downe vnder these wicked princes ? or were they so very destitute of learned preachers and trumpets of the gospell , that they did not vnderstand , what power the bishop or people had ouer a peruerse and hereticall prince ? what , did the heate of religion and the zeale of the house of god faile them ? let the aduersaries vnfould the memorie of all records , and turne ouer and peruse as long as they will writings ecclesiasticall and prophane , beleeue me they shall neuer finde that the church in those times ( wherein it was much more powerfull than now it is ) did euer endeuour any thing to the mischiefe of princes , although they were wicked , or euer went about to disanull their gouernment , as hath beene plainly and plentifully prooued by vs in our bookes de regno c . but cleane contrary by these things which we read in the writings of the holy fathers , of the power of secular princes , it is most certaine that all in that age did thinke that no temporall power did in any manner , nor for any cause appertaine either to the bishop of rome , or cheefe bishop , or to the whole church , but that for temporall punishments , they were to be left to the iudgement of god alone . and this as it seemeth was the cause , why those fathers did so seldome and that by the way make any mention of the liberty and impunity of princes : because indeed in those times there was no controuersie about it , but one iudgement of all men , which euen from the preaching of the apostles they receiued in a manner by hand : that a prince in temporalities hath god only his iudge , although in spirituall matters he be subiect to the iudgement of the church . for the first witnesse in this case i produce tertullian who speaking of emperours , d they thinke , saith he , that it is god alone , in whose only power they are , from whom they are second after whom they are first , before all gods , and aboue all men , and in another place : we honor the emperor so as is both lawfull for vs and expedient for him , as a man , second from god and haue obtained , what so euer he is , from god , lesse then god only , this he desires himselfe : so is he greater then all men , while he is lesse then the true god alone . thus much he professeth not in his particular , but in the generall person of all christians , as the certaine and vndoubted doctrine of the whole church . neither let any thinke to elude this argument , because the emperors at that time were without the church , and therefore not subiect to the church . for the law of christ depriues no man of his right , ( which the aduersaries themselues confesse , ) and therefore , as we shewed before kings and emperors by comming to the church loose nothing of their temporall interest f . in the second place shall s. ambrose come foorth , who writing of dauid , that heaped murder vpon adultery g , he was a king , saith he , he was bound by no lawes , because kings are free from the bands of offences . for they are not called to punishment by any lawes , being exempte by the power of their gouernment . thirdly b. gregorie of towers , h who speakes to childerike king of france , vexing the priests of god opprobriously and handling them iniuriously , in these words : if any of v●●● king , would transgresse the limits of iustice , he may be punished by you , but if you shall exceed who shall punish you ? for we speake to you , but if you will you heare , and if you will not , who shall condemne you but he , who hath pronounced that he is iustice it selfe . fourthly s. gregorie the great , who was almost of an age with gregory of towers , who being pope himselfe , confessed that he was the seruant and subiect of the emperor , and with great ciuility and humility acknowledged that all power was giuen the emperor from heauen ouer all men , as we shewed a little before l . fiftly , the worthy prelate otto bishop of frisingen k : only kings , saith he , as being set ouer the lawes , are reserued to the examination of god , they are not restrained by the lawes of man. from whence was that of his who was both king and prophet , against thee only haue i sinned and afterward . for where as according to the apostle , it is a fearefull thing for euery man to fall into the hands of the liuing god : yet for kings , who haue none aboue them besides him to feare , it will be so much the more fearefull , that they may offend more freely then others . i can call in more , and that very many to testifie the truth of this matter , but what needs any more ? in the mouth of two or three witnesses , let euery word stand l . if the assertors of the contrary opinion can bring forth so many testimonies of ancient fathers , or indeed but any one , wherein it is expresly written , that the church or the supreme head thereof , the bishop , hath temporall power ouer secular kings and princes , and that he may coerce and chastise them by temporall punishments any way either directly or indirectly , or inflict any penalty either to the whole kingdome or any part of it : i shall be content , that the whole controuersie shall be iudged on their side without any appeale from thence . for indeed i desire nothing so much , as that a certaine meane might be found , by which the iudgement of the contrary side might be clearely confirmed . but while i expect that in vaine , in the meane time the truth caries me away with her , conquered and bound into the contrary part . therefore i demand this now of the aduersaries : whether it be likely , that those ancient and holy fathers , who haue written of the great power and immunity of kings and emperors , were so negligent , that of very carelesnesse they did not put in mind the princes of their time of this temporall power of the pope , or that they left not this remembrance , if they made any , consigned vnder their hands in writing . to the end that princes should feare not only the secret iudgements of god , but also the temporall iurisdiction of the church and pope , by which they might be throwen downe from their seates , so oft as the church or the pope , who is the head thereof shall thinke it fit in regard of religion and the common weale ? certainly to be silent , and to haue concealed so great a matter , if it was true , was to abuse kings and princes , whom they had perswaded both by writings , and preachings , that they could be iudged by god only in temporall matters . or shall we imagine , that they were so vnskilfull and ignorant of the authority of the church , that they knew not that it was indued with such a power ? or in a word , that they were so fearefull , and narrow minded , that they durst not tell the princes that which they knew ? if none of these things can be imputed and charged on those ancient fathers , why i pray you should we now embrace any new power which is grounded vpon no certaine either authority or reason , but in these last ages deuised , and thrust vpon the people , by certaine fellowes , who are seru●ly and basely addicted to the pope , and so lay a new and strange yoke vpon princes ? chap. ix . i haue already plainly shewed that the last part of the second reason of the aduersaries is most false : which is , that the church therefore tolerated constantius , iulianus , ualens , and other heretike princes , because she could not chastise them without the hurt of the people . now will i prooue , that the latter part is euen as false , to wit , that henrie the iv. emperour , and other princes ouer whom the later popes haue arrogated to themselues temporall power , might be coerced and chastised by the church without hurt of the people . which before that i take in hand , i doe hartely request not onely the friendly reader , but euen the aduersaries themselues , that the question being discussed , they would weigh with themselues , and iudge truly and sincerely , whether it were not more easie for the church to punish those first princes by the aforesaid waies and meanes , then to reduce into order the said henry the iv , by rodolphus the sweuian ? or philip the faire by albert of austria ? of whom the one scorned and repressed the arrogancie of the pope : the other , after diuers battles fought with diuers successe , at the length in the last battle defeated his competitor and enemie whom the pope had set vpon him : and as for the pope , of whom he was excommunicate , he banished him out of rome , and plagued him with perpetuall banishment . with how great hurt and spoile to the people the pope laboured to execute that temporall power vpon he●ry the xii . o●to frisingen witnesseth , ( whom bellarmine worthily calleth most noble both for bloud , and for learning and for integritie of life● ) who write , of the excommunication and deposition of the said henrie done by gregorie the vii . in this manner d . i read and read againe the actes of the romane kings and emperors , and finde no where , that before this man any of them was excommunicate or depriued of his kingdome by the bishop of rome : vnlesse any man thinke it is to be accompted for an excommunication that philip was for a small time placed amongst the p●nitentiaries by the bishop of rome , and that theodosius was ●equestredor suspended from entring into the church by blessed ambrose for his bloudie murder . in which place it is to be obserued , that otto doth plainly professe , that he findes in former ages no example of priuation of a kingdome , although hee propounded these two instances touching excommunication , if not true at least hauing a shew of true ones . and afterward within a few lines , he writeth thus e : but what great mischiefes , how many warres , and hazardes of warres followed thereof : how oft miserable rome was besieged , taken , spotled , because pope was set vp againe pope , and king aboue king , it is a paine to remember . to be short , the rage of this storme did so hurry and wrap within it so many mischiefes , so many schismes , so many dangers both of soules and bodies , that the same euen of it selfe by reason both of the crueltie of the persecution , and the continuance thereof were sufficient to prooue the vnhappinesse of mans miserie . vpon which occasion that time is by an ecclesiasticall writer compared to the thicke darknesse of egypt . for the foresaid bishop gregory is banished the cuie by the king , and gibert bishop of rauenna is thrust into his place . further gregorie remaining at salernum , the time of his death approching , is reported to haue said : i haue loued iustice , and hate ● iniquitie : therefore i die in banishment . therefore because the kingdome being cut off by the church , was grieuously 〈◊〉 in her prince , the church also bereaued of so great a pastor , who exceeded all the priests and bishops of roman zeale and authoritie , conceaued no small griefe . call you this to chastise a prince without hurt to the people : they that write that the bishop of rome , whom they meane in the name of the church did not tolerate this emperour , because hee could chastise him without hurt to the people , it must needs be that either they haue not read this author , or that they haue no care of their credite , who ensnare themselues in so manifest an vntruth . if they knew not this before , let them learne now at the last out of this graue writer , that that is false which they ignorantly giue out for true : and i wish them to consider , and iudge vnpartially , if it had not been better for that gregorie the pope , should haue suffered the wils & desperate maners of henry like to constantius , iulianus , valens , and other emperours who vexed the church , and with teares and praiers to intret the goodnes of god either for his recouerie or destruction , rather than by one insolent and strange act , and that very vnnecessary to stir vp so many schismes and murders , so many sackings of people and cities , so many disgraces shamefull against the sea apostolike , so many warres against the popes , and other furious tragedies with the destruction of all the people , and to nourish and continue these being stirred vp , to the exceeding mischiefe of the church . it may be that gregorie did it of a good minde , ( let god iudge of the intention ) but it cannot be that he did it rightly , wisely , and according to dutie , nor but that he erred very wide , according to the manner and counsell of a man , when he assumed that to himselfe , which in truth was not his : that is to say , the office of deposing an emperour , and the power to substitute an other in his place , as though the fee of that humane kingdome had belonged to him , which that verse doth sufficiently declare , which is reported by otto , and aboue is transcribed by vs. petra dedit petro , petrus diadema rodolpho . now it is certaine , that it is not alwaies well done and according to the will of god , which is done euen of men , otherwise very good , thorough heat of holinesse , and a good zeale . moses . while he killed the egiptian , with a zeale to defend the hebrew , sinned . oza thorough a zeale to vphold the arke of the lord swarue , and lying a tone side , touched it , and died . peter of a zeale to defend his lord and master , cut of malchus his eare , and was rebuked for it . hence s. ambrose to theodosius f . i know that you are godly , mercifull , gentle , and peaceable , louing faith and the feare of the lord : but for the most part something or other deceiues vs , some haue the zeale of god , but not according to knowledge g . inconsiderate zeale often inciteth to mischiefe . therfore in my opinion , there was a great fault in pope gregory about this businesse , because he did not obserue , that it belonged to the dutie of the cheefe pastor , rather to let passe one mans wickednesse vnpunished , then thorough a desire to correct the same , to wrap the innocent and harmelesse multitude in danger . and therefore he ought not to haue excommunicate that emperor , whose wickednesse so great a number of men had conspired to maintaine , that they could not be separated without a schisme , a renting , nay not without the dissolution of the whole church . the great light of the church s. austine aduised the same many ages agoe , both holily and wisely , and prooued the same clearely out of the writings of the h apostle paul , whose iudgement was so well liked by the church , that she recorded it amongst the canons , and therefore worthy that i should transcribe it into this place , and to be written not with ●ike , but with gold , nor in paper , that will quickly weare , but in ●int and adamant , or if there be any thing more durable and lasting then they . the chastisement , saith he , of many can not be whol●ome , but w●en he is chasti 〈◊〉 , that hath not a multitude to partake with him . but when the same a● case hath possessed many , there is 〈…〉 , but to gre●●e and mourne , that 〈…〉 from their destruction , 〈…〉 re●caled to holy ezech●e●● least when 〈…〉 they root vp the wheat also : nor 〈…〉 the lords ●orn● , but they themselues 〈…〉 amongst the 〈…〉 . and-therefore the same 〈…〉 out many who were corrupted 〈…〉 writing to the same 〈◊〉 in his ●econd 〈◊〉 , did not againe prescribe , that they should not eat with such : for they were many . neither could it be did of them . l if any brother be called a fornicator ; 〈…〉 any such like that they 〈…〉 much as eat with such , but he saith least when i come againe to you , god doe humble me , and i lament many 〈…〉 haue sinned before , and haue not repented , for the 〈…〉 and fornication , which they haue committed . by this mourning of his ; threatning that they are rather to begun 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 from god , then by that castigation that 〈◊〉 may forbeare their company . and a litle after , indeed if the contag●on of sinning haue taken hould of a multitude the 〈◊〉 mercy of the diuine discipline is necessary , for 〈…〉 that ●● of excommunication ) are both 〈…〉 they prooue 〈…〉 more trouble the weake ones , that be good th●● 〈◊〉 the st●ut ones , that be wicked . seeing these things stand thus , there is none as i suppose , by comparing s. austines rule , which also is the rule of the church , with the practise of gregorie against henrie , but will euidently see , that the pope erred greatly , that would excommunicate an emperour , whose party a huge multitude both of the cleargie and laity did follow , with manifest danger of a grecuous schisme , and much more , when as by an odious sentence he went about to depriue him of the right of his empire , ( to which the bishop himselfe had no title in the world : that it is no maruell if as sig●●ert w●●toth , the said gregorie a little before his death repented him of all those things , which he had done against the emperor . i am willing to set downe the place of sig●bert , because it contemeth not his owne opinion , which is suspected to the aduersaires , because he followed henricus his partie , but the historicall narration of an other author o . pope 〈◊〉 , saith he , who is also called gregorie the 7. dieth in banishment at salernum . o● him i find it thus 〈◊〉 : we would haue you know who are carefull of the ecclesiasticall charge , that the lord apostolike 〈◊〉 , who also is gregorie , lying now at the point of death , ca●ed to him one of twelue cardinalls , whom he cheefly loued aboue the rest , and confessed , to god , and s. peter , and to the whole church , that he had greatly offended in the pastroall charge , which was committed to him to gouerne , and by the instigation of the deuill , had raised anger and hatred against mankind . then at last he sent the foresaid confessor to the emperor , and to the whole church , to wish all grace and indulgence to them , because he saw , his life was at an end , and instantly he put on his 〈◊〉 vesture and remitted and loosed the bands of all his curses to the emperor , and to all christian people , the liuing and the dead , the spiritually and the la●●y , and willed his owne 〈◊〉 to depart out of 〈◊〉 his house , and the friends of the emperor to a●cend into it . chap. x. no● 〈◊〉 to th● bishop frisingensis , a man most 〈…〉 , as i said , and almost an eye witnesse of these things . hee both in the place produced by vs , and also in others , bewraieth plainly , that he allowed not that decree of the pope , touching the deposing of the emperour , but that he holds it to be new , insolent , and vniust . for first for the noueltie , and insolencie of that act , he writeth thus ; i read and read againe the actes of the romane kings and emperors , and doe finde no where , that any of them before this was excommunicate , or depriued of his kingdome by the bishop of rome . and againe in the first booke touching the gestes of frederike . gregorie the vii . saith he , who then held the bishoprike of the citie of rome , decrees , that the emporour as one forsaken of his friends , should be shaken with the sword of excommunication . the noueltie and strangenesse of this action did so much more vehemently affect the empire already mooued with indignation , because before that time neuer any such sentence was knowen to haue been published against the princes of the romanes . now he declares the iniustice and iniquitie of the fact , in diuers respects : first , because amongst those euils and mischiefes which did spring out of that decree of the pope , he reckons the mutation and defection both of pope and king : that pope was set aboue pope , as king aboue king by which wordes he shewes that both of them by a like right , or ratherby a like wrong was made , that as pope was set vpon pope by the emperour vniustly , so also was king vniustly set vpon king by the pope . then , in that he saith , because therefore the kingdome in his prince , &c. what doth that imply other , then that by reason of the empire violated in the prince , the church was violated in the bishop , or else , for the kingdome wounded in the prince , the church was wounded in the bishop . betweene which seeing he makes no difference of right or wrong , and both of them could not be done iustly , it followeth that hee thinketh both of them was done vniustly . moreouer hee calleth as well the defection of rodolphus , whom the pope had created emperour , as the insurrection of henrie his sonne of the excommunicate father , i say he calleth them both openly and simply plaine rebellion , which surely he would neuer haue done , if hee had beleeued that henry was lawfully depriued of his empire , for there can bee no rebellion , but against a superiour , and therefore it could not be against an heretike , who if he were justly depriued and deposed was no more a superiour . therefore he thus writeth of rodolphus b . and not long after the two foresaid captaines guelfe and rodolphus , rebelling against their prince , vpon what occasion it is vncertaine , are ioyned with the saxons . and a little after : but the bishop of rome gregorie , who at this time as it hath beere said , stirred vp princes against the emperour , writ his letters secretly , and openly to all , that they should create an other emperour . but heere we must know by the way , that he saith , vpon what occasion it is doubtfull , that it is to be vnderstood of a priuate occasion , as many are wont to spring betweene a king and his nobles : as in our age betweene borbonius and king francis : the guise and henry ; orange and philip , for each of them , both guelfo and rodolphus pretended a publike occasion , that is to say , the furious behauiour of henricus , and also for that hee was excommunicate and deposed from his kingdome by the pope , as writeth albert schafnaburgensis c , and so they couered priuate hatred as rebels vse to doe , with a publique pretence . but touching the sonne our bishop frisingensis writeth in this manner d . afterward againe in the yeere following , when the emperour celebrated the natiuitie of the lord at moguntia , henry his sonne enters into rebellion against his father in the parts of noricum by the counsell of theobald a marques , and berengarius an earle , vnder the colour of religion , because his father was excommunicate by the bishop of rome : and hauing drawen to his partie certaine great personages out of the east part of france , alemania , and baioaria , he enters into saxonie , a country and nation easily to bee animated against their king. heere let the reader obserue two things . one that this author , a man notable for knowledge and pietie , calleth this insurrection of henry the sonne , against henry the father , a rebellion : the other , that both heere and in other places , he euer calls henry the father , king and emperour , although he had been now about fiue and twentie yeeres excommunicate and depriued of his kingdome by the popes sentence : and first rodolphus , and then 〈◊〉 , were set into his place by the pope and the rebels , whereby he shewes sufficiently that hee thinkes that the pope hath no authoritie to depose kings , or to determine of their temporall gouernment : and therfore that the decree of gregorie was neither iust nor lawfull ; otherwise neither henry could haue been called king , nor his aduersaties rebels without iniurie to the bishop of rome . there is also another place of the same authors , wherin he 〈◊〉 the same more plainly , that is , that the pope by that excommunication and abdication hath taken no right of his kingdome from henry , for after that he had related that 〈◊〉 , who was sonne in law to rodol●us , ( whom as hath been said , the pope had created king ) hauing killed his father in law , and vsurped the dukedome of sw●uia , as granted to him by his father in law , and one the other side that henrie , ( who had been deposed by the popes sentence had granted the same dukedome , to a certaine nobleman of sweuia , ( whose name was frederike ) who forced bertolphus to conditions of peace , & ad ex 〈…〉 ducaius : he addeth , this ber●ode although in this businesse he yeeldeth both to the empire and to iustice , yet he is reported to haue beene a re●olute and a valiant man. behold how he vsing no manner of circuition affirmes , that both empire and iustice stands on his part , against whom the pope had long before passed the sentence of d●position : but not with rodolphus , being called to the kingdome by the authoritie of the pope , with this epigraphe , now twise related aboue . petra dedit petro &c. lastly seeing he seriously saith and teacheth , that kings haue none aboue them but god whom they may feare : doth he not euen by this conclusion teach vs , that the bishop of rome hath no temporall authoritie , whereby he may dispose in any manner of their kingdomes and gouernments ? and surely although there were nothing else , for which that hainous action of pope gregorie might be misliked , surely so many lamentable and desastrous euents , so many fatall and wofull accidents , which springing out of that iurisdiction which was then first vsurped and practised by the pope against the emperour , afflicted the whole empire full fiue and twentie yeeres , and rent the church asunder with a continuall schisme , may be an argument to vs , that that decree was not made by a diuine inspiration , but by an humane passion : nor that it proceeded from an ordinarie iurisdiction of the holy sea apostolike , but either from an extraordinarie ambition , or an ignorance of his power and inconsiderate zeale of him that held the sea. for it is not likely that god , who is the author of iustice and protector of the church , and who hath made the first executions of the spirituall power of the church exceeding fearefull by present miracles , and horrible effects , would not also in like manner second with some singular miracle or extraordinarie assistance that first execution of so great and so high an authoritie and power of his church : especially seeing he was with so many praiers inuocated by the bishop for his helpe , and the * apostles themselues intreated with a solemne supplication , in these wordes : goe too therefore you most holy princes of the apostles , and by your authoritie interpo●ed confirme that which i haue said , that all men may now at the last understand if you can binde and loose in heauen , that you are also as well able it earth to take away and giue empires , kingdomes , principalities , and whatsoeuer else mortall men may haue . let kings now learne by this kings example , and all the princes of the world , what you are able to doe in heauen , and how much you are in fauour with god , and heereafter let them be afraid to contemne the commandements of holy church . but execute with speed vpon henrie , that all men may vnderstand , that this child of iniquitie falleth out of his kingdome , not by chance , but by your care . yet this i would intreat at your handes , that he being led by repentance , may at your request obtaine fauour of the lord in the day of iudgement f . these and such like praiers being powred out to god and the princes of the apostles , and curses and imprecations in solemne maner cast vpon henrie , who would not thinke that god , who by his apostles * preserues his church with a continuall protection would not easily suffer himselfe to be intreated , and would not presently heare this first supplication of the pope in the beginning of so great an authoritie of the church to be made manifest , if any such authoritie had belonged to the church . wheras notwithstanding cleane contrarie , euery thing fell out crosse and vnhappie against the pope , and against the authors and fautors of the popes partie , whilest henrie in the meane time triumphed and held his empire still , for that which he suffered from his sonne at last after fiue and twentie yeeres , ( vnder a shew of religion as frisingensis saith , ) that makes little or nothing to this matter . this was a pretext onely for a wicked sonne who was sicke of the father before the time : but the true cause was ambition , and the burning desire of rule , quae multos mortales fallos fieri subegit g . and hath oftentimes armed with cruell and hellish hatred the fathers against the children , and contrariwise , as wee haue shewed at large other where h : one said excellently well , i patris long●o● vit a malo filio seruit us videtur . chap. xi . by this , as i suppose , it is euident enough , that the church in times past did not tolerate constantius , iulianus , ualens , and other wicked princes , because she then distrusted her might and strength ; nor because she could not reduce them to order without the great hurt of the people : for indeed she might with more ease , and lesse hurt to the people , haue chastised those ancient princes . then not onely henry the fourth , from whose businesse so lasting a schisme did spring , but either otho the fourth , or frederick the second , or philip pulcher , or lewes the eleuenth , or iohn nauarre , or others , against whom the bishops , being puffed vp with the successe of their affaires , drew foorth their sentences of excommunication and depriuation of kingdomes , not for heresie , nor for the euill gouernment of state , nor at the request of the subiects , but euen inflamed and maliciously carried with their proper affections , i meane their priuate hatred . to conclude , not for that the state of the church in that age would haue her bishops more readie than in this time to suffer martyrdome : for then the church was in very safe estate , and as we say , sailed in the hauen , as hauing been now anciently founded vpon the apostolike constitutions , and sufficiently established by the labour and blood of martyrs . yea , such then was the state of the church , that there was much lesse need for bishops to be readie for martyrdome , than at this time : for that so great a multitude , then being as it were sprinckled with the fresh blood of the martyrs , did in a maner sauour of nothing but martyrdome , that the pastour was no lesse admonished of his dutie by the example of the flocke , than the seuerall persons of the people by the example of the pastour . but now , ô lamentable case ! the case is quite otherwise : the church is tossed with most grieuous tempests , and only not ouerwhelmed as yet with the furie of heretikes , manie , euen of those who desire to be called catholikes , being so affected , that they are not willing to suffer any great troubles , much lesse vndergoe death , for true religion : wherefore , that life and heat may be giuen to that lukewarmnesse , and that men might be stirred vp to the readiest way , and as it were the shortest cut , for their health , who seeth not that there is need of bishops , to shew the way both by word and example ? and both to compose them themselues , and to exhort others rather to martyrdome , than to armes and insurrections , to which we are prone by nature ? who would not iudge , that the fatherly pietie of clement the eight , ioyned with excellent wisdome , whereby he endeuoureth to reduce to an●itie , and to keepe in 〈◊〉 christian kings and princes , is by infinite degrees 〈…〉 for the church , than the martiall furies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the eleuenth , wherby he wickedly and cruelty sought to set italie , france , germanie , spaine , and all 〈…〉 together by the cares ? 〈…〉 be thus , surely we must needs conf●●● 〈…〉 ancient fathers of the church 〈…〉 fault , in that they did not only suffer , 〈…〉 they might easily ) those guiltie and 〈…〉 of the saith , but also courtcously reuerenced them , and honoured them with regall titles and dignities : or els we must needs thinke , that they spared those maner of princes for the reuerence of maiestie , & the power which in temporal matters is inferior to god alone : or surely we must beleeue , that besides the reasons deliuered by the aduersaries , there is yet some better behinde , which none hitherto hath brought forth , nor euer will , as i suppose . for that which a certain seditious fellow hath written in that infamous worke which he writ against kings , a to elude the ●orce of the former obiection touching the tolleration of the ancient fathers . as though , saith he , we are to thinke that there is the same reason of the church to be established and which is established already , & that the uine ought ●●t to be planted and watered before it be pruned : but that then that power was giuen to the church , when that of the prophet was fulfilled : kings shall be thy nur●es , & with a countenance cast to the earth shall they worship thee , & shall lick● the dust of 〈…〉 b . that surely is such a to● , as i do thinke not worth the answering , seeing i suppose the author himself scarce knowes what he saith . for ●hat ? were not the rotten members of the church wont to be cut off euen from her infancie & first beginning ? doth he not know , that that spirituall incision , which is proper to the church , begā euen with the church her self ? what say you to ananias , what to the corinthian , were they not cut off by the church ? if he know not this , he is to be thought an ill diuine , & a worse vine-dresser , seeing he euen in the very first planting , shreds off whatsoeuer is super fluous and vnprofitable in the vine , and suffers not the rotten and faultie branches to sticke out of the ground : afterwards when it is a litle growenvp , he lops and cuts it , lest it should be ouercharged with vnprofitable and vnfruitfull stems . but if he meane corporall incision , he ought to know that the church hath no skill of bloud , i meane , that she doth not execute death vpon any , vnlesse peraduenture it falles out by miracle , as in the person of ananias and saph●ra c . but what , doth he thinke that the church was not perfectly established in the times of ambrose , hierome and austine ▪ or that it was not sufficiently planted & watred that at that time it might be conueniently shred ? d surely s. austine in one place affirmes , that very few in his time were found , that thought euill of christ. why then did the church tolerate ualens , ualentinianus , heraclitus , and others ? for from constantine the great , that prophecie , which he alleadgeth , was fulfilled . but it was not yet time to cut the lords vineyard . a worthy reason sure , and to be ranked amongst that followes fooleries , which in another place e we set downe by themselues . now let vs goe to the maintainers of the indirect power . chap. xii . these mens opinion i haue set downe aboue in the first and fift chapters : which is , that the pope , by reason of his spirituall monarchie , hath temporall power indirectly : and that soueraigne , to dispose of the temporalties of all christians , and that he may change kingdomes , and take them from one to giue them to another if it be necessary for the health of soules . against which opinion there are so many things , that i hould it to be vtterly improbable , if not incredible . for first of all , what is more contrary to it , then that the whole christian antiquity euer iudged , that kings are lesse then god only , that they haue god only for their iudge , that they are subiect to no lawes of man , and can be punished or coerced with no temporall punishments a , and therefore that which the authors of the law said , princeps 〈…〉 est that the grecians cheefly vnderstand , of penall lawes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is ; the prince offending is not punished . none of these things can stand with the opinion of the aduersaries . for if it be true that the pope may dispose of kingdomes and states of secular princes , and take from them their scepters , and all manner of dignity , it followeth necessarily , that the pope is superior and euen iudge ouer kings in temporall matters , and besides that all kings may be subiect to temporall punishments : which is directly opposite , as may be to the former opinion of the ancient fathers . the necessity of the consequution is plaine by this , for that he who iudgeth an other lawfully , must of necessity be superior ouer him , whom he iudgeth . ( for an equall hath not authority ouer an equall c , much lesse an inferior ouer a superior ) and also because , the depriuation of a kingdome , euen as the publication of goods , is to be reckned amongst temporall punishments , and those very greeuous too . what i pray you , that the bishops themselues confesse that kings haue no superior in temporalities . d they haue , and they haue not , cannot be both true : therefore it is false , that kings haue no superiour in temporalities , if an other may by law take their temporalities from them and giue them to an other . for if this be not an act of superiority , as i may speake , i know not surely , what it is to be superior , or if to condemne a king vnheard , and to punish him as farre as his regall dignity comes to , be not to be the iudge of a king , we must confesse that no motion either of a iudgement or of a iudge hath beene deliuered and lest vs by our elders . for in that they place the difference in the words , directe & indirecte , that belongs not to the power of iudgeing , and to the effect of the iudgement , but onely to the manner and way , of acquiring so great a power . for the canonists doe say , that the pope hath receiued directly of christ the temporal dominion of the whole world . but these men , i meane the diuines , deeme that he receiued such a dominion directly , as if you should say , by it selfe , simply , and without consideration of another thing : but onely indirectly , that is , by consequence , in regard of that spirituall power , which he hath receiued directly from the lord. therefore this difference out of these words ought to be referred to the beginning and meane of acquiring a temporall power but not to the force and effect of the same . for whether you say , makes nothing for the strength and power of the popes iudgement ouer kings : vnlesse peraduenture some may say , that the pope if he be an ill man , may tyrannize ouer the parsons and estates of kings more freely indirectly , then directly . but if the opinions of the aduersaries should take place , christian kings and princes shall not only be clients and vassals to the pope in temporalities , but that which is more base , they shall hold their kingdoms and principalities as it were at his courtesie . and this i doe easily prooue euen out of the very principles and grounds of the aduersaries . the pope may take from any man his kingdome , and giue it to another , if so be that it be necessary for the health of soules : but to iudge and determine , if it be necessary , belongs to the same pope , of whose iudgement , whether it be right or wrong , none can iudge , e therefore where he listeth he may depriue euery man of his kingdome and giue it to another . the proposition in this argument , is the very opinion of the aduersaries : and the assumption is without controuersie amongst all catholikes : for none but an heretike will deny that the charge of soules belonges to the successour of peter and vicar of christ. lastly , the conclusion followes necessarily of the premisses because if the pope wil transferre any kingdome from one to another , he may say that he iudgeth it necessary for the health of soules , and none 〈…〉 of has iudgement as hath beene said . and 〈…〉 his pleasure whether he will take from 〈…〉 but that all kings 〈…〉 th●● kingdomes , which 〈…〉 at the 〈…〉 behold in how 〈…〉 christia● kings and princes should stand , 〈…〉 , that the pope hath power indirectly to 〈…〉 all temp●●aliti●s of christians , who shall mea●● t●at 〈…〉 owne pleasure and iudgement , that 〈…〉 for him , if he be displeased , then to 〈…〉 his indirect power , so o●t 〈…〉 priuate 〈◊〉 , o● the ambi●● 〈…〉 forward , or euen 〈…〉 and contemned , 〈…〉 . where of ●●●face 〈…〉 haue giuen 〈…〉 all of i●any , they 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 mighty 〈…〉 of the po●tifi●● 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 one after another , as 〈…〉 i omit this reason taken 〈…〉 a●●●ought it 〈…〉 for that 〈…〉 that 〈…〉 kingdoms but an execution 〈…〉 to th●m by the pope , ●●t i● it strange against the 〈…〉 and all the ab●tto● , of the indirect power . 〈…〉 all 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 and iurisdiction is 〈…〉 by the law of god o● of man , and also he 〈…〉 o● holdeth any th●ng , i● he hold by nei●●●● of these , holdeth wrongfull● , as augustire reasoneth 〈…〉 against the d●●atists . therefore it cannot be that the pope , should iustly exercise any temporall iurisdiction ouer secular kings and princes , vnlesse it be certaine that the same is giuen him either by the law of god or of man. but neither in diuine , nor humane lawes is any such place found , which confers any such power vpon him , whereas on the contrary part , the domination and authority of kings is openly commended and allowed by many testimonies of sacred scriptures , as when it is said : by mee kings raigne . all power is giuen to you . the kings of the nations rule ouer them . the heart of the king is in the hand of god. i will giue them a king in mine anger . my sonne , feare the lord and the king. feare god honour the king : and euery where the like speeches . lastly , seeing this temporall power and iurisdiction of the pope , whereof we speake , is not found to be comprised neither in the expresse word of god in the scriptures , nor by the tradition of the apostles receiued as it were by hand , nor practised by vse and custome in the church for these thousand yeeres and more , or exercised by any pope : nor allowed and commended , nay not so much as mentioned by the ancient fathers in the church , i pray you what necessitie of faith should force vs to admit it ? or with what authoritie can they perswade the same vnto vs ? our opinion say they , is prooued by reasons and examples : how glad , say i would i be , that that were true . but wee ought chiefely to know this , that onely those reasons are fit to prooue this opinion of theirs , whereof euident proofes and demonstrations are made , which none of them hath hitherto brought , nor as i thinke could bring . for as touching reasons onely probable , and likely , whereof dialectike syllogismes doe consist , their force is not such , as can conclude and giue away from kings and princes their soueraigne authoritie from them , seeing that euen in daily brables about trifling matters , nothing can be concluded , vnlesse the cause of the suiter , bee prooued by manifest and euident proofes and witnesses : and therefore the actor not proouing , he that is conuented , although himselfe performe nothing , shall carie the businesse b . but the helpe is very weake and feeble in examples , because they onely shew what was done , not what ought to be done : those excepted which are commended or dispraised by the testimonie of the scriptures , which seeing they are thus , let vs now see with what reasons the aduersaries continue their opinion . chap. xiii . there is not one amongst them all , who are of the popes partie , as i said before , who hath either gathered more diligently , or propounded more sharpely , or concluded more briefly and 〈◊〉 , than the worthy diuine bellarmine , whom i mention for honors sake , who although he gaue as much to the popes authoritie in temporalities as honestly hee might , and more then he ought , yet could hee not satisfie the ambition of the most imperious man sixius the fist : who affirmed that hee had supreme power ouer all kings and princes of the whole earth , and all peoples , countries and nations , committed vnto him not by humane but by diuine ordinance a . and therefore he was very neere , by his pontificiall censure , to the great hurt of the church to haue abolished all the writings of that doctor , which do oppugne heresie with great * successe at this day : as the fathers of that order , whereof bellarmine was then , did seriously report to me . which matter comforts me , if peraduenture , that which i would not , any pope possessed with the like ambition shall for the like cause forbid catholikes to read my bookes . let him doe what he will , but he shall neuer bring to passe that i euer forsake the catholike , apostolike , and romish faith , wherein i haue liued from a child to this great age : or dye in another profession of faith then which was prescribed by pius the 4. we will then bring their reasons hither out of bellarmine for they are fiue in number : leauing others , especially bozius his fancies , which are vnworthy that a man of learning should trouble himselfe to refute . the first reason is , which bellarmine propounds in these wordes . the ciuill power is subiect to the spirituall power , when each of them is a part of the christian common-wealth : therefore a spirituall prince may command ouer temporall princes and dispose of temporall matters in order to a spirituall good , for euery superiour may command his inferiour . and least any peraduenture elude this reason by denying the proposition , with the next he labours to strengthen the same , by three reasons , or media , as they call them . now that ciuill power , not onely as christian , but also as ciuill , is subiect to the ecclesiastike , as it is such , first it is pr●●ued by the ends of them both , for the temporall end is subordinate to the spirituall end , as it appeares : because temporall felicitie is not absolutely the last end , and therefore ought to be referred to the felicitie eternall . now it is plaine out of aristotle , lib. 1. eth. cap. 1. that the faculties are so subordinate , as the ends are subordinate . secondly , kings and bishops , cleargie and laitie , doe not make two common wealthes , but one , that is one church , for we are all one bodie . rom. 11. and 1 corinth . 12. but in euery bodie the members are connexed and depending one of another : but it is no right assertion , that spirituall things depend on temporall ; therefore temporall things depend of spirituall , and are subiect to them . thirdly , if a temporall administration hinder a spirituall good , in all mens iudgement the temporall prince is bound to change that manner of gouernment , yea euen with the losse of a temporall good : therefore it is a signe that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall . thus he . which that i may satisfie in order , i answere : that it is very false , which in this first reason is thrust vpon vs , for a true , certaine , and sound foundation , false , i say , that the ciuill power is subiect to the spirituall , since both of them is a part of the christian common weale : vnlesse they vnderstand it thus , that it is subiect in spirituals , and againe that this ought to be subiect to that in temporals , since these two powers are so parts of the christian common-weale , as neither hath authoritie ouer other ; as which when they were free and of themselues absolute , out of a mutuall loue closed together . therefore each of them acknowledgeth and reuerenceth the other in his order and office , and each doth exercise her function at her pleasure : only there is between them a certaine consent and fellowship conspiring in the conseruation and maintenance of the christian common-weale : for by both the powers , or ( to vse gene●rardes b wordes ) by both the magistra●tes , ecclesiastike and 〈◊〉 the church is maintained , defended , and flourisheth : which that she might be protected and preserued tyght and vpright . — alterius sic altera p●●●it opemres , & coniurat ami●● . that as long as they keepe this societie , the christian common weale is like to flourish and abound with innumerable commodities of concord and peace : but when they dissolue this combination thus contracted , certainely the spirituall power , though it excell with a diuine vertue , yet being now weakned in the ere of the world , and depriued of his corporall helpes , for the most part is contemned : and the temporall although it be mightie and strong , hastneth thorough all villanie and surie to her owne destruction , being destitute of heauenly grace which she enioyed by the societie of the spirituall power . notwithstanding neither can the power ecclesiastike redresse her wrongs the more by her selfe , but by spirituall weapons , nor the temporall power worke vpon the ecclesiastike , but by visible and corporall armes , whereof i would to god , that both the monuments of former times , and also our owne age & memorie did not put vs in minde thorough so many lamentable examples . and this surely is no other thing then that which i said before , hosius said to constantius the arrian . 〈…〉 lawfull for us , to hold any empire on earth , neither haue you power oner sacrifices and holy things , being an emperour and which s. bernard to eugenius the pope , these law and earthly businesses , haue iudges , kings , and princes of the earth . why doe you inuade an others borders ? why reach you your sithe into another mans haruest ? therefore these two powers ecclesiastike and politike are not so parts of the christian common-weale , that one should be master ouer the other : but so are parts , as which when they were single , and deuided one from the other , with a singular concord and vnion ioyned together at the last , that each of them might afford helpe and succour to the other , and by mutuall and enterchanged courtesies and offices might oblige and demerit one another . neither is it to be granted because the power ecclesiastike is holier , and worthier then the politike , therefore that this is subiect to her : but onely ( as it often commeth to passe in a ciuill societie ) that she being the worthier and the richer applied herselfe to this , which is neither so noble nor so wealthy , for the benefit of them both : so as both of them remaine free in that societie , and neither depend any way of other . therfore excellently writes dried● to this purpose d . christ ( saith he ) seuered the duties of these two powers : that the one might gouerne diuine and spirituall matters and persons , the other prefane and worldly : and after , behold thou plainly sees that christ hath seuered the duties of both the powers : therefore the distinction of the ecclesiasticall power papall , from the secular and imperiall power is made by the law of god. and after in the same chapter : from whence the pope and the emperour are in the church , not as two chiefe rulers diuided betweene themselues , wherof neither knoweth other , or reuerenceeth as his superiour , ( for this ought to acknowledge and reuerence him inspirituall cases , and he this in temporal , and according to the old glosse , in ca● . hadrian , 63. as he is father to this in spirituals , so is this to him in temporals ) because a kingdome diuided against itselfe , will come to ruine . nor againe are they as two iudges subordinate , so as the one receiues his iurisdiction from the other . but they are as two rulers , who are the ministers of one god ●esigned 〈…〉 diuers offices , so as the emperour ●ouerns 〈…〉 persons , for a peaceable society in this world , and the pope rules spiritual to the aduancement of christian faith and charitie . but bellarmine also himselfe . marke , quoth he , that the sunne and the● moone is not the same starre , and as the sunne did not constitute the moone , but god ; so also , that the pontificate and 〈…〉 is not the same , nor one absolutely depend on the other surely the sunne and the moone are two great lightes , when pope innocent 〈◊〉 interpreteth by an allegory , two dignities which are the pontificall authority , and regall power : and compares that to the sunne , this to the moone . from whence i reason on this manner . as the moone is no lesse the moone , nor consisteth the lesse of hirselfe , when shee departs from the sunne , and by wandering looseth the light shee borrowed on him , then when shee is enlightned with his beames in herfull orbe and aspect , and in neither regard either shee depends of him , or he of hir , but both holding the order and manner of their institution doe seruice both to god and the world : so also the kingly or politike power resting on hir proper strength , sub●●teth al●aies by hirselfe : and although she receiue great light 〈◊〉 the pontifical and spirituall power , to liue well and 〈◊〉 , yet is not changed at all hir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or essence 〈…〉 her approach , nor by her departure , nor 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 much lesse is shee subiect to her , when shee 〈◊〉 to her . now it remaineth that we seuerally declare the faultes of the reasons , wherewith bellarmine supposeth that his first reason is vnderpropped . chap. xiiii . therefore touching the first : i doe constantly deny , that there is any such ordination or subordination of the endes of their powers , so farre as their powers are such . for the end of politike or ciuill power , so far as it is politike absolutely containeth no more , then a temporall 〈◊〉 . i meane , the common-good , and a well ordered tranquillity for the quiet conduct of life , as bellarmine himselfe confesseth in another place . the ciuill power , saith he , hath her princes , lawes , iudges , &c. and likewise the ecclesiastike her bishops , canons , iudgements . that hath for end a temporall peace ; this eternall saluation . neither doth this ciuill power proceed further , and is referred to none other end , as it is such . for in that it aspireth to eternall happinesse it hath not that of hir selfe : not i say so farre , as it is politike doth shee direct hir indeuours thither , as to hir last scope : but in respect that shee is spirituall , or else is furthered by the societie and counsels of the ecclesiastike power , as appeareth by innumerable both peoples and cities , in whom the ciuill power was strong and powerfull by seuerity of lawes , although they had very slender or no notion at all of this euerlasting happinesse , whereof we speake . this also the apostle declares a when he willes vs to pray for kings , and all that are in authoritie , that we may liue a peaceable life in all pietie and chastitie : ascribing peace and tranquillitie of life to the politike gouernment , but pietie and chastitie to christian discipline . therefore to speake in one word we must know , that the ends of humane actions are in the intention and not in the vnderstanding , that is to say , not that which the vnderstanding can inuent by discourse of reason , is the end of the action , but that which the will doth desire to attaine by doing , while the minde meditates on the action , that is the end of action . whence nauarrus saith very well , b that the end of the laike power is the good , happie , and quiet temporall life of men , which also is the end of the lawes , which proceeded from the same . and that the end of the ecclesiastike power is an euerlasting supernaturall life , and that the same is the end , of the lawes which proceed from her . i would prosecute this further , but that i thinke that the matter is plaine enough to men of wit euen by philosophie it selfe . but the second reason is so friuolous and captious , as nothing can be spoken more fondly , or be gathered more vnsoundly , for is there any old wife so doting , as vnderstands not the weaknesse of this consequution , they are members of one bodie , therefore one depends of another . for neither doth a foote depend of a foote , nor an arme of an arme , nor a shoulder of a shoulder , but they are ioined to some third and middle member , by themselues or by other members , to which they adheare . and is it not gathered by the same manner of reasoning , and by the same argument plainly ; the armes of euery man be members of one bodie : but in euery bodie the members are connexed and depending one ●● another , but it is not rightly affirmed . that the right depends of the left : ergo the left arme of euery man depends of the right , and is subiect to it . who would not laugh at such kind of arguments so full of vanitie ? i hate those miserable demonstrations , which doe rather inwrap and infold the matter they haue in hand with qu●●ckes , illusions and captious sophistications , then explane the same , for as the armes are knit to the shoulders and the shoulders are knit to the necke and head ; nor the right arme or the right shoulder is subiect to the left , or contrarily ; so the power spirituall and temporall , or ecclesiastike and politike , although they be members of one politike bodie , and parts of one christian common-weale and church , yet neither is subiect to the other : and neither can without great sinne presse and encroach vpon the borders and iurisdiction of the other : but both , as it were the shoulders of one bodie are knit to the head which is christ. whereof this , i meane the politike prescribeth to the citizens and subiects , the preceptes of liuing wherein the peace and tranquillity of humane societie is maintained ; and the other , raiseth and instructeth mens mindes to the supernaturall contemplation of immortality and eternall happinesse : ( which doth subsist with ciuill tranquillity , and sometimes without it ) whereof it followes that these powers are diuided and seuered in the same christian common-weale , so as neither can be subiect to other so faire foorth as it is such . and surely vnlesse bellarmine confesse this he will be conuinced by his owne doctrine deliuered other where : for in his third booke , de rom. pontif. c. 19. where he consutes the trifles of the smalchaldike synod of the lutherans , and answers to that argument of theirs , wherein they say , that the pope makes himselfe god , seeing he will not be in aged by the church nor by any man : he shewes that the consequence is saulty , in an argument drawen from kings , who also themselues haue no iudge in earth , as concerning temporalties . the kings of the earth ( saith he ) certainly acknowledge no iudge in earth , in the point which appertaines to politike matters , shall there be therefore as many gods as there be kings ? what other thing is it , i pray you , that kings haue no iudge in earth , as concerning politike matters , then that which we will prooue , that the politike power is distinguished from the ecclesiastike , and that the pope can by no meanes dispose and iudge of the same ? for if he could , surely either kings should haue a iudge in earth , euen , as touching politike matters , or the pope must alwaies dwell in heauen . therefore it cannot be but that bellarmine either disagreeth from himselfe , or that he hath slipt for want of memory , or that which i beleeue not , that he desires to vary and change the truth , when as in one place he affirmeth for certaine and granted that kings haue no iudge in earth , as concerning politike matters : and in another place hee sets the pope as iudge ouer all kings and princes , who may iudge and depose them , and at his pleasure dispose of all their kingdomes and estates . for whereas he makes the distinction in these words , directly and indirectly , that belongeth onely to the forme and maner of proceeding , but not to the force and working of the iudgement . for it is euer true that he hath a iudge in earth as concerning temporalties , whom the pope iudgeth in temporalties what way soeuer , either directly or indirectly , and i pray you , what oddes is there , in regard of the miserie and calamity of a king , that is iudged by the pope , and depriued of his kingdome , whether the pope hath done it directly , as if hee should giue sentence , vpon the king of sicily or naples , as the direct lord of the fee vpon his vassell : or h●th do●●●t indirectly , as vpon other kings , who are 〈◊〉 subiect to him by any ch●ntelar law , it so be a like 〈…〉 both the iudgements : and this is suffi 〈…〉 argument . no , let vs examine what 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 is plain euen 〈…〉 ●●thered thereof by the au 〈…〉 ●temporall power is subiect to 〈…〉 to prooue a matter by demon 〈…〉 bring●th soo●th a sig●e , and that surely 〈…〉 which many times de●●●ues vs by a 〈…〉 ●herefore i answer to the argument by de 〈…〉 . for although it be true that a tem 〈…〉 ●●und to change the manner of his go 〈…〉 ●●●●●tuall good be ●●●dred thereby ●et is it 〈…〉 by a necessary consequence , that the 〈…〉 to the sp●●●tuall : but this onel● , that a ●●●●●tuall good is mor● excellent then a temporall good , the which is true and we confesse it . for if one be more ●orthy then another , it doth not follow by and by that the lesse worthy depends of the more worthy , and is ●●●strate and su●●●●ted to it : for they may ●all out to be comprehended ●● kinds or order● so ●iuers by nature , that neither can depend of other , or be h●ld by any bond of subiection . therefore we grant that a pr●●ce in the case prop●●nded ought to change the ●orm of c●uill administ●at 〈…〉 to ●o it by the church or by the h●a● thereof and chiefe pastor in earth , which is the pope ; but o●●l●●● sp●●●tuall punishment , the horror whereo● to a good man 〈◊〉 gree●●ous then all the pu 〈…〉 by the testi●o●●e of a 〈…〉 it hath with 〈…〉 but not by temporall punishment , as is 〈…〉 of kingdome , seeing a 〈…〉 poralti●● , therefore as much a 〈…〉 he is to be left to the diuine iudgement a 〈…〉 . hence ●●dorus whose opinion is registred amongst the canons , d whether the peace and di●cipline of the church be increased by faithfull princes , or 〈…〉 of them who hath deliuered and committed the church to their power . chap. xv. although this last argument is sufficiently weakned by that which hath been said , yet it is worth the labour to make a little further discourse , and more at large to explaine my whole meaning touching this point . therefore we must vnderstand , that all kings and princes christian , as they are the children of the church , are subiect to the ecclesiastike power , and that they ought to obey the same , so oft as the commandeth spirituall things : which vnlesse they shall doe , the church , by the power and iurisdiction which she hath ouer them , may inflict spirituall censures vpon them , and strike them with the two edged sword of the spirit : although she ought not to doe at alwaies , ( as hath been before declared ) but with that s●ord onely , not with the visible and temporall sword al●● because 〈◊〉 sword is committed onely to the ciuil and secular power . wherefore so oft as the spirituall power , standeth in need of the assistance of the temporall sword ; she is accustomed to intreat the fauour and friendship of the ciuill power , her friend and companion . contrariwise that ecclesiastike princes and prelates , are subiect to ciuill princes in temporalities , and ought to obey them in all things , which belong to their ciuill gouernment , in no other manner , then the ciuill are bound to obey them commanding spirituall things , so as they bee such as repugne neither the catholike faith , nor good manners . yea that not so much as the pope himselfe , is excluded and free from this temporall subiection for any other reason , but because that by the bountie of kings he hath been made a king himselfe , i meane a ciuill prince , acknowledging no man for his superiour in temporalties , and thus much doth that most eager patron of ecclesiastike iurisdiction confesse , whom most mensay is bellarmine in his answer , ad precipua capita apologiae , &c. that opinion ( saith he ) is b generall and most true , that all men ought altogether to obey the superiour power . but because power is twofold spirituall and temporall , ecclesiastike and politike , of which one belongeth to bishops , the other to kings : the bishops must bee subiect to the kings in temporall matters , and the kings to the bishops in spirituall , as gelasius the first in his epistle to anastasius , and nicolaus the first in his epistle to michael . and because , the bishop of rome , is not onely a chiefe prince ecclesiastike , to whom all christians are subiect by the law of god , but is also in his prouinces a prince temporall , nor acknowledgeth any superiour in temporalties ; no more than other absolute and soueraigne princes doe in their kingdomes and iurisdictions , hence it commeth to passe ; that in earth he hath no power ouer him . wherefore not because he is cheefe bishop , and spirituall father of all christians , is he therefore exempted from temporall subiection , but because he possesseth a temporall principality , which is subiect to none . therefore in those matters , which belong to the safety of the common wealth , and to ciuill society , and are not against the diuine ordinance , the cleargie is no lesse bound to obey the soueraigne prince temporall , then other citizens are : as * bellarmine himselfe declareth excellently well ; adding also a reason , secondly , for that cleargie men , besides that they are cleargie men , they are also citizens , and certaine ciuill parts of the common wealth . cleargie men , ( saith he ) are not any way exempted from the obligation of ciuill lawes , which do not repugne the sacred canons , or the clericall dutie . and although he saith , that he speakes not of coactiue obligation , yet is it more true , that they may be constrained by a temporall iudge to the obedience of the lawes , where the cause doth require , that in that case they should not enioy the benefit of their exemption , which it is certaine enough , that they receiued from the lawes of emperors and princes . for in vaine doth he challenge the benefit of lawes , who offends against them . hence it is , i meane out of this society and fellowship of clerkes and laikes in the common weale , that in publike assemblies the cleargie , if they be to consult of temporall affaires , doe fit in the next place to the prince . therefore spirituall power , ( by the word of power , it is vsuall to signifie the persons , indued with power ) doth both command and obey politike power , and the politike her againe . and this is that indeed , whereof b. gregorie the pope , admonisheth maurice the emperor , * let not our lord , ( saith he ) out of his carthly authority be the sooner offended with our priests , but out of his excellent iudgement , euen for his sake , whose seruants they are , let him so rule ouer them , as that also he yeeld them due reference . that is to say , let him rule ouer them , so far forth as they are citizens , and parts of the common wealth : yeeld reuerence , as they are the priests of god and spirituall fathers , to whom the emperor himselfe , as a child of the church , is in subiection . and this course and vicissitude of obeying and commanding between both the powers , is by a singular president declared of e salomon , who feared not to pronounce abiathar the high priest guilty of death , because he had a hand in the treason of adoniah . for the story saith , the king also said to abiathar the priest. goe thy waies to auathoth , to thy house , and surely thou shalt die : but to day , i will not slay thee , because thou hast caried the arke of the lord , before dauid my father , and hast endured trouble , in all those things , wherein my father was troubled . therefore salomon dismissed abiathar , that he should not be a priest of the lord. behold how salomon shewes , that in a ciuill and temporall businesse he had authority ouer the priests , whereas notwithstanding it is euident that in the old law the priests were ouer the kings , and vsed to command , and also to withstand them , in all things which belonged to the worship of god and the priestly function . but for that bellarmine would faine haue it f that salomon did this not as a king , but as a prophet and an executioner of diuine iustice , i require some proofe of this interpretation , seeing it appeares no where by the scriptures , and therefore rests vpon mere coniecture only . for in that place , there is no mention made , neither of any commandement specially giuen by the lord , nor of any extraordinary power delegated vnto him , but rather the cleane contrary , salomon himselfe declareth openly enough , that he executed this iudgement as king according to the ordinary power of the gouernment which he en●o●ed in the right of his kingdome , by vsing this preface : the lord liueth , who hath established me , and placea me vpon the throne of dauid my father . and indeed the whole businesse was not spirituall or ecclesiastike but temporall and politike only , wherein salomon knew very well that the king as king was the lawfull and ordinary iudge , and therefore we do not read , that by one interest he gaue iudgement vpon adoniah , and by an other vpon abiathar . againe where bellarmine to strengthen his interpretation takes hold of those words , vtim●leatur sermo domini , &c. it is very sleight i will not say absurd , for what belongs this to the manner of fulfilling ? who knoweth not that the same speech of the scripture , is as well verified of that , which is performed after an vsuall law , and an ordinary authority , as in this place , as of that , which is fulfilled either extraordinarily by some wonderfull euent , or by the impiety and tiranny of men ? the wicked when they crucified our sauiour , g diuided his garments , that it might be fulfilled , which is spoken by the prophet , or , that the scripture might be fulfilled h . therefore such kind of words are wont to be added in the scriptures , to shew the truth of the prediction and prophecie so as to draw an argument from hence to gather an other matter , must seeme very ridiculous and childish . indeed salomon in that case , was the executer of the diuine iustice . i allow it : he was a prophet also , it is true , and what then ? and yet we read that he did that , by his kingly authority , and common or ordinary power , and none , not the least mention made of any speciall commandement . neither is there any place in scriptures , where we may read that this iurisdiction , was by speciall name committed to him . moreouer it is not likely , that the author of the story , being inspired with the holy ghost , would without any touch or warning passe ouer so different causes of so great a businesse and of so great weight , if so be the king had passed his iudgement by vertue of one power and authority , against adoniah being a lay person , and another against abiathar a priest. in like sort the same learned man is deceiued , when he saith . that it is no wonder , if in the old testament the soueraigne power , was temporall , in the new spirituall , because in the old testament the promises were only temporall , and in the new spirituall and eternall . for neither in the old testament was the soueraigne power altogether temporall , neither is spirituall in the new . but each in his owne kingdome , that is , in the iurisdiction of his owne power , as is most meet , did then beare sway , and at this time ruleth : euen then , say i , both of them contented with their owne precincts , abstained from that , which was not their owne , that neither the temporall power , inuaded the spirituall iurisdiction , and priestly function , nor the spirituall pressed vpon the temporall as in their owne right . now that right which salomon did shew at that time to belong to princes temporall ouer the cleargie , is acknowledged and retained by kings in the new law and in the christian common wealth . from hence came those priuiledges , which diuers princes , excelling in deuotion and piety ; granted to ecclesiastike persons l . for to what end were priuiledges giuen to them , if by a common right they were not subiect to kings ? seeing that , they who are defended and exempted by the common aide , and by mere law , haue no need of any priuiledge , or extraordinary helpe m . and with these agree , euen those things , which bellarmine himselfe doth most rightly 〈◊〉 against the canonists . that the exemption of the cleargie in ciuill causes , as well touching their persons as touching their goods ; was brought in by the law of man , and not of god , and hee confirmeth it both by the authoritie of the apostle whose that same rule so much celebrated , let euery soule bee subiect to the higher powers , as well includeth the clerikes as the laikes , by chrysostomes testimonie ) and also by the testimonie of the ancient fathers : and lastly , in that as he saith , no word of god can bee brought forth whereby this exemption can bee confirmed . and i adde this as a most pregnant argument of this truth , that in the most flourishing estate of the church , and vnder those princes who acknowledged the pope the pastor of the vniuersall church , and the vicar of christ , it was enacted and obserued by the imperiall lawes , that the cleargie should answere before secular iudges touching ciuill crimes , and be condemned by them , if they were found guiltie of the crime laid against them p . and indeed , least we mistake , we must vnderstand , that not all these priuiledges of persons and businesses , which at this day the cleargie enioyeth , were granted by the same princes , nor at the same time . for first constantinus magnus endowed them with this singular priuiledge onely , that they should not be obnoxious to nominations and susceptions , that is that being nominated or elected they should not bee constrained to beare office , or to vndertake any wardship , or to take any office which concerned the collection or receipt of victuall or tribute : whereas before they were called to all these things without exception as well as any other citizens . in the eight yeere after , by the same prince his fauour they obtained immunitie and excuse from all ciuill functions , as appeareth by the constitutions of the same emperour q ; wherein hee giues this reason of his priuiledge : least the cleargie by the sacrilegious malice of certaine men might be called away from diuine seruice . and surely it is a thing worth the marking , against the vnthankfull ras●nesse of certaine clerikes , who can endure to ascribe the beginning of their immunities to the courtesie and gift of secular princes , because the same godly princes doth tearme those exemptions priuiledges ; for thus he : by the faction of hereticall persons we finde , that the clerikes of the catholike church , are so vexed , that they are oppressed with certaine nominations or susceptions , which the common custome requireth against the priuiledges granted to them . afterwards constantius and constance about the yeere thirtie sixe from the granting of the first priuiledge , arbitio and lollianus being consuls , granted an other priuiledge to the bishops , that they should not bee accused of any crimes before seculr iudges t but other persons of the ecclesiasticall order , inferior to bishops , that is , clerks and monkes , continued vnto iustinianus his time vnder the iurisdiction of ciuill magistrates ; and for the same cause leo and anthemius emperors , ( about 60 yeeres before iustinianus his empire ) ordained by way of fauour , that priests and clerkes , of the orthodoxall faith , of what degree soeuer , or monkes in ciuill causes should not be drawen by the sentence of any iudge greater or lesse , out of the prouince or place or countrie , which they inhabite ; but that they may answere the actions of all men that haue cause of suite against them before their ordinarie iudges , that is , the gouernours of the prouinces . behold how these being godly and catholike princes , affirme that the ordinarie iudges of the clerkes and monkes are the presidents of the prouinces , whom notwithstanding none of the fathers or bishops of that age challenged that they were in the wrong , or that they did not speake truly , holily , and orthodoxally . wherby it is plaine , that they conceiued too peruersly of iustinianus , who affirmed that he vsurped any iurisdiction ouer the laikes , wheras they are to giue him very great thanks , that he was the first of the emperours , who exempted the cleargie , ( being before that time altogether subiect to ciuill magistrates ) from secular iudgement in ciuill causes . which things being thus , it is plaine enough , that secular kings and princes , are indued with soueraigne power temporall , and that the cleargie is subiect vnto them in ciuill affaires . otherwise truly , neither could kings haue granted those priuiledges : nor holy and wise men , would haue prouided so ill for themselues and the whole church , that being of them selues absolute and free , and loose from the bands of temporall power , would suffer themselues to be brought into obligation for these manner of courtesies and priuiledges , for they plainly acknowledged that they were in their power and iurisdiction , by whom they could be endowed with such a manner of libertie , for that cannot be loosed and exempted , which was not bound or concluded before . besides , the princes thorough out the world , were at that time of so great pietie and deuotion , that if they had either found out by themselues , or vnderstood by the bishops or princes of the priests , that by the law of god , the clerikes were free from secular iurisdiction , they would forthwith haue prouided and enacted lawes and edicts for the same , nor haue challenged any title or interest either to their persons or goods . for if out of an only zeale of deuotion they gaue away so frankely and so profusely , euen those things which they conceiued to be their owne , how much more would they haue abstained and held their hands from those things which by no title or right were due vnto them . therefore the exemptions and priuiledges , which christian princes haue granted to ecclesiastike persons , for honor and reuerence vnto them , do sufficiently declare , yea conuince , that those princes are greater then all priests in temporall power , nor that the chiefe bishop and prince of priests , and euen the vicar of christ is exempted for other reason , and reputed as a priuiledged person , but that he is a temporall prince also , and sustaines a two fold person , the one of peters succession in the gouernment of the church , the other of asecular prince in a temporall iurisdiction , which he hath receiued by the liberality of other princes . chap. xvi . by the same reason may the difference be ouerthrowen manifestly , which he putteth between heathen princes and christian princes , as far as concernes temporall domination ouer ecclesiastike persons : which place i cannot now passe by in silence without blam . for he saith that the a bishop was subiect ( ciuiliter & de facto ) to heathen princes : because christian law depriues no man of his right and inheritance . therefore as before the law of christ men were subiect to emperours and kings , so also they were after . but when princes became christians , and of their accord receiued the lawes of the gospell , presently they subiected themselues to the president of the ecclesiastike hierarchy , as sheepe to the pastor and members to the head , and therefore afterwards ought to be iudged by him , and not to iudge him . it is an exceeding great fault in disputing , to take those things which are enunciated of any one subiect , for a certaine cause : or are remoued from one subiect for a certaine cause , and to attribute or detract them to , or from another thing diuers and vnlike , and to which the same cause doth not agree : or indistinctly and confusedly to shuffle those things together in the conclusion , which ought to be seuered and parted by some distinction . which fault who cannot plainely deprehend , in this former reasoning of bellarmine ? in which that is indefinitly and generally concluded of both the kindes of power and iudgement , which ought truly and rightly to haue beene enunciated of one of them alone . for that princes conuerted to christ , submit themselues as sheepe to the pastor , and members to the head , that cannot without wilfull cauill be vnderstood but of spirituall subiection : since they were not made his children or sheepe in other respect , then for that they were by the same spirit regenerate in iesu christ , and gouerned by the faith of the church . therefore in all matters , which belong to spirituall iurisdiction , it is true that they ought to be iudged by him , and not he by them . but this submission what is it to ciuill iudgement and temporall iurisdiction ? was it fit to 〈◊〉 and confound together matters of so diuerse and differe it kinds ? and that which might truely be affirmed of one of them alone , to pronounce generally and indefinitly of them both ? if he had said , and therefore ought to be iudged of 〈◊〉 spirituall matters , but not to iudge him afterwards , surely he had concluded his argument very well . but that same simple and absolutely , ab illo eos iudicari posse , is a 〈◊〉 collection . for there is a twofould kinde of iudgement , whereof by the one onely princes may be iudged by the pope : but by the other , the pope himselfe might be iudged by them , but that he had obtained a temporall gouernment which is subiect to none other . i pray you tell me , when constantinus magnus came to the church , did the romane empire , which before his baptisme was his , did it by and by passe into the hands and power of siluester the pope ? and the emperour , who was a man that affected glory so much , did he acknowledge the temporall power of that pope ouer him ? did either clodouaeus transfer the kingdome of france , or donaldus of scotland , or others their kingdomes into the temporall power and iurisdiction of the pope , as soone as they had embraced the faith ? that same caueat of paulus , the ciuilian is good : b aboue all things we must take heed , least a contract made in another matter , or with another person , hurt in another matter or another person . therefore let bellarmine search as much as he list , the annals and records of all nations , let him read through all scriptures and stories , he shall finde amongst them no one step , whereby it may be gathered , that those christian princes , when they gaue their names to the church , did submit their scepters to the pope and did specially and by name a bandon their soueraigne temporall magistracie ? but it must appeare that princes wittingly and knowingly did descend and giue themselues into the dition and authoritie temporall of the pope ; or we must confesse , that as much as concerned regall dignitie , they remained after baptisme in the same power and condition , wherein they were before they receiued holy imitation of christianitie , for as he witnesseth himselfe , the law of christ depriues no man of his right and peculiar fee. but before they gaue their name to christ , of right and in fact , as he saith , they exercised ciuill authoritie ouer the pope , and might lawfully iudge him in temporall cases : therefore they might likewise doe it lawfully after baptisme . which if it be so , it cannot be by any meanes , that they should be iudged by him in temporall matters , seeing it is impossible , that any man should bee superiour and inferiour in the same kind of authoritie , and in respect of one and the same thing . it is true that those christian princes , for the reuerence they bare not onely to the pope , but also to all other bishops , yea and priests also , did very seldome put that iudgement in practise : but this argues a want of will onely , and not of power also . wherefore as a consul or president when he yeelds himselfe to adoption , transferres none of those rights , which belong to him by his office , into the familie and power of his adoptiue father , neither can transferre them , but reserues them all entirely to himselfe ; so princes in the beginning hauing deliuered themselues into the spirituall adoption of the ecclesiastike hierarchie , could by that act loose none of those things , which belonged to the right of a kingdome , and their publike ciuill estate : for that the nature of these powers is deuided , so as although being yoaked and coupled together they did very htlv and handsomely frame together in the same christian common-wealth : yet neither of them as it is such , is subiect or master to the other , and neither doth necessarilie follow and accompanie the other , but each may be both obtained , and also lost or kept without the other . but now because the learned bellarmine is very much delighted with similitudes , and besides prooues thi common opinion de indirect a potestate temporals summ● pontificis , by no testimonie either of scriptures or of ancient fathers : but onely by certaine reasons fetched a simili ( a very poore and weake foundation to build a demonstration vpon i thinke i shall not doe amisse , by a similitude of much more fitnesse to confirme also our opinion of this matter . the sonne of the familie , although he goe to warres , and beare publike office and charge , is by the law of god and man subiect to his father , in whose sacred houshold power he is yet abiding d . and againe the father , who hath this power ouer his sonne , is subiect to his sonne as a magistrate , but 〈◊〉 another kind of power . for the one , as he is a parent challengeth authority ouer his sonne , whereby he may correct , chastise , and punish him offending and committing any thing against the lawes of the family , or practising any thing against himselfe , or otherwise doing that which is vnworthy and vnfitting a good sonne , not by the right of a magistrate , but , by the authority of his fatherly power ; and not with euery kind of punishment , but only with certaine , which are allowed by the law . therefore , if his sonne deserue ill , he may disherit him , cast him out of the house , depriue him of the right of the family and kindred , and chastise him with other domesticall remedies e . but he can not disanull his magistracy , nor take from him his goods in the campe , nor condemne him by a publike iudgement ; neither inflict any other mulct or paine due for his fault by the law , either directly , or indirectly , because this course exceedeth the measure and iurisdiction of a fatherly power : but the other , although a sonne , and obliged by the fathers bond , yet as he is a magistrate in publike authority , ruleth ouer his father , and in publike affaires , and euen in priuate ( so be it they be not domesticall ) may command him as well as other citizens f . if there be a sonne of a family , saith vlpian , and beare an office , he may constraine his father in whose power he is , suspectum dicentem haereditatem adire & restituers . from hence , if the sonne of the family be consul , or president , he may either be emancipated or giuen into adoption before himselfe g . for which cause the father is no lesse bound then if he were a stranger , not only to obey his sonne , being in office , but also to rise to him , and to honor him with all the respect and honor , which belongeth to the magistrate h . in the very same manner the pope , who is the spirituall father of all christians , by his fatherly ecclesiastike power as the vicar of christ doth command kings and princes , as well as the rest of the faithfull : and in that respect , if kings commit any thing against god or the church , he may sharply chastise them with spirituall punishments , cast them out of the house and family of god , and disinherit them of the kingdome of heauen ( most fearefull and terrible punishments for christian hearts to thinke on ) because all these things are proper to his fatherly power spirituall . but neither can he take from them , temporall principality and domination , nor inflict ciuill punishments vpon them , because he hath obtained no ciuill and temporall iurisdiction ouer them , by which such manner of chastisement ought to be exercised : as also for that , the fatherly power spirituall , wherewith the pope is furnished is very far diuided from the ciuill and temporall in ends , offices , and euen in persons also . for god as he hath committed spirituall power to the pope and the other priests , so also hath he giuen the ciuill by an euerlasting 〈◊〉 tion to the king and the magistrates , which be vnder him . there is no power but of god. to this place belongs that ancient glosse , which the cardinall of cusa k writes that it was assured to the canon . hadrianus papa 63. in which canon it is deliuered , that the pope with the whole synod , granted to charles the great , the honor of the patriciate . for the glosse said that a patrician was a father to the pope in temporalities , as the pope was his father in spiritualities . and the same cardinall in the same booke speaking of the electers of the l germane emperors : from whence the electors , saith he , who in the time of henry the second were appointed by the common consent of all the almans , and others who were subiect to the empire , haue a radicall power from that common consent of all men , who might by the law of nature constitute an emperor ouer them : not from the bishop of rome , who hath no authority to giue a king or emperor to any prouince in the world , without the consent of the same . the same cardinall , being himselfe , both a great diume and philosopher , addeth many other things in that place , by which he confirmes our distinction and declares , that emperors and kings are both ouer and vnder the popes . and thus much touching the first reason of bellarmine , and the arguments brought by him to prooue the same . chap. xvii . the second reason followes , which is concluded by two fould arguments . the second reason , saith he , the ecclesiastike common-weale ought to be perfect , and in it selfe sufficient in order to her end . for such are all common-weales , rightly founded : therefore ought shee to haue all power necessary to attaine her end . but the power to vse and to dispose of temporall matters , is necessary to this spirituall end : because otherwise wicked princes might with impunity nourish heretikes , and ouerturne religion : therefore shee hath this power also . againe , euery common-wealth , because it ought to be perfect and sufficient in it selfe , may command another common-wealth , which is not subiect to it , and constraine it to change the gouernment , yea euen to depose hir prince , and to appoint another , when it cannot otherwise defend it selfe , from hir ininries : therefore much more may the spirituall common-weale command the temporall common-weale , being subiect to hir , and force it to change the gouernment , and to depose the princes and appoint others , seing she cannot otherwise maintaine hir spirituall good . i answer , that heere are so many faults in this place , as it seemeth that the author did either idlely and carelesly transcribe all this out of some other , or if it be all his owne , that he did not very well remember those things , which he had said before . for a little before , when as he laboured by another argument to prooue , that the ciuill power is subiect to the ecclesiastike , he affirmed that these powers were parts only of one common-wealth , and that they did constitute only one common-wealth . the first reason , saith he , is thus : the ciuill power is subiect to the spirituall power , because each of them is a part of the same christian common-wealth . and againe , secondly kings bishops , and clerikes and laikes do not make two common-wealthes but one . but in this place he quite changes these two powers into two common-wealthes , which therefore ought to be so seuered and disioyned , as that kings and laikes doe make a politike and temporall common-wealth : bishops and clerikes a spirituall or ecclesiastike : then which nothing could be spoken more absurdly or vnfitly for the present purpose . for either he speaketh in this place of an ecclesiastike power , which is wholy seuered from the ciuill power , as it was once in the time of the apostles , and now is in those places , where christians laie amongst heathen and infidesl : in which case it is euident that the power or common-wealth ecclesiastike , as he calles it , or the prince and hierarch thereof hath no authority at all , not so much as spirituall ouer the ciuill prince : because he is not a child of the church . a or he speakes of the power ecclesiastike ioyned with the ciuill , as in a christian common-wealth , and then hee doth wrong to make hir two common-wealthes , one ecclesiastike and the other politike , when as they be onely two powers of one christian common-wealth , and parts and members of one church and misticall body of christ , as himselfe deliuered before . further it is fals which he assumes . that the power to vse & to dispose of temporall matters , is necessary to a spiritual end , &c. for the prince of the apostles himselfe openly teacheth , that he had no such manner of authority ouer the temporalities of christians except those , which themselues of their owne accord , did confer and offer to the church , when he saith , b ananias , why hath satan tempted thy heart , that thou shouldest lie to the holy spirit , and defraud of the price of the field ? whilest it remained , did it not belong to thee , and being sould was it not in thy power ? if the apostles had had power to dispose of the temporalties of christians , peter surely had not said , did it not ? &c. and when as ananias might presently haue replied : yes , you had power to dispose of my goods , and therefore fearing least you would take from mee more then was cause , i concealed part of the price . but because the church had not this power , therefore without cause did he lye to the holy ghost . and how , if out of this foundation of bellarmine it should follow , that the primitiue church had not all necessarie power to attaine vnto her end ? for , for the space of 300 yeeres and more , wherein she liued vnder heathen princes , after the passion of christ , she neuer had this power to dispose of christians temporalties : in which time notwithstanding , it is most certaine , that an infinite multitude of men and almost the greatest part of the world , had giuen their names to christ , and that a more seuere and strict discipline raigned in the church , then at any time beside , that it is impious to say , that the church was not then furnished with all necessarie meanes of right and of fact to attaine her end , for the workes of god are perfect . and surely he should doe christ no small iniurie , who thinkes that the church is by him left and deliuered to the apostles , destitute of necessarie meanes for her preseruation . whatsoeuer was necessarie for the church to attaine her end , was abundantly and plentifully bestowed by christ on his apostles when he said : ego dabo vobis os , & sapientiam , cui non poterunt resistere , & contradicere omnes aduersarij vestri c . therfore , whosoeuer conceiues that christ recommended his church to peter , and willed him thrice to feede his lambes and sheepe , and supposeth that for the feeding of those sheepe , and to the accomplishing of the end of his commandement , he did not grant them all things necessarie both in right and in fact , hee seemes to me no better then an atheist , and to doubt of the prouidence , power and goodnesse of god. let vs imagine that he did not giue all power necessarie for the execution of so great a charge ; can any other reason why he did not , be assigned , then for because either the lord knew not what was needfull , or had no abilitie in him to giue it , or ( which is a point of extreame malice , ) he meant to deceiue his seruants and friends , by enioyning that dutie vnto them , which hee knew very well that they were neuer able to performe . by these things , it is cleare , that the temporall authoritie and power to depose princes , is no way necessarie for the church to attain her end : although in humane consideration , it may seeme sometimes to be profitable . for god , who hath chosen the foolish things of the world , to confound the wise , and hath chosen the weake things of the world , to confound the strong e , knowing that his church only stood in need of spirituall armes , did so from the beginning furnish her with them , that she ouercame all humane power and might , so as it might be said truly : a domino factum est illud & est mirabile in oculis nostris f . s. bernard writeth excellently , ( as hee doth alwaies , ) to eugenius the pope g : this is peter , who was not at any time knowen to walke clad in silkes , or adorned with precious stones , not couered with gold , nor caried on a white steed , nor waited on with a guard of souldiers , nor compassed with troups of seruants attending on him : and yet he thought that without these , that wholesome commandement might be discharged siamas me , pasce oues meas : heerein thou hast succeeded not to peter but to constantine . therefore although the temporall power whereof we speake , may seeme to men to be necessarie for the church , yet to god it seemed neither necessarie , nor profitable , peraduenture for that reason , which the successe of matters and experience it selfe hath taught the posteritie , least the apostles and their successors trusting on humane authoritie , should more negligently intend spirituall matters , and should chiefly place their hope in armes and in a temporall authoritie and might , which they ought to settle in the power of the word of god and in his singular helpe . and indeed if a man would take a view in storie of the state of the church from the passion of christ to this day , he shall see , altogether that she grew very soone , and flourished very long , vnder bishops that were content with their owne authoritie , that is , with spirituall iurisdiction : who being the disciples of the humilitie of christ , iudged , that the onely strength to defend the church , did consist in the power of preaching the gospell , and the diligent obseruation of ecclesiastike discipline , without any mention of temporall power . and againe ●●om the time that certaine popes went about to annex and adioine a soueraigne temporall gouernment to that spiritual soueraigntie which they had , that the church decased euery day , both in the number of beleeuers , and behauiour and vertue of gouernours ; and that same seueritie of the ancient discipline being either remitted , or to speake more truely , being omitted , that many ministers of the church discharged their places more slothfully and carelesly then before . i omit that if these mens reasons were good it would follow by contraries : that the temporall common wealth , as they speake , hath power to dispose of spirituall matters , and to depose the soueraigne prince of the ecclesiastike common wealth : because , it ought to be perfect and sufficient in it selfe , in order to her end , and to haue all power necessary to attaine to her end : but the power to dispose of spirituall matters , and to depose the prince ecclesiastike is necessary to the temporall end , because otherwise wicked ecclesiasticall princes , may trouble the state and quiet of a temporall common wealth , and hinder the end of the ciuill gouernment , as indeed diuerse popes haue been causes of much vnquietnesse . therefore the temporall common-wealth hath this power . the consecution is vtterly false and absurd , ( for a temporall prince , as he is such a one hath no spirituall power ) and therefore the other is false too , to which this by analogie is a consequent . but as we vse to speake , dare absurdum non est soluere argumentum : therefore i doe answer otherwise to the former part of this second reason . that here be not two common weales as he supposeth , but one only , wherein there be two powers , or two magistrates : the ecclesiastike and the politike , whereof each hath those things , which he doth of necessity require to attaine his end : the one his spirituall , the other his temporall iurisdiction : and that neither this iurisdiction is necessary to that power , nor that for this . otherwise we must confesse , that each power is destitute of her necessary meanes , then when they were seuered , as sometimes they were : which i haue already shewed to be very false , as well out of the end of the temporall or ciuill gouernment , at it is such h , as by the state of the church , being established vnder heathen and infidell princes i . according to this manner , in one and the same ciuill policie i meane , in one city or kingdome , many magistrates are found inuested with diuerse offices , power and authority , who gouerne the common weale committed to them in parts , euery one of whom receiueth from the king or common wealth necessary power to attaine the end of their charge , so as none of them may or dare , inuade and arrogate to themselues , the iurisdiction and rule of an other . if the consuls want any part of the tribunes power , or the tribunes any of the consular iurisdiction , it can not be said therefore , that both haue need of an others power to compasse their ends : for each office according to the ground of the first institution is perfect and furnished with all necessary authority for the execution of his charge . or to bring forth more known examples . as in one kingdome and vnder one king there are two great offices , whereof the one the chancellor , the other the constable hath by commission from the king , ( the one hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the speciall charge of the law and iustice , the other the managing of armes , and the gouernment of all military discipline committed to him , ) and each of them according to the quality and condition of his office is absolute , and receiueth from the king all authority necessary for the execution of his charge , and the compassing of his end . neither , if peraduenture one of them either of negligence or iniury doe hinder the course of the other , may he that is so hindred by his proper authority disanull his office , or vsurpe his iurisdiction , or to be short enforce him to amend his fault , but by lawfull meanes granted him by commission from the king : but it is requisite that each complaine to the king of others abuse , of whom they haue receiued their authority so distinguished in offices and function , that he may right him that is wronged and determine by his owne power and iudgement the diuision of the whole cause . now so long as these officers doe agree in the kingdome , the one maintaines an others authority , and vseth of his owne to supply that which is wanting in the other . but if a country-man , to auoid iudgement of law doe depart into the campe to the army , the aide of the martiall at armes being required , he is wont to be sent backe to the place , from whence he fled : and of the contrary , if one that forsakes his coloures shall slip into the city , the city magistrate being requested by the magistrate at armes , will by and by see him conueighed to the campe to be punished for his misdemeanour . but where they doe disagree , they giue those wounds to the common-wealth , which the prince onely can helpe and cure : because it is not lawfull for them to vse another mans authority , and is fitting for the one onely to meddle in matter of armes , and for the other with matter of iustice . in the same manner two soueraigne magistrates of the christian common-wealth , the king and the pope , doe receiue from the common king and lord of all , the great god of heauen and earth ; a diuers power , each perfect in his kind , and gouerne the people by different iurisdictions and offices . and these surely , so long as they agree together in concord of mindes , doe naturally assist one another , to the maintenance and conseruation of each power and authority , so as both the ecclesiastike power , doth with the heauenly and spiritual sword , strike such as be seditious and rebellious subiects to their secular prince , and in requitall the power temporall and politike doth with an armed hand , pursue schismatikes , and others falling from the faith , or otherwise carying themselues stubbornly toward their holy mother the church , and doth sharply chastice them with temporall punishments and ciuil corrections : and mulctes . but when they are rent into contrary factions , and oppose themselues one against the other , the whole christian common-wealth either wholly fales to ground , or at least is most greeuously wounded : because there is none but god alone , who can lawfully deuide that cause , and redresse the wrong offred of either side . chap. xviii . being desirous to passe on to other matters , i was a little staide , by a doubt which did arise touching the sense of the late argument of the second reason , which was conceiued by the author in these words . a also euery common-weale , because shee ought to be perfect and sufficient in hirselfe , may command another common-wealth , not subiect to hir , and inforce hir to change her gouernment , yea also to depose hir prince , and to ordaine another , being shee cannot otherwise defend hirselfe from hir iniuries . for to confesse the truth , when i first read these words in him , i paused awhile , that i might throughly vnderstand the meaning of these words , and what the moment and waight of this argument might be . for he seemed not plainly and expresly to approue it , because he did lay open to vs certaine meanes of forceing a neighbour common-wealth , and deposing the prince thereof . and when i had a long time skanned and examined the same , i resolued that either it was a riddle , or that his words doe admit this sence and interpretation . euery common-weale may denounce and wage a iust war against another common-wealth , which beares both hatred and armes against her , when as she cannot otherwise deliuer hirselfe from hir iniurie , and if shee be the stronger may by force and armes force hir to conditions of peace : and if she suppose that by that caution shee hath not yet prouided sufficiently for hir security ( because peraduenture shee hath to do with a people that is by nature false and treacherous ) may reduce the whole country into her power and iurisdiction , and giue her lawes and orders , remooue hir prince , take away hir authority , and at hir pleasure alter the whole administration of the common-wealth into another form . but if this be the true sense of these words , as i suppose it is , that argument surely was to small purpose brought of bellarmine , for that is not gathered from hence , which he concludes forsooth . much more may the spirituall common-wealth , command the temporall common-wealth , being subiect vnto hir , and force hir to change hir administration , and to depose princes , and ordaine others , &c. because in this case there be not two common-wealthes , but onely one christian , resting on two powers , whereof neither is subiect to other , as we haue aboue sufficiently demonstrated : as also , for that if we grant , that they are two common-wealthes distinct , the ecclesiasticall or spirituall , and the temporall , he must of force confesse , that in the one all bishops and clerikes only are comprised , in the other all secular princes and laikes ; or that this is compounded of onely ecclesiastikes , that of onely laikes . for although the laikes and clerikes together , doe constitute one church and one christian common-weale , yet they doe not make together one ecclesiastike and spiritual common-wealth , as it is distinguished from the temporall : nor one temporall and secular common-wealth , but according to the diuision and separation aboue named , the laikes make the temporall , and the ecclesiastikes the spirituall : in the case wherein the temporall is distinguished from the spirituall after this manner . but now seeing the ecclesiastike common-wealth , containes onely clerikes , whose weapons ought to be none other , but praiers and teares , how can it be , that she being weake and vnarmed can compell ( but by miracle ) a temporall common-weale armed , to change the manner of her administration ? therefore there is nothing more fond then this comparison and consequution of bellarmine , since in reasoning he proceeds : from common-wealthes well prouided for exercise and furniture of armes , to common-wealthes , the one whereof is vtterly disfurnished of armes . for as oft as one state either repelleth the iniuries , which another would offer , or reuengeth them , being offered , she fighteth with those armes , which are allowed her , and which by law of armes she may vse : that is to say , corporall and visible , by force whereof she ouerturnes the bodies of her enemies , inuades their holds , battereth townes , and ouerthrowes the whole state of the enemie common-wealth . but the spirituall common-weale , which he calles , is quite destitute of this kind of armes , and because it is composed of clerikes onely , it is lawfull for her , to fight with spirituall armes onely , which are , prayers and teares , for such are the defences of priests : in no other manner neither ought they , neither can they resist b for all of them are commanded in the person of peter to put vp the materiall sword . how then can the spirituall common-wealth constraine the temporall common-wealth , which contemnes the spirituall thunder-boltes , that she should change the manner and forme of her administration or depose her prince , and ordaine another ? now if any peraduenture doe propound , that the ecclesiastike common-wealth should bee assisted in the execution of so great a matter , by the humane forces of secular men , ( for princes and all other christians ought to be nurses and defenders of the church ) he will be answered out of hand , that in that case the ecclesiastike common-wealth , doth not constraine the temporall common-weale , but is onely the cause , wherefore an other state temporall , by whose helpe that spirituall one is defended and protected , doth reuenge the wrong done vnto the church . in no other manner than if the whole common-wealth should reuenge an iniurie or a slaughter receiued in the person of one citizen . euen as it is recorded , that the rest of the tribes of israell , did wage a bitter and a grieuous warre against the beniamites , for rauishing the wife of one leuite . so the graecians in times past reuenged menclaus his iniurie , with the ruine of troy. and the romanes punished with a sharpe warre , teuca , queene of the 〈◊〉 , for the murder executed on l. coruncanus ; forced the queene to depart out of illiricum , and to pay a great yeerely tribute d . will any man heere say , that the ●e●ia●ites , troianes , illyrians , were vanquished and repressed by the leuite , menclaus or coruncanus , now dead , and not rather by them who for their sakes tooke armes and punished the enemies ? in like manner will any say , it is the ecclesiastike common-wealth , which bridles and reduceth into order , the temporall , playing vpon them with much iniurious and insolent demeanour : and not rather an other temporall state , which enters in armes for the sake of the ecclesiastike republique ; and without whose helpe , the church her selfe and all her orders would lie troden and trampled vnder foote ? what if there bee no temporall state , which will or dare contest with this state which is enemie to the ecclesiastike common-wealth ? by what meanes then will she reuenge herselfe ? to vse few wordes : although we grant them their comparison and conclusion , there can nothing bee made of it , but that the pope hath such a power to dispose of temporall matters of christians , and to depose princes , as either the king of france is knowen to haue ouer the english , spaniards , or other neighbour people , who doe him wrong , or any of these vpon the state and kings of france , if they haue offended them , which power in what manner , and of what proportion it is , can onely be determined and decided by the sword . chap. xix . these although they may suffice for the refuting of the second reason , yet least in these writings of this most learned man , i should passe ouer any thing , which because it is either vntouched , or negligently handled , might beget any error , or cast any scruple into the reader , it is a matter worth the paines to examine and sift , what that might be which for the strengthning of his reason he brings out of s. bernard , in the bookes de consid. ad eugen a . bernard indeed aduiseth that the materiall sword is to be exercised by the souldiers hand at the becke of the priest and commandement of the emperour , which we surely confesse , for warres both are vndertaken more iustly , and discharged more happily , when the ecclesiasticall holines doth agree & conspire with kingly authoritie . but we must note , he attributeth only to the priest a becke , that is , the consent and desire to wage warre ; but to the emperour the commandement and authoritie . whereby it is euident , that hee speaketh in no other respect , that the materiall sword belongeth to the church , then for that in a christian estate , although the authoritie and command for warre be in the power of emperours , kings and princes , yet warres are with more iustice waged , where the consent of the ecclesiastike power comes in , which being guided by the spirit of god , can more sharpely and truly iudge between right and wrong , godly , or vngodly . but what if the emperour will not draw his sword at the becke of the priest ? nay what if he shall draw it against the priests beck and assent ? doth s. bernard in this case giue to the priest any temporall power ouer the emperour ? ( for this is it which we seeke in this place , and whereon our whole disputation turneth ) surely none at all . but he rather teacheth , that none belongeth to him , whenas he saith , that the materiall sword , ( by which sword the soueraigne power temporall is signified ) may not bee exercised by the church : but onely by the hand of the souldier , and commandement of the emperour . which same point gratianus deliuers more plainly , being almost s. bernards equall . b when peter , saith he , who was first of all the apostles chosen by the lord , did vse the materiall word , that he might defend his master from the iniurie of the iewes , he heard , turne thy sword into the seabbard , for euery one , who takes the sword , shall perish by the sword , as if it had beene told him openly : hitherto it was lawfull for the and thy predecessors to prosequ●te the enemies of god with the temporall sword : heereafter for an example of patience turne thy sword , that is hitherto granted to thee , into the scabbard : and yet exercise the spirituall sword which is the word of god , in the kiling of thy former life , for euery one besides him or his authoritie , who vseth lawfull power , who as the apostle saith , d beareth not the sword without cause , to whom also euery soule ought to be subiect : i say euery one , who without such a warrant receiueth the sword , shall perish by the sword . if these of bernard and gratian bee true , it can by no meanes be , that the pope should with any right exercise temporall power vpon the emperour , or other secular princes : for it cannot be exercised but by the sword , and the sword cannot be by the souldier drawen , but by their commandement : and so this temporall power , would prooue vtterly vaine and vnprofitable in the person of the pope , when as the execution thereof should bee denied him . vnlesse some emperour perchance should be besotted with so fatall a fatuitie , that he would command the souldiers to beare armes against himselfe ; or should be indued with so great sanctitie and iustice , that he doe by his edict signifie that they should not spare himselfe if hee should offend . hitherto belongs that , which s. ambrose writeth , e the law saith he , forbiddeth not to strike , and therefore peraduenture christ said to peter , offering two swordes . it is enough , as though it were lawfull vntill the gospell , that there might be in the law an instruction of equitie , in the gospell perfection of goodnesse . besides we must vnderstand , that that place of the gospell , touching two swords , which they obiect vnto vs , is not necessarily to be vnderstood of the temporall and spirituall swords , yea that it is far more agreeable to the speech of our sauior in that place , that it should be vnderstood of the spirituall sword , and the sword of the passion : as amb. expoundeth it learnedly and holily in that place . for christ in that last speech with the disciples before his passion , admonished them , that they should be sent to preach the gospell , of a few other manner of conditions after his death came they should receiue this commandement , euntes in mundum vniuersum predicate euangelium vniuersae creaturae : then before they had beene sent by him , when as yet he liued with them in the earth : as if he had said , hitherto i haue so sent you as you haue needed neither bagge , nor girdle , nor shooes , but heereafter i will send you to preach the gospell : and you will haue neede of a bagge and a scrip , to wit of care and patience : and also of the two swords , the spirituall and that of the passion , whereof it is said . h a sword shall pierce thy soule , for there is a spirituall sword , ( saith ambrose in that place ) that thou shouldest sell thy patrimony , purchase the word whereby the naked inward reines of the soule are cloathed and furnished . there is also a sword of the passion , that thou put of thy body , that with the cast cloathes of thy flesh sacrifised , thou maiest buy a crowne of martyrdome , which thou maiest gather out of the blessings of the lord , who preached that it was the summe of all crownes , if a man suffer persecution for righteousnesse . lastly , that you may know of what passion he spake , least he should trouble the mindes of his disciples , he brought foorth the example touching himselfe , saving : because as yet , that which is written ought to be fulfilled in me : that he was reputed with the iniust . i thus he , to which i will at last adioyne , that bellarmine himselfe , in the bookes , de summo pontifice , k prooueth that it is not the meaning of that place of the gospell , that it should be vnderstood of the spirituall and temporall sword . i answered , saith he , that no mention is made in that place of the gospell , of the spirituall and temporall sword of the pope , but onely that by those words the lord would admonish his disciples that in the time of his passion they should be in those straightes , and in that feare , wherein they are wont to be , who are glad to sell their c●ate to buy them a sword withall . where vpon hee affirmeth , that s. bernard , and pope boniface the viij . did mystically onely interpret this place of the two swords . which seeing it is so , and that it is certaine both by the interpretation of the fathers , and also by the confession of bellarmine himselfe , that the words of our sauiour , are not truely , properly , and strictly to be taken of those swords , ( about which all our swords are drawen , and we together by the eares ) surely then that speech of bernard is very wrongfully alleadged , to prooue that the pope in any case hath temporal power ouer christian princes , or that the temporall sword is vnder the spirituall sword ; the which neither s. bernard saith there , neither ●●uld so say without wresting and peruerting the place . therefore although we grant neuer so much , that the place is to be vnderstood mystically of the spirituall and temporall sword , yet that exposition of bernards will onely worke thus much , that we may vnderstand , that christian kings and princes , ought to wage warre for the church , by the counsell of the church or of the pope . which no sober man will euer deny . and so christ ( if in this manner we vnderstand his words mystically ) two swords being shewed said , satis est . not to signifie that one sword should be subiect to the other : or that both of them should be in the hand of the pope and the priests , ( for that exposition is faulty , and is repugnant both to right reason , and also to the doctrine of the ancient fathers , wherein it is taught that kings and emperours , haue god onely for their superiour in temporalities ) but to admonish vs , that there should be at the last in the christian common-wealth a meeting and concourse of both the swords , spirituall and temporall , when princes should be conuerted to the faith , and that by them two , the church should be euery way protected and defended from iniury . but because we are fallen into this notable place of s. bernard , i would wish the reader by the way , diligently to consider with me , that which i know not , whether any hath obserued heretofore . what is the reason that he , writing to eugenius the pope of the temporall sword , first saith , tuo forsitan nutu , etsi non tua manu cuaginandus . then a few lines after , doth adde , that the same sword is to be vsed nutu sacerdotis : and addes not forsitan ? doth that same , forsitan , either abound in the former sentence , or faile in the latter : the truth is , that the godly and wise man did it of purpose : that he might with some finenesse distinguish the person of the pope , from the pontificall or sacerdotall authority and office , and teach , that it importeth very much , whether the pope or eugenius , although both pope and eugenius were the same , doe bid or forbid any thing . i meane whether the pope , as a man obnoxious to the perturbations of the mind , would haue the sword drawen , not for the church according to the duty of his function : but by the instigation of a corrupt affection : or as a priest , that is , a good and holy man , doe command or refuse that the sword should be drawen and war waged , seruing not his owne turne , but the profit of the church . as if he should say ô eugenius , cheefe bishop , the temporall sword is not absolutely and simply to be drawen at thy commandement , but peraduenture ; euen then , when as for the euident commodity of the church , you shall aduise them with wise and sound counsell who haue the sword in their power : but not then , when as out of the desire you haue , either to practise ancient enmity with any , or to powre out any new conceiued hatred , or to satisfie any ambitious desire to rule , you shall purpose to set christian kings , and people by the eares , or to wage and bring any was upon them . for that is a point of a priest , this of a man. for that is a meditation and action of a priest , this of a man ; that of a bishop , this of eugenius , or some other that holds the bishops sea . that this was s. bernards meaning in those words , the actions of certaine bishops who haue beene beyond measure transported with anger and pride , haue plainly declared . but let vs returne to our purpose . chap. xx. the third reason in bellarmine is : it is not lawfull for 〈◊〉 to tolerate a king that is an infidell or an be 〈◊〉 vncendeauour to draw his subiects to heresie or 〈◊〉 . but to iudge whether a king doe draw to heresie or 〈…〉 pope , to whom the charge of religion is committe● . ergo , it belongs to the pope to iudge , that a king is to be 〈◊〉 not to be ●epo●ed . and he labours to prooue th● proposition of this reason by three arguments . therefore i answer to that : that he saith , that it is not 〈…〉 to tolerate a king that is an heretike or an 〈◊〉 &c. that this proposition is as false as false may be : otherwise all antiquity is to be condemned , which did beare with great submission and patience , kings hereticall and infidel● , who went about to destroy the church of god ; 〈…〉 propter con●cientiam ; that is , not 〈◊〉 that they wanted strength to enforce ●icked 〈…〉 that they iudged that they might not by the law o● god. but becau●● we haue in our books against the 〈…〉 and also a●oue in this booke , we haue 〈…〉 hurtfull and mischieuous er●●● , there is no cause wh● we should dwell any long 〈…〉 the fa●●●ood thereof . it only remaineth that 〈…〉 sh●w the faults of the arguments , wherewith 〈…〉 to prooue his false proposition . i 〈◊〉 first argument he f●tches out of deuteron●mie ; where the people is forbidden to chuse a king , which is not 〈…〉 brethren , that is , who is not a iew , least he d●aw them to idolatry : therefore also christians , are forbidden to 〈◊〉 one that is no christian . grant all this be true . then 〈◊〉 these parts thus granted he proceeds in this 〈◊〉 againe : it is equally dangerous and hurtfull to chuse one that is not a christian , & not to depose a non christian : as it is known . ergo , christians are bound not to suffer euer them a king not christian , if he endeuour to turne the people from the ●au● . i answer , that this consequence is not good , and that by such vitious and deceitfull manner of arguing many are turned from the truth . now the fallacy is in this , that he determines and assumes for certaine that there is law , wheresoeuer the same hurt or danger is ; which i shall prooue presently to be most false . neither is it like that , which the 〈◊〉 deliuer , v●●●adem ratio est , ●us idem esse 〈◊〉 . d . therefore we must obserue , that he doth not sa●e , 〈◊〉 demp●●●att esse , eligere non christianum & non deponere non christianum : that it is as faulty or vnlawfull , &c. which if he had said i had denied the antecedent : but he saith 〈…〉 esse that it is as hurtful and dangerous &c. whence he doth falsly gather that christians are ●ound not to suffer ouer them a king that is no christian. for it followeth not , where the same harme and danger is , that the same power to doe any thing is granted to the party who is 〈◊〉 or endangered , nor where equall harme and danger is , there also is equall sinne or merit ; and this may be easily prooued by examples . he that re 〈◊〉 ounds , or is spoiled of his goods , suffers the same danger and mischeefe , whether it be by force from a robber , or a wandring souldier , or that he be oppressed of a magistrate by an vniust sentence . but the same remedy is not prouided against both these , to run vpon a robber , and to kill him , in defense of himselfe and his goods , it is very lawfull e , reseruing as they say , the moderation of the defensiue resistance , that it be without blame . but it is not likewise lawfull to resist a magistrate , who according to the power of his iurisdiction had passed an vniust sentence against him , by reason of the authority which iudgements and matters iudged vse to haue . marke i pray you , although in both respects , there be the like harme and losse to him that is spoiled , yet the same law is not of force in both places . againe it is a matter of the same danger and hurt , deliberately to enter into a ship , whose kee●e you know to be ●●aken and hath sprung a leake : and to enter into that , which you take to be sound , when as indeed she is rotten and full of leakes . i say it is a matter equally dangerous not equally vnlawfull . in the first case , you tempt god , and procure to your selfe your owne death : but in the later , it 〈◊〉 haue vsed all possible diligence , you doe not offend , it ignorantly you commit your selfe to such a ship . so it is a matter of the same danger and hurt , to mary a woman for her wealth or beauty , which you know to be ●● an vnquiet , and a 〈◊〉 disposition : and by chance to light vpon one , which you doe not know to be such a one . and yet he that casts himself into so manifest a danger seemeth greatly to offend , who in the shaping of the course of his life , doth tempt god. but he , that being ignorant of his to tune , and of the moro●●ty and sharpnesse of the woman , shall mary her , not only committeth nothing against god , but by his daily troubles and miseries , if he beare them with a strong and patient minde , doth please him as it were by a certaine kind of martirdome . i ●ight produce many examples of this kind , to conuince the captiousnesse of this argument of bellarmines . therefore as it followeth not , if he that knowes a woman to be extreamly wicked , and so froward , that there is no hope to hu● with her in peace and quietnesse , ought not to take her to wife , ( because by that act , he doth cast himselfe into 〈◊〉 danger ) that he also who casually and vnwittingly ha●h light of such a one , ought to forsake or refuse her , notwithstanding the bond of matrimony , although it be a matter of the same danger and hurt , if he keepe her . in like manner it followeth not , if christians be bound not to chuse a king who is no christian , or an heretike , that they are ●ound also , not to endure him being now chosen , because many things hinder a businesse which is to be done , which doe not dissolue the same being done , as we haue other where shewed at large . and this is sufficient to weaken the force of this argument . chap. xxi . bvt yet i am constrayned to stay heere a little longer , that i may further discouer and represse another errour , which he adioynes as a complement to his former reason for to confirme that which he said . that christians are bound not to suffer ouer them a king , that is no christian , &c. and because he would haue none to doubt of this proposition , because in times past christians did both tolerat , and honour many princes , euen because they were princes , without any scruple of conscience , which were partly heathen , partly heretikes , that i say he might preuent with some solution this so strong an obiection and so peremptory against his former positiō , he presently adioyneth these words . now if christians in times past did not depose nero , and diocl●tianus and iulianus the apostate , and valens the arian , and such like , it was because the christians wanted temporall strongth . for that otherwise they might iustly haue done it , appeareth by the apostle , 1. cor. 6. where hee commands that new iudges in temporall causes , should be set ouer the christians , least the christians should be enforced to bring their causes , and debate them before a iudge , that was a persecutor of christ. for as new iudges might be appointed , so also might new princes and kings haue beene for the same cause if they had had strength sufficient for such an enterprise . heere be many things , worthy to be reprehended , and which i doe much maruell , that a man so learned , and trained in authors both sacred and prophane , would euer commit to writing . for first he saith , that the want of strength was the cause , why christians in times past did not depose nero , d●●cle●ian , iulian , ualens and the like , we haue sufficiently declared to be most false , by cleere and vndoubted testimonies in our bookes a deregno , and also aboue in this booke , and will foorth with demonstrate , euen out of the principles laid and granted by himselfe . secondly there is nothing more●o●d nor more vnreasonable , ye● , that i may speake it without offence of so great a man , nothing more 〈…〉 to alledge the authority of s. paul for to giue grace and cre●●t to 〈…〉 proposition , in whose writing there is not so 〈…〉 one word , which without 〈…〉 ●●construction and ●au●●l can be applied 〈…〉 they say or by ●g●●e and by interpretation to 〈…〉 of such a position . and indeed , that i 〈◊〉 speake freely ▪ they doe with two much liberty of interpretation abuse s. paul● doctrine , who out of that first 〈…〉 to the corinthians , doe collect that it was 〈…〉 christians to depose ethinke or heretike prin 〈…〉 other in their places . indeed the apo 〈…〉 in that place rebuke the christians , to that they 〈◊〉 one another with sutes , & had no iudgment among them at all : and also for that they drew one another to the ben●●es o● ethnike and infidell iudges , to whom euery christian name was hatefull . and yet he did this not that he ●ould teach them or signifie to them by this 〈◊〉 , that ethnike magistrates had no iurisdiction o●●● christian● , or that the christians might by any de 〈◊〉 bring to passe that ethnikes should carry no politike do●● 〈…〉 them : but that he might shew , that it was a 〈…〉 the religion and profession of a christian that they who were newly regenerate in christ , and were called into his fellowship , had ●ather to maintaine law 〈◊〉 and questions before infidell iudges , then to pacific and compose their businesse and controuersies begun amongst them , by the iudgement and arbitration of the brethren , which is , of the christians . therefore the apostle doth not by this speech disanull the authoritie of the heathen , neither signifieth that the christians may make defection from them : but onely misliketh and reprooueth the peeuishnesse and stiffenesse of certaine christians , that whereas they had brethren , that is , men of the same religion with them , who being by common co●●ent appointed a●bitratou●s , might with a louing and friendly affection iustly and wisely dis●eptate and order their causes within their domestike and priuate walles , not being contented ●ith these , would contentiously appeale to the great s●andall of religion , to such iudges as were both without saith and iustice . whenc● s. th●●as vpon that place saith , but it seemeth to bee otherwise , which ●s said . 1. p●t . 1. ●e ye● s●biect to euery humane creature for god , either to the ki●g as the sou●raigne , or l●●utenant●●●●t as it were from him , for it appertaines to the a●t●oritie of t●● prince to iu●ge of his subiects . therefore it i● against the 〈◊〉 of god , to f●r●id that his iu●g●ment should be 〈…〉 i●fide●l . but we must say , that the apo●●●● 〈…〉 but that the 〈…〉 being ●laced vnder ●●fidell pr●●ces , may make their app●●rance before them , if the● be un●m●ned ●●r this were agai●st the su●i●ction , which i● due to pri●c●s , but ●e for●●●● th●m that they should not be 〈◊〉 ●●●●ard to runne to the iudgement ●eates of infidels . vpon the selfe same place the●deret & hier●me do almost write the selfe same things . the apostle ( saith he ) doth not heere forbid the ●ait●●ull , liuing vnder vn●aithfull princes , to appeare before th●m , when they are summ●ned , for this were against the ●ubiection which is due to princes , but forbids their ●astie and voluntarie running to infidell iudges , in those busine●● 〈◊〉 which may be determined by the faithfull . therefore the apostle in that place commands nothing , which may either take away or di●inish the iurisdiction and authoritie of infidell iudges ouer christians , or any way giue preiudice to the same : ●ea he could not iustly command any thing against that subiection , since it is of the law of nature , being confirmed by god his authoritie , as by s. ambro●e his witnesse , the apostle himselfe teacheth other where e . therefore this constitution of iudges , whereof we speake , did by no meanes exempt christians , from the subiection and iurisdiction of ethnike magistrates , but onely tooke from them the necessitie of appealing to them , when as they should haue iudges constituted by common consent among themselues , by whose arbitrations the questions that rise among them might be composed . now indeed these iudges were no better then vmpires without authoritie , without power to draw any person before them , exercising onely a voluntarie iurisdiction ; and therefore if either a crosse and ouerti●● a●t christian , or any i thinke had called a christian before an 〈◊〉 fidell iudge : this authoritie of these christian iudges had nothing auailed him that was thus called , but that he must needs present himselfe before the heathen be●●h : nay he were in conscience bound to present himselfe , by reason of the subiection , which we owe our superiours by the law of nature . moreouer if a man doe looke more wishly on that place of the apostle , he that of serue that in that place the apostle takes paines to instruct their christian mindes to fuangelicall perfection , which is a matter rather of counsell then of precept , seeing he exhorts them that they would rather take wrong and suffer losse , then so to ●●nuase su●es among themselues . according to that of our sauiour . f if any man shall strike the one the right cheeke , hold him thy other , and he that will goe to law with thee , and take away thy coate , let him haue thy cl●ake also . and so the fathers of the church , ambrose , primastus , theodoret , and all the rest vnderstood that place , for that he saith . now surely , there is altogether a fault amongst you , that you haue iudgements amongst you , why do you not rather suffer losse ? that , vnlesse it be vnderstood of the preseruation of life , or of the most perfect state of life , cannot possibly be admitted , seeing it is a plaine ●ase amongst all men , that they doe not offend , who being oppressed with iniuries and contumelies , desire to be releeued and succoured by the iudge . therefore s. paul in that place , doth like a good father of many children , who worthily rebukes his children , that fall out among themselues , both for that by dissentions and iarrings they violate brotherly loue , as also for that they had not beene more willing , to end and determine the controuersie which did arise among them rather by the aduise of the brethren , then wrap them in the noise and tumults of iudiciall courtes , and decide them by the verdict of strangers . seeing these thing , are thus , good god what a miserable blindnesse and ignorance is this , or indeed a wilful craft and cunning , to seeke to gather out of those words of paul , that it had beene lawfull for the christians to depose all i thinke emperours or magistrates , if they had had strength and power to effect the same ? seeing especially that the apostle doth other where command all christians of necessity to be subiect to those ethnike powers non solum propter●●am , least if they should practise defection , they should suffer punishment from these magistrates whose displeasure the had incurred : sed etiam propter conscientiam , for because they could not with a sound and safe conscience withdraw themselues from their obedience and subiection , which is the ordinance of god , or resist and withstand the same . for this is of necessity to be subiect for conscience sake , or propter deum , for god as s. peter commandeth . h moreouer the first christians after the apostles , did ingenuously confesse , that the emperour , although hee were a heathen and a persecuter of the faith , yet was ordained of god , and was inferour to god alone . i therefore if christians for conscience had need to obey those heathen magistrates , is it not plaine that they contained themselues from all practise of rebellion and defection , not because they could not , but because they lawfully might not ? or if the emperour were inferiour to god only , and the lesse could not depose the greater , how could the christian subiects depose him ? what doth either the apostle fight with himselfe , or doth peter teach one thing and paul another ? or euen those ancient fathers , who succeeded the apostles , were they ignorant of their whole ●●g●t and ●●●ledge against i●nded or heret●k● kings and m●g●●tra●●● for that they had force and strength equall 〈◊〉 and more then fuil●●t to e●ecute an explo●t against them we haue in another place demonstrated very largely . there●ore it is ●●●dent by these , that the authoritie of the apostle pa●● doth nothing app●●ta●● to the former proposition of bellar●●●e touching the deposing of kings : and therefore that hee committed a great error , that in a matter so serious , and of so great moment , hee hath de●●ded the reader with a false shado● of the apostle , authoritie . if the constitution or creation of iudges made by the christians at the apo●●l●● direction , had taken a●a● the authoritie , po●er , and ●●nst●●tion of the msidell iudges , or in a●● pa●●hadal ●●ga●●d the same , or had exempted christians from their subie●●●n , there could nothing haue been stronger th●● ●●●●unes argument , nothing more tr●●● th●n ●●s op●●● . but because that constitution of iudge● , d●● no more pr●i●dice ●eath●● i●●●●diction , the● the ch●sing of pe●●e kings at ●●●uetide , or the creation of princes and iudges by the ●anto● youth in the 〈…〉 , is pr●iud●c●all to the true kings and magistrate● , it i● certaine that no argument for his opinion can be dra●●● from thence . but because we prosecute the seuerall points in this question , i must ad●●●●tise you , that s. thomas is in some places of that opinion , that he thinkes that the right of the lordship and honor of ethn●ke princes may iustly be taken away ; by the ●●●tence or ordination of the church , hauing the authoritie of god as he saith . s. thomas his authoritie is of great force with me , but not so great , as that i esteeme all his disputations for canon●call scripture , or that it should ouercome either reason or law . whose ghost i honour , and admire his doctrine . but yet there is no reason , why any man should be mooued with that opinion of his , both because he brings out either no sufficient and strong reason or authoritie , for his opinion : and also , because in the explication of the epistle of paul to the corinth . 1. he is plaine of the contrarie opinion : lastly because hee hath none of the ancient fathers consenting with him , and there are many reasons and authorities to the contrarie . and the reason which he brings , because that infidels by the desert of their infidelitie doe deserue to loose their power vpon the faithfull , who are translated into the sonnes of god. an ill reason and vnworthy so great a man : as though if any man deserue to be depriued of o●ce , benefice , dignitie , authoritie or any other right whatsoeuer which he possesleth , may therefore presently be spoiled by another , rather then by him of whom he recemed and holdeth the same , or by another , that hath expresse commandement and authoritie from him . who knoweth not , that the chancellor , constable and other officers made by the king , doe deserue to loose their place , if in any thing they abuse their office ? but yet notwithstanding no man can take it from them , so long a● the prince on whom onely they doe depend , ●u●ereth them to execute their once . in like manner infidell princes , although by the desert of 〈◊〉 ●●fidelitie they deserue to 〈◊〉 their authoritie : yet because they are constituted by god , and are inferiour to him alone , they cannot he dispossessed of their authoritie , and deposed but by god himselfe . and indeed the same thomas , in an exposition of the epistle of paul , aboue recited in this chapter , sheweth plainly enough , that the church hath not that authoritie , whereby shee may depose ●thinkes , for he saith , it is against the law of god , to forbid that the subiects shall not abide the iudgement of infidell princes . now it is sure , that the church can command or forbid nothing against the law of god , further to take from infidell princes , the right of lordship and dignitie , is indeed to forbid that no man should stand to his iudgement . therefore the church hath not that power . and let any man , who will , peruse all stories , he shall finde no where , that euer the church assumed to her selfe that authoritie , to iudge princes infidell or heathen . neither did she onely forbeare for scandall , as thomas thinketh in that place : but for want of rightfull power , because shee was not iudge of the vnfaithfull , according to that of the apostle , m what haue i to doe to iudge them who are without : and also because princes appointed by god , haue god onely iudge ouer them , by whom only they may be deposed . neither is it to the matter , that paul , when he commands christian seruants to exhibite all honor to their masters being infidels , addeth that only , least the name of the lord and his doctrine be blasphemed : for he said not that , as though for that cause onely , seruants should obey their masters , but that especially for that cause they should doe it : and therefore he expressed the greatest mischiefe , which could arise thereof , that he might deferre seruants from the contempt of their masters , to wit , the publike scandall of the whole church of god , and of christian doctrine . therefore the apostle meaneth not by these words , that seruants may lawfully withdraw themselues from the yoke of seruice against their masters will , if they might doe it without scandall to the church , for they should not commit flat theft in their owne persons , by the law of nations : but he would shew that they did not onely sinne , which in other places he plainly teacheth p , but also draw a publike scandall vpon the whole church , which is farre more grieuous and hurtfull then a particular mans fault , and aboue all things to be auoided . therefore now it remaineth , that according to my promise , i make proofe , that the former proposition of bellarmine touching the authoritie to depose heathen kings and princes , is false , euen out of the prin●●● 〈…〉 and granted by himselfe . the matter is plaine , and easie to be done , for in his second booke de rom. pontif. he confesseth q that the apostles and all other christians were as well subiect to heathen princes , in all ciuill causes , as other men , his words are these : i answere first it might be said that paul appealed to caesar , because indeed hee was his iudge , although not of right , for so doth iohn de turrecremata answere : lib. 2. cap. 96. summae de ecclesia . secondly , it may be said and better , with albert pighius lib. 5. hierar . ecclesi . cap. 7. that there is a difference betweene heathen and christian princes : for when the princes were heathen , the bishop was not their iudge , but cleane contrarie , he was subiect to them in all ciuill causes , no lesse then other men , for it is plaine that the bishop was not iudge of them : because he is not a iudge but of the faithfull 1. cor. 6. what haue i to doe , to iudge of them which are without . and that of the contrarie he is ciuilly subiect to them , both of right and indeed , as it is plaine . for the christian law depriueth no man of his right and dominion , therefore euen as before the law of christ men were subiect to emperours and to kings : so also after . wherefore peter and paul euery where exhort the faithfull , to be subiect to princes , as appeareth , ad rom. 13. ad titum 3. & 1. pet. 2. therefore worthily did paul appeale to caesar , and acknowledged him his iudge , when hee was accused of the sedition and tumult , which was raised amongst the people . thus he , whereby it is plaine , that not onely want of strength was the reason , why the first christians deposed not heathen princes , but also , because all law both diuine and humane was against such an action , and in the same booke and chapter , he teacheth more openly , when hee saith that to iudge , punish , depose , belonged onely to a superiour , which is most true , and without all controuersie is confirmed by the common iudgement of men . and now by these most certaine principles set downe and granted by him , euery one that hath any skill in reasoning , may gather that the christians , although they were mightie both in numbers and strength , could not by right depose nero , diocletian , and other heathen and wicked princes , and that is concluded by this strong and vnanswerable demonstration . subiects cannot iudge , punish or depose a superiour . but all christians were subiect to nero , diocletian , &c. and other emperours , and heather kings . ergo , they could not depose such emperours or kings . the proposition is granted by him : and likewise the assumption , which doe stand vpon most certaine truth , and the conclusion depends of the antecedents by a necessary consecution , and is directly contrary to that , which he had said . that christians in times past might lawfully depos nero , diocletian , &c but for that they wanted temporall power & strength they forbare that purpose . therfore it is false and worthy to be reprehended ; for aientia & negantia simul vera esse nequeunt . heereby also is the falshood of the opinion of s. thomas euident , which we haue refuted aboue in this chapter . chap. xxii . i said that bellarmine vsed a threefold argument for the confirmation of his third reason : which is , that it is not lawful for christiant to tolerate an infidel or heretike king , whereof i haue already noted the faults of the first . now we must examine in this and the next chapter what maner of arguments they are , and what strength they haue . therefore the second argument is this . to tolerate an infidell or heretike king , labouring to draw men to his sect , is to expose religion to manifest danger . but christians are not bound neither indeed ought they to tolerate an infidell king with the manifest danger of religion : for when there is difference and contention between the law of god and the law of man : it is a matter of gods law to keepe and obserue the true faith and religion , which is one onely , and not many : but it is a point of mans law , that we haue this or that king. to these things i answer , that bellarmine and others from whom he had these , doe not reason rightly , nor according to arte , but doe propound two arguments together confusedly and commixtly without forme . for , for that which he assumes : but christians are not bound , yea they ought not , without euident danger of religion , to tolerate an infidell king. insteed whereof should haue beene placed in good logike this assumption . but christians are not bound , yea they ought not to expose religion to euident danger : that the conclusion might follow thereof : ergo , it is not lawfull for christians to tolerate an infidell or heretike king. for the assumption which he setteth downe is almost iust the same , with the proposition that is in question . but to allow him somewhat , let vs grant that he hath fall ioned and disposed his reason in excellent good forme , and let vs answer to the force of the argument . i say then that his proposition is false . i say againe , that it is not true that , to tolerate an heretike or heathen king , endeuouring to draw men to his sect , is to expose religion to manifest danger . but it is onely to suffer religion to lie in danger into which it is fallen by the fault of an heretike or infidell king , to which it is now exposed without the fault of the people : seeing now the people hath no iust and lawful remedy left them to deliuer religion , but onely constancy and patience . and this can not be imputed as a fault to christians , vnlesse we will by the same exception sharply accuse all those ancient fathers and christians , who did without any shrinking or tergiuersation , or without the least token of rebellion submisly obey constantius , iuliaenus , valens , and other renouncers of christian religion , because they came lawfully to the empire , and whom they might most easily haue remooued or deposed , they honoured them with all honour , duty and reuerence , euen because they were their emperours and kings . these holy fathers then , and worthy christians in that age , did tolerate heretike and infidel kings , although if we onely looke at their temporall strength , they were furnished with excellent meanes and opportunities to depose them : and yet none that is in his wits will euer say that they exposed religion to most euident danger , thorow that manner of christian patience and tolerancy . now i speake of tolerating that king , who either being a heathen is ordained by the heathen , where christians doe not rule : or who when he was admitted and enstalled into his gouernment , was accounted a christian. for to elect a king ouer themselues , no law nor religion enforceing , whom they know to be either an heretike or an infidell , is indeed to expose religion to most euident danger , and in that behalfe , it were a greeuous sinne in the christians : and they that doe it , are worthy miserably to perish therefore . now for that which he deduceth , out of the opposition betweene diuine and humane law , i answer ●ree●ly , that he is much deceiued in this , that in this matter he supposeth there is a crosse encounter and conflict betweene the law of god and the law of man. for they are not repugnant . to keepe faith and religion , and to tolerate an infidell or heretike king. neither is the one by diuine law , the other by humane , as he imagineth : but they be two precept● of gods law . 1. to worship and serue god with true religion . 2. to obey and serue the king. which may and ought to be kept and fulfilled together , as the iesuites themselues affirme . a and we haue proued at large , lib. 3. contra monarchomacho● . b therefore in this case the subiects not onely may , but also ought , to tolerate such a king , and in the meane time to continue constantly in the true religion , and so to giue to caesar those things , which are caesars , and those things which are gods , to god. for if , as bellarmine deliuereth , it be not lawfull for a counsell c to iudge , punish or depose a pope indeuouring to disturbe or to destroy the church of god but onely , to resist him by not doing that which he commandeth , and hindring that he doe not execute his pleasure . why should we not in like manner , and with much more reason , hould the same iudgement of kings ? seeing that they also , by the testimony of the same d author , are superiour to the people , and haue no iudge in earth : and whereas besides many famous diumes be of opinion , that an occumenicall counsel hath greater authority ouer the pope , then the people hath ouer the prince ? because the church is euer gouerned by the spirit of god , nor doth any thing rashly . and the pope being often times mooued and tossed with the windes and tempests of sedition enterpriseth many things wickedly , cruelly and vniustly , without counsell and iudgement . but it is a hard matter to tolerate a wicked king , and to retaine true religion , will some reply . i grant indeed it is so , but it is not vnpossible . impossibilitie ( i must craue pardon to vse the word ) excuseth from the obseruing of the commandements , but difficultie and hardnesse doth not . but that he saith , that it is of the diuine law to keepe true faith and religion : but of humane law , that we haue this or that king. this surely is all true , but take heed reader for all this , least you be deceiued . bellarmine omitted that which was principall , for he ought to haue added : but where we once haue this or that king , it is of the diuine law , that in ciuill causes we obey him with all honor and reuerence . by this adiection which no catholike can denie , that argument of his is crusht . for in the maner propounded by him , the law of god and man doe not concurre , nor fall a crosse one of another , as hee imagineth , ( which if it should fall out , it were reason that the humane should yeeld to the diuine ) but in truth there concurre two heads of the diuine law , the one , to obserue faith and religion , the other , to honor the king and to obey him in ciuill matters . both which may and ought to be fulfilled , by giuing to caesar , as is said , the things which are caesars , and which are gods , to god , as we haue learned out of bellarmines doctrine in the person of the pope , endeuouring to destroy the church . chap. xxiii . there remaines the last argument , which he propounds by way of a subtle and captious question in this manner . to conclude , why may not a faithfull people , be freed from the yoke of an vnfaithfull king and drawing to infidelitie , if a belieuing wife bee free from the obligation of staying with an vnbeleeuing husband : when he will not stay with his christian wife , without intur●● to the faith , as he plainly deduceth out of paul 1. ad cor. 7. innoc. 3. cap. gaudemus , extra de diuortijs ? for the power of the husband ouer the wise is no l●sse , then of the king ouer the subiects , but indeed somewhat more . there is nothing more frequent in the mouthes of all the monarchomachi , then this argument : because they doe easily deceiue very many thereby , for it is such a one , as nothing doth mooue more vehemently at the first sight , and being looked into and vnderstood doth vrge more weakely . therefore i answere to it , that these two points be very diuers and vnlike , to be deliuered from some mans yoke ; and to be deliuered from the obligation of remaining with some man. and therefore , that they are not rightly compounded and compared together , seeing that the husband himselfe , to whom the obligation of remaining with an other is remitted , is not by this at all deliuered from her yoke , from whom he departs . whereof the church yeelds vs examples euery day , which freeth and absolueth maried persons , for diuers causes , for bed and boord , as they say , ( that is ) for conuersation and obligation of continuance one with the other , the mariage bond neuer the lesse remaining , which is a sacrament of christ and the church . wherefore the force of such an argument drawen from maried persons is nothing , vnlesse he proceed from the matrimoniall yoke , to the regall yoke , as if he had said : why may not a faithfull people be freed from the yoke of a king faithlesse , and drawing others to infidelitie , if a belieuing wife be free from the yoke of an vnbelieuing husband . now if it please the reuerend bellarmine to turne that his argument into this , that it may haue more moment and weight , then i will answere the same after an other manner . and thus . that either he speakes of those maried persons who contracted mariage , when they both were beleeuers , and one of them fell into heresie or infidelitie afterwards : or of heathen and infidell couples , of whom the one conuerted to the faith , the other continuing obstinately in his pagan superstition . if he vnderstand his argument of the former , he doth slander his author innocentius , who speakes neuer a word of such a matrimonie in the said cap. gandemus : and besides it should bee false , which he obtrudes to vs for an argument , that the beleeuing husband is free from the yoke of his vnbeleeuing wife , when he will not continue with his christian wife , without iniurie to the faith , as the same innocentius expresly teacheth , in cap. quanto . § . si verò . extra de diuort . but if saith he , one of the beleeuing maried persons , either fall into heresie , or passe ouer into the error of gentilitie , we doe not thinke that in this case the partie that is left , may flie to any second mariage , while the other liues , although in this case the contumelie seemeth the greater which is offered to the creator . and againe the same innocentius in cap. exparte extra , de conuers . coningat . rescribeth to the same purpose : that matrimonie contracted between lawfull persons , and consummate by carnall copulation , in no case can be dissolued , although one of the beleeuers , between whom this mariage is ratified , should prooue an heretike , and would not continue with the other , without contumslie to the creator . behold the argument drawen from maried persons , doth not onely not strengthen these mens opinion , but also weakneth , and euen oppugneth the same , as if a man should in this manner propound the argument 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of interrogation . why should a beleeuing people be freed from the yoke of a king vnbeleeuing or hereticall , endeuouring to draw his subiects to his sect , if a maried person beleeuing bee not free from the yoke of the other mate vnbeleeuing , although he will not continue with the beleeuing yoke-fellow , without inturie to the faith and contumelie to the creator . as innocentius iii. openly teacheth , in cap. quanto . § . sivero . de diuort . & in cap. ex parte . de conuers . coniugat . adeo vt panorm . in illum . § . si verò . doth say , out of the reason there laid , that the church cannot dissolue such a mariage , and free the beleeuing yoke-fellow from the yoke of the vnbeleeuing , when as notwithstanding a beleeuing yoke-mate may much more easily be peruerted by a yoke-mate vnbeleeuing , then the whole people by a king. but the bond of the subiection , whereby the people is tied to the king , since it proceeds both from naturall and diuine law , seemeth much more hard to be dissolued , then that of maried persons between themselues : that from thence a man may easily prooue , that the church can doe no more in one then in the other . but if he vnderstand his argument of the later maried persons , the answer is easie , out of the same decretall epistle of innocent , to wit. that betweene such couples the mariage is not good , as much as appertaines to the indissoluble * bonds of matrimony . and therefore such kind of maried parsons haue full liberty to dissolue the matrimony , that they may depart either with consent and good likeing , or with mislike and displeasure , and the one of them , euen against the liking of the other , may by refusall and diuorse at his pleasure dissolue that knot of mariage : for the woman may as wel send letters of diuorse to the man as the man to the wife . for ( saith he ) although the matrimony among infidels be true ( because they goe together according to the commandement of the lawes ) yet it is not firme . but amongst the beleeuers it is both true and firme , because the sacrament of faith being once admitted is neuer lost , but makes firme the sacrament of mariage , that it continues in the maried persons , while that continueth . it is no wonder then if the maried persons brought to the faith , be free from the fellowship and power of his fellow , remayning in infidelity , when as although both had continued in infidelity , it had beene euen as free for each of them to depart from the other , & by diuorse to dissolue mariage because in the beginning there passed no forme and rate bond of obligation betweene them . and therefore the apostle doth not command but aduise , that the beleeuing wife should not depart from the vnbeleeuing husband if he be willing to stay with hir , as s. augustine teacheth learnedly and eloquently lib. 1. de adulterinis coni●giis , and the holy canons taken from thence doe admonish vs d . which matters since they stand thus , surely it followeth , that the aduersaries do to small purpose fetch an argument from maried persons to shew that people may be freed from the regall yoake , whether they regard the mariages of the beleeuers , or of the vnbeleeuers : because they are coupled with a most straight and indissoluble knot of society , whose band cannot be broken , no not by the church it selfe , neither for infidelity nor heresie of the one part . so as from hence he doth furnish vs with an argument tending rather to maintaine the strength and perpetuity of regall authority , then to dissolue and destroy the same ; and these are tyed by no necessity of obligation in the face of the church , but the husband conuerted to the faith if his fellow will not follow without scandall , may at his pleasure take to him another : and againe , the woman brought to the faith , if the husband refuse may in christ marry with whom shee will. seeing therefore there is no firme mariage betweene these and the politike subiection , and kingly domination and rule , is ratified and approued amongst all nations , and in euery law , as well by diuine as humane power , what can be more vnreasonable or fond then to compare and sute them together , and to deduce any argument from the society and yoake of vnbeleeuing maried persons , which may be shaken of at pleasure , to breake the yoake of regall power and authority , and to make the same iudgement of them both , as if they were as like as might be . chap. xxiv . i tould you in the xxiij . chapter , that there were fiue reasons in bellarmine , whereby he would proue , that the pope hath temporall power ouer all secular kings , and princes christian : of which reasons we haue run thorow three , and obserued how weake they are , and of what diseases they labour , it remaineth now , that we make our suruay of the other two , which are not a whit better conditioned . the first whereof is by him laid downe in these words . when kings and princes come to the church to be made christians , they are receiued with a couenant , either expresse or secret , that they should subiect their scepters to christs , and promise that they will obserue and defend the faith of christ , yea vnder the penalty of losing their kingdome . ergo. when they prooue heretikes , or hurt religion they may be iudged by the church , and withall be deposed from their gouernment , neither shall any iniury be done them , if they be deposed . i answer this reason , by denying the consequent . for although it be true that princes comming to the church , do submit themselues and their scepters to christ , and euen of their owne accord doe make those promises either secretly or expresly which bellarmine reporteth ; yet it is not true , neither doth it follow thereof , that they may be iudged and deposed by the church or pope if they breake their promise , or neglect to keepe their couenant and oath . because that soueraigne iurisdiction and temporall power of christ ouer all kings and the whole world which he hath as the sonne of god , doth not appertaine to the church or pope : but that power onely which christ assumed to himselfe , when he was conuersant amongst men after the manner of men , according to which the pope is christs vicar . whereupon bellarmine himselfe writeth a excellently well : we say , quoth hee , that the pope hath that office which christ had , when after the maner of men he liued amongst men in the world . for we may not giue the pope those offices which christ hath as god , or as animmortall and glorious man , but onely those , which he had as a mortall man. but christ vsurped no temporall dominion and power when he liued as a man amongst men in earth , and therefore neither the church as the church , nor the pope as head of the church and vicar of christ , can haue any temporall power , as the same learned man declareth and prooueth at large , in that chapter , wherefore although kings and princes when they come to the church , do subiect their kingdomes to the lord christ , and haue christ their iudge from whom they haue also their kingdome : but because the iudgement is of a temporall affaire , when the businesse is touching a kingdome forfeited , they haue him onely their iudge , and not the church or the pope . whereby it doth easily appeare how captious those reasons and conclusions are which sanders , from whom bellarmine hath receiued this stuffe of his , doth deduce out of those manner of promises , made either secretly or expresly . for as concerning those formes of asking and answering , which he with many idle words and falsely deuiseth betweene the pope and the princes which come to the church : we must answer , that they are fondly conceiued by him , and that they neither ought , nor are accustomed to passe in the admittance of heathen princes , which come to the church , least the church should seeme either to suspect them , or to diuine and conceiue ill of them for the time to come . therfore their burning loue towards christ , and present confession of their faith , whereby they in general tearms promise , that they wil giue there names to christ and become children of the church , and will renounce the diuel and his works , and keep the commandements of god and the church , and such like , are cause sufficient enough , that they should be receiued . all which matters they doe indeed promise to christ , the church receiuing the promise , as his spouse , in whose boosome they are regenerate ; or the bishop himselfe , not as a man , but as a minister of christ , god himselfe discharging a deputies office heerein , and therefore the obligation is principally taken to christ himselfe , by the church or the pope . whereby although they haue also promised all other things , which sanders hath comprehended in that forged forme of his , and shall afterwards neglect , or wholy contemne that couenant agreed on , they can be punished by him onely , into whose words they did sweare , and who is the lord of all temporall estates , and whom they haue for their onely iudge ouer them intemporall matters , but not by him to whom the care onely of spirituall matters and to take the promise is committed . and to these spirituall matters are those things most like , and most resemble them which we see daily to be obserued in the ciuill gouernment . they who aspire to the succession of feudes or fees , whether they come in by hereditarie right or by any other title , cannot enioy them , vnlesse they first be admitted into his clientele and seruice who is lord of the fee , that is , vnlesse they in words conceiued doe take the oath of fealtie to the lord , which they commonly call homagium or hominium . but if it be the kings fee to which they succeed , the king doth seldome in his owne person take the oath of fealtie , but executeth that businesse for the most part by his chancellor , or soem other deputie especially assigned for that purpose . therefore the chancellor when hee admits to fees and honors great personages swearing into the kings wordes , he dischargeth the same office vnder the king in a ciuill administration and iurisdiction , which the pope doth vnder christ , in the spirituall gouernment of the church , when he receiues princes comming vnto her , by taking the oath of their faithfulnesse and pietie towards god : and the chancellor , the tenant once admitted , ( although after he breake his oath , and commit the crime which they call felonie ) may in no cause take away the fee , which is the proper right of the king alone , and not granted to the chancellor at all : so neither can the pope depriue of kingdomes and authoritie , or any way temporally punish princes receiued into the church , although they offend grieuouslie afterward , or forsake the faith : because that is reserued to god onely . therfore although christian kings and princes be in the church , and in respect that they are the children of the church , be inferiour to the church and the pope , notwithstanding in regard that they doe beare a soueraigne rule temporall in the world , they are not inferiours , but rather superiours : and therefore although they haue forfeited their kingdome by secret or expresse couenant , yet neither people , nor pope , nor church canne take it away from them : but onely almightie god alone , from whom is all power , and to whom aloue they are inferiour in ciuill administration . and neither shall bellarmine nor any other be euer able to bring , or as i may say , to digge out of the monuments of any age , any forcible argument , whereby he may make it plaine vnto vs , that secular kings and princes when they were receiued to the faith by the church , did in such manner renounce their interest , as both to lay downe altogether the temporall authoritie which they had receiued of god , and also to subiect themselues to the church , to be iudged in ciuill affaires , and to be chastised with temporall punishment . and if none of them can demonstrate this , they must needs confesse , that kings and princes did after the faith receiued , retaine their kingdomes and empires , in the same right , the same libertie , and authoritie , wherein they possessed them , before such time as they came to the church , because , as the aduersaries doe confesse , lex christineminem priuat iure suo . if therefore , before baptisme they had no iudge aboue them in temporall matters , but god alone : neither ought they to haue any after baptisme . but we haue spoken more of this matter in the refutation of the first reason . in this place i stand not much vpon bozius his dotages . now for that he vnderlaies after this fourth reason , in the words following . for he is not fit to receiue the sacrament of baptisme , who is not ready to serue christ , and for his sake to loose whatsoeuer he hath . for the lord saith , lu. 14. if any man come to me , and hateth not father and mother , and wife and children , yea and euen his owne life , he cannot be my disciple . i cannot tell , to what end he vseth these words . surely no man denies it . but what of it ? such a reason belongs no more to the purpose , then that which is furthest from the matter , nor that neither which followeth in the same place . besides saith he , the church should grieuously erre , if she should admit any king which would with impunitie cherish euery manner of sect , and defend heretikes , and ouerthrow religion . this is most true : but as i said , it belongs nothing to the purpose , for now the question is not of that matter : but of the temporall power of the church , or of the pope , who is the substitute head thereof vnder christ : i meane , whether he haue that power , whereby he may chastise with temporall punishments kings and princes duely receiued , if after they shall breake the faith , and forsake the dutie , vndertaken by them in the lauer of regeneration or no. now neither part of this question is either proued or disprooued by these correllaries and additions , and for this cause we passe them ouer . chap. xxv . the fift and last reason is drawen , from his pastorall charge and office : in these wordes . when it was said to peter , feed my sheepe , iohn the last , all the power was giuen him , which was necessarie to maintaine the flocke . but a shepheard hath a threefold charge , one about wolues , that hee driue them away by all meanes he can : the other about the rammes , that he may shut them vp , if they hurt the flocke with their hornes : the third about the rest of the sheepe , that he giue euery one conuenient food : ergo , the pope hath this triple charge . out of this principle and foundation are drawen three strong arguments as he surmiseth . but not to goe farre , first i answer to this very fundamentall proposition : that it is all true , and maketh for me , and that the very contrarie of that which he affirmes may very handsomely be gathered from thence , i say , gathered , that the pope hath no temporall power at all , or may exercise any vpon christian princes , as he is the vicar of christ , and successor of s. peter , seeing such a manner of power is not necessarie for the pope , for the discharging and fulfilling of his pastorall dutie . and that is euidently concluded by this argument : christ by commending his sheepe to peter , gaue him all power necessarie to defend the flocke : but he gaue him no temporall power : therefore temporall power is not necessarie to defend the flocke . secondly , we will proceed in this manner . it is a thing vnreasonable , that the pope , who is the successor of s. peter , should haue more power then had peter himselfe : but peter had not any temporall power ouer christians ; therefore , neither the pope as he is his successor . the proposition of the former reason , is without all controuersie true . and the assamption is prooued by the testimonie and confession of bellarmine himselfe . for lib. quint. de rom. pontif. where he endeuours to establish his opinion of this thing by a similitude of the flesh and the spirit , he writeth thus . for as the spirit and flesh stand one toward the other in man : so doe the two powers in the church ; for the flesh and the spirit , be as it were two common-wealthes , which may be found both separated and toyned together , flesh is found without the spirit in beasts : spirit is found without flesh in the angels : and a little after . euen so the ciuill power hath her princes , lawes , iudgements , &c. likewise the ecclesiasticall , her bishops , canons , iudgements : the one hath for her end a temporall peace : the other , euerlasting saluation : sometimes they are found seuered , as once in the time of the apostles , sometime toyned as now . if these powers were seuered in the time of the apostles , as in trueth they were , both in right and in deed , it followeth necessarily , that s. peter had no temporall power , otherwise it should be false , that they were seuered , for it there be place to the similitude propounded by him , it will follow , that as there is nothing fleshly in angels , and nothing spirituall in beasts : so in the time of the apostles , there should be no temporall power in the church , or spirituall in the ciuill state . therefore we must confesse , either that temporall power is not necessarie for the chiefe pastor of the church : or that the prince of the apostles himselfe , and cheefe pastor s. peter , was not furnished and accomplished with all things necessarie for the discharge of his pastorall dutie . and this is as contrarie , as contrarie may be , to that which he had already said in his fundamentall reason , as i may call it : to wit , that all abilitie necessarie to defend the flocke , was giuen to peter . the same also is prooued by this , that all ciuill and temporall power at that time depended of heathen princes , to whom peter himselfe , witnesse bellarmine b , although the head of the church and vicar of christ , was subiect in temporalities , both by right and in deed. wherof it followeth , that either s. peter was induced with no temporall power , or that he receiued it from heathen princes : otherwise as we said before , it should be false , that those powers were then separated . but it is certaine that he receiued none of them , and therefore that he had none at all . and certainly these reasons are more plaine , then any man without fraud and cunning can gainesay : that it is a wonder to see that learned men and otherwise godly , should so be blinded with an inconsiderate and vnaduised heate , that they should not sticke to embrace and follow doubtfull things for certaine , obscure for euident , crooked for straight : for plaine and easie reasons , those which be perplexed and intricately bewrapped with many controuersies and contradictions . but they take care , you will say , to amplifie and adorne the sea apostolike with the increase and accession of this power and authoritie . and is there any catholike , who doth not commend their minds that are affected to that sea , which is the foundation and strength of our faith ? that they doe grace and aduance by all meanes that sea , which no man can sufficiently commend according to her worth , i doe much commend them : but that they attribute more to it , then is fit , and that with the great scandall of many , that i doe not commend , for we our selues also do no lesse honour the same sea , we no lesse loue , reuerence , admire it : as that which is the true seate of peter , and being placed in the rocke which is christ , hath ouercome all heresies , and obtaineth by good right the chiefe place in the church . but the truth forbids , that we should aduance her with this increase of power : our conscience bearing vs witnesse , before god , and the lord iesu , before whom in the day of the reuelation of the iust iudgement , both these our writings , and theirs shall appeare , consigned with their owne merrits . therefore , there is small cause , why they should bring this former reason for themselues . for christ when hee said to peter , pasce oues meas , appointed him indeed pastor of his flocke : but a spirituall pastor not a temporal : and gaue him all ability necessary for that office , whereby it appeares that temporal power is not necessary for the pope , because christ gaue it not to peter himselfe . neither haue we heard any where that either s. peter or any other of his apostles , did practise any temporall power or authority , by vertue whereof he did either directly , or indirectly ( that no man may suppose any force in words ) punish the forsakers of the christian faith with ciuill punishment after the manner of magistrates . it is true indeed that sometimes it hath come to passe , that temporall punishment as death or torment hath followed a spiritual sentence : the church at that time standing in need of miracles and wonders to confirme the faith , which kind of punishments , did strike a farre greater feare into the mindes of christians , then if after the manner of men they had suffered punishment at the hands of ciuill magistrates . and this is that which the apostle writeth to the corinthians : 3 what will you ? shall i come to you with a rod or in loue and in the spirit of meekenesse ? the rod he calleth that spirituall power , which by the wonderfull working of god , did at that time produce wonderfull effects , as euen at this day sometimes , he vpon the like occasion doth produce , among people which be newly won to christ. chap. xxvi . seeing these matters stand thus , the way is made more easie for vs to refute those arguments which bellarmin deduceth out of his former foundation , being now already opened by vs , and retorted backe vpon himselfe , for they fall to ground , partly thorow their owne fault and weaknesse , and partly because they are not wel set vpon the foundation , whereon they are built . for first out of that , that power is necessary for the pastor about the woolues , that be may driue them away by any meane he can , he reasoneth in this manner . woolues which destroy the church of god are heretikes : ergo if any prince of a sheep or a ram become a wolfe , that is , of a christian become an heretike , the pastor of the church may driue him away by excommunication , and also command the people , that they doe not follow him , and therefore may depriue him of his gouernment ouer his subiects . but he is deceiued or doth deceiue vs , by shuffling together true and false things into the same conclusion . for in that he saith , that the pastor of the church may driue away an heretike prince by excommunication , that is very true , and is deriued out of that principle by a necessary consecution . but that he may onely , marry that he ought not to do it , but at such times when as he may cōmodiously do it , without scandall and hurt to the church , as i haue de-declared before a . for where there is danger least the peace of the church may be dissolued , and least the member of christ be torne in peeces by sacrilegious schismes . the seuere mercy of the diuine discipline is necessary ( that is to say , is wholy to be left to the iudgement and punishment of god ) for counsell of separation , ( that is of excommunication ) are both vaine , and hurtfull and sacrilegious , because they become both impious and preud , and doe more disturbe the weake good ones , then correct the s●urdy ill ones . b this is the doctrine of s. angustine , approoued by the common voice of the church , whereby it is euident , how ras●ly and vnwisely , certaine popes , haue separated from the church by excommunication , most mighty emperours and kings , with the great scandall of the whole world , and dissolution of the peace of the church , whom it had beene farre better to haue tolerated , and to haue discouered their faults onely , and with mourning to haue bewailed them in the church . for the comparison of the peace and unity which was to be kept , and for the saluation of the weake brethren , and such as now were fed onely with milke , least the members of the body of christ should be torne in peeces , by sacrilegious schismes d . therefore the popes might doe this , but they ought not . non omne quod licet , honestum est . very well saith the apostle e , omnia mihi licent , sed non omnia expediunt . therefore the first part of the conclusion is true , that the pastor of the church , may driue away heretike princes by excommunication . but that which followeth , ( and withall command the people , that they follow him not ) hath two eares to hold by , as i may say with epictetus , the one sound , the other broken . i meane a twofold vnderstanding , the one true , the other faulty . for if he speake in this sense , that it is the duty of the pope , to command the subiects , that they follow not an heretike prince in his heresie , that they run not with him in his madnesse , nor admit and swallow downe his damnable errors ; for that they suffer not themselues , to be infected and defiled with his filthy and corrupt manners it is as true , and is deriued very truly out of the same principle and fountaine , and this is the best sense of those words . for there is nothing so conuenient and comely for the pontificall dignity , and the whole order ecclesiastike , nothing so profitable and necessary for christian people , as that according to the patterne of the ancient fathers of the church , the principall bishop himselfe first , and the rest of his brethren , all of them , should preach the word , should be instant in season , and out of season , conuince , intreat , rebuke , in all patience and doctrine f . that like faithfull witnesses and good seruants whom the lord hath set ouer his family , they may so worke both by word and example , that the people follow not the errors of their king , nor either dissemble , nor forsake the catholike faith , thorow any either threatnings or allurements of the king , which because most of them either do not all at this day , or at the least much more slackly then they ought , and that duty , which it becomes them to performe themselues , they put ouer to certaine begging friers : what maruell is it if many in our age , haue been caried away as it were with a whirle wind of errors from the lords sheepfolds , into the toiles of the diuell . this , as i haue said , is the best sense : but notwithstanding that bellarmine doth not speake in this sense , both the cause , which he hath in hand , and this clause following , ac proinde prinare eum dominio in subditos , doth plainly declare . therefore he giues vs the broken care of the pot , i meane the corrupt , and the very worst sense of those words : forsooth , that the pastor of the church may command the subiect , that they execute no commandement of such a prince , and that by any meanes they yeeld him no reuerence , obedience , honor , in those matters which belong euen to a temporall and ciuill authority . and therefore depriue him of his dominion ouer his subiects . but this is false , and flat contrary to the law of god , and precepts of the apostles . feare the lord , my sonne , and the king g : admonish them to be subiect to princes and powers , to obey their commandement h . be subiect to euery creature for god , or to the king as soueraigne , feare god honor the king , and diuers of that kind , which things seeing they be spoken of wicked kings and persecutors of the church , ( for at that time no other ruled in the world , ) they can not but belong to the worst and vnworthiest kind of kings . therefore this is that which i said before , that either he deceiues of purpose , or is deceiued , by shuffling together true and false points into the same conclusion . for it is true , that a pastor of the church , may driue away an heretike prince by excommunication : but it is false that he may depriue him of his dominion ouer his subiects . for obedience due to kings and all superiors , is both by 〈◊〉 of nature and of god : how then can the pope by any meane dispense with people against the same ? for they that with more diligence , and exact care doe search the scriptures , doe obserue a too fold kind of the precepts of paul : one is of those , by which he publisheth the law of god , which he was sent to preach , and doth both propound , and expound the will of god , comprehended in the old and new law . of which precepts almost infinit his epistles are full , wherein are these also which he deliuers touching obedience and reuerence to be giuen to kings and princes . and the other kind is of those things , which doe not depend of the law of nature or the expresse word of god , but which the apostle himselfe of his proper authority ordaineth by humane wisedome assisted by the grace of god , for the ordering and setling of the worship of god , as that a bigamus or a quarreller , be not admitted to a bishopricke k , that a widow vnder the age of 60. yeeres , be not chosen to the office of deaconesse , and the like . and between these commandements the difference is , that in those which be of the latter kind , the pope may dispense for some cause : for he hath no lesse authority , then the apostle himselfe , in the disposition and ordination of the church : because the whole church is committed to him , as to the vicar of christ and successor of peter , and because he is not bound to the lawes of his predecessors . but in those matters which belong to the former kind , he hath no power at all to dispense , because non est discipulus ●per magistrum , neque seruus supra dominum n . the inferior may not breake the law of his superior : or qualifie the same to pleasure any . for which cause speculator doth affirme that the pope can not absolue any man from a lawfull oath , because the obligation of keeping an oath and performing it to god , is both by the law of nature , and of god : and others deny that the pope can dispense with any witnesse , that he may be beleeued vnsworne in a iudgement p . and innocentius iii. pope in his rescript witnesseth , that the pope can not grant licence to a monke , that either he may haue the property of any goods , or haue a wife q . i am not ignorant , with what a far fetcht and trifling explication , certaine canonists interpreters , who submit all things to the power of the pope , doe bend and wrest from the proper and natiue signification of the words , that same place of innocentius , against the iudgement of the best sort of diuines . i am perswaded that it troubled them , which they had hearde , that constantia the daughter of rogerius normannus , a nunne , was by clement the iii. brought out of the monastery of panormus , to be maried to henry the vi. sonne of frederike aenobarbus , of whom the archbishop of ●lorence writeth , that when she was fifty yeeres of age , and had long professed a monasticall religion , that she bare frederike the ii. and that she might take away all suspition of a supposite and foisted birth , that she was openly deliuered in the midle of a street in panormus , vnder a sheet ouer spread : proclamation being made before , that it should be lawfull for all women to be present , who would come to see that spectacle . therefore this frederike was borne saith he , of a nunne that was now fifty yeeres of age ) and because they had heard also that an other pope had granted a certaine king of aragon an indulgence , that of a monke he might bee a maried man. wherefore these men i meane the canonists , being beyond all measure addicted to the popes , being loath to reprehend such manner of actions , least they should doe disgrace to their popes , who were greedy of honor , and knowing that the words of the prescript set foorth by innocent the iii. did affirme the contrary , they laboured to helpe themselues by such foolish interpretations , as it irketh me to report in this place , least i should intertaine the reader with toies . but it had been much easier for them , to maintaine the truth and the equity of the rescript , then to practise to make a certaine law of the singular , and vnlawfull actions of popes , as though they were a rule to liue by let vs su●ter the popes to giue accompt of their actions to god , neither let vs imitate them in all things . but if any doe propound to vs for examples such actions of theirs , we will answer with ioan de tur. crem , siluester , sotus , and other learned men : that these were deeds of popes , but not decrees , and that the deeds of the popes , doe not make an article of the christian saith , and that it is one thing , to commit any thing defacto , mother thing to determine what might be done de●ure . i my ●●e and siluester , haue seen a pope doe greater matters , with the canda●● of whole christianity : and iohn de tur. crem . speaking of vnlawfull dispensations , saith , which if it shall so be at any time done by any pope being either ignorant in the scriptures , or blinded with desire of wealth , and mony , which is wont to be offered for such exorbitant dispensations , or that he might please any man , it doth not follow that he might iustly doe those things . the church is gouerned or ought to be gouerned by right and lawes , not by such actions or examples . chap. xxvii . therefore it is the opinion of many learned men that the pope cannot giue power to a religious person to breake his vow , that he may haue the property of any goods or a wife , according to the true and simple sence of innocentius his words . and yet if we will diligently search and consider how much some things differ from other , and with a right iudgement to compare them together in the points wherein they properly agree or differ : there will because to confesse that the pope hath far lesse power giuen him to absolue a people from the religion-of their oath , by which they haue willingly and frankely obleiged their faith to their prince , then to dissolue the vowes of religious persons , that although in this last point peraduenture , in some mens opinion , he may seeme to haue power to doe something deplenitudine potestatis , yet in the other we must thinke that he is able to doe iust nothing . both for that the whole order monachall , and other orders in the church ( as certaine thinke ) haue proceeded from humane constitutions , and the positiue law , ouer whom in that consideration the pope hath full and all manner of power that may be , as we haue said a little before . but the submission and obedience due to kings and princes and all magistrates and superiours is grounded vpon the law of nature and of god , being confirmed by both the testaments . for although it be a matter of humane law and ordination to vse this or that forme of common-wealth or gouernment , or to haue this or that prince ; but to reuerence him , whom we had once receiued , and submisly to obey him in all things , which are not contrary to gods commandements , it is a matter not onely of humane , but also both of naturall and diuine institution . and this i thinke , no man will deny . quipotestati resistit , deiordination● resistit . whereby it commeth to passe , that that which was free and arbitrary in the beginning , that is presently turned into a necessity of obedience after that one faith of subiection is giuen . as also , because by the vow of religiont , he obligation is taken only to god and the church , whereof the pope is the vicar , or deputed head : and therefore if the pope , to whom the free procuration and dispensation of all the buisnesses of the church is permitted , shall as it were in a fashion of renewing a bond , transfuse and change the obligation , taken to the church , into another obligation , and also doe interpret and consture that by the promise of a great good , ( or performance ) there is satisfaction made , to the lord god , who is the principall creditor in that businesse , peraduenture it will not be very absurd to say , that there may by chance prooue a liberation and freedome from the knot of the former vow and promise : vnlesse some may thinke , that it cannot be for this cause , because the transgression of a lawfull vow , is simply and of his owne nature sinfull , and that which is sinfull may not be allowed to be donne to obtaine any good , although it be very great , a but the solution of that obiection is very easie . but the matter 〈◊〉 farre otherwise in the case of an oath , which men in their bargaines and couenants are wont to take to confirme and ratifie another obligation thereby . seeing such a manner of oath is a certaine increase of that obligation , to which it is added for securitie , in such manner as suerties●ip , or assurance of any pledge or moregage is vsually taken . and therefore although the oath be said to be made to god , yet in this case the obligation doth accrew not to god principally , but to the person to whom the oath is sworne : quia per iuramentum ●urans non intendebat placere deo , sed satisfacere proximo b . whereby it commeth to passe , that he to whom the oath is taken , hath much more interest by that oath , and obtaineth much more power either to retaine it , or to remit it , then is granted to the church in a vow , for the church or pope , ( euen as they confesse who submit all things to his pleasure ) cannot without great and iust cause dispense with the solemne vow of religion . but he to whom an other hath by oath bound his faith in the matter of giuing or doing , may both alone , and without cause , of his meere pleasure wholy free the promiser from the religion of his oath , and 〈◊〉 it to him , whatsoeuer it bee , of himselfe ; so as his onely leaue and good will obtained , neither is there any more need of the popes absolution , neither if he shall not performe that which he promised , may he be reputed guiltie of periurie before god. therefore it is in a man in this case , who can at his pleasure either retaine one that is bound , or dismisse him free , which because they are so by the consent of all men : how can it be , that the pope may take from the creditor against his will an obligation taken to him by the best law that may be , i meane by the law naturall , diuine and humane , by an oath euery manner of way lawfull , which was added to the lawfull contract ? seing in this kind as in the former , there is no place left to construction by which it may be presumed that he is satisfied , to whom principally the oath was made : viz. no creditor speaking a word against nor shewing the contrarie seeing presumption yeeldeth to the truth c . but let it be , that he may vpon cause take it away , and free the promiser from the bond of his oath , ( because i wil not striue longer with the canonists about this matter ) let him then take it away , and what then force after thinke you will seeme in this our businesse ? you will say that the people will be free from the commandement and subiection of the prince , a soone as they are loosed from the bond of their oath . thinke you so indeed ? what doe you not see , that this oath , is but an accessarie onely , to ratifie and assure the obligation , whereby loyaltie and obedience was promised to the prince ? doe you not know that accessaries are taken away and discharged with auoiding of the principall obligation , for although the principall being cancelled the accessarie falles , yet by the taking away of the accessaries the principall is not destroied . therefore the obligation remaineth yet , to which this oath was added : which because it consists vpon naturall and diuine law , doth no lesse straitly hold the mindes and consciences of men before god , then if it were supported with an oath , quia dominus inter iur amentum & loquelam nostram , nullam vult esse distantiam d , as much as concernes keeping faith of the promise . although the breaker of his oath offendeth more , by reason of the contempt of god ; and notwithstanding that in the externall court periurie is more grieuously punished , by reason of the solemnitie of the promise , then the faith neglected of a mans single promise and bare word , as we say . but if the pope would also cancell this obligation de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine , and deliuer and discharge the subiects from the oath of the king : and enioyne them that they should not dare to obey his requests , commandements and lawes vnder paine of excommunication : shall not the expresse commandement of god seeme to contraueene this warrant of the pope , i meane the commandement of the honoring of kings with all obedience ? is it not lawfull in such a businesse and in a cause the greatest almost that may be , to doe that which the popes interpreters are accustomed to doe , in controuersies of lesse moment ? and that is , to make diligent and carefull inquisition into this same plenitudinem potestatis , whether it extend it selfe so farre , as that by it should expresly be forbidden , which god doth expresly command ? or that which god directly forbids to be done , the same may lawfully be commanded by it ? god commandes mee by salomon to feare the king : by his apostles to honour the king , to be subiect and obedient to him . this surely is a commandement both of naturall and diuine law : that the inferiour should obey the superiour , as long as hee forbiddeth not , who is superiour to them both , in the same kind of power . and he in this businesse betweene the people and the prince , when the question is about temporall authoritie and subiection , is god alone , then whom alone the king is lesse in temporall matters , as in spirituall the pope . seeing then all men doe ingenuously confesse , that this fulnesse of the apostolike power is not so great , that the pope may in any sort dispense in those things , which are bidden or forbidden by the expresse word of god ( which axiome , or proposition bellarmine chiefely resteth on , while he would shew , that the pope cannot subiect himselfe to the coactiue sentence of councels . the popes power ouer all men is , ( saith he ) by the law of god : but the pope cannot dispence in the law of god. we ought not to maruell a whit , if the diuine commandements of fearing and honouring the king , are so deepely impressed in the mindes of many subiects , that they giueno place to contrary precepts , but rather employ all their care that therebe no obedience at all giuen to the aduerse edicts of the pope either absolutory or prohibitory : it hath beene oft tould me by great personages , and those good men , that that diuine precept of honouring kings , was of so great force with them , and had taken so deepe roote in their mindes , that they did perswade themselues , that by no bulles nor contrary indulgences they could be discharged of the scruple and weight of conscience , and purchase security in the inner man , vz. their soules , that they should not performe and execute so cleere and manifest a commandement of natuarll and diuine law , nor yeeld the obedience promised and due to their prince . and this is the reason , why so few of the nobility did make defection from henry the 4. emperour , none from phillip the faire , none also from lewes the 12. both kings of france , by reason of the popes bulles and censures , contayning sentence of deposition . for that we mistake not any way we must vnderstand , that this plenitude of apostolicall power , doth onely comprehend that power which the lord iesus the sonne of god , when he liued in the world , as a man amongst men , was pleased to haue : and that so farre the popes represent christ vnto vs , and is his vicar , ( as we haue shewed aboue out of the doctrine of the most learned bellarmine ) but not that power which he as the sonne of god , and god himselfe , equall with the father had from all eternity , and reserued to the omnipotencie of his diuinity . whereof he saith , all power is giuen me in heauen and in earth f . although i see some play the fooles , or rather the mad-men so much , that they athrme , that this omnipotency is also giuen to the pope , and to prooue the same doe spin out a notorious argument of their owne vanity , in this maner . christ committed to the pope the deputation of his office , as it is matth. 16. cap. & 24. q. 1. can . quodcunque but all power in heauen and in earth was giuen to christ , math. 28. ergo , the pope which is his uicarc hath this power . extra ae translat . cap. quanto . so peter bertrandus in his additions adgloss . extrauag . vnum sanctam . de maior & obed . who also was so bould as to adde , that which is not far from blasphemy . for the lord should not seeme to haue beene wise or discreet ( that i may speake it with his reuerence ) vnlesse hee had left such a one behinde him , who could doe all these things . had this man thinke you any braine ? no maruell if io. gerson said , that pusillos , little ones , that is to say , simple and ignorant christians , being deceiued by such kind of vnskilfull glos●ators and postillators , estimare papam vnum deum , qui habet potestatem omnem in caelo & in terra . surely such grosse flatterers haue spoiled and corrupted the iudgement and liues of many popes . neither is it maruell , if pius the fift the pope , did tell martinus aspilineta , that the lawyers , ( hee meant the canonists , i thinke ) were accustomed to attribute a great deale too much power to the g pope . of whom iohn de turre cremata , it is a great wonder h ( saith he ) that popes doe speake moderately of the power which is giuen them ; euen certaine paltry doctorculi , without any true ground , will needs by flatterie make them equall with god. to which appertaines that which the cardinall of cusa writeth , a man very conuersant in all philosophie humane and diuine , and in storie besides ; that certaine writers being willing to exalt the roman see , worthy of all praise , more a great deale then is expedient or comely for the holy church , doe ground themselues on apocryphall writings , and so deceiue both popes and people . chap. xxviii . now the errour of these men , whereby they giue to the pope all power both humane and diuine , was bredde partly out of the apocryphall writings , as hath beene said ; partly out of certaine rescripts of popes , being conceiued more darkly then was cause , and wrong vnderstood , according to the letter , as they say . for , to speake the truth , there is no kinde of people more vnskilfull and ignorant , then these bare and meere canonists are : which i would not haue vnderstood onely of the knowledge of liberall learning , and of the propertie of speech , for this kind of ignorance is to be borne withall in them , as the common fault of that age wherin they wrote : but euen of the knowledge of that very art which they professe , which they haue clouded and darkened with infinite varieties of distinctions and opinions . for the greatest part of them dwelt only in the popes canons and constitutions , seeking none or very little outward helpe out of diuinitie and other sciences , as they should haue done . those rescripts whereof i speake , and which bredde errour in these men , are extant vnder the title of de translatione episcopi , a wherein innocent the third compareth the spirituall mariage , which is contracted betweene the bishop and the church , with the carnall mariage , which is betweene a man and a woman : first in that , because as the carnall matrimonie taketh her beginning from the espousals , and is ratified by mariage , and consummate by commistion of bodies : so also the spirituall contract of mariage , which is betweene the bishop and the church , is vnderstood to haue his beginning in the election , his ratifying in confirmation , and to bee consummate in consecration secondly in this , that the speech of our lord and sauiour in the gospell , those whom god hath ioined , let not man separate , is to be vnderstood of both the matrimonies , both carnall and spirituall . seeing therefore , saith he , the spirituall bond is stronger then the carnall , it ought not to be doubted , but that almightie god hath reserued only to his iudgement the dissolution of the spirituall mariage which is betweene the pope and the church , who hath reserued only to his owne iudgement the dissolution of the carnall mariage , which is betweene the man and the woman : commanding , that whom god hath ioined together , man should not separate . and againe : as the bond of lawfull matrimonie , which is betweene man and wife , cannot bee dissolued by man , the lord saying in the gospell , b those whom god hath ioined , let not man separate : so the spirituall contract of mariage , which is betweene the pope and the church , cannot bee dissolued without his authoritie , who is the successor of peter , and vicar of iesus christ. and lest any man should obiect , if god haue reserued to his owne only iudgement the dissolution of both the mariages , both carnall and spirituall , and the spirituall bond is stronger then the carnall : how can it be , that the pope , who is surely but a man , can dissolue that spirituall bond ? innocentius answereth in that place , that it is done in that regard , because they are separated , not by humane , but by diuine power , who by the authoritie of the bishop of rome are remooued from the church , by translation , deposition , or cession . for , quoth he , not man , but god doth separate ; whom the bishop of rome ( who beareth the person not of a pure man , but of the true god in earth ) weighing the necessitie or profit of the church , dissolueth , not by humane , but rather by diuine authoritie . thus he . these manner of speeches , and the cause that these men are carried headlong in that errour , that they suppose , whatsoeuer is done by the pope , is done by god himselfe , because the words of innocent seeme to carrie this meaning . i confesse , that there is no place in the whole pontificiall law more plaine and open for the words , nor more hard for the sense , that in expounding the same , the wits of all interpreters doe faile . for what can be spoken more vnderstandatly , plainly , and cleerely then this ; that not man , but god doth separate those whom the bishop of rome doth separate or dissolue ? or what followeth more rightly of any thing , then this of that position : ergo , that the bishop of rome may dissolue matrimonie , which is consummate , carnall copula , betweene maried persons ? and yet there is nothing more false then this conclusion ; and therefore wee must confesse , that that whereof it followeth , is false also , because that which is false can neuer follow of that which is true . which when hostiensis had obserued , when ( i say ) hee had considered the inconsequence of that reason : c but that reason , quoth he , sauing his authoritie and reuerence that gaue it , is not sufficient , vnlesse it be otherwise vnderstood : for by that it would follow , that bee might also by his authoritie diuide carnall matrimonie . but for all that , hostiensis doth not tell vs how this geare ought to bee vnderstood otherwise : neither can hee extricate himselfe from hence , that hee may maintaine his opinion with the preseruation of the truth . for , that he supposeth it might be vnderstood of carnall matrimonie , because , as he saith , before carnall copulation by a common dissent , it may be dissolued , the popes authoritie comming betweene : arg . cap. 2 & cap. expublico de conuers . coniugat . surely this interpretation is void of all authoritie and reason : for as touching the rescripts alleged by him , and if there be any such like , they speake of that dissolution of matrimonie which is made by election of religion , and when one of the maried persons entreth into a monasterie , before their bodies be commixed nuptialis thori amplexibus : in which case there is no neede of the pope , authoritie to interuene , or any pontificiall dispensation : but that they are warranted by meere right , and the common helpe of the law , who in that manner doe procure a separation , and breake off matrimonie . d but that a matrimonie ratified , and not yet consummate , may vpon another cause bee dissolued by the authoritie of the pope , by the common dissent of the parties , that wee are to denie constantly , and that according to the most learned diuines . for the coniunction and commission of bodies doth neither adde nor take away any thing from the substance and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or essence of matrimonie : for the forme of matrimonie consisteth in the declaration of the indiuided coniunction , and consent of mindes , whereby they doe naturally giue themselues one to the other . but the procreation of children , and the bed-fellowship for that cause , is referred not to the constitution of matrimonie , but to the end e . hence is it said by the heathen , that nuptias non concubitus , sed consensus facit : not the fellowship of the bedde , but the consent of the mindes makes mariages f . and the same is confirmed by the sacred canons and constitutions g . otherwise surely that first mariage , which god instituted in paradise , was not a mariage , vntill the maried persons being cast out from thence , began to prouide for issue : then which what can be more absurd ? moreouer , there is no constitution or tradition of the church , no authoritie of fathers , no decretall epistle of the pope , in a word , there is no certaine and solid reason to bee found , which doth except from that sentence of our sauiour , matrimonie ratified , although not consummate : quos deus con●unxit , homo ne separet . nay and hee cannot except , vnlesse it be true , that they , who being contracted , are in the face of the church ioined in the sacrament of matrimonie , are not ioined by god. but there is in this matter , as in others , so great either ignorance or flatterie of diuers interpreters of the pontificiall law , that they are not ashamed to auerre , that not onely matrimonie ratified , but not consummate , ( and that against the common iudgement of the diuines , but also matrimony both ratified and consummated by carnall coniunction , may be dissolued by the pope , aswell as by god himselfe : h which if it should bee true , how weake the bond of matrimonie would proue amongst them , who haue grace and power with the pope , or otherwise may corrupt him with bribes , being blinded with desire of money , j leaue to others to iudge . but there is no cause , why they should thinke that their opinion is strengthned by the former rescripts of innocentius : seeing the pope himselfe in an other place expreslie faith , i that matrimonie betweene lawfull persons , with words of the present time , contracted , may in no case bee dissolued , except before that mariage bee consummated by carnall copulation , one of the maried persons passe ouer into religion . for it is not credible , that so learned and godly a bishop , had either so sodainely forgot himselfe , or wittingly had published opinions so iarring and dissenting one from the other . therefore there must some other meaning bee sought of these rescripts of innocentius . chap. xxix . now , if any aske my opinion , and interpretation of them , i am not afraid to say , as in a matter of this obscurity , that i am at a stand ; notwithstanding , that i doe thinke , that the difference in them is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , that the mind of this good bishop , and the sense of the wordes doe differ ; which oft times fals out in the writings of law-makers , when as either they doe vse words not so fitte for to expresse their meaning , or do omit some necessary particle , or exception , for to make the constitution plaine , and entire ; for otherwise it is not likely , that hee who denieth , that the pope may graunt licence to a moncke , that he may haue propertie of goods , or marry a wife ; would affirme , that the pope may dissolue the sacrament of mariage , i meane matrimony ratified and consummate . what is the matter then ? i will speake what i thinke : i haue obserued , that innocentius hath with that subtlety and finenesse tempered his doctrine , that although hee compare each mariage in this , that they are dissolued by the iudgement of god onely : yet , where he speakes of the power of the chiefe bishop , and vicar of iesu christ , he conioineth them together no more , nor makes mention of carnall matrimony , but onely of spirituall : which not deemed to be separated by man , but by god himselfe ; then when as the bishop of rome dissolueth the same , the necessity or commodity of the church well considered , not out of humane , but rather out of diuine authority by translation , deposition or cession ; by which silence , and omission of carnall matrimony , he doth sufficiently implie , that in the manner of separation , it doth differ , and is secretly excepted from the spirituall matrimony : that the pontificiall authoritie doth not extend to the dissolution of this , viz. the carnall , as if hee had spoken more plainely in this manner . god hath reserued to his own iudgement , the dissolution , as well of the carnall , as of the spirituall matrimony : notwithstanding , the bishop of rome , who is the vicar of christ , and successor of peter , the necessity or commoditie of the churches , &c. may dissolue them : which when he doth , not man but god doth separate , whose person the pope beareth in earth . now , why the pope may dissolue a spirituall mariage , and not a carnall also , the reason is plaine and easie : because the spirituall matrimony of it selfe , and euerie way doth belong to the ordination , gouernement , and oeconomie of the church , which christ hath wholy commended to peter and his successors . and therefore hee must needs seeme to haue granted to them this power to dissolue spirituall mariage , seeing they are not able without it to execute , and discharge the office committed to them a . and therefore whatsoeuer the popes themselues , as hierarches , that is spirituall gouernors , doe dispose and decree of the seuerall matters & persons of the church , wee must belieue that god doth dispose and decree the same , who hath by name committed this dispensation , and procuration to them . but carnall matrimony was instituted , not for the ordination of the church , but onely for procreation of issue b : and for that cause it is said to bee of the law of nature , and to be common to all nations and countries : neither doth it in any other respect belong to the notice of the church , but that it is a * sacrament in the new law , containing the my sterie of god and the soule , of christ and the church . and therefore there was no necessity to permit to peter and his successors , the power to dissolue the same . they haue inough to discerne & iudge , if it be a mariage , that they may know if it bee a sacrament . therefore , although the pope may auaile very much in the contracting of a mariage , viz by remouing all impediments , which doe arise out of the positiue law , and ecclesiasticall constitutions , and giue order , that it may duly and rightly be contracted , which otherwise were neither lawfull nor firme : yet when as either through the common law permitting , or the pope dispensing in cases prohibited , it was contracted , hath no power for any cause in the world , to relaxe and dissolue the same . neither doth it belong to the matter , that in courts and iudgements ecclesiasticall , we see often that separation is made of those persons , as haue liued a long time together , vnder the conceit and shew of mariage . for neither the pope in that case , nor the iudge delegated by the popes authority , doth dissolue any matrimony : but by his iudgement declareth , that the matrimony , which indeede was contracted de fasto , or was falsly supposed to be a mariage , was no mariage at all : & enioyneth persons that are not lawfully coupled together , because without sin they may not entertaine that societie together , to depart one from an other , and to forbeare their accustomed acquaintance . but this is not to dissolue matrimony , or to separate persons lawfully ioined , as concerning the bond of mariage . whereby it is euident , that both innocentius the interpreter , who afterward was the iiii. pope of that name , and also ioh , andr. ( who is called the fountaine and trumpet of the canon law ) hath very foolishly interpreted this part of the rescript of innocentius the iii. whome god hath ioined , let no man separate . of their owne authority say they : but man doth not separate carnall matrimony , when the bishop or the archdeacon doth dissolue it by the constitutions of the pope , but god himselfe , by whose authority those constitutions were made . as though matrimonie might be dissolued by the constitutions of the pope ? indeed the constitutions of the pope may hinder , that mariage may not bee lawfully contracted betweene certaine persons , and make a nullitie in the law , because it was not contracted by the disposition of the same constitutions . but to distract and diuide a mariage which is lawfully contracted , & to breake or loose the band , no constitution either of pope or church can do . otherwise the apostle in those words ; d the woman is bound to the law so long time as her husband liueth , but if her husband doe sleepe she is free : i say he did ill to make mention of death onely ; if shee may be free by some other meanes , viz. the popes constitutions , the mariage it selfe being dissolued . and now since these things are thus , it is time to returne from this by-way , into which the vnreasonable flattery , and ignorance of certain doctors hath drawne vs , into that path from whence wee haue digressed . chap. xxx . it is now positiuely set downe , and affirmed by the consent of all who can rightly iudge of diuine matters , that the pope cannot make grace to any , of the naturall and diuine law ; or , as we vsually speake now a dayes , cannot dispense against the law of nature , and of god : and grant that that may bee done without guilt , which god and nature haue forbidden ; or forbid lest that should be done which god hath expresly commanded to be done ; and this not onely the diuines , but also the canonists of the better sort , doe very earnestly maintaine . therefore this is a most grounded ax●ome , whereon the weight of this whole disputation doth depend , and whereon is grounded the solution of that argument , which wee haue transcribed out of bellarmine aboue in the beginning of the 25. chapter . surely , we do admit his proposition , which is , that it is necessary for a pastor to haue power about the wolues , that hee may driue them away , by all the meanes he is able . wee admit also the assumption . that the wolues which destroy and waste the church of god , are heretickes . where hee concludeth in this manner . ergo , if a prince , of a sheepe , or ramme , turne wolfe ; that is to say , of a christian turne an hereticke , the pastor of the church may driue him away by excommunication , and also may charge the people , that they doe not follow him , and therefore may depriue him of dominion ouer his subiects . surely , a very vnsound collection . in stead whereof , in good logicke , should bee put this conclusion : ergo , if any prince , of a sheepe , or a ramme , turne wolfe , the pastor of the church may driue him away by all the meanes hee can . for this ariseth rightly out of the former propositions , and therefore if we grant them it cannot bee denied . therefore all this is true ; and wee grant it all : but yet that which hee annecteth and knitteth to this conclusion , is neither agreeable nor consequent , which is , that the pastor may enioine the people , &c. for to be able , or not to be able ( posse ) where the right and equity is disputed , ought to bee vnderstoode not of the mere act , but of the power , which is lawfully permitted , and which agreeth with law and reason . so as in this case the pope may be said to be able to do that , which hee is able to doe iustly and honestly a . and so the matter is brought about , as we are enforced to enquire , whether the pope by the plenitude of his apostolicke power , as they speake , can command & enioine subiects , that they dare not be so bold as to obey the edicts , commandements , lawes of their prince vnder paine of excommunication . and if he shall de facto commaund the law , whether the subiects are bound to obey any such commandement of the pope . surely , as i touched in the beginning ; for the affirmatiue , i could neuer in my life , either my selfe find a waighty argument , nor light vpon any inuented by an other : but the contrary proposition is strongly maintained , being built vpon the foundation which we spake of ere while ; viz. that the pope cannot in any sort dispense against a law of nature , and of god. vpon which ground is raised a most firme argument in my opinion , which is concluded in this forme . the pope can commaund or dispense in nothing against the law naturall and diuine . but to commaund or dispense in the matter of subiection and obedience due to princes , is against law naturall and diuine . ergo , the pope cannot commaund or dispense in the same : and by consequence cannot commaund the subiects , that they doe not obey their temporall prince , in that wherein the prince is superiour to him : and if he shall de facto commaund , it shall be lawfull for the subiects to disobey him with safety and good conscience , as one that presumes to giue lawes without the compasse of his territory or iurisdiction . both the propositions are most certaine . out of which the conclusion is induced by a necessary consecution . he that shall weaken the force of this argument , shall doe mee a very great pleasure , and make me beholding to him . for my part , that i may ingenuously confesse my slender wit , i doe not see in the world how it can bee checked by any sound reason ; for though it may bee said , that obedience due to a superiour may bee restrained and hindered by him who is superiour to that superiour , and that the pope who is father of all christians , is superiour to all kings and princes christian , in this , that he is father , and therefore that hee may of his owne authority inhibite and restraine , that the subiects doe not performe the reuerence and obedience due and promised to the prince ; yet this reason is like a painted ordinance , not able to beat down the strength of the former conclusion . seeing this which is said , that obedience du to a superiour may be diminished or restrained , or taken away by his commaundement , who is superiour to that superiour : this is true onely then , when he who forbiddeth it is superiour in the same kind , and line of power and superiority ; or in those things , wherein obedience is due . as for example , the king may take frō the lieutenant of his armie his commaund , and giue charge that the armie obey him no more ; and the lieutenant may vpon cause commaund that the souldier obey not the tribune , nor the tribune the centurion , nor the centurion the decurion . for that all these in the same kind , i meane about militarie gouernment & discipline , but one aboue an other , are superiour according to the order of dignity . the same is true in the orders of the heauenly warfare , and of the ecclesiasticall hierarchie . but the obedience of the subiects towards the prince , whereof wee speake ; consisteth in temporall matters , wherein the popes themselues confesse , that there is none aboue the prince b . but if none bee aboue him in temporalities , surely it followeth , that there is none that may forbid or hinder the subiection and obedience which is due to him from his subiects in temporalities . i haue shewed aboue that these powers the spirituall and temporall , are so distinct , that neither , as it is such , doth commaund or serue the other . and that they are not to be regarded , who flie to their starting holes of distinctions and quirkes , or rather those snares , of verball captions , by these words , directè & indirectè . for it is most sure , that hee hath a superiour in temporalties , whome an other may in any sort commaund a-about temporall matters : or who in temporall causes may bee iudged directly or indirectly by an other . for iudgement is giuen of one against his will c . and no man is iudged but of his superiour . because an equall hath no commaund ouer an equall d . and indeed , for the effect and issue of the matter , there is no difference at all ; whether one haue authority and power ouer an other , directly or indirectly . for in those wordes , directè & indirectè , or if you please , directly , and obliquely , the difference is propounded to vs onely in the maner and way , or order of obtaining and comming by the former , but not in the liberty , force and effect of exercising , and executing the same . but good god ? what can bee said more vnreasonably , or more contrary to the selfe then this : that a king hath no superiour in temporalties ; but is free from all bands of offences , nor is brought to punishment by any lawes , which all antiquitie , and the whole church hath euer held : and againe , that the pope vpon cause , or in some manner , that is to say , indirectly , is superiour to the king in temporalties , and may punish him with temporall punishments , that is , with losse of kingdom & rule , yea & life also ? for after that he is once defected & thrown down from his throne by the pope , and reduced to the condition of a priuate man , what remaineth , but that he should vndergoe the last issue of this malice ? and that is , either to prouide for his safety by speedy flight , and so liue a miserable life out of his countrey ; or if hee doe not in this manner prouide for himselfe , bee will forthwith bee arraigned and conuinced in publike iudgment , and then fall into the hands of a gaoler , or an executioner , and so there will be an end of him . now there is in this power , which these good fellowes doe attribute indirectly to the pope , a soueraigne , free , and vncontrolled libertie to oppresse , and to exercise tyrannie , euen ouer good and innocent kings . for first of all they ordaine , that it belongeth to the pope to iudge , if a king be to be deposed or not to be deposed . secondly , that there is no appeale from his iudgement , because he alone iudgeth all men , and is iudged of no man. and so should it be in the power and pleasure of a malitious pope , whensoeuer he conceiueth and burneth with any priuate hatred against any king , though he be neuer so good , to pretend some occasion or other of an indirect prerogatiue , that hee may turne him out of his kingdome , and reduce him to the estate of a priuate man. which j would not speake in this place , ( for i would not presage so hardly of the gouernours of the holy see ) but that all the world doth vnderstand , that the same hath in former ages beene practised by diuers popes . and it is not yet aboue the age of a good olde man , since iulius the ii. did most wickedly and vniustly take from iohn king of nauarre , his kingdome by ferdinando of aragon , by this very pretence of the papall authoritie , the same iohn being not guiltie , or conuinced of any crime , but onely because he fauoured lewes the french king. and if to doe matters of this nature , is not to be superiour in temporall affaires , i would gladly learne of these great masters , what it is to be a superiour . one thing i know ( if this opinion of theirs bee true ) that the pope is able to doe more against kings indirectly , then if he should haue directly any command ouer them . of which point we haue spoken something before g . if therefore the pope , de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine , shall goe about by his decree or bull , to forbidde them to obey their king , may not all the people againe , or some in the peoples behalfe , answer the pope in this manner : holy father , you are not aboue our king in temporalties ; and in that respect , you cannot hinder the temporall obedience which wee performe vnto him . why doe you forbidde vs to doe that which god commands vs to doe ? is it because it is at your pleasure to interprete the will of god , comprehended in the diuine law , and in the scriptures ? but notwithstanding there must no such interpretation bee made , as doth wholly make the law void , and vtterly doth destroy and dissolue the commandement . if there be any thing doubtfull or darke in the law of god , wee presently flie to the see of peter , that is , to the see which you now doe hold , to receiue the interpretation of the truth : but that which is cleere and manifest of it selfe , that needeth no light of any interpretation . seeing then our lord and sauiour commands vs , to giue to caesar those things which are caesars , and to god those things which are gods ; and after by his apostle , to be subiect to princes and powers , and to bee obedient to them : it is your part to declare vnto vs what things be caesars , that is to say , what things belong to our king , and what be gods ; that both of them may haue that which belongeth to them : and in this distinction of things we will willingly heare your voice . but when you say , i will haue you giue nothing to caesar , or to your prince , you contradict christ , and therefore wee heare not your voice . wee doe indeede confesse , and professe also , that the exposition and interpretation of your holinesse should take place touching the obseruation of the diuine law : but we affirme absolutely , that that is not to be receiued , which maketh a scorne both of the law of god , and of nature , and bringeth the same into contempt . as for example , not to digresse from the matter we haue in hand : we are commanded to obey our princes and magistrates : in the obseruation of this commandement , we as obedient children , doe willingly embrace your expositions and restraints , which doe not quite destroy and extinguish the commandement it selfe : as when you say , that from hence there growes no obligation to obey kings , but in those matters which belong to their temporall iurisdiction : that all spirituall things are to bee reserued to the vicar of christ , and to the church . also , when as you doe aduertise vs , that wee ought not to yeeld obedience to the king in that which he commands against the law of god , or nature , or which otherwise is repugnant to good manners . but when as you simply and absolutely command vs , that we doe not in any sort obey our lawfull prince , or any of his charges , commandements , and lawes : wee may not obey this commandement of yours , because this is not to interprete the commandement of god , which is granted to your holinesse , but vtterly to abrogate and ouerthrow the same , which you cannot doe by any meanes . christ when he deliuered to peter the keies of the kingdome of heauen , did not giue him power h faciends de peccato non peccatum , that is to say , that which is sinne , to make it to be none . therefore in this point we will follow the common doctrine of the canonists : that we ought not to obey the popes commandement , if either it bee vniust , or that many mischiefes or scandals are likely to ensue thereof , or else the disturbance and disquietnesse of the state of the church and the christian common-wealth be likely to grow of the same : and therefore , if the pope should command any thing to religious men , which were against the substance of order , that is , which should bee contrarie to the rule professed by them , they are not bound to obey it , ( as felinus interpreteth in cap. accepimus . de fid . instrum . & cap. si quando . de rescript ) as the same innocent teacheth k elsewhere : whom martin of carats in his tractate de principibus , quast . 408. and felinus in de cap. si quando , and d. cap. accepimus , doth report and follow . how much lesse then ought the subiects of kings to giue eare to the pope , going about to withdraw them from the obedience which is due to their king by the law of god and nature , and confirmed with the most straight obligation of an oath ? if you will vs to withdraw our neckes from the yoke and seruice of our king for this cause , because a spirituall good is hindred by our obedience , which is giuen to him by vs : wee answer , that this mischiefe , whatsoeuer it bee , chanceth to fall out by some accident : for simply and of it selfe , euill cannot grow out of good , nor good out of euill . now wee haue against our willes committed that accident , but we cannot hinder it . wee discharge the dutie due to our king : and according to patience in doing well , wee seeke glorie honour , and immortalitie . m he if he abuse the obedience due vnto him , and so great a benefit of god , hee shall feele god to be a most sharpe judge and reuenger ouer him . but it is not lawfull for vs to forsake our dutie , and to transgresse the commandement of god , that euen a very great good should follow thereby , lest wee purchase to our selues the damnation which the apostle doth denounce . he that commands to obey our kings , and to yeeld to casar those things which be casars , putteth no distinction betweene good and euill princes , and therefore ought not we to make any distinction . n if , as b. augustine teacheth , hee who * hath vowed continence to god , ought by no meanes to offend , euen with this recompence , that he beleeueth he may lawfully marie a wife , because she who desires to marie with him , hath promised that shee will bee a christian , and so may purchase to christ the soule of a woman , which lieth in the death of infidelitie , who if shee marie him , is ready to prooue a christian : what excuse shall wee vse to god , if wee for the hope of some contingent good , should violate the religion and faith of our oaths , which wee haue giuen to god and our king ? for there is nothing more precious then a soule , for which our lord and sauiour hath vouchsafed to die . and therefore if we may not sinne to gaine that to christ , for what cause shal it be lawfull for vs to sinne ? moreouer , in that you say , that you doe free vs , and pronounce vs free from the bond of this dutie ; that taketh not from vs all scruple of conscience , but causeth vs to hang in suspence , and the more to doubt of your authoritie ; because wee know that the commaundement , wherein you promise to dispence with vs , is ratified by the law of god and nature ; and that your holinesse can neuer , no not by vertue of the fulnesse of your power , dispense with any in the law of god and nature . therefore wee will obey you in spirituall matters , and the king in temporall matters . god commands both : wee will performe both . to be short , the comminations and threatnings , which you insert in your mandate , we doe wonder at surely , and in some part we feare them : but yet we are not altogether so fearefull , as to bee more afraid of them then we ought , or that we should be so terrified with them , as for feare of an vniust excommunication , to denie to our king the iust and lawfull obedience which is due vnto him . for although it bee a common speech , that euery excommunication is to bee feared ; o yet we ought to know , that an vniust excommunication hurteth not him against whom it is denounced , but rather him by whom it is denounced . p therefore if you strike vs with the edge of your excommunication , because we will not at your commandement transgresse the commandement of god , and malum facere ; your malediction and curse shal be turned into a blessing , so as although we may seeme to be bound outwardly , yet inwardly wee remaine as it were loosed and innocent . these and such like , are the reasons which haue so settled the faith , as well of the clergie as nobilitie , and euen of the whole commons of france , toward their kings , that they haue resolutely withstood certaine popes , who haue earnestly laboured to withdraw them from their loyaltie , and obedience of their kings ; and haue scorned the popes bulles , and the sentence of deposition and depriuation from the kingdome : nay more , that they haue not beleeued therefore , not without reason , that they are bound by any ecclesiastique censures , or may iustly bee enwrapped in any bonds of anathema or excommunication . for my part , surely i doe not see what may iustly bee blamed in the former answer and defense of the people , vnlesse it be imputed to them , and be sufficient to conuince them of contumacie , because they doe not by and by put in execution , without all delay , or examination of the equitie , euery commandement of the pope , as though it were deliuered euen by the voice of god himselfe ; which i thinke none in his right wits will iudge . as for the other points , they are grounded on most firme demonstrations , most sound reasons and arguments , and reasons of diuine and humane law : viz. that it is the commandement of god , that honour and obedience should be yeelded to kings and princes , no difference or distinction of good and wicked princes in that point being propounded : that all the authoritie of the pope consisteth in spirituall matters : that temporall affaires are left to secular kings and princes . that the pope is not superiour to kings in temporall matters , and therefore that he cannot punish them with temporal punishments . lastly , that the pope can in no sort dispense against the law of nature and of god , whereby this obedience is commanded the subiects toward the prince : and for that cause can neither absolue and discharge the subiects from that obligation , nor by iust excommunication censure them , who doe not obey him when he forbiddeth them to giue lawfull obedience to the prince . al which points are seuerally and distinctly concluded before with authorities , testimonies , and arguments , which in my opinion cannot be answered ; which notwithstanding i will leaue to the iudgement of the church . for this is my minde and resolution , to submit my selfe and all mine to the censure and iudgement of my most holy mother . chap. xxxi . those things which hitherto haue beene deliuered by vs , of the soueraigne authoritie of kings and princes , and of the dutie which is not to bee denied to them in all things , which are not repugnant to gods commandements , and to good manners : they are confirmed by the continual and solemne obseruation of the ancient fathers , and the whole church . for although they had great opportunit●e and meanes to pull downe and to defect from their gouernment wicked christian princes , by whom they had beene wronged with priuate and publike iniuries , yet in no maner did they moue any question against them touching their authoritie and rule : they denied them no parcell of humane obsequie and obedience . only they wisely , freely , and stoutly resisted their errours . and so holding the multitude in their dutie towards god and their king , they obserued both precepts , of fearing god , and honouring the king. and in very deede this is the principall remedie to preserue mens mindes from slipping , and reuoke them from errour ; and the most ready way and meane to reduce kings and princes , being furiously caried headlong with a frenticke heresie , from immanitie and fiercenesse , to courtesie and mildnesse ; from errour to truth , from heresie to the faith : which course the ancient fathers euer held in such like cases : which if the other popes had followed in these latter ages , and had not arrogated to themselues that same insolent , and proud , and hatefull domination ouer kings and emperours in temporall matters , it had gone better then at this time it doth with the christian common-wealth : and peraduenture those heresies wherewith wee are now sore pressed , might haue beene strangled in the very cradle . for euen the issue and the euent of businesse to this day , doth sufficiently teach , that the popes doe little or nothing auaile , while they hold this high , slipperie , and steepe headlong way ; but that they doe more times raise troubles , schismes , and warres , by this meane in christian countries , then propagate the faith of christ , or increase the profit , and enlarge the liberty of the church . how vnprofitable and hurtfull to the christian common-wealth that assault was of gregorie the vii . vpon henrie the iv. ( which gregorie was the first of all the popes that euer aduentured this high course ) wee haue sufficiently declared before . but who is ignorant how that same furious aggression and censure of boniface the viii . vpon philip the faire , how little it profited , nay how much it hurt the church ? likewise that of iulius the ii. against lewes the xii . both kings of france ? of clement the vii . and paulus the iii. against henrie the viii . and of pius quintus against elizabeth , kings of england ? did not all these princes , not onely not acknowledge , but also contemne and laugh to scorne that same papall imperiousnesse , carried beyond the bounds of a spirituall iurisdiction , as meere arrogation , and an vsurped domination ? for the two last popes , i dare bee bold to affirme vpon a cleere ground , ( for the matter is knowne to all the world ) that they were the cause that religion was lost in england : for that they tooke vpon them to vsurpe and practise so odious and so large a iurisdiction ouer the prince and people of that kingdome . therefore how much more iustly and wisely did clement the viii . who chose rather by a spirituall and fatherly charitie , and a vertue agreeable to his name , to erect and establish the state of the french kingdome , which began to stagger and sway in religion , then to contend by this same haughty and threatning authority of a temporall iurisdiction ? because hee knew that seldome or neuer it had happie issue . out of doubt , for kings and princes , who glory not without cause , that they are beholding onely to god , & the sword for their kingdomes and principalities , it is proper to them of a naturall greatnes of mind , to desire rather to die with honour , then to submit their scepters to an others authority , and to acknowledge any iudge & superiour in temporall matters . and for that cause it seemeth not to be good for the church , and christian common-wealth , that the pope should be inuested in so great an authority ouer secular princes , by reason of the manifold slaughters , miseries , and lamentable changes of religion , and of all things besides , which dospring from thence . in which consideration , i cannot but wonder at the weake iudgement of some men , who take themselues to be very wise , who to remoue from the pope the enuie of so hatefull a power , and to mitigate & allay the indignation of kinges whome it offen deth so much ; are not afraide to giue out , and to publish in bookes scattered abroad a , that this temporall prerogatiue of the pope ouer kings , is passing profitable euen for the kings thēselus : because as they say , mē somtimes are kept in compasse , more through the feare of loosing temporall , then of spirituall estates . an excellent reason surely , and worthy of them , who put no difference betweene princes and priuate persons , and measure all with one foot . surely , these men reach so farre in vnderstanding , that they vnderstand nothing at all . as though that feare wich falles vpon priuate persons , is wont to possesse also the minds of princes : who hold themselues sufficiently protected and armed with the onely authority of their gouernment against all power and strength , and impression of any man. that reason ought onely to be referred to them , whom the terrour of temporall authority , and the seuerity of ordinary iurisdiction , do reclaime from offending with feare of punishment ; for these kind of people ( because they are sure that if they offend , they shall be chastised with some pecuniarie or corporall mult ) doe for the most part abstaine from doing hurt , not for conscience , but for the displeasure , and feare of the losse of temporall thinges . but kings haue not the same reason , but being placed on high aboue all humane constitutions , and all positiue lawes , doe giue vnto god onely the account of their administration , whose punishment the longer it is in cōming , the more seuere it is like to bee . against priuate persons the execution of punishment is ready , which they cannot auoid without the mercy of the prince . but what execution can bee done against princes , seeing they are not tied by any sanctions of humane lawes , nullisque ad poenam vocentur legibus , tuti imperij poteslate ? for that it is expressed in the law , that the prince is free from the laws : that both the latine and the greeke interpreters do vnderstand , as of all lawes , so especially of poenall , that the prince although he doe offend , may not be chastised by them , or as the graecians doe speake , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which is the cause , that kings being assured , both the greatnesse of their authority , and confidence of their armes , feare not the losse of any temporall estate , seeing there is not one among a thousād of them so froward and friendlesse , but that he can find many friends to follow his party , by whose helpe and aduice , whether he be to vse sleight or strength , hee supposeth he can maintaine his crowne and scepter . and for this very reason it is so farre , that they will be terrified with these imperious and lording minitations , to take their kingdomes away , that they are rather inflamed , and set on fire by them against all pietie and religion . and it is verie certaine , that this temporall power , which the pope some ages past doth challenge ouer all men , is so hatefull to princes , that euen they , who doe much honour the seate of peter , and do acknowledge the great power of his successors in spirituall causes , yet they cannot without indignation endure to heare the speech of this temporall domination . the reason is , because neither in the sacred scriptures , nor traditions of apostles , or any writings of ancient fathers , there appeareth any testimony , nay , no token or print of footing of any such authority of the pope : and that a matter of so great weight , i meane so great a commaund and power of raigning , should bee euicted or wrested from them without the manifest word of god , or pregnant proofe of reason ; neither can they endure any reason of law , or indifferencie of equity can admit . wherfore wise men haue euer been of this mind , that the popes should with much more case procure the peace of the church , if according to the custome of their ancesters , they would quietly rest themselues within the bounds and compasse of the spirituall iurisdiction ; and that according to their apostolicke charity they should humblie entreat wicked kings , requesting , beseeching , protesting with praiers and teares , that they would returne into the way , rather then that they should goe about through this hatefull intermination , to strip them of their temporall authority , as it were through force and feare ( wherby they profit nothing or little , ) to extort and wrest from them amendement of maners and faith . and if these princes bee so obstinate and stiffe in their wicked courses , that they can be moued with no teares , nor bended with no praiers ; the assistance of god must be implored , and they abandoned to his iudgement . but now let vs goe forward . chap. xxxii . the second argument which bellarmine deducteth out of his fift reason before related by vs , is by him propounded in these words . a shepheard may shedde and shut vp the furious rammes which destroy the flocke : but a prince is a furious ramme , destroying the flocke , when he is in faith a catholicke , but so wicked as hee doth much hurt religion and the church , as if he should sell bishoprickes , spoile churches &c. ergo , the pastor of the church may reclude him , ( he should haue rather said exclude him , for recludere is aperire , ) or to reduce him into the rancke of the sheepe . surely , wee doe admitte this argument , and whatsoeuer beside is by necessary consecution inferred thereof : now no other thing can be inferred , but that it is lawfull for the pastor of the church , ( by which name we vnderstand the pope in this place ) to expell an euill prince out of the lords fold , and to exclude him that he rest not in the lords sheepe-cotes with the rest of the christian flocke : that is to say , by ecxommunication to cast him out of the communion of the church & of the saints , and to depriue him of all the benefites of regeneration in christ , and to deliuer him to satan , vntill hee make lawfull satisfaction for his offence and contumacie . and this punishment is wholy spirituall and ecclesiastick , and the greatest of all other which the church hath b : which he cannot goe beyond , no not against a priuate person : vnlesse it be to go to the prince ciuill , as being superiour to the offender , and beseech him to punish the iniurie offered to the holy mother ; who for that shee is a nurse of the church , ought to chastice with corporall and ciuill punishments the offenders and rebels to the same . but the church wanteth this temporall aide , when as he is the soueraigne prince himselfe , who commits that for which hee may be worthily excommunicate , because he hath no superior , & by no law can be challenged to punishment , being free and safe through the maiestie of his gouernment . therefore although the pastor of the church , or the pope , may by excommunication exclude him from the flocke , and so depriue him of all his spirituall benefites : yet can hee take away from him none of those things which he possesseth and enioyeth by vertue of a temporall and humane interest : because goods of that nature are not subiect to ecclesiastique , but to politique lawes , which are in the power of kings . and as no christian , whether prince or priuate person , can auoid the popes iudgment in spirituall causes : so neither may any subiect of what ranke or place soeuer he be , decline the iudgement of his king or prince in temporall affaires : for in that the causes of clergie persons are committed to other then to ciuill iudges , that was granted them by the singular grace and priuiledge of princes , whereas by the common law , cleriques as wel as laiques are subiect to the temporall authority of secular princes . and this is grounded on that reason , which bellarmine himselfe deliuers , viz. that clergie persons , besides that they are clergy persons , are also citizens , and certain parts of the common wealth politique . hence it is , that vnder the best and holiest christian princes , all the causes of clergy men , as well ciuill as criminall , so as they were not ecclesiasticke , were wont to bee debated before ciuill and temporall magistrates c . therefore the clergy did owe to secular princes this their liberty , which in this point they enioy , as we haue declared before in the 15. chapter . whereby i maruaile that the same bellarmine doth affirme that the pope might simply by his owne authority exempt clergy men by the canon law , from the subiection of temporall princes . for ( that i may speake it with the reuerence of so great a man , ) it is as false as false may be . because the law of christ depriues no man of his right and interest : but it should depriue , if it should take away against their wils that temporall right and interest which princes before they became christians had ouer clergie men . againe , seeing the pope himselfe hath obtained this exemption of his owne , by no other right , but by the bounty and grace of princes ( for as the aduersaries confesse , hee was both de iure , and de facto , subiect to heathen princes , as other citizens ) it is an absurd thing to say , that he could deliuer others frō the same subiection . otherwise that might agree to him , which the wicked blaspheming iewes did vpbraid to our sauiour christ , he hath saued others , himselfe he could not saue . and in this point the authority of the fathers in councels , could not be greater then the popes . therefore this place requireth that wee also conuince an other errour which hath sprung & spread very wide out of the decrees of counsels , not diligently and aduisedly considered , and which reacheth at this day i know not how farre , and to what persons : viz. that councels haue freed clergy men from the authoritie & iurisdiction of magistrates . which is as far from all truth as may be , for it is no where found in any councell , that the fathers assumed to them so much authority , as to depriue secular judges of their authority and iurisdiction ouer the clergy , or in any sort forbid them to heare and determine the causes of clergy men being brought before them , vnlesse it were after that by the singular bounty of diuines , which began from iustintanus , that priuiledge of court was granted to church men . for when as these graue fathers themselues which were present and presidents in councels , were subiect to temporal authority ( as saint augustine teacheth in expositione cap. 13. epist. ad rom. ) it could not bee that they should by their proper authority exempt themselues or others from that subiection . therefore wee must vnderstand that those ancient fathers of the church , amongst whom the ecclesiasticall discipline did flourish with much seuerity and sincerity ( which at this day is too much neglected ) vsed all the care and diligence that might bee , that the clergy should carry a light before the people , not onely in doctrine , but also in inte●rity of manners and innocency of life : and for that cause that they admonished all clergy men , and decreed and enacted by the canons of their councels , that none of them should bring against another any ciuill or criminall complaint before a secular iudge , but that either they should compose all their controuersies among themselues by the arbitration of friends , or if they would not or could not , that at least they should end them by the iudgement of the bishop . and surely , they ordered their matters in this manner out of the same , or surely the very like aduice which s. paul in the 1. epistle to the corinthians , gaue the christians , forbiding them , that they should not draw one an other before the iudgement seates of insidell iudges , and there contend about their differences ( which we spake of a little before : ) i say out of the same aduice these fathers ordained , that if any thing sell out among the clergy , after the manner of men , which might be a scandall to the laitie ( as are the faults which are committed of humaine frailety ) that the same might with more secresie and closenes be amended before their proper ordinaries , nor should not come to the eares of the rude and barbarous multitude , which oft times measureth the doctrine by the manners , and is accustomed either to disdaine or to scorne and laugh at these maner of slippes in the clergy . and moreouer , lest the cleriques , who ought to bee carefull and diligent to maintaine peace and concord , and both in word and deede to giue example of charity and patience , should seeme by their often haunting and frequenting of secular courts , to shew the way to all manner of strifes and contention . then by these decrees of councelles , there is nothing detracted from the authoritie of the laickes , but that they may heare the causes of the clergie men . for the fathers did not , neither indeed could they forbid , that secular iudges should not iudge and determine of clergie mens causes , being brought before them ; ( for that had beene to take from princes and magistrates that right and authoritie , which the law of christ doth not permit them to doe ) but indeed they did forbidde that one clergy person should not draw an other before those kind of iudges , appointing canonicall or ecclesiasticall punishments against them which did not obey . now this they might appoint iustly and lawfully without wrong or preiudice to any : euen as a good father that hath many children , may commaund his children , and also forbid them vnder a priuate and domesticke punishment , that they doe not contēd before a iudge about any controuersies amongst themselues , but that they cease and lay downe all quarrell and differences vpon the iudgment of their father or brethren : and by giuing his children this charge , he doth not preiudice at all the authority of lawfull iudges . euen so the fathers of the councels haue inhibited their sonnes , that is , the clergy men , that they should maintaine no action , nor question amongst them selues before secular iudges , not by taking away from the laiques their power to heare and decide of their causes , but by abridging the clergie of their ancient liberty of going so freely vnto them as they vsed to do . and this is not to exempt the clergie from the authority and iurisdiction of temporall magistrates , but only to take a course , by which the clergie hauing businesse with the clergy , may easily attaine their right without so much noise and stirrings in lay-mens courtes . and lest any man should doubt whether these things stand thus or no , i thought it worth my pains to set down the very decrees of the counsels : from which because they were not well vnderstoode , this errour hath sprung , that from thence the reader may vnderstand the truth of our discourse . the first then which decreed any thing touching this point , was the 3. councell of carthage , held the yeare of our lord 397. at which s. augustine was present , and subscribed the same . in the 9. can of that councell it is thus written . also wee haue ordained that whosoeuer bishop , priest and deacon or clerke , when as a crime is charged vpon him in the church , or a ciuill controuersie , shall bee raised against him , if he leauing the ecclesiastick iudgement , shall desire to be cleared by the publique iudgements , although the sentence passe of his side , that hee shall lose his place , and this in a criminall iudgement . but in a ciuill , that he foresee that which hee hath wonne , if he : desire to hold his place still . for hee that hath free liberty to chuse his iudges where hee will , hee doth shew himselfe to be vnworthy of the fellowshippe of his brethren , who conceiuing meanely of the whole church , sueth to the secular iudgement for helpe . whereas the apostle commaundeth that the causes of priuate christians should bee brought to the church , and be there determined . is there any word here , whereby it may be gathered by any probable reason , that the councell meant to exempt the clergie from the iurisdiction of secular magistrates ? or doth declare that the laickes are not competent iudges for the clergie ? nay it sheweth the direct contrarie : viz. that they doe confesse , that the secular iudges may by good right heare and decide the causes of clergie persons , and that they doe not disallow their iudgements , as giuen by an incompetent iudge ; but that they only endeuour this , to restraine the giddinesse and forwardnesse of those clerickes , that when as a cause hath alreadie beene begun to bee debated in the church , forsaking and contemning the ecclesiasticke iudges , doe submit themselues to the order and iudgement of laickes : in which case the councell doth not disallow the sentence giuen by a secular iudge , nor pronounceth him to be no competent iudge , but a penaltie depriueth that clerke of the fruit and benefite of such a sentence , by reason of his lewdnesse and disorder . now in that the fathers of that councell did at that time acknowledge the ciuill magistrates to bee the competent iudges of clergy men ; by that it may bee vnderstood sufficiently , that they restrained this their decree to that case , wherein a crime is raised vpon a clearke in the church , or a ciuill controuersie set on foot against him . therfore out of these cases , it was by this canon lawfull for the clergie without offence to prosecute their sutes in a ciuill court , and to debate their businesse before a secular iudge . after followed the famous councell of chalcedon , ann. dom 451. which also in the 9. canon decreeth on this manner : if any clergy person haue businesse with a clergie person , let him not forsake his proper bishop , and runne to temporall iudgements : but first let the businesse be sifted by the pr per bishop , or at least by the counsell of the same bishop ; they shall receiue iudgement and order from them by whom both parties were content to be iudged . if any shall doe otherwise , he shall be subiect to the canonicall consures . obserue how this councell directeth her speech to the clergie , that they should not leaue their owne bishops , to goe to secular iudges ; but not to temporall magistrates and iudges , that they should not heare clergie men comming to them ; and after the cause debated , should pronounce sentence , & according to the course of law , compell them to performe the iudgement . therefore by this canon there is nothing taken from the authoritie of the laitie . for those words of the canon or decree , sedprius actio ventiletur apud proprium fpiscopum , doe sufficiently shew , that the fathers of the councell doe only require , that all the causes of clergie men bee at the first hand examined by the bishop : secondly , if there bee cause , that they bee carried to the examination of the temporall iudge . for it is not likely or credibl , that that word , primum , was idly and super fluously set downe by so many worthy and wise men : and so that canon doth wholly accord with the nouell constitution of iustinian , 82. made in fauour of the clergie men : that clergie men should first bee conuented before their owne bishops , and afterwards before ciuill iudges . therefore the ciuill iurisdiction of secular iudges ouer the clergie is not weakened by this canon , but rather confirmed . likewise in the councell of agatha , vnder king alaricke . ann. dom. 506. the fathers which allembled in the same , decreed can. 32 that no clergie man should presume to molest any man before a secular iudge , if the bishop did not giue him licence . the which canon gratian transferred into his decre●um , not without very foule dealing , both changing the reading , and wresting the sense ; for whereas the councell had said , clericus ne quenquam praesumat , &c. that he hath drawne to his owne opinion , depraued in this manner : clericum nullus praesumat apud s●cularem iudicem episcopo non permittente , pulsare : that is , let no man presume to molest a clergie man before a secular iudge , &c. that the prohibition may include the la●cks also , that they should not conuent a clergy man before a secular iudge ; whereas it is made only for clergie men , without any mention at all of the laitie . besides , the second part of that canon doth manifestly shew , that the councell is thus farre offended with the laickes which draw the clergie before secular iudgements , and propoundeth ecclesiasticall punishments against them , if so bee they shall doe it wrongfully , of a purpose to vex and molest them . for it followeth in the same canon : but if any secular man shall attempt wrongfully to torment and vex the church and clergie men , ( by moouing of sutes before secular iudges ) and shall be conuicted let him be restrained from entrance into the church , and from the communion of the catholikes , vnlesse hee shall worthily repent . but gratian hath corrupted not only the sentence of this councell , but also of the epistle of pope marcellinus , in eadem cau● & quaest can 3. and for clericus nullum , hath written , clericus nullus : that it is no maruell , that the canonists , who did only reade the gatherings of gratianus , being deceiued by this false reading , haue fallen into this errour , which we now repichend . but it is a maruell that bedarmine in both places should follow the coriupt reading of gratianus , and not rather the true and naturall section of the authors themselues , in his controucisies , lib. 1. de clericis , cap. 28. but in the first councell of matiscum , which was held vnder king gu●tramnus . an. dom. 576. can. 8. is written in this manner : that no clericke presume , in what place soeuer , to accuse any other brother of the clergie , or draw him to plead his cause before a secular iudge but let all matters of the clergie be determined in the presence either of the proper bishop , or priest , or arch deacon . and in the third councell of toletum , which was celebrated ann dom. 589. in the raigne of king reccaredus in the 13. can there is a decree touching clergy men thus : the continuall misgouernment , and accustomed presumption of libertie , hath so farre opened the way to vnlawfull attempts , that clerickes leauing their bishops , doe draw their fellow clerkes to publike iudgements . therefore wee ordaine , that the like presumption be attempted no more . if any shall presume to doe it , let him lose his cause , and be banished from the communion . these are the solemne , and almost the sole decrees of the canons , whereon they ground their errour , who falsely supposed that councels could , or in fact did exempt the clergie from the power of the laitie : whom the canons themselues notwithstanding doe so euidentlie conuince , that wee neede not bring any thing else besides them , for to represse that conceit of theirs . and these matters haue beene thus discoursed by mee , not with that minde and intent , to rippe vp the priuileges of the clergie , or because i either enuie that they enioy them , or wish that they were taken from them . they who know mee , know very well in what account i haue euer had , and haue ecclesiasticall persons . i doe honour the priests of god , as my parents , and esteeme them worthy all honour : but as an humble childe i aduise them , that they be not vnthankfull , nor disdaine their benefactors , from whom they haue receiued so many priuileges . they are bound to reuerence and honour their temporall princes , as their patrons , and protectors , and procurers of their libertie ; and not ( as many of them at this day vse ) to denie that they are beholding to princes for those fauours , but to ascribe all their liberties , and exemptions , and immunities , to pontificiall and canonicall constitutions ; which is the most vnthankfull part which can proceede from vnthankfull mindes . for what temporall libertie soeuer they haue , they haue receiued the same , not from the popes , but from secular princes ; nor from the canons , but from the lawes . chap. xxxiii . i will say more , and i will speake the truth , although peraduenture it purchase me hatred of them to whom all things seeme hatefull , which are neuer so little against their humour and disposition . therefore i will speake , and i will speake a great word , which peraduenture either no man hitherto hath remembred , or if any haue , hee hath not at the least put any in minde as hee ought , whom it concerned to know the same . and that is , that the clergie thorow the whole world , of what order or degree soeuer they be , are not to this day in any manner exempt and freede from the temporall authoritie of secular princes , in whose kingdomes and countries they liue ; but are subiect to them in no other manner then other citizens in all things which belong to ciuill and temporall administration and iurisdiction : and that the same princes haue power of life and death ouer them , as well as ouer their other subiects ; and therefore that the prince ( i speake of him who acknowledgeth no superiour in temporall affaires ) may either of his clemencie forgiue , or punish according to the law , a clergie man , committing any fault whatsoeuer , so the fault bee not meerely ecclesiasticall . this although it seeme hard , and halfe a paradoxe , to them who being possessed with the errour of the contrarie opinion , doe thinke that they liue within the authoritie and iurisdiction of the pope only , and that they are not bound to any constitutions of humane lawes besides : notwithstanding i shall bring to passe in few words , that they may plainly vnderstand , that there is nothing more true then this proposition of mine , so as they be onely willing to open their eares to ●eare the true reason thereof with indifferencie . the truth thereof dependeth of those things which we haue set downe and prooued before , out of the iudgement of the diuines of the best note , and shall presently bee demonstrated by necessary and euident conclusion drawne from thence . first of all therefore , this is set downe , and granted , and also confirmed with most firme reasons and testmonies , that all , both clerickes and laickes , were in the power and authoritie of kings and emperours , so long as the church serued vnder heathen princes . and this is the ground of our demonstration ; with which i will iorne that which hath in like manner beene set down and granted : that is to say , that the law of christ deprsueth no man of his right and interest , because hee came not to breake the law , but to fulfill the law. and therefore after that princes were brought to the faith , it is certaine that all clergie men continued in the same order and ranke , as farre as concerned temporall subiection , wherein they were before , when their princes liued in their infidelitie : because the law of christ depriueth no man of his particular interest , as hath beene said . and in that regard , priuileges and exemptions were granted to the clergie , which they should not haue needed at all , if the clergie had not remained , and that by absolute right , as before , vnder the authoritie and iurisdiction of princes . these things are so cleere and plaine , and so witnessed and proued by so many testimonies and monuments , that it may be thought a needlesse paines , to remember them in this place , or to adde any thing to them . therefore let vs see that which followeth : i meane , let vs see how our former sentence doth grow out of these principles , by a manifest demonstration and necessarie conclusion . it is in no place recorded by any writer , that the princes who haue endowed the clergie with these priuileges and exemptions , did set them so free from themselues , that they should not be further subiect vnto them , nor acknowledge their maiestie , or obey their commandement . reade those things which are written of those priuileges : you shall not finde the least testimonie of so great immunitie amongst them all . they only granted to the clergie , that they should not bee conuented before secular magistrates , but before their proper bishops , and ecclesiasticall iudges . now this is not to exempt the clergie from the authoritie of the princes themselues , or to offer preiudice to their iurisdiction and authority , if they shall please at any time to take knowledge of clergie mens causes , in cases which are not meerely spirituall . nay princes could not , nor at this day cannot grant to the clergie , liuing in their kingdomes , that libertie and immunitie , that they should not bee subiect to them in their temporall authoritie , and when they offend , bee iudged and punished by them , but that they must by the same act renounce and abandon their principalitie and gouernment . for it is a propertie inseparable to princes , to haue power to correct offenders , and lawfully to gouerne all the members of the common-wealth , i meane , all his citizens and subiects , with punishing and rewarding them . and as in a naturall bodie , all the members are subiect to the head , and are gouerned and directed by it , so as it must needs seeme a monstrous bodie , where are seene superfluous members , and such as haue no dependencie of the head : euen so in this politicke bodie , it is very necessarie that all the members should bee subiect to the prince , as to the head , and bee gouerned by him , that is , to receiue reward or punishment from him , according as each of them deserue in the state . but the clerickes ( as the aduersaries confesse ) a besides that they are clerickes , are also citizens , and certaine parts of the ciuill common-wealth : which is true , and in that regard they are reckoned amongst the orders of the kingdome , and obtaine the first place . therefore as citizens , and parts of the ciuill common-wealth , they are subiect to the prince ; neither can they , although the prince would , but be subiect to him in temporalties : and otherwise either were he no prince , or they no citizens . therefore it is a foolish thing to suppose and imagine , that a clergy man , being conuented for any cause whatsoeuer , ( so it be not meerely spirituall ) may auoid the palace of the soueraigne prince , or of him to whom the prince , vpon certaine knowledge , hath specially committed the determination and decision thereof . for in that princes doe verie seldome heare the causes of the clergie , that argueth want not of power , but of disposition . hence is it , i meane out of this temporall authoritie of secular princes ouer the clergie , that in our time charles the v. being emperour , caused hermannus archbishop of colonie to appeare before him , to cleere himselfe of the crimes which the clergie and the vniuersitie said against him : b and that in many places the princes haue reserued to themselues certaine offenses of the clergie to be specially punished , and doe commit the same to the knowledge and iudicature of their officers : as are those crimes which are called priuilegiate in france , as of treason , bearing of armes , counterset money , peace broken , and the like : neither are wee to thinke that heereby any iniurie is done to the clergie , or that the ecclesiasticall libertie is in any manner hindred or diminished . many haue ecclesiasticall libertie in their mouthes , who know not a ●ot what it is . we will in another place declare more plainly what it is , and in what points it consisteth . c seeing these things stand thus , euery man i thinke may see , that all the immunitie of clergie men , as well for their persons , as for their causes and goods , haue proceeded from secular princes : but not , as some imagine , is either due by the law of god , or granted them by the pope , or canons . for that which bellarmine bringeth both for a supplement and a reason , that he might proue how that the pope and councels did simply exempt clerickes from the temporall iurisdiction : viz. d that the imperiall law ought to yeeld to the canon law : that is not generally true , but then only , when the canon law is ordained and exacted of matters meerely spirituall and ecclesiasticke : but the subiection or immunitie of clergie men in ciuill affaires is not a matter meerely spirituall and ecclesiasticall , but rather ciuill and temporall : in which cases the sacred canons doe not disdaine to come after the ciuill lawes . e neither is there any more force in that which he brings in after , that the pope may command the emperour ouer those things which belong to the authoritie of the church . as if hee should say , that the pope may constraine the emperor to set and dismisse the clergie free out of his power , because the libertie of the clergie belongeth to the authoritie of the church . for euen by this we may discerne that this is false , that the church neuer had greater authoritie then shee had then , when all the clergie did in temporall subiection obey christian princes , and officers of princes . neither was this exemption and immunitie granted to the clergy to increase the authoritie of the church , for that was no lesse before , but to set them free from vexation and trouble which often times the rigour and seueritie of secular iudgments did bring . hence arose that question , whether it were lawfull for princes , euery one within his territories , without any iniurie to the church , in some case to reuoke the priuiledge of the exemption of the clergie , from the intermedling of secular iudges , and to reduce the whole businesse to the common law , and to the state wherein it stood at the first ? whereof when i was asked not long since , i answered nothing as then , but that it seemed to mee a strange question , and of a hard deliberation to resolue . for although it haue beene propounded by diuers , yet hath not beene handled by any according to the worth of the subiect . the mouers of this question were moued by the common and vsuall reason of taking priuiledges away , which the pope himselfe , and all princes are accustomed to obserue ; that is , if either they beginne to be hurtfull to the common-wealth , or the cause hath failed , and is gone , for which they were granted at the first , or the priuiledged persons themselues doe abuse them to a wicked and vnlawfull end . and they said indeed that the cause of granting this exemption , doth continue , and is like to continue for euer ; that is to say , the reuerence which all men ought to exhibite to that kind of men ; but that the abuse thereof was so frequent in many places , to the great scandall of the whole ecclesiasticall order , that that benefite may seeme deseruedly to bee taken from them . thus much they . but wee will more largely and plentifully decide this matter in our bookes de corruptione saculi , if god giue mee life and strength . chap. xxxiiii . now therefore i returne to the argument , which is propounded in the beginning of the 32. chapter : and j answere , that it nothing belongs to the taking away of any temporall goods whatsoeuer , much lesse of a kingdome . for it is as certaine as certaine may be , that excommunication , by which only froward & stubborn christians are separated & excluded from the fellowship of the faithfull , and communion of the church , doth take from no body their inheritance , and temporall goods . vnlesse it proceed from such a cause , which the prince hath by his lawes , especially ordained to be punished with the publication or losse of goods . in which case , not the pope , but the prince , not the excommunication , but the constitution of the ciuil law , doth take goods away from the person excommunicate . the pope surely cannot take any patrimoniall right , no not from a clergy man , though hee bee excommunicated and deposed , or degraded by himselfe . a and indeede the case were very hard of christian people , if so be that a person excommunicate should forfeite his estate of all his lands and goods , by excommunication alone , being once passed against him , either by the law , or by any man , seeing that his goods being once seased into the kings hands , doe scarse euer returne againe to the true owner . and so excommunication , which was appointed for a remedie and a medicine to helpe , should proue a mischieuous disease to ouerthrow . for that the person excommunicate , although hee shall bee restored againe into his former estate of grace , by washing his fault away with due repentance , should neuer or very hardly recouer his goods againe , being once returned into the fiske or exchequer , & peraduenture wasted or giuen away to some body , &c. therefore the censures ecclesiastical , amongst which excommunication is the most grieuous , doe worke vppon the soules , not vpon the goods and estates of the laitie : as on the contrary , the bodies of men , and not their soules are afflicted with temporall punishments . seeing therefore that offenders are punished with the losse of their goods by the auhority , not of the pope , but of the prince : seeing i say , it is not the pope , that taketh temporall goods from any priuate person , by the power of his ecclesiasticall iurisdiction , and by the force and vertue of excommunication , or other censure , although the same bee iust and grieuous ; but the ciuill prince onely , who to pleasure the church , and to prosecute the wrong done vnto her , is accustomed by lawes enacted of himselfe , to ordaine sometime one punishment , sometime an other , at his owne pleasure , vpon the contemners of the church ; how then can it be , that the pope can by his sole pontificiall , and ecclesiasticke authority take away from the prince himselfe , kingdom , principality , iurisdiction , authority , and all dominion ; who hath no iudge ouer him in temporall matters , and is not subiect to any ciuil pains ? is it so sure and certaine , that the pope hath giuen him by the law of god more authority ouer princes , then ouer priuate persons ? or are princes tied to liue in harder tearmes in the world , then priuate persons , so as the church may practise that vpon a prince , which shee cannot doe vpon a priuate man ? but that the truth of this matter may as yet appeare more plainely by an other meane , i demaund of these men , if the pope haue greater authority ouer kings and emperours at this day , then hee had in times past , before that he was aduanced to a temporall honour by the bounty of constantine and other princes ? or that his authority at this present is onely like equal altogether : i mean that which christ conferred vpon peter , & which no mortall man can either straighten or enlarge , and which he shall retaine neuer the lesse , although he should lose all temporall principality and gouernment ? and if he haue greater authority , whence i pray you should he haue it : from god or from men ? surely , neither of both can be affirmed without a manifest vs truth . for will any man euer say , that is in his right wits , that any new authority was giuen of god to the pope ouer christian kings and princes , from the time that he beganne to raigne , and to exercise a ciuill gouernment in certaine places , and to shew himselfe in mens eyes both with a crowne and miter on his head ? or if he should say it , were he able to make it good by any reason or authority ? much lesse hath any such authority accre●ed to him from men , because as it is commonly said , actus agentium non operantur vltra ipsorum voluntatem b . and although christian kings and emperours , who haue and doe submit their neckes in spirituall causes to the vicar of christ , ( such as only professe the orthodoxall faith ) yet none of them all passed into the temporall iurisdiction and authoritie of the pope ; none of them , but reserued to himselfe free and vntouched his secular iurisdiction . but if peraduenture it bee found that any hath done otherwise , the same is to be reckoned as an exception , by which the rule in non exceptis , is more stronglie confirmed . out of this foundation , which is laid vpon most certaine reason , a very good argument may bee framed in this manner : the pope hath no greater authoritie ouer christian princes temporall , then hee had before hee was a temporall prince himselfe . but before he was a ten porall prince , he had no temporall authoritie ouer them any way . ergo , neither hath he now any ouer them . the truth of the proposition is so plaine , that i neede not vnderset it with other arguments : but the aslumption is proued thus : no inferiour and subiect hath authority ouer his superiour and lord , that he may iudge him in that wherein he is subiect . but the pope before he was a temporall prince , was inferiour and subiect to kings and emperours , as concerning temporall matters . ergo , hee had no temporall authority ouer them , that hee might iudge them in temporalties . the proposition also of this svllogisme is out of all question , seeing no man can be iudged but by his superiour : a superiour i meane in that very point , whereof the iudgement is made . for as we haue often said , par in parem non habet imperium . and in nature it cannot be , that one and the same person should be both inferiour & superiour ; in the same kind of authority , in respect of one and the same matter , no more then that the same man should be father and son in respect of one and the same . and the same reason doth bellarmine vse to proue that the pope cannot submit himselfe to the coactiue sentence of councels c . the assumption is confessed by the aduersaries , when as they affirme , and clearely confirme by reasons , that the exception , ( vnlesse you wil say , exemption ) of cleriques in ciuill causes , aswell concerning their persons , as gods , was brought or by the law of man d . for , ( as augustine witnesseth ) humane lawes be the lawes of emperours , because god hath distributed to mankind the humane lawes themselues by the emperours and kings of the world . therefore the clergy haue from emperours and kings whatsoeuer exemption and immunity it is , which now they enioy all the world ouer in ciuil causes , as we shewed in the last chapter before . and that euen of their meere and free bounty ; for they could not bee enforced in any sort by the church , to grant the clergy those priuiledges , seeing it is not found to be expressed & prouided by no law of god. and the law of christ depriueth no man of his proper right & interest , as thēselus confesse , & we haue often signified . and therfore as their owne learning carieth ; bishops ought to be subiect to kings in temporalties , and kings to bishops in spiritualties . by all this discourse it followeth , that clergie men were bound by the common law of other citizens in ciuill and temporall matters , and were alike subiect to the authoritie of secular iudges , as well as the other inhabitants of the cities , before that they were by godly princes endewed with these priuiledges , of exemptions : and many holy popes haue honestly confessed , that in this case there is no difference betweene the bishop of rome or the pope , and other clergie persons . therefore that which might be done , let vs suppose it was done , that is , that the pope being as yet inuested in no temporall principalitie , or priuiledge , doth liue vnder the gouernement of an other prince , as his fellow bishops , and brethren in france , spaine and britanie , and in other kingdomes doe . would it not be euinced by the necessity of the former argument , that he cannot iudge and punish princes in temporalties , to whome hee is temporally subiect ? therefore he hath either purchased a greater authority ouer kinges and emperours , then he had before , through the exemptions and priuiledges granted euen by them ; or else he cannot as yet iudge them in temporalties . but if any bee so fond perhaps to say , that the pope hath alwaies had this authority from the first beginning of the church , viz. to iudge and depose euill princes , but through the iniurie of the times hee hath by accident been hindered , that he could not exercise it : so long as hee was subiect to them touching the temporalties : but now , after that hee hath withdrawne his necke from the temporall yoake of princes , & made himselfe a temporall princes , there is nothing to hinder , but that hee may freely put in vre that iurisdiction . i say if any shall vse this vaine ostentation , i must answere him nothing else , but that the things he speaketh are not onely false , but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnpossible : setting those things downe which the aduersaries confesse , and which is most true , that is to say , that the popes before such time , as they were by godly princes clearely exempted from temporal iurisdiction , were subiect to them both de iure and de facto . for it is impossible that at that time they should haue that power ; for that it is not competent , but by right of superiority . now it implieth a contradiction , that the pope was by right superiour , and by right inferiour , at the same time , & in the same kind of authority , in respect of one and the same ; and the naturall order of things doth not permit that the inferiour , or subiect should commaund his superiour and ruler . seeing therefore it is both absurd and impious to imagine that our sauiour christ , qui non venit soluere legem sed adimplere ; should constitute and appoint any thing against the law of nature , and the most holy rule of life , they must needes bee in a great error , who affirme that this soueraigne authority , wherof we speake , was by christ conferred on peter , and in his persō on the rest of the bishops who succeeded him , when as they bring nothing to proue the same but certaine farre fetched reasons , and full weake , patched vp together ; of similitudes , comparisons , allegories , and such like stuffe , as you may see by that which wee haue refuted . all which are to be reiected and little esteemed , when as by the position and granting of them , some absurditie doth follow , as in this point , or when as more probable and strong reasons grounded vpon the authority of scriptures and fathers do maintain the contrary opinion . the last argument of bellarmine is behinde , in the refutation whereof we shall not neede to take much paines . the third argument ( saith he ) is this : a shepheard may and ought so to feede his sheepe , as is conuenient for them . ergo , the pope may , and ought , command christians those things , and inforce them to these things , to which euery one of them in his condition is bound : that is , constraine euery one to serue god in that manner , wherein they ought according to their state and condition . but kings ought to serue god by defending of the church , and by punishing heretickes and schismatickes . therefore he may and ought to command kings that they doe it , and vnlesse they doe it , to enforce them by excommunication , and other conuenient meanes . surely i see not what is contained in this argument , which either confirmes or infirmes the temporall authoritie of the pope . for the beginning thereof is necessarilie to be vnderstood of spirituall foode . now the popes reuenewes , although they be great , would not suffice to feede all sheepe with corporall pasture ; and so the end also and conclusion must be vnderstood of spitituall coercion and compulsion : for hee saith , to enforce by excommunication , and other conuenient meanes , ( meaning ) ecclesiasticall for the pope is an ecclesiasticke , not a temporall shepheard , but only so farre as at this day hee hath temporall rule in certaine places . therefore wee grant the whole argument and freely confesse and professe , that the pope by his spirituall authoritie may command all princes , and enioine them to doe those things which appertaine to their safetie and theirs ; and vnlesse they doe it , also to enforce by excommunication , and other conuenient meanes . but the conuenient meanes are all spirituall meanes , and not temporall , vnlesse they bee practised by a temporall magistrate . the which point iohn driedo obseruing in his bookes of christian libertie , after that he had declared that these two authorities and iurisdictions were by the law of god distinct in the church , and that all secular authoritie in spirituall matters was subiect to the popes authoritie , so as the pope , in regard of his pastorall charge , hath authoritie ouer a christian emperour , euen as a spirituall father ouer a sonne , and as a shepheard ouer his sheepe ; that he may iudge and correct him , if he should fall into heresie , or denie publike iustice to the poore and oppressed , or should enact lawes to the preiudice of the christian faith . ( all which things we also affirme ) he setteth downe no other paine or punishment against emperours so offending , but excommunication alone , because he knew that the popes authoritie and iurisdiction was content with spirituall punishments , and could goe no further , vnlesse shee would runne out in the borders of temporall authoritie , and inuade a forraine iurisdiction , which by the law of god is distinct and separate from his . now this is no conuenient meane , which the aduersaries vse , of deposing ill princes from their gouernment ; but rather of all other meanes inconuenient : both for that it hath scarce euer succeeded happily to the popes themselues , or the church , but is accustomed to bring into the church and christian common wealth , infinite calamities , by intestine discords , schismes , and ciuill warres : as also , because in respect of the pope , to whom spirituall matters onely are committed , such a meane must needes seeme very strange , and to proceede from an vsurped authoritie . and therefore it is to be iudged i neither conuenient , nor iust , nor possible . hitherto haue i weighed in the ballance of naked and open truth , according to the slendernesse of my wit , all the reasons , and from those reasons the arguments , whereby bellarmine endeuoureth to prooue that the pope hath supreme authority ouer secular princes , indirecte , indirectly . chap. xxxv . i thought in the beginning , when i began this worke , that it was sufficient , diligently to examine and discusse the reasons which this learned man bellarmine doth vse ; but for that he sends vs to other matters , which he saith are extant in nicolas sanders , saving , see more in nicolas sanders . lib. 2. cap 4. de visibili monarchia , where you shall finde many of those things which i have deliuered ; i thinke i shall not doe amisse , if i shall bring into light those arguments of sanders which are behinde , lest the curious and obseruant of our writings , should complaine , that any reason of the contrarie side hath beene omitted ; and also should imagine , that it is of purpose omitted , because it is so strong , that it cannot bee answered . all the world doth know , especially they who haue with any care and attention perused sanders his bookes , that he spared no paines , and aboue all other men gathered together most arguments to prooue that the pope was inuested in this temporall authority ouer all christians , whereof wee speake . but yet it is very likely , that that man was so farre blinded , either with a bitter hatred which hee bare against queene elizabeth , being banished out of her kingdome ; or with too great affection towards pope pius v. to whom he was many waies bound ; or else with some other , j know not what smoke of humour and passion , that he did not see , how that for certaine and sound arguments , he vsed many shewes , which were not onely false and farre fetched , but euen dissenting from common sense , and the iudgement of naturall reason . therefore will i transcribe into this place , very compendiously , the rest of his arguments , which as i thinke were of purpose omitted by bellarmine . argument . 1 therefore hee deduceth one from this , that sauls kingdome was taken from him , for that hee had not obserued the commandements of the lord , which were deliuered him by the ministerie of samuel ; from whence hee collecteth thus : therefore seeing after the holy ghost sent from heauen , the spirituall authoritie cannot bee lesse now in the church of christ , then it was before in the synagogue ; wee must also now confesse , that the king who hath despised to heare the lord speaking by the mouth of the pope , may bee so depriued of the right of his kingdome , as that another in the meane time may be anointed by the same pope , and that from that day hee is truly king , whom the pope hath rightly anointed , or otherwise consecrated , and not he who being armed with troupes of seruants doth vsurpe the kingdome . argument . 2 another also from the same party : that ahias the silonite , when salomon was yet liuing , foretold , that ieroboam should be ruler of twelue tribes : a whereof , saith he , it is conceiued , that either a whole kingdome , or some part , may bee taken away by the spirituall authoritie of the church . for what power was once in the priests and prophets , the same is now in the pastors and doctors of the church , whose dutie it is so to tender the health of soules , that they suffer not , by the disobedience and tyrannie of a wicked king , people of an infinite multitude to be forced and haled to schisme and heresie . argument . 3 the third from this , that elias anointed asael king ouer syria , and iehu king ouer israel , and anointed eliseus to be a prophet for himselfe , that he that escaped the hands of asael , him should iehu kill ; and him that had escaped the hands of iehu , should eliseus kill . by which figure , saith hee , what other thing was signified , then that many magistrates were for this end raised and set vp in the church of god , that what was not executed by one of them , might bee executed by the other : of which powers , the last and most principall was in the prophets , that is , in the pastors and doctors of the church of god ? for as the sword of eliseus was reckoned in the last place , which none could auoid , although hee had escaped the sword of asael and iehu : so the censure of the spirituall power can by no meanes be shunned , although a man escape the sword of the secular power . for the spirituall power doth not vse a corporall or visible sword , which may bee hindred by certaine meanes , but vseth the sword of the spirit , which passeth thorow all places , and pierceth euen to the very soule of him whom it striketh . to these hee knitteth afterward for an other argument the story of elias , wery much enterlaced with diuers obseruations and allegories , deuised by himselfe , to shew that the materiall sword doth obey the spirituall ; and that not onely the pope , but euen other pastors of the church , haue authority as well ouer body and goods , as ouer the soules of all christians ; which no sober man before him did euer so much as dreame of . but with what vnhandsomnesse , and incongruence hee deduceth this out of the reasons laid before by him , i will say open in the next chapter . but he applieth to his purpose the argument taken from the person of elias , and his actions in this manner . elias by the sword of the spiri●e , that is to say , by his praiers commaunded the fire to fall from heauen , and to destroy those fifty , who despising the authority of the prophets , said vnto him in the name of an earthly power ; man of god , the king hath commaunded thee to descend , c &c. and in respect of the earthly power contemned that spirituall power , which elias was indued with all . and in scorne saluted him , homo dei , man of god : and in this manner hee goeth forward thus . could no● elias at whose call fire deseended from heauen , and deuoured the fifty men , say to some prince and magistrate if he had been present : sir , because these souldiers doe contemne me , and in me god , whose prophet i am , runne vpon them , and kill them ? or could not an earthly sword haue executed the same office , which the fire from heauen did performe ? if fire , qu●th he , be the more noble element , then the earth , yea , or then the mettals which are digged out of the earth , i see not but that he who called fire from heauen , to satisfie his commaundement , might not much more haue bidden the magistrate , who beareth the sword to draw out his sword for him against any king in the world whatsoeuer for which opinion of his , this firmament or strength onely is set down by him : that it skils not much amongst wise men , what is done by those things which are alike in moment and waight . i will not heere adde the fourth & fifth argument , which he vseth out of the sacred histories , touching ozia , d and athalia , e because bellarmine hath referred thē among the examples whereon wee must deale in their place . but these are those paraleipomena , to which bellarmine doth remit vs , and which it is no wonder that he ( who is both a subtill and sharpe disputer , and a vehement oratour ) did onely lightly report , but did not transferre into his owne worke : seeing they doe abound with so many and notorious faults , that a man would thinke they were written not by a diuine , and a man exercised in the scriptures , but by some prophane smatterer , abusing intemperately diuinity and the scriptures : so very little is there in those things , which he assumeth in them for argument , which is consonant and agreeing with the subiect in question . chap. xxxvi . first then , sanders is mistaken , and is very farre wide in this , that he imagineth that the synagogue had any stroke in the abdication of saul . for it is most manifest , that the whole businesse was commanded , denounced , and in the issue accomplished and executed by the extraordinarie iudgement and commandement of god , from whom is all raigne and power , without any ordinarie iurisdiction of the priests , or of the synagogue : whereby it is cleere , that the comparison of the church of christ & the synagogue , or of samuel and the pope , is very impertinently and ignorantly made by him in this point . for although we confesse that which is the truth , that the spirituall power of the church of christ is no lesse , yea that it is faire more , then of the synagogue : yet therfore , i meane out of the comparison of the power & authoritie of each church , it doth not follow , that the pope may depriue a king neglecting or contemning the commandements of god , of the right of his kingdome , & instal another in his place , because the synagogue was neuer endued with that power . for it is no where read in the old testament , that the synagogue of the iewes , or the h●●● priest thereof for the time , did abrogate the kingdome from any lawfull king of israel of iudaea , being neuer so wicke● , distnate , and ciuell ; or depriued him of the ●ight o● the kingdome , as hee saith , and substituted another in his place . whence it falles out , that no argument from thence , nor no example may bee drawne in the new law. i let passe , that samuel , although he were a great prophet , yet hee was not the chiefe priest , nay not a priest at all , but onely a leuite , a who therefore could doe nothing against saul by an ordinarie power of spirituall iurisdiction , much lesse by the authoritie of a secular iudgement , because he had publikely laid that downe before , when the people demanded a king. therefore samuel in the execution of this businesse , did onely performe a bare ministerie , almost against his will , and striuing both with praiers and teares against the same : and hauing receiued a speciall charge , he discharged an extraordinarie embassie , being sent from the lord as the messenger of his diuine iudgement . and that appeareth by this , that when he came to the king , he said , giue me leaue , and i will tell thee what the lord hath spoken to me by night . therefore he may forbeare this argument , which is to small purpose drawne from the extraordinarie ministery of samuel and the reiection of saul , in regard that the ordinarie authoritie of the christian church or pope , hath no comparison or proportion , no conueniencie or similitude with the same . god presently reiected saul , and tooke the kingdome from his posteritie : but he suffered other kings , who seemed to be much more wicked then saul , to raigne ouer his people , and to conuey the kingdome to their children . so hath it seemed good in his eies . god the lord of reuenge hath done freely , b and he hath done all whatsoeuer he would : c neither is any other reason to belong it . he hath mercie on whom he will haue mercie , and whom he will be hardneth neither may any man say vnto him , d why hast thou made me thus ? must we beleeue the same of the church , or of the pope ? they haueth it certaine limits and bounds , which they cannot passe . the church is gouerned or ought to be gouerned by lawes saith ioh de 〈…〉 . e and therefore it is not permitted neither to the church , nor to the ruler thereof the pope , by an absolute libertie , and after the maner of god to determine of all kingdomes and businesses , and to dispose of all things at their pleasure . that onely is lawfull for them , which is comprehended in the holy writings or traditions of the apostles , teaching their authoritie . which seeing it is so , there is none that hath any skill in reasoning , but may plainly see , that the argument deriued from those things which samuel did , can by no meanes be concluded to establish the popes authoritie : vnlesse it be deduced either from the ordinarie power of the synagogue ( wherein notwithstanding samuel was not the chiefe ) to the ordinarie authoritie of the christian church , or from the extraordinarie ministerie of samuel , to the extraordinarie ministerie likewise of the pope : whereof the former , from the synagogue to the church , although it may be rightly concluded in forme as they say , yet it commeth short for the purpose , because it offendeth in matter ; because the synagogue hath neuer had any temporall power ouer kings . and the latter is not of force , but in that case , that the same may befall to the pope now , which befell to samuel in those times : viz. that as the lord spake to samuel touching saul , so he should speake to the pope by name , about the abdication of some certaine king , and of substituting an other in his place . for in this case it cannot bee denied , but that the authoritie of the pope is equall to samuels , and his ministerie alike in executing the commandement of god. but if not , i meane if the lord hath not expresly spoken to the pope in his eare , i pray you how can it be , that when he desires by his owne proper authoritie to thrust any king out of his throne , that he should maintaine , that hee doth it by the example of samuel , whom god did delegate by a speciall charge , and an extraordinarie mission , to signifie his decree touching the abdication of saul ? samuel knew certainely , that god had reiected saul and all his race , that they should not raigne ; for the lord told him so much . but the pope knowes not , whether god haue reiected that prince whom he desires to depose , vnlesse god hath specially reuealed it to him . seeing there is nothing more certaine by the scriptures , then that god doth for diuers causes tolerate wicked kings , and contemners of his word , and doth cause them to raigne for the time , f whom when it pleaseth him , he either conuerteth to him , or euerteth and ouerthroweth . and it happeneth often , that they whom the pope , who iudgeth according to outward appearance , pronounceth vnworthie to raigne by their present conditions and state of life , those the lord , to whom all things are present , declareth to be most worthie to raigne , their mindes being conuerted to holinesse and grace : whereof not ●ong agone we haue seen a memorable example now in our age . for who knoweth not ( i speake it to the honour and glorie of this great king ) that henry the iv. who now most happily gouerneth the sterne of the kingdome of france , and i pray god he may gouerne long , was not onely excommunicate by gregorie and sixtus popes , but also was so reiected , and abandoned , and depriued of all right of kingdome , that by their censures they declared him vncapable of any kingdome or gouernment whatsoeuer ; whose iudgement the lord indeed did laugh to scorne , and demonstrated that the king , which was reproued by them , was most worthie of a worthie kingdome . seeing then these things stand thus , and are altered and changed at the pleasure of god , how can the pope know and vnderstand the pleasure and will of god , vnlesse like vnto samuel he be aduertised before ? therefore that which sanders saith , that king who shall refuse to heare the lord speaking by the mouth of the pope , &c. is true in the case wherein the pope is supposed to excute those things which the lord shall command him by speciall reuelation . for otherwise what shall we say ? philip the faire , did he therefore disdaine to heare the lord speaking by the mouth of the pope , because he would not heare boniface , swelling with a most proud ambition ? that it should bee thought that he might bee by boniface depriued of the right of his crowne , and an other to bee substituted in his place ? what say you to lewes the xii because he would not heare iulius the ii. being complete armed , and playing the souldier rather then the pope ? did hee seeme to haue contemned god , speaking by the mouth of the pope , so farre , is both he and his fauoure●s should deserue to be condemned and turned out of their kingdomes , at the pleasure of man , that boiled inwardlie with a priuate hatred against him ? to belieue such matters , good lord , should i tearme it ignorance , or madnesse ? but this is enough touching the first argument of sanders propounded by vs. his second argument , ( to confesse plainely the weaknesse of my witte ) i doe not well vnderstand to what purpose it aimeth . for that it may haue some strength and force to proue the point which is in hand , and to bee consequent and agreable to that which is concluded , we must of force admit two most false suppositions as true and necessary . whereof one is , that they who either did foretell any thing that should come to passe by reuelation from god , or by his commaundement , willed any thing to bee done , might by their own right , i meane , by their proper authority , and ordinary vertue of then office , without any speciall reuelation , or commaundement from god , commaunde the same , whatsoeuer it was to be done , or otherwise might execute and discharge the same by themselues . as though ahias the silonite , whome god had sent to ieroboam with a speciall charge , that hee should tell him , that he will giue him ten tribes out of the kingdome of salomon , in these words , thus saith the lord the god of israel : behold i will rent the kingdome out of the hand of salomon , and will giue theeten tribes . as though , i say , ahias without any such expresse commaundement of god , & without any speciall reuelation , might haue called ieroboam or any other into salomons kingdome , or into part thereof . then which nothing can bee said more falsly , or foolishly . and the other supposition is , that all priests and prophets of the old law , had authority to bestow & to take away kingdoms , so farre forth as they thought it expedient for the safety of the people , which also is most false , neither is there to bee found in all the scriptures any example , or steppe , or taken of the same . seeing then the whole force of this second argument is so grounded on these two false suppositions , that it cannot bee rightly concluded , except they be granted , & that it is euident enough , that there is no firme consequence , ápotestate delegatia principe , ad potestatem ordi 〈◊〉 , that is , from the authority of a committee from a prince , to the authority of an ordinary officer , who doth not see by his owne iudgement , without much logicke , that all this busines which he hath drawn from the prediction of ahias , is as farre as may be from that which he hath vndertaken to proue ? the third argument also is euen of the same stuffe ; for what relation hath the extraordinary mission of elias , for the speciall execution of certaine busines to the ordinary office of the pope ? or what coherence and connexion of these two propositions can there be ? elias , at the lords commaundement by name ; ( for that sanders omitted , which notwithstanding could not be omitted without blame , ) annointed asael king ouer syria , and iehu king ouer israel , and eliseus a prophet for him : ergo the pope may take away and giue kingdoms and principalities as hee shall thinke good ? for these cannot be ioined together , vnlesse this medium bee set downe and granted ; that the pope may doe as much by the authority of his ordinary iurisdiction , without the expresse commaundement of god , as the prophets could when the lord commaunded specially and expresly , which cannot bee said without great iniury to god. but as touching the sword of elizeus , whereof hee speaketh : first , hee doth with much learning and piety discourse of the same . that it may bee vnderstood of the same . that it may be vnderstood of the spiritual sword , which is in the church , & in the hād of the pope , whome no man whatsoeuer hee be , either king or emperour can auoide : and which is placed by the lord in the last place ; both for that it is ineuitable , and therfore the more to bee feared then the other ; as also for that the bodies onely are killed by them , but the soules by this . but afterwards , when hee proceedes after his manner , and by interpretation transferreth that place of scripture , and an other of the reuenge of elias vpon the two companies of 50. & their souldiers , to the temporall authority of the pope , he slideth into that shamefull errour which wee noted afore , which is , that prophets without speciall commission , or diuine reuelation , might by their owne authority and pleasure chastise euen with capitall punishments all those whome god had decreed by a secret dispensation to take reuenge vpon either by miracle , or otherwise , either to manifest the glory of his maiesty , or to vindicate the iniuries of his seruants ; and that which god had commaunded to be done onely by one meane , that they may execute by other waies , and meanes as please them ; that hereby he may proue as by a necessary consequēce , that the pope ( whose authority is no lesse , yea greater in the new law then was the authority of the prophets and priests in the old ) may doe full as much by his apostolicke authority . but who doth not know , that god hath granted many things to the praiers of his seruants , and for their takes hath wrought many thinges wonderfully , euen without their prayers , which it was not lawfull for them by any way or meane to attempt , much lesse to execute , if hee did not commaund it first ? the reason whereof is plaine and euident in the persons of the prophets . for it is cleare amongst all men , that none of the pro phets had any authority and gouernment ouer the hebrewes , besides a very few , who were both prophets and princes of the people and iudges together , as moses , iosue , samuel , dauid . but the rest , although they were inspired from god , yet they liued priuately without any temporall gouernment , declaring and executing those things onely , whereof they were aduertised by the spirite of god ; and all their prescience and fore knowledge was so tempered and moderated from heauen , that they might know and foretell neither all things , for at all times , but so farre as was imparted vnto them by the spirite of god ; whereof the prophet iadon is a witnesse , who being deceiued by the false prophet , affirming that the angell of the lord had spoken with him , did not vnderstand that hee lied , and thereby was cra●t●ly abused and brought to destruction g , eliseus also is witnesse , who when the poore sunamite lay at his feet , said to giezi that desired to remoue her , h lether alone , for her soule is in bitternesse , and the lord bath bidit from me , and hath not told me . therefore , whereas sanders asketh , whether elias could not say to some principall man or magistrate , if hee had beene present ; runne vpon these souldiers and kill them ? and if so bee that prince bad offended , if vpon elias his word , he had slaine the kings subiects ; that cannot be resolued but by the tenor of gods pleasure known in euery businesse . and therefore as concerning elias in this case ; if god did giue him commission to punish such offenders , either specially by the sword , or generally by any meane whatsoeuer : no man doubts , but that hee might without sinne commit to any man the authority and execution of the sword , and any man without offence might vndertake to execute that commaundement . but if , as it is likely , the lord had only reuealed so much to him , that he would destroy with fire from heauen those wicked desiders and scoffers : he was onely to expect that , and to practise nothing else against them , after the guise and fashion of men , or giue order at his pleasure to execute any ciuill punishments vpon them , which he might not doe without impietie , because he had receiued neither from god nor man any ordinarie , nor warranted & delegated iurisdiction to do it . and for that cause he had sinned grieuously , if he had willed or perswaded any prince or magistrate any such thing ; and these also had sinned , if vndertaking his commaundement , they had slaine the kings subiects i . nothing can be propounded more certainely and plainly then this distinction , that it is a wonder , that so absurd an opinion should fall from sanders , as to thinke that elias might simply , and without the expresse commaundement of god , execute death vpon the kinges souldiers , in what manner hee listed . now the reasons he vseth for the strengthning of this opinion of his , are friuolous , and vtterly vnworthy to bee brought by a man of a sharpe iudgement , especially a diuine for the dicision of such a question . that seruice , which the sire from heauen did , saith he , could not the earthly sword haue performed the same ? yes surely could it , and not onely a sword , but also any other weapon , if it had beene vsed by gods commaundement ; neither did any euer doubt of that . but because the lord prepared that reuenge by fire onely against the fifty , and acquainted the prophet in the spirit with his purpose k ; elias neither ought nor could take his reuenge by any other instrument or meane , vnlesse the same had likewise beene declared to him by the same spirit , because in matters not reuealed he was neither ordinary or extraordinary iudge . moreouer , if that which the lawes of men doe ordaine and enact : when any man is condemned to be punished with the sword , hee ought to bee punished with the sword , not with an axe or bill , or club , or halter , or by any other way l , who is so auerse from truth , and from all reason to belieue , that one certaine and particular manner of execunon , being prescribed by the lord , may be changed by man into an other forme and kind of punishment ? for as in all businesses m the ends of the commaundement are to be kept diligently , so chiefly in the diuine commaundements , n god hath charged that his commaundements be kept euerely . hereby it appeares , that it is very sleight and slender which he laieth downe for a strength of his conceit , that with wise men it maketh no matter , what is made of those things which are of the same momient and weight . and herein his errour is double : o●e because he draweth that maxime of his to vniuersallie and generallie , to all those things which are made by nature , or art , or hand : whereas notwithstanding , as touching humane actions it is certaine , that that sentence hath place onely in those things , which men doe of their owne accord , or vpon a commission receiued with free liberty of execution : as for example , that he is called a murderer , who by villany hath beene the cause of any mans death by any meane or instrument , because in such a crime it skilleth not what is made by those things , quae eiusdem ponderis & momenti sunt . but in the case wherein any thing is commended strictly , and by name to any mans trust to be performed in a certaine manner , and after a certaine forme , the lawes doe not allow the committee to execute the same any other way , as appeareth plainely , by the place which i related aboue , and infinite others of the ciuill and pontificiall law . his other errour is , that he thinketh there is no ods nor difference , if wicked men be strooken with a diuine thunderbolt from god , or with force of weapons by the power of men : because he saith , that they haue both one weight ; for although there be one effect of all extreme punishments , that is , the death and destruction of the condemned , yet there is much consideration to bee had , by what manner and meane the same is executed vpon the guilty , because there bee degrees as of crimes , so of paines : and hereby it commeth to passe , that by the kind of the vltion , and griceousnesse or lightnes of the punishment , we iudge of the hainousnesse of the offence , by the proportion and resemblance of the punishment with the fault o . for the distribution of punishments and rewards doth require a geometricall proportion . the poet saith pretily p . — adsit regula . peccatis quae poenas ●roget ae quas : nescutica dignum horribili sectere fligello . but where greater punishments doe follow , let him bee corrected with greater punishment q excellently saith s. augustine r . as al other things : who doubteth , but that this is the more hainous offence which is punished more seuerely ? therefore doth he verie vndiscreetelie determine that all punishments being taken by sword , by fire , by famine , and by other means , are of the same waight and heauines , that he might conclude , that the prophet had discharged his dutie , if hee had procured to haue them flame with the earthly sword , whome the lord said he would strike with a thunderbolt from heauen . who doth not know that the anger and reuenge of almighty god doth shine much more brightlie in punishments , not which are inflicted after the ordinary manner of men , but are sent strangelie & miraculously from heauen ? or who can weigh matters so vneuenly in his iudgement , as to say , that they perished by punishments , equall for grieuousnesse , who being swallowed vp by the gaping earth , descended aliue into hell , as well as those who are taken away by the ordinarie or extraordinarie punishments of mans lawes ? and hitherto i thinke i haue said enough of these reasons of sanders which were omitted by bellarmine , not without cause now let vs returne out of this by-path to bellarmine againe . chap. xxxvii . hitherto haue i bent the sharpenesse of my best vnderstanding , to enquire with diligence into all the reasons , which bellarmine or sanders haue touching the temporall authoritie of the pope . therefore now it remaineth that with the like care and indeauour i conuert my mind and hand to examine the examples propounded by bellarmine , which truely is but a poore and a weake kind of proofe . for he pretends that his opinion is proued two manner of wayes , by reasons and by examples ; i could haue wished with all my heart that hee had brought forth stronger reasons : the affection which i beare to the sea apostolique , doth so affect and possesse me , that i doe very earnestly desire that all the authority which this author doth attribute vnto her , may bee also allowed by the best right that can be . but wee haue heard his reasons already , now let vs heare his examples . the first is , saith he , 2. paralip . 26. where we read that ozia the king when hee vsurped the priests office , was by the high priest cast out of the temple and being stroke by god with a leprosie for the same offence , was forced to goe out of the city , and to leaue his kingdome to his sonne . for it is plaine , that hee was put out of the city and gouernement of the kingdome , not of his owne accord , but by the sentence of the priest. for we reade in the 13. of leuit. whosoeuer saith the law , shall bee desiled with the leprosie and is separated by the iudgement of the priest , hee shall dwell alone without the campe. seeing then this was a law in israel . & withall wee read , 2 paralip . 26. that the king dwelled without the city in a solitary house , and that his sonne did iudge within the city the people of the land ; we are constrained to say , that he was separated by the iudgement of the priest , and consequently depriued of the authority of raigning . if therefore a priest could in times past iudge a king for a corporall leprosie , and depriue him of his kingdome ; why may not he doe it now for a spirituall leprosie , that is , for heresie , which was figured by the leprosie , as augustine teach●th , in quaest . euangel lib. 2. quaest . 40. especially seeing 1. cor. 10. paul doth say , that all happened to the iewes in figures ? thus he . i haue often wondred , and yet cannot leaue wondring , that men famous for the opinion of learning , should commit their thoughts to writing in so sleight and homelie a fashion , that a man would thinke they had not read the authors which they commend , or haue not fully vnderstood those they haue read , or that of set purpose they would corrupt their meaning ; which fault is very common in our age : wherein most of the writers following the credit of other men , doe draw the testimonies and authorities of their assertions , not from the fountaines themselues , but from the riuers and pipes , being corruptly deriued by the negligence and fault of other men ; so as looke what the first haue either malitiously or negligently detorted and wrested to another sense , that others trusting to their search and iudgement , doe transcribe into their bookes , for certaine and vndoubted testimonies . which although it be very seldome found in bellarmine , being a faithfull and a cleere author , yet it cannot be denied , but that hee following vnaduisedly sanders and others , hath not erred a little in the three chapters of the affirming the popes temporall authoritie , especially in propounding the former example , and this following . i prooued long agoe , in my bookes contra monarchomachos , that it was most false , that ozia was depriued of the authoritie of his gouernment by the iudgement of the priest. for in very truth , there is nothing more expresly deliuered in the whole historie of the kings , then that ●zias , from the sixteenth yeere of his age , wherein hee beganne his raigne , remained king continually vnto the 68. yeere , which was the end of his life ; and that hee was not any time depriued of the authoritie of his gouernement . indeed it is true , hee dwelt apart in a house by it selfe ; and therefore , by reason of his sicknesse , hee could not execute those duties of a king , which consist in action : but that tooke not from him his interest in his kingdome , nor authoritie of gouernment . otherwise wee must denie , that children being inaugurated and crowned , as in time , past● ioas , and iosias , and men of sawfull age , are any kings , if once they fall into any grieuous disease of minde or bodie ; seeing they are hindred by their youth these by their sicknesse , from the procuration and gouernment of the kingdome , which consisteth in action . for the scripture saith , in the 27. yeere of ieroboam king of israel , raigned azarias ( who was called both ozias and ●acharias ) the sonne of amasias king of iuda : he was sixteene yeeres of age when hee began to raigne , and raigned 52. yeeres in ierusalem . and againe in the same chapter : in the 52 yeere of azariah king of iuda raigned pha●ee the sonne of romelias ouer israel in samaria . and iosephus 〈◊〉 that this izariah or oziah died in the 68 yeer● of his age , and the 52. of his raigne . ' if therefore ozias began to raigne being 16. yeeres of age , and raigned 52. yeeres as the scripture witnesseth , and died in the 68. yeere , what space , i pray you , in his life can be ●ound , wherein he was iudged and depriued of his right in his kingdome ? in the meane time his sonne was curator or regent to him , as they are wont to haue , ● qui in ea causasunt , vt superesse rebus suis non possint . for it is added in that storie ; ioatham the sonne of the king gouerned the palace , and ruled the house of the king , and iudged the people of the land. marke , i pray you , that ioatham is called the sonne of the king , in the life and sicknesse of his father , and gouernour of the palace , and ruler of the house of the king. now hee iudged the people , because iudgements could not come to the king , through the force of his disease , and the separation by the prescript of the law of god : as lyranus teacheth in that place . to be short , the scripture saith : and ozias slept with his fathers , and they buried him in the field of the kings sepulchers , because he was leprous ; and ioatham his sonne raigned in his stead . marke againe , that ioatham beginneth not to raigne , but after the death of his father . therefore although it bee true , that ozias , by reason of his leprosie , was separate by the iudgement of the priest , because it was expresly prouided by the law of god : yet it is not true , that hee was depriued of the authoritie of raigning or enforced to renounce his kingdome to his sonne , as these men falsely doe auerre . the authority of raigning , and the administration of a kingdome , doe differ very much , and no lesse then in the ciuill law , proprietie and possession . the authoritie is alwaies in the person of the king , and is ioined with the right of the crowne : but the gouernment and procuration , or administration , may fall into other mens hands ; so as one may be king , and another the gouernour . whence they who in the minoritie or diseases of kings , doe beare the highest place of gouernment in the kingdome , are honoured with the title of gouernour , regent , tutor , protector , or some such like ; and they propound nor handle any publike affaire in their owne name , but in the name and authoritie of the king , being either infant , or sicklie . therefore this example of ozias is so farre from helping anything to this temporall authoritie of the pope ouer kings , as it maketh very much for to impugne and ouerthrow the same . for if ( as he reporteth out of the apostle , and wee confesse ) that all things befell to the iewes in figures , and if the corporall leprosie , for which a man was separated from the multitude of the children of israel , and dwelt alone without the campe , was a figure of the spirituall leprosie , that is , of heresie , by augustine his testimonie ; to bee short , if the priesthood of aaroa was a figure of the priesthood of the new law ; out of these figures two arguments are appositely drawne to this question : whereof the former doth notably confirme the spirituall authority of the pope ouer christian kings and princes ; the other prooueth , that this temporall authoritie of his , whereof we speake , is altogether commentitious , and forged , vsurped , and contrarie to the law of god. the former argument is framed thus : as the priests in times past banished out of the temple king ozias , being strucke with the leprosie , that he might dwell without the citie ; so at this day the pope may iudge , and by excommunication separate from the communion of the faithfull , a king infected with heresie , which is a spirituall leprosie , and so constraine him to dwell without the citie , that is , without the church catholike , vntill hee be cleansed from his leprosie , that is , vntill hee haue absured his heresie . but if such a leprosie sticke by him till death , hee is not to bee buried in the sepulchers of the kings , that is , in the church , but in the field , because hee is leprous , that is to say , an hereticke . now that i said , that the pope might separate an hereticke king by excommunication from the communion of the faithful , it must bee vnderstood of the spirituall separation of soules , and not of bodies . for subiects ought not to denie their obedience to an excommunicate king. the second argument may rightly bee concluded in this forme : as the iudgement of the priest of a corporall leprosie , in the old law , wrought nothing but the separation of the leprous , and relegation without the campe or citie ; and as the iudgement of the priest touching the leprosie of azaria or ozia , could not take from him the right of his kingdome , but onely imposed on him a necessitie to dwell by himselfe without the citie , ( for in that he did not actually , as they say , gouerne the kingdome , that fell out , not through the sentence of the priest , who iudged of the leprosie , but the force of the continuall disease of his bodie ) so also at this day the censure and sentence of the pope , whereby hee iudgeth and declareth a king to bee an hereticke , although it cause a king to remaine without the citie of god , that is , without the catholike church , as hath beene said ; yet it cannot take from him the right and authority to raigne : and so the figure doth very fitly conuene with the figured . for in these figures of the old testament , the image of the authoritie of the pope ouer kings is not onely drawne in lineaments , but fully expressed to the life ; that if any fit argument may be drawne from the shadow to the body , from the figure to the figured , none can more euidently or assuredly bee fitted then these , from the constitution of the old law , to the obseruation of the new . but if the aduersaries out of all the figures of the old law , can shape any one like to this for the strengthening of their opinion , they shall haue my voice for the bell : surely they shall neuer finde mee against them . therefore now let vs see the second example . chap. xxxviii . the second , saith he , is out of 2. paralip . 23. whereas when athalia had ●yrannously vsurped the kingdome , and maintained the worship of baal , ioiada the high priest called the centurions and the souldiers , and commanded them to kill athalia , and in her place did chuse ioas king. now that the high priest did not counsell , but command , it appeareth by those words , 4 reg. 11. and the centurions did according to all which ioiada the priest commanded them : also by these words , 2. paralip . 23. but ioiada the oigh priest going out to the centurions and captaines of the army , said vnto them , bring her out , meaning athalia the queene , without the doores of the temple , and let her be slaine without by the sword . and that the cause of this deposition and execution of athalia , was not only her tyrannie , but also , for that she maintained the worship of baal , is plaine out of those words which follow immediately after her death : therefore , saith the scripture , all the people went into the house of baal , and destroied it , and brake down the altars and images thereof . they slew also mathan the priest of baal . surely i doe not know what mooued bellarmine to thrust vpon vs this example , so remote and farre off from the matter and controuersie : vnlesse because hee had obserued that it was propounded by others before him , fearing peraduenture , lest if he had omitted it , hee should be accused by some emulous aduersaries , of negligence and preuarication to pope sixtus v. who being beyond all measure imperious and haughty , and not greatly fauouring the societie of the iesuites , determined to reduce that whole order to a straighter rule and habit of life , which should bee distinguished from the secular priests in colour , forme , or some other outward marke . therefore i doe muse with my selfe , how they obtained of him that bull , that they might occupie the perpetuall dictature of the vniuersitie of pontimussa , that is , that they should for euer bee rectors , or presidents , against the forme and statutes of that foundation , made by gregorie the xiii . there be that thinke , that the bull was supposititious , that is , deuised and counterfait . surely although it were true and granted by sixtus , yet it ought not to bee of force , because it was obtained presently after his creation : at which time , whatsoeuer the popes doe grant , is iudged not so much to be obtained of them , as to be extorted from them . a but to the matter . that the example touching ioiada and athalia belong nothing to this disputation , it appeareth by this , that all our controuersie standeth in this : whether the pope bee endued with so great authority ouer lawfull kings and princes secular , that hee may for certaine causes cast them downe from their throne , and depriue them of the right of their kingdome , and anoint and inaugurate others in their places . but the example of athalia , is of a woman which held the kingdome by no right , but by most cruell and sauage tyrannie , by force and villanie , and by the bloudy murder of the kings house ; who stood therefore in that case , that shee might iustly be slaine of any priuate person , without the commandement of the priest ioiada . but for that such a matter seemed dangerous to attempt , and hard to compasse against her , who was mother to ochozias the king deceased : therefore there was great neede of the counsell and helpe of ioiada the high priest , or surely of some other , who likewise either by the greatnesse of his authoritie , or the opinion of holinesse , might assemble , and euen stirre vp the souldiers and the people to vndertake so noble and worthy an action . and that this was done , not so much by the commandement , as aduice of ioiada , it is plaine by that which is said : ioiada the high priest sent , and taking to him the centurions and souldiers , caused them to bee brought into him into the temple of the lord , and hee strooke a couenant with them . and that the interpreters doe note in that place , but the words iubere , or praecipere , are wont to be spoken of euery man , who hath the chiefe place in a faction or societie . therefore there is nothing found in this example , which hath any the least similitude or agreement with the assertion which is vndertaken by the aduersaries to prooue . the assertion is , that lawfull princes , that is to say , they who obtaine kingdomes and principalities , by right either of election or succession , may for certaine causes be deposed from their gouernement by the pope . and then what doth it helpe for the proofe of this proposition , to propound an example of a tyrant , or the killing of a tyrant ? doe they thinke that there is no difference betweene the true lords and lawfull possessors , and the spoilers and inuaders of possessions which belong not to them ? now whether there were or no any other cause or reason to depose and slay her , besides her tyrannie , it maketh no matter : it is sufficient that she was a tyrant , and a violent vsurper of the kingdome , insomuch as there was of her part no hindrance nor barre in law , but that she might be cast headlong out of the seat , and bee slaine by any of the people . which cannot in like manner be said of a lawfull king ; whose person , although it be wicked , the law of a kingdome , and the authoritie of rule , ought alwaies to protect and defend , from all iniurie and humane punishment ; as wee haue prooued otherwhere , out of the writings of the holy fathers . now the third followeth . chap. xxxix . the third example , saith hee , is of s ambrose , who being bishop of millan , and by that the spirituall pastor and father of theodosius the emperour , who ordinarily did reside at millan , did first excommunicate him for the slaughter which by his commandement was done at thessalonica : secondly , hee enioined him to make a law , that the sentence giuen of the slaughter and of the publication of goods , of them who were slaine , should not stand good , till after thirty daies from the pronouncing of the sentence , to the end that if hee had through anger and precipitation of minde , commanded any thing , hee might reuoke it within the space of so many daies . but ambrose could not excommunicate theodosius for that slaughter , vnlesse hee had first vnderstood and iudged of that cause , although it were criminall , and belonged to an externall court : but hee could not vnderstand and iudge a cause of that nature , vnlesse also he had beene a lawfull iudge of theodosius in an externall court. besides , to constraine the emperour to make a ciuill law , and to prescribe vnto him a forme of a law , doth it not manifestly declare , that a bishop sometimes doth vse a temporall authority euen ouer them who haue receiued authoritie ouer others ? and if any bishop may doe that , much more the prince of bishops . thus he . and this example also is very farre from the matter in question , wherein appeareth neither mention , nor so much as any token of a temporall authority of a bishop ouer an emperour , or any thing else , whereby it may be concluded by any probable argument , that such an authority doth belong to a bishop : but wholy belongeth to that spirituall authority of a bishop which we both in heart acknowledge , and confesse with the mouth , that the pope hath ouer all christians , of what order or place so euer they be . ambrose excommunicated the emperour for an offence committed by the iniust slaughter of many men : doth not this belong to the spirituall iurisdiction of the church , which at this time ambrose did exercise by his episcopall authority ? but he could not excommunicate , saieth he , vnlesse he had vnderstood and iudged of that cause before , although it were criminall , and belonged to the externall court. yes , he might de facto ( as vnaduised priests doe , whome i haue seene sometimes send out an excommunication , without tendring of the cause ; ) but de iure he ought not , otherwise he should haue beene an iniust iudge , if he had punished the delinquent , party without hearing of the cause . but let it be so : he vnderstood the cause , and iudged him worthy of censure , and therefore did excommunicate the emperour ; what then ? but he could not vnderstand and iudge of such a cause , ( saith hee ) vnlesse also hee had beene a lawfull iudge of theodosius in an externall court. alas , wee are catched in a snare , vnlesse wee beware this peece of sophistry : there lurketh in this assertion , an exceeding cunning deceit , by these words , in an externall court. a court is twofold , politique or ciuill : and ecclesiasticke or spirituall . the ciuill court is wholy externall , the ecclesiasticke is subdiuided into externall and internall . the externall court ecclesiasticke is , wherein the causes belonging to the notice of the church , are openly handled and iudged ; and if they be criminall , punishment is taken of them by excōmunication , interdiction , suspension , depositiō , or by other means , and oftentimes both the temporall and spirituall or ecclesiasticall iudge doe heare the same crime , euen in the externall court : but each of them in his proper court , and to impose diuers penalties , as the ciuill iudge taketh knowledge of adultery , vt sacrilegi nuptiarum gladio feriantur . a the iudge eclesiastique also taketh knowledge , who hath the care of the soule , to admonish the offender of his fault , and if he persist in offending , to chastise him with spiritualll punishments . but the internall court of the church , ( which is called the court of the soule , the court of poenitencie , the court of conscience ) is that wherein the priest takes notice and iudgeth of the sins reuealed to him by the conscience , and in his discretion doth enioine him poenitency according to the quality of the sinne . for now the common opinion is , that poenitential constitutions are arbitrary , that not only the bishop , but also any discreete confessor , may regularly moderate , and b mitigate them in the court of the soule . if therefore bellarmine by forum externum do vnderstand the ecclesiasticall court , which is content with spirituall paines onely , wee grant all which hee saith . for ambrose was the lawfull iudge of theodosius in that court , and that he openly declared in deed , and in effect , when as hee did excommunicate him . but when this is set down and granted , there can nothing bee gathered from hence to confirm the temporall authority of bishop or pope : because aswell the iudgement , as the punishment was spirituall . but if bellarmine by forum externum , vnderstand the ciuill court , it is most false which he propoundes ; for as the powers ecclesiasticke and ciuill are distinguished of god , so are their courts dictinct , their iudgements distinct . for the same mediator of god and men , christ iesus , hath seuered the offices of each power c by their proper actions , and distinct dignitus . surely hee doth ambrose great wrong , if he thinke that after hee had obtained the bishopricke , hee heard and iudged criminall causes in a ciuill court. ambrose then was no lawfull iudge of theodosius , in an externall ciuil court , which is inough to proue , that hee could not iudge or punish the emperour with any temporall punishment . but you will say , ambrose heard and iudged of the slaughter . it is true , but not as a ciuill and temporall iudge ; j say , i did not take knowledge of the crime for the same end , for which the secular iudge doth : that place out of aristotle is very good , that d many may take knowledge of one and the same subiect diuersly , and after a diuers manner , end and intention . jt is the same right angle which the geometrician searcheth to vnderstand , and the handicrafts man to worke by it . so it is the same crime whereof the laicke iudge taketh notice , that hee may punish the offender by death , banishment , the purse , or by some other temporall punishment ; and which the ecclesiasticall iudge knoweth , that for the quality of the offence , he may enioine spirituall punishment and penitence . at coegit imperatorem adlegem politicum ferendam , viz. he constrained the emperour to make a ciuill law ; and therefore hee vsed a temporall authority ouer him . a ●est . if hee constrained him , by what power , by feare of what did hee constraine him ? the summe of the story will teach vs that , which is thus . ambrose had cast on theodosius the band of excommunication , from whence when the emperour desired to be deliuered , the graue prelate denies to doe it , before such time as hee see in him some fruit of repentance ; what paenitence , saith he , haue you shewed after so hainous a crime , or with what medicine haue you cured your grieuons wounde ? the emperour answered , that it is the office of the bishop , to temper , and lay a medicine to the wound , that is to say , to enioine poenitencie to the sinner : but of the poenitent , to vse those medicines which are giuen him , that is to say , to performe the poenitency enioined vnto him . ambrose hearing this , for poenitence and satisfaction , he imposed vpon the emperour the necessity to make this law whereof we speake : which being made and enacted , ( for presently the emperour commaunded the law to bee ordained ) ambrose did loose him fram his bonds of excommunication . therefore in this case ambrose vsed no temporall authoritie against theodosius ; but whatsoeuer it was he commaunded by vertue and power of his spirituall iurisdiction ; neither did the emperour obey this prelate for feare of any temporall punishment : for if hee would not haue obeied , but ( as wicked princes sometimes doe , ) had contemned both the excommunication and the absolution , ambrose could goe no further at all e . but because the godly prince was carefull for his soule , lest hee beeing bound too long with this spirituall chaine , might through the long imprisonment gather filthinesse and vncleannesse , hee obeied the will of the bishop , and that hee might obtaine of him the benefite of absolution , hee performed at the admonition of the bishop , a temporall office , which seemed to bee profitable for the common wealth . vpon which occasion the author of the history saith ; for this so great vertue both the emperour and the bishop were famous . for i admire both ; the liberty of the one , the obedience of the other . againe , the burning of the zeale of the one , and the purity of faith in the other . ambrose then constrained theodosius , iust as our confessaries at this day doe constraine their poenitents , to whome they often deny absolution of their crime , where they seriously promise that they will performe that office or burden , which in place of poenitence they lay on them : when as yet they haue no temporall iurisdiction ouer them . he forced him likewise , euen as any of vs vseth to force his neighbour , or fellow burgesse , when we deny that to him , which hee desireth to be done or giuen him by vs , vnlesse hee first do that which wee desire for our friends sake or our own . to be short , it is a common thing that a man is constrained or enforced by reason , by loue , by griefe , by anger , and by other affections and passions of the mind , without any authority of temporall and spiritual iurisdiction . these things standing thus , it is worth the obseruation in this example , that the ecclesiasticall power doth often with feare of spirituall punishment enforce men to performe temporall duties , as in this place , ambrose did the emperour ; and of the contrary , that the ciuill power doth many times , by feare of temporall paines , driue others to performe spirituall offices , as when a prince compelleth heretickes or schismaticks to returne to the church , for feare of bodily punishment , or losse of goods : and yet neither can the one impose temporall punishment , nor the other spirituall , but by accident , as they say . the fourth followeth . the fourth , saith he , is of gregory the first , in the priuiledge which he granted to the monastery of s. medardus , and is to bee seene in the end of the epistles . if ( saith he ) any king , prelate , bishop , or person whatsoeuer , shall violate the decrees of this apostolicke authority , and of our commaundement of what dignity or honour soeuer he be , let him be depriued of his honour . if bishop gregory should liue at this day , and vnderstand that these words of his are taken in that sense , as though he had authority to depriue kings of their honour and dignity , hee would surely cry out , that it is a calumnious , and a wrested interpretation , and that he neuer so much as dreamed of any such matter ; and indeed those things which in other places are left written by him , doe vtterly discredite this exposition . these then are the words , not of a commaunder , but of a curser , whereby he chargeth and adiureth all kind of men , that they doe not violate the priuiledge granted by him , which if they shall doe , that god will be the reuenger to depriue them of honour : which kind of admonition and imprecation is at this day wont to bee added to the ends of the popes bulles , and constitutions , in this manner . therefore it may be lawfull for no man to in fringe this page , &c. or of presumption to contrary the same : but of any shall presume to attempt it let him incurre the indidgnation of almighty god , and of the blessed apostles , peter and paul ; ( or that which is the same ) let him know that he shall incurre . chap. xl. by that which hath beene said , the reader will easily see , that it is true , which before i set down ; that there cannot bee found , either in the holy scriptures , or writings of holy fathers , any printe or example of the temporall authority of the pope : and therefore that they do not well , nay , that they offend very greeuously , who labour to strengthen an opinion most false in it selfe , by arguments and examples so remote and impertinent . by these meanes they deceiue the vnlearned , and are derided by the learned . i haue already proued very plainely , that there is no force in the former examples , to proue that , which the aduersaries affirme . and for the examples following , i take lesse thought to answer : for although some of them doe fit the purpose of the aduersaris , and shew that popes did sometimes vse temporall authority , in the last ages of the church ; notwithstanding because they containe nothing but the singular actions of popes , who , no man denieth but that they were men , and might commit faults and slippes , after the manner of men , ( in so much as it is now celebrated by a common prouerbe , which we remembred before out of sotus : factum pontificum non facit fidei articulum ; ( that is , the act of the popes doth not make an article of faith : ) therefore touching their acts , wherin they haue endeauoured to exercise such an authority , the question and disputation is behinde , touching the lawfulnesse thereof , whether they were done lawfully , yea or no ? neither ought that to moue vs at all , the writers of the stories , who haue in their writings recorded the acts of the popes , haue added no note or touch of reprehension , but rather haue allowed and commended them . for i see that there were many reasons for that . first , because all the writers of that time were either monkes , or at the least clergy men , who tooke most care , to increase and amplifie the dignity of the popes : and therefore they were very wary and heedfull ; not to reprehend , or checke any actions of the popes , and to accuse them of iniustice . secondly , for that in those times so great was the opinion of the pope , that the multitude receiued and embraced in estimation all his actions , as if they had beene done by god himselfe , in which respect iohn gerson said not without reason , that the common people doth imagine the pope as a god , who hath all authority in heauen and in earth . my selfe haue seene aboue fifty yeares agone in scotland , when as that kingdome did as yet stand sound in faith and religion , that the name of the pope of rome , ( for so they spake scotishly , the pape of rome , ) was had in such reuerence with the multitude , that whatsoeuer was told them to haue beene said or done by him , was esteemed of all men as an oracle , and as a thing done by god himselfe . lastly , for that a present danger did hang ouer their heades , which danger to this day bindeth the hands , and mussles the mouthes of many , lest , if they should write any thing which was harsh and vnpleasing to the pope , or should taxe and find fault with his actions , as well the writer as his writing , should forth with be stricken with the popes curses ; which cannot seeme strange to those , who doe know that the anger and arrogancie of pope sixtus v. did burne so farre , that as i touched before , hee had determined to destroy , and quite extinguish the trim and goodly disputations of bellarmine , because hee thought that that excellent diuine , had not sufficiently inough satisfied his ambition , when as notwithstanding hee had giuen him a great deale more then he should haue done . besides all these reasons , this is somewhat , that the chiefe dutie of a story writer , consisteth in reporting , not in iudging , in which regard , many who excelled more in remembrance of things done , then in iudgement of them , applied their thoughts to the historicall narration , and contenting themselues with the paked and simple relation onely of all occurrents , did leaue indifferent the equity thereof to all mens censures . therefore although wee owe to those men the true knowledge , and faithfull report of matters passed , which they in their writings reserued and conuaied to posterity : yet we apprehend and receiue the equity and iustice of those actions , not from the commendation of the writers , but either from the authority of the scriptures , or traditions of the apostles , or the ancient decrees of the church , or lastly from the right rule of naturall reason . and so here will be the point alwaies to enquire and examine the equity of euery action , and to search diligently , not what the author of a story hath praised or dispraised , but what ought to bee praised or dispraised by good right and desert a . therefore i stand not much vpon examples , which neither are found and commended in the scriptures nor are not proued to be worthy commendation , by some of those waies at the least , which we haue set downe . for assuredly , it is a very dangerous matter , for a man to propound to himselfe examples to imitate , being not before weighed in this ballance , and by these waights , seeing that they that apply themselues to reade monuments of antiquity shall more often light vpon more euill examples then good and vertuous . for which cause the emperour doth grauely admonish all iudges , non exemplis sed legibus esse iudicandum , and that in all businesses , they ought not to follow that which hath been by great magistrates before them b , sed veritatem , legum & iustitiae vestigia . these considerations aduise me , not to dwell verie long vpon the prolixe and exquisite discussion and examination of the rest of the examples , produced by bellarmine , vnlesse i shall obserue peraduenture , that there is somewhat couched in them , whereby the vnwary reader may be ensnared , vnder a pretence and opinion of a truth . therefore for some of them let vs see which , and what they be . the fift is of gregory the ii. saith he , who forbad tribute to be paid by the italians to the emperour leo the image-breaker , being excommunicate by him , and by that meanes cut a part of his empire from him . surely i thinke in this example the truth of the businesse as it passed is not set downe , although i know it is so reported by certaine writers of storie . and that which induceth me to thinke so , is both the excellent learning of that pope , ioined with a speciall integritie of life , and also the testimony of platina in this matter ; who amongst all the worthy actions of that pope , reporteth this , that by his owne authoritie hee withstood the italians , being willing to fall away from that impious prince , and to chuse another emperour ouer them . for so writeth platina . but then the emperour leo the third , when hee could not openly inueigh against the pope , publisheth an edict , that all they who were vnder the roman empire , should dispatch and carrie cleane away out of the churches , the statues and images of all saints , martyrs , and angels , to take away idolatrie , as he said : and he that did otherwise , he would hold him for a publike enemie , or traitor but gregorie doth not onely not obey so great impietie , but also admonisheth all catholikes , that they would not in any sort commit so great an errour , through the feare , or edict of the prince . with which cohortation the people of italie was so encouraged , that they went very neere to chuse another emperour : but gregorie laboured with all the power he could , that it should not be . and platina addeth , that this pope , as a most holy man , often admonished the emperour by letters , that he would let goe the errours of some ill disposed persons about him , and embrace the true faith at the length ; and that he would forbeart to destroy the images of the saints , by whose memorie and example men might be stirred vp to the imitation of vertue . i doe giue credit to this author in this point aboue other more ancient writers , especially strangers : the rather , for that he by the commandement of sixtus quintus a pope , hath written the popes liues , and that at rome , where he was furnished with many helpes of ancient monuments , to finde out the truth of matters that passed in the citie , and in italie : which others wanting , as appeareth , did receiue nothing but vncertain reports , and scattered rumours of men , ( who many times report that to be done , which they would faine haue done ) for a certaine and cleere truth . if platina had in silence passed ouer the former part of the storie , surely hee had confirmed as it were by a secret consent , the opinion of these men , who haue otherwise written of gregorie . but seeing that hee was not ignorant that they had written so , ( being a man much conuersant in those stories ) and yet notwithstanding doth with a plaine contradiction impugne their opinion , it is very probable , that hee had farre better and more assured testimonies in the relation of those things which were done by this pope . wherefore it seemeth more reasonable , and more agreeable to the truth , to follow platina in this matter , and to note a lie in the writings of zonaras , ( seeing it is prooued in experience , that they are deceiued many times , who from the relation of others doe commit to writing the sayings and doings of people that liued farre from them ) then to blot the innocent life of an excellent pope , with a filthie spot of iniustice and rebellion . for albeit it bee true , that according to his spirituall authoritie ouer all , hee might worthily excommunicate this emperour ; yet he might not prohibit , that the people , being subiect to the romane empire , should not giue tribute to cesar , or pay their customes to the emperour , so long as he continued emperour , without the manifest breach of the law of god , and of the doctrine of the gospell . and it is certaine that this leo , although impious , continued cesar vnto his death , not deposed from his empire either by the people , or by the pope . therefore i say , that it is false which the magdeburgers centuriators doe write , that this pope , who was famous both for doctrine and life , was a traitour to his country . i say also , that it is false which bellarmine propounds in the former example , that the pope did set a fine or mulct vpon leo isaurus iconumachus , to a part of his empire : for hee practised no mischiefe , as appeareth by this storie of platina , neither against the country , nor against the prince . now followeth the sixth . chap. xli . the sixth is of zacharie , saith hee , who being desired by the nobilitie of france , deposed childerique , and caused pipine the father of carolus magnus , to be created king in his place . before i speake any thing of this example , it is worth my paines , to vnfold the darke storie touching the same , and briefly to describe the whole action of zacharie , ioining the circumstances on both sides , together with the opinion , for proofe whereof it is brought : and by this meane it may more easily appeare to the reader , how small strength it hath to confirme the proposition of the aduersaries . first of all therefore , in that story it is worthy the obseruation , that childerique and diuers other meroningians , that were kings before him , raigning without any authoritie at all in their kingdomes , had nothing but the vaine and idle name of a king. for the treasure and power of the state were in the hands of the officers , who were called the maiors of the palace , and who indeede swaied the whole gouernment of the kingdome : who were so much aboue the kings , and ordered and gouerned them , as the king possessed nothing of his owne , besides the idle name of the king , and some allowance assigned him for his maintenance during life , which the maior of the palace made him in his discretion , but one poore lordship in the country , of a small reuenew , and in that a house , where hee kept a few seruants to attend him for his necessarie seruices , and to wait vpon him : as eginhartus writeth in the life of charlemaine . if any then doe looke more neerely into the matter , he shall finde , that in those times there were after a sort two kings in france : one , who like the king in the ●hesse , had onely the name of a king , but no kingly authoritie , as atmoinus speaketh : but the other , who was called the maior of the palace , in whom consisted the whole authority of the kingdome . he in name onely was vnder the king , but in authoritie and power ouer the king ; so as he wanted nothing but the name , for the full and absolute maiestie of ruling and raigning , which also at the last was giuen him by the people , that the soueraigne gouernment which he swaied , might be signified by the title of a soueraigne honour . therfore atmoinus speaking of charles martel , father of pipine , who ouerthrew a huge armie of saracens , rushing into france out of spaine : king charles saith hee , hauing beaten and ouercome the armies of his enemies , vnder christ the author and head of peace and victorie , returned home in safetie into france , the seat of his gouernment . marke how he calles the maior of the palace a king , by reason of that royall authority which he bare . secondly , in that storie is to bee obserued , that the nobilitie of france , being weary of the slothfulnesse of their idle kings , did with a wonderfull consent conuert their eies and hearts to pipine maior of the palace , sonne to charles ; which did so animate him to the hope of the kingdome , that hee openly , without nicenesse , affected the name of a king : which that hee might more easily compasse , without mislike and displeasure of the commons , he resolued , that the pope was first to be dealt withall by an embassadour , and his assent to be required ; iudging indeede , as the truth was , that if the pope should giue his assent , that the commons would easily rest in his iudgement , by reason of the holinesse and reuerend opinion of the see apostolique . thirdly , we must vnderstand , that zacharie the pope was generally aduised withall in the cause of the kings , which raigned at that time in france , whether ought to bee called king , he who had only the name of a king , and no royall authoritie , or he who by his industrie and wisdome did manage and gouerne all the affaires of the state : and that hee the same pope answered generally againe , that it were better that he should be called king , in whom the soueraigne authoritie did reside ; by which answer the nobilitie being induced , doe elect pipine king. there is no question , but that the pope was truly acquainted in hypothesi , that is , in particular , that childerique was to bee abandoned , who carried onely the false name of a king , and that pipine was in his place to bee aduanced to the crowne . but i suppose that hee answered so generally , for that the proposition being deliuered in generall tearmes , carried no note of any certaine person , and left to the nobilitie of france their iudgement entire and free , to collect from thence that which they desired and so the pope did not simply depose childerique , but gaue his assent with the deposers . but because his consent was especially regarded , therfore certaine historians doe precisely say , that hee deposed childerique . lastly , in that storie it must be seriously and diligentlie weighed , that zacharie the pope , hauing heard pipinus his embassadours , touching the change of the kingdome , and deposition of childerique , iudged it to bee a matter of such noueltie , and difficultie also , as at the first hee durst not entertaine the thought of so great an enterprise , although that by this time he had vnderstood sufficiently , that the sloth and idlenesse of the merouingians did greatly endammage the church and christian common-wealth , vntill such time as hee was certainely perswaded and saw , that the whole nobility of france did fauour pipin , and desire him for their king , and moreouer , that childericque was the last of the race of the merouingians without children , so dull and blockish , that he could not tell how to grieue for the losse of his kingdome , as was fit for him , neither was there any that would mone his case . these were the inducements , which being ioined with a speciall loue & affection , which the pope did beare to pipine ( for that he and his father charles , had with many good offices deserued well of the church of rome and apostolicke sea , ) did moue zacharie to essent to the french , who desired this change of their kings . these things although they be in this manner written touching this businesse , yet haue we great cause to doubt of the iustice of that fact . i know that bellarmine in other places out of too much good opinion of the equity of this fact of zachary , doth boldly affirme , that no sober man wil deny that that act was iust . but he alledgeth nothing , but that the wisest man liuing may affirm for all that , that it was iniust . i say he brings no probable and forcible reason , whereby a wise man may perswade himselfe , that the pope did iustly assent to the french men in the deposition of childericke , since that in no case , we ought to doe ill , that good although it be very great may come thereof . now wee haue sufficienly declared , that for a lawfull king to bee deposed by his owne subiects , or to consent to the deposers , seeing hee hath god onely aboue him , to whome onely he is bound to yeeld account of his actions , is by it selfe , and simply euill . and the two reasons which he vseth to iustifie the iustice of that deposition , are so vncertaine and friuolous , that i wonder that they were ouer propounded by him . for first , in that he measures the equity of this fact of zachary by the euent of the businesse , as though the action must be accounted iust , because that change of the kingdome had prosperous and happy successe , ( especially , saith he , since the euent doth teach , that that change was most happy . ) it is so triuiall and childish , that it was not to be conceiued , much lesse alleadged in writing by such a man , — careat successibus opto , quisquis ab euentu facta not anda putes . for what i pray you ? was not afterwards in the same kingdome of france the change from the carolouingi● to the capeuingii made with great iniustice ? for hugo capet a man of a great mind , and might in the state , when none was able to represse or encounter his practises , vsurped the kingdom by force & arms , & obtained the crown , taking the true heire , and casting him into prison . for which fact gaguinus calleth him an vsurper of the kingdome . and yet all the world doth know that that change was most happy , and as some thinke , done by the secrete iudgement of god , that pipine who had wrongfully taken the kingdome from the merouingij , should at the last suffer the like wrong in his posterity . therefore the carolouingians did not so long hold the kingdome , if they bee compared with the capeuingians . and the capeuingians haue the gouernement much longer established in their house , and as j hope will haue for euer . the second reason also , is no whit stronger which he draweth from the holinesse of boniface the bishoppe , who at the commandement of zacharie anointed and crowned pipine king. adde , saith he , to these , that hee who anointed and crowned king pipine by the popes commandement , was a most holy man , viz. b. boniface bishoppe and martyr , who surely would neuer haue beene the auther of iniustice , and of a publicke offence . this i say is a very light argument , and of no waight . for in that businesse boniface was onely a minister of the apostolicke commaundement , and therefore it was no preiudice to his holinesse , which he executed at the popes commaundement : for he was bound to execute the popes sentence , c although he knew it to be iniust : and therefore although the iniustice of the commaundement had made zacharie guilty , yet boniface had beene declared to bee innocent by the order of seruing , and necessity of obedience d therefore boniface might with a safe conscience fulfill the commaundement of zacharie , though it were iniust . but this zacharie was a good pope . it may bee so , wee denie it not , so was dauid a good king , and holy , and theodosius a good emperour : marcellinus and liberius were both good popes , and yet not one of these but committed some things worthy of blame . why then might not zacharie also serue his owne malice or loue , and after the manner of men in some part violate iustice ? it is well knowne that zacharie in those times did stand in extream need of pipines aid , against the iniuries of aistulphus & the longobardes ; and was not that a strong engine to batter iustice , thinke you ? loue , hatred , and a proper gaine , make that a iudge many times doth not know e the truth . but to striue no longer about the equity of this act of zacharie , let it bee as they would haue it , let vs grant that that act was most iust : what strength doe they winne by this , to make good the temporall authority which they giue to the pope ouer princes ? is it any more , then that by the patterne of that action , the pope may now doe , as then zacharie did ? which is , that hee may giue his consent to a people for the like causes & respects to put down their king ? that is to say , if he bee a king , that hath onely the name , and not the authority or power of a king , who also hath no issue , like to die in orbitie , and of mind so slothfull and so blockish , that hee may bee deposed without any bloudshed , and of a prince may bee made a priuate person , no man moaning his fortune , no man following his party . for an argument from an example is nothing , vnlesse the cases and causes be alike in each respect . therfore this example of zacharie , what maketh it to establish that infinite authority , wheron the popes relying in the following ages , haue attempted , and sometimes gloried that they could vndertake mighty kings , abounding in all manner of wealth , excelling in strength both of mind and body , not at the request of the people , nor by consent onely , but of their proper motion , by warres , by murther , by schismes , by great miseries of the christian common-wealth , to depriue them of their kingdomes , and to spoile them of their crownes and scepters ? will any wise man iudge that this is lawfull for them to doe , by the example of zacharias his act ? but of this matter enough . chap. xlii . the death of the author enuied vs this last part of the booke . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a68730-e2230 a 〈…〉 . b 〈◊〉 111. ad 〈…〉 deo re●ertur dist 9. can 10. * th● . bozim . d lib. 2. cap. 1● . e lib. 5. cap. vlt. * matth. 8. luk. 9. notes for div a68730-e2770 rom. 13. a can. duo sunt can . cum ad verum 96. dist . cap. nouit . de iudic . cap. per ve . nerabilem , qui filij sunt legit . b cap. 6. c lib. 2. de liber christ. cap. 2. * matth. 22. mark. 12. d in c●p inquisitions de sent . excom . e dict. can . cum ad verum 96. dist . i 1 l. 2. c. cov . de legat . k l. s●re leges . d. de legib . notes for div a68730-e3500 * lib. 5. de rom pont. cap. 3. lib. 5. de rom. 〈◊〉 . ●ap 3. * see the admonition to the reader . m iob. 5. ca. 7. hierar . eccl. l. b. 1. de pon . rom. cap. 29. * at rom. 13. q i●b 5. de rom. pont. c. 7. g l. illud d. ad leg . aquil. h act. 5. * 1. cor. 5. * cap 14. * lib. 2. epist. 61. indict . 11. 2 serm 29 le 〈…〉 . tom . 10. ex. 〈…〉 . 5. 〈◊〉 regin . aug. & 〈◊〉 5. contra reg. franc. b lib. 5. cap 2. c cap. ●ler de immunit . ec . l. in 6. d clem. de imunit . eccl . vbi glos . ●d nota● . e lib 1 hist 〈…〉 . f lib 3. de cons. ad eugenium . f lib 3. de cons. ad eugenium . g in vita bonif. 〈◊〉 . h lib ● hist. in vita philip. pul. notes for div a68730-e4770 * see the admonition to the reader . cap. per venerabilem . qui fil . sunt legit . k can. ficut can. excommunicatos . xi . q. 3. l cap. 21. m lib. 3 contra epist. parm. c. 2. n psal. 118. notes for div a68730-e5200 a lib 5. de rom. pont. cap. 3. b lib. 1. de indict . 13. epist. 31. e i. 5 § generaliter . d. de don . inter vir . & vxor . f panor . in cap. ludum 54. de elect . & cap. 〈◊〉 pridem . 〈◊〉 pact . notes for div a68730-e5530 a cap. 18. see the admonition to the reader . notes for div a68730-e5780 a lib 5 de rom. pont. ca. 7. d ruffin . lib. 2. hist eccles . ca. 1. socra . schol. lib. 3. cap. 22. theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 1. * 〈…〉 . 5. f orat. 1. in iulian . h in psal. 124. notes for div a68730-e6460 a ad sororem suam marcellinam . epist. 33. 11. 5. s●zomen . lib. 7 ca. 13. nicephor . li. 12 ca. 20. c lib 3 ca 5. & lib. 4. ca. 5. d 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . f cap. 3. g 〈…〉 . h i●b 5 hist. 〈◊〉 7. armen . lib. 3. cap. 26. l cap. 3. k in ep. ad i●ed . ●eno●arb . l math. 18. notes for div a68730-e7170 〈…〉 . & alij . 〈◊〉 s. otu● in chronico . anno 〈◊〉 . d lib. 1. cap ● . de tra●s●●t . imp & li. 4 de roman pont. ca. 13. e lib. 6. cl●o . ca. 35. f lib. 5. epis . 29. g rom. 10. h 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . l 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 o 〈…〉 . notes for div a68730-e8000 〈…〉 b lab. 1. degest . frideria . cap 6. c dereb german . d i●b . 7 ch●on . cap. 8. * see the admonition to the reader . f 〈…〉 . * see the admonition to the reader . g salu●t . h lib. 6. de reg ●● cap. 4. i 〈…〉 . notes for div a68730-e8810 a 〈…〉 . b esa● 49. c act. 5. d tract . 17. in ●an . e lib 5. ca. 6. de regno . notes for div a68730-e9170 aduersariorum sententia 〈◊〉 antiquitati ec●lesiastic● con-tradic●t . a 〈…〉 . b 〈…〉 . c 1. n●m magist atus d de recep qui 〈◊〉 . d 〈…〉 . e can. pat●t . can al●orum 〈◊〉 q. 3. 〈…〉 〈…〉 b i q●● accusar● 〈…〉 . l. 〈◊〉 ● de prob . cap. 1. de probat . notes for div a68730-e9520 a in p●l●a contra hen 3 ●ra rege● . * see the admonition to the reader . b in psal. 2. 〈◊〉 ● . 〈…〉 po●t . 〈…〉 d ●●b . 2. de libe● . ecclesia● . ●ap . 2. notes for div a68730-e10180 a 1. ad titu : . b in relect . cap. no●●t num 92. de . 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 d 23 q 〈…〉 notes for div a68730-e10580 cap 9. b pag. 114. * in lib. 5 de cle●ic● cap. 18. * lib 4 epist. 75. e 3. reg cap 1. f lib. 2. de rom. pont. cap. 29. g 〈…〉 . h 〈…〉 . eod. lib. 17. cap. l extant in cod. et decret atque in lust eccles . m i. incous . 16 d●de minor . l. 1 de constit . princi . p 〈…〉 . 3 §. sitamen . ●●at . 6. q 〈◊〉 & 2. cod. theod. de epist. & cler●● . li. 16. t i mansu●tudinis 12. cod . tit . notes for div a68730-e11580 a lib. 2 de roman . pontif. cap. 29. b 1. si vnus 27. § ante omnia . d. depist . d eph. 6. 〈◊〉 . 3. e 〈…〉 . f 〈…〉 . g lib 3. de adopt . h 〈◊〉 . lib. 24. val matth. 2. ca 2. 〈…〉 apoth rom cell . lib 2. ca. 2. rom. 13. k lib 3. de concord . cathol . ca. 3. l cap. 4. notes for div a68730-e12210 a 1. ad corin. 5. b act. 5. c luk 21. e 1. cor. 1. f psal. 117. g lib. 4. c. 3. h su. c. 14. i sum hoc capite . notes for div a68730-e12680 a cap. proximo sum . b can. non pila . can . conuentor . 23. q 8. iud. cap. pen. & ● . ● . d 〈◊〉 . 2. notes for div a68730-e13030 a lib. 4. c. 3 b imperium d. de 〈◊〉 pan● . ca. 13. ad rom. c 23 q ● . in 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 . 13. e ●●b 10 comment in euan. luca ● lut. 22. ● mare . 16. h lut. 2. i isaia 53. k lib. 5. cap. 3. notes for div a68730-e13820 〈…〉 d i ill●d 32 d ad lig . aquil. e i. vt vim d. de iust . & tur . c. 2. de homicid . l. 2. c. quando lice at vnu●ique . notes for div a68730-e14080 a lib 4 cap 5. & lib. 3. cap. 〈…〉 . e rom. 1● . f matth. ● rom 13. h 1. peter 2. i tertull ad scapul & in apologet. 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . m 1. cor 5. ● a●cilla 60 d de f●rt l 1. 〈…〉 fugit . p rom. 13. ad philip 6. colos● . 3. q cap. 29. notes for div a68730-e15220 a contra ar. nau● . pag. 69. b cap. 8. c lib 3. de rom. pont. c 29. d lib. 1. de rom. pont. cap. 9 & lib 3. c. 19. notes for div a68730-e15840 * this is according to cardi. bellar. own doctrine in his lib. 1. de matrimoni . cap. 12. d 28. q. 1. c●n. 8 & 9. notes for div a68730-e16360 a lib. 5. de rom. pont. cap. 4. notes for div a68730-e16700 b lib. 2. de rom. pont. ca. 29. 3 1. corin. 4. notes for div a68730-e17110 a cap. 9. b 〈…〉 . d 〈…〉 e 1 cor. 6. & 10. f .2 timoth. 4. g prou. 24. h tit. 3. ● 1. pet. 2. the pope 〈…〉 god. k 1. timoth. 5. i●an . de turre 〈…〉 . lector . dist . 34. n math. 10. p hi●polyt de marsil . sing . 214. q cap cum ad monasterium . de stat . monachor . ● part. 3. tit . 19. cap. 6. notes for div a68730-e17880 a rom 3. b panor●● . in cap. 1 〈◊〉 . 4 de 〈◊〉 . c i. v●t d. quod met . ca l continum . 127 §. ●um ita d. de verb. ob●●g . d can. iuramenti . 22. q. 5. lib 2. cap 18. de concil . f math. vlt. g 〈◊〉 in comm●n . can . non 〈◊〉 papa 12. q. 2. h in ca● 〈◊〉 . 3 q. 2. notes for div a68730-e18680 a ca. 2. 3. & 4. b mat● . 19. c in summe de elect . n● . 25. d cap. ex parte 14. §. nos tamen & d. cap. 2. de conuers . contugat . e d thom. 3. q. 29. art 2. ●2 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 d. 〈…〉 . can . cum 〈◊〉 27 q. 2. g 〈…〉 h uide couarruuiam de matrim . part . 2. §. 4. vbi id notat & reprebendt . i cap. ex parte 4 § not aute m. de convers . coniugat . notes for div a68730-e19280 a i. ● . d. de iurisd . l. si itor . d. deseruit . l● . 3 § qui babet . d. de seruit . p●aed . rustic . cap. 5. de offic●ud . dole . b aug. li. 14. de ciuit . dei. ca. 18. thom. 2. 2. q. 154. art . 2. * see the admonition to the reader . d 1. cor. 7. notes for div a68730-e19600 a l ●●●lins 15. d. de condit . institut . id posse . b cap. per venerabilem . qui fil . sunt legit . c 1. inter stipulintem . 83. § ● . de verb. ●bl . d 1. 4. d. de rece●t . qut arbitr . l ill● quo § tempe●●uum . d. ad sc. treb. g cap. 12. the answer of the people to the pope commanding to disobey their king. h felin . in cap. siquando , nu . 4. de rescript . k in cap. n● dei 43. de simon . m rom. 2. n l. de pretio . d. de put l. in ●em . act . * see the admonition to the reader . o can. seutentia . can . qui iuslas 11. q. 3. p can. quomodo . can . illud 11. q. 3. can . certum 24. q. 3. notes for div a68730-e20530 a ju libello qui gallicè inscribitur , le veritè difendue cōtre le pladoyé d● a●thonu arnauld . notes for div a68730-e20770 b can. corripiantu● 24. q. 3. c vide s. cap. 15. notes for div a68730-e21410 a bellarm. l. 1. de cleric . c. 28. b 〈…〉 1545. c 〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉 . d di●t lib ● . cap. 28. 〈…〉 . e 〈…〉 . notes for div a68730-e21640 a cap. cum ● non ab homine . de iudic . b l. non omnis 19 d●de reb . ●●ed c lib. 1. de conciljs c● . 18. d bell. b. 1. de cler. cap. vlt. i l. fitius 15. d de cond instit . l. 4. §. condemnatum . d. dereiudic . notes for div a68730-e22270 a 3. reg. 11. c 4. reg. 1. d 〈◊〉 ●eg . 15. 2. patal . ●6 . e 4. reg. 1● . 2. patal . 23. notes for div a68730-e22750 a 〈…〉 . b 〈…〉 . c 〈…〉 . d 〈…〉 . e 〈…〉 f iob 34. g ● . reg. 13. h 4. reg. 4. i l. non solum . 11. §. semanda to . d. de iniur . lib. reprehendenda . c. de instit . & substi . k liran in illum locum . l aut. da●●● 8. §. 1. de p●n . m 〈…〉 . n 〈◊〉 . 18. o 〈…〉 . p hora lib. 1. sa●y . 3. q g●eg . lib 7. epist 53. 〈…〉 . dist . 50. r 〈…〉 . 24. q. 1. notes for div a68730-e23960 〈…〉 11. 〈…〉 22. 〈…〉 11. 〈…〉 notes for div a68730-e24510 a glos. in pro●●m . reg . cancell . neuisa . in syl . nuptial . reb●st . in tract . vt beneficia aut . vacat . nu . 9. & 10. notes for div a68730-e24830 a l. quamnis . 30. c. ad l. iul. de adul . b can. de his vbi glos . vlt. dist . 50 glos . in can . mensuram ad ver . sacer. do●● de ponit . dist ● . c can. cum ad verum . 96. dist . d lib. 1. cap. 7. ethic. e cap. cum non ab homine . de iud . notes for div a68730-e25500 a l. sed l●cet 12. d. de off . p●asid . b 〈…〉 iud●● . 1● . c. de sent . & 〈…〉 . notes for div a68730-e25900 c cap. pastorall §. quia vero de off . tud . del g. d can quid ●ulpatur . 23. q. 1. can . miles . 23 q. 5. e a●●●tot . lib. ● . r●et . ad theode●en . cap. 1.